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                    <text>Sleeping Through a Revolution
Article by
Richard A. Rhem
Minister of Preaching and Theological Inquiry
Christ Community Church
Spring Lake, Michigan
Published in
Perspectives
A Journal of Reformed Thought
April 1991, pp. 8-14
Reformed theology in America, the roots of which lie in the Netherlands, has
managed to sleep through the revolution of the modern world and survive.
Through strong ethnic identity, internal growth, and a militant mind that
maintained an adversarial attitude over against modern culture, a Reformed
community of Dutch origin still exists. But the defensive posture that has largely
characterized it has prevented it from translating the richness of its sixteenthcentury legacy of Reformation theology into a proclamation of the gospel to
engage modern thought.
I was struck by this fact as I read Hendrikus Berkhof’s Two Hundred Years of
Theology. Berkhof wrote this work after retiring from the dogmatics chair at the
University of Leiden. He calls it a personal journey because he wrote to satisfy his
own curiosity about the philosophical and theological developments since the
Enlightenment of the eighteenth century. The engagement of the gospel and
modern thought has been the passion of Berkhof’s own endeavor as a Christian
thinker. He traces the efforts of those theologians who sought to build a bridge
between the gospel and modern culture, a culture dominated by the assumptions
of the Enlightenment: the autonomy of the human person, human rationality as
the measure of truth, the historical conditionedness of all truth, and the
epistemological dualism of subject-object, of knowledge and faith.
Berkhof’s conclusions at the end of his survey are sober. Was the effort
successful? He answers in the negative: “Secularized culture manifested polite
indifference if not outright intolerance.” Nevertheless, the struggle was necessary
and its consequences significant.
What struck me as I followed the story of the past two hundred years – the world
of modern culture in the wake of the Enlightenment – was that the community of
which I am a part was not even engaged in the struggle. As I reflected on my own
theological education, I realized I was thoroughly schooled in theological
development through the Reformation, but understood very little of the
revolution in cultural understanding effected by the Enlightenment, especially
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the understanding of the human process of knowing and the rise of historical
thinking.
In an attempt to understand why there has been so little engagement with the
thought and cultural assumptions of the modern world in my own tradition, I
turned to the study of paradigm shifts in the history of dogma, a study
spearheaded by Hans Küng. Küng traced theological development with major
epochal shifts over two thousand years. He, along with David Tracy, gathered an
international Ecumenical Symposium at Tubingen in 1983 to discuss “A New
Paradigm of Theology.” Papers delivered at the symposium are published in the
volume Paradigm Change in Theology. At the symposium, Küng charted the
epochal shifts in theology to test his scheme of periodization. Beginning with the
primitive Christian apocalyptic paradigm, the historical progression moves
through the ancient church Hellenistic, the medieval Roman Catholic, the
Reformation Protestant with its two consequent paradigms of counterreformation – Roman Catholic and Protestant Orthodox paradigms – the modern
Enlightenment paradigm, and on to the present contemporary ecumenical
paradigm.
Küng came on the idea of paradigm shifts in Thomas S. Kuhn’s The Structure of
Scientific Revolutions, in which Kuhn portrayed scientific development as
occurring, not as had been commonly assumed, in smooth cumulative progress,
but rather in leaps triggered by paradigm shifts, the displacement of one model of
understanding by another. Küng applied Kuhn’s discovery to theological
development and found points of significant shift there as well.
Paradigm as Kuhn defined it and as Küng utilizes it means “an entire
constellation of beliefs, values, techniques, and so on shared by the members of a
given community.” Küng’s periodization marks off those points in the movement
of history where a major shift in understanding took place, a shift from one
constellation of beliefs to another – a change in the explanation model through
which Christian faith was interpreted. The points of shift can be debated and the
flow of history cannot be rigidly sectioned off. Nevertheless, the periodization
Küng has suggested has been widely received.
Küng developed his study of paradigm shifts further in Theology for the Third
Millennium. There he pointed out the interesting difference between paradigm
shifts in the natural sciences and in theology. In science, as data pile up that
cannot be explained within the existing paradigm, pressure builds to find a new
paradigm. When the new paradigm becomes available, one that succeeds in
explaining a broader range of data, it replaces the old paradigm, which becomes
obsolete.
But this is not the case with paradigm shifts in theology. The same process
operates: new understanding of the knowing process and of the nature of human
knowledge, new data – for example, data acquired through the rise of the
historical-critical method of biblical study, new philosophical insights, scientific

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knowledge – eventuate in a major shift in understanding of the Christian
tradition. A new paradigm comes into being. But in contrast to the process in the
natural sciences, the old paradigm does not become obsolete; it continues to be
the paradigm within which certain Christian communities understand Christian
faith and existence.
Thus, the two thousand years of theological development traced by Küng, reveal
eight major paradigms. But the fascinating fact is that all eight paradigms
continue to claim the loyalty of significant communities. All eight continue to
exert their influence down to the present.
This insight enabled me to discover how Reformed theology, with roots in the
Netherlands, has been able to remain largely unscathed by the world of modern
thought. It has continued to live within the paradigm of Reformed orthodoxy that
took shape in the Reformed scholasticism of the seventeenth century, insulated
from the acids of modernity. A form of the gospel thus has been preserved, but at
a great price. The failure to engage the modern world under the cultural assumptions of the Enlightenment has led to a kind of ghetto existence and a failure to
bring the rich legacy of Reformation theology to new expression. An historically
conditioned theological confessional position has been frozen in time,
absolutized, and perpetuated largely intact over generations, largely untouched
by ongoing cultural, philosophical, and scientific assumptions.
Theologically we are stuck, and the best and the brightest know it. Reformed
orthodoxy has slept through the revolution of human understanding and
knowledge created by the Enlightenment, never to this day having come to terms
with the autonomy of the human person, the throwing off of all forms of authoritarianism, and the rise of historical thinking. These cultural assumptions are now
being challenged. Many observers believe we are living at an epochal hinge point
in history, experiencing the emergence of the postmodern age. But we will not be
able to move directly from a seventeenth-century paradigm to the postmodern
world without going through the baptism of the Enlightenment. While its
assumptions are losing their self-evident status, what will not be lost is the value
of critical rationality, and what will not be tolerated is any return to authoritarian
claims, be they of church, of tradition, or of Bible.
In theology old paradigms keep their adherents even when theological
development has left them behind. But they can do so only by some form of
authoritarian claim. In the case of Reformed orthodoxy the authoritarian claim of
the Bible has held theological movement hostage, hindering meaningful dialogue
with the sciences and philosophy. We are theologically stuck, and we will not
become unstuck until we learn to value Scripture as authority, but break loose
from its authoritarian use.
In order to give that contention foundation, I will review in brief the
philosophical and theological movement of the past two and a half centuries,
indicating how philosophical, especially epistemological, analysis has impacted

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theological formulation in the broader Christian tradition. Under the domination
of Enlightenment assumptions, that development has reached an impasse. I will
then discuss new possibilities for theological breakthrough opened by the
emerging postmodern paradigm. Finally, with reference to one of the great Dutch
Reformed theologians, Herman Bavinck, I will suggest what is necessary if our
tradition is to come to new and fruitful expression.
The Copernican-Galilean controversy out of which modern culture arose was a
severe challenge to the medieval synthesis of theology and Aristotelian science
achieved by Thomas Aquinas. A challenge to the Aristotelian cosmology and
natural philosophy was a challenge to theological orthodoxy, both to Catholic and
to Reformation orthodoxy. In that opening battle between the church and natural
science, science won its independence from the intellectual and theological
authority of the church.
The early representatives of philosophical and scientific endeavor lived in two
houses: the house of human rationality in which they plied their scientific skills,
and the house of faith, in which they remained faithful to the church and its
theological authority, understood as based beyond human reason in revelation.
This was true of Descartes, considered the father of modern philosophy. He
remained in the church, but understood his critical thinking as belonging to the
natural realm – a purely human activity. It was Descartes who set the thinking
subject over against the object to be thought, the world of material reality. He
argued for the certainty of knowledge that could be arrived at by the mind
observing the universe, which was understood as a vast machine. This subjectobject split became determinative for modern thought in science, philosophy, and
theology.
The mechanistic character of the natural world became the premise on which
Newton described the natural laws by which the universe operated. The solid
success of the natural sciences, in their effort to understand and control nature,
seemed to verify Descartes’ model of human knowing and Newton’s model of the
physical universe.
The Enlightenment of the eighteenth century cannot be explained or understood
without reference to Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) and his critical analysis of how
human knowledge is attained. His Critique of Pure Reason (1781) is broadly
acknowledged as the foundational work of German philosophy. In his Two
Hundred Years of Theology, Hendrikus Berkhof contends that this work of
Kant’s must be valued “as a radical new beginning for evangelical theology,” and
that in the wake of its appearance,
orthodox scholasticism, rationalism, and supernaturalism found that, at a
single stroke, the road forward had been blocked. In addition, the
appearance of Kant’s Critique meant... the birth of the new theology, or
rather: The modern way of posing questions, and modern methodology, in
theology. (pp. 1 ff)

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Although Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason destroyed the traditional proofs for the
existence of God, thereby striking terror in the hearts of conservative theologians,
it is Berkhof’s conviction that Kant’s purpose was positive in intent. Kant himself
wrote, “I therefore had to abolish knowledge in order to make room for belief.”
For Kant, faith and knowledge were separate but complementary and both were
necessary. Here again we see the split of faith and reason which Aquinas
synthesized when the overwhelming influence of Aristotelian thought in the West
forced an accommodation with revelation in the thirteenth century. It is the same
split mentioned above in regard to Descartes and Newton. In Kant, however, we
have an acute analysis of the human knowing process brought about by the
growing autonomy of human reason, which was throwing off all authoritarian
structures, whether ecclesiastical (the church) or revelational (the Bible). Kant
was a child of the Enlightenment. Preeminent philosopher though he was, he
nevertheless maintained an intense theological and religious interest. Berkhof
believes that it was “Kant’s purpose to save religion as well as the Enlightenment:
in this double objective... lay his deepest passion as a thinker” (p. 5).
Dividing the realm of knowledge into two fundamentally separate domains, he
posited the world of phenomena and the world of the noumena. The former was
accessible to unaided human reason. The empirical knowledge gained by the
knowing subject was not a direct mirror of the natural world but the product of
the interaction of the knowing mind and the data of the senses.
For the noumenal world, the things in themselves – for example, the universe as
a causal whole, the human self as free agent, and God – no empirical verification
was possible. Yet, for practical reasons, Kant argued, faith in them was absolutely
necessary. This assertion was made in Kant’s second work, The Critique of
Practical Reason.
This fundamental dualism has shaped and determined modern culture; it is the
inheritance of the Enlightenment, whose center is the autonomous human
person. This dualism has been regarded as axiomatic – the climate of opinion
that has dominated the modern period.
It is on this background that the whole enterprise of modern theology must be
understood, at least the theology that attempted to bridge the gulf between the
gospel and modern culture, the theology of classic nineteenth-century liberalism,
to use Küng’s schematization of epochal paradigms.
This is evident in the theology of Friedrich Schleiermacher, regarded as the father
of modern theology. If Kant successfully blocked the road to the knowledge of
God through rational inquiry, through metaphysical speculation, then what road
remains open and on what basis can knowledge of God be grounded? Appeal to
authority (of church, tradition, or Bible) was no longer compelling. Where, then,
could one turn except to the interior life of the individual – to “the feeling of
absolute dependence,” an experience that Schleiermacher maintained was
common to all humankind at some time or other. This was not to claim, as did

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Feuerbach and others later in the whole development of modern atheism, that
religion, or specifically Christianity, arose from the feeling of dependence of the
human person. No. Rather, the feeling of absolute dependence was the human
precondition for it. Schleiermacher was pointing to the place into which
revelation enters.
The ongoing development of modern theology was filtered through Kant
philosophically and Schleiermacher theologically, whether a theologian followed
them or rejected them. They determined the shape of the playing field and the
rules of the game.
We can see this in the theology of Albrecht Ritschl, whose influence came to
flower in the 1870s. Ritschl was the first German theologian to recognize the
intellectual shift from idealism to realism under the impact of such thinkers as
Feuerbach, Comte, Marx, and Engels; the significant achievements of science,
technology, and industry; the alienation of the working class; and the impact of
Darwin’s Origin of the Species (1863). The cultural mood in Germany turned
more and more to the world of experience and to the natural laws governing it.
Ritschl concluded in such a cultural milieu that the knowledge of God could be
realized only in the act of faith – faith directed toward the saving activity of
Christ. Religious knowledge, he claimed, consists in value judgments, a term for
which he is best known and most misunderstood. Berkhof explains:
He intends to maintain the uniqueness of the Christian faith as a way of
access to the “conception of God” through trust in Jesus Christ – apart
from any ground other than that given in the unity of revelation and faith.
(p. 121)
Wilhelm Herrmann developed the intention of Ritschl’s theology. He was
convinced, as was Ritschl, that the highest of religion and morality was united in
the figure of Jesus. Again following Ritschl under the impact of Kant’s
epistemology, faith and knowledge were held distinct. The authority of Scripture,
dogma, or creed had to do with knowledge, not faith. He wrote,
They cannot bring about a saving personal encounter; they appeal to our
thinking only as law. Religion is a totally independent world, though
closely bound up with morality, because it relates us to divine revelation
and must be the answer to the misery of our moral condition.
Herrmann was deeply concerned about the philosophical base of his theology.
For him, Kant loomed large, “whose mighty thoughts emerge increasingly in
almost all domains of human learning as the select governor of all true research.”
He valued Kant’s analysis of the knowing process positively “because in every
connection he has placed the value of faith, its independence from science, in the
clearest light.” In his analysis of Herrmann’s theology, Berkhof offers an

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illuminating image by which to understand Herrmann over against the rising tide
of historical consciousness and historical thinking.
When I read Herrmann what emerges in my mind is the image of a rock in
the midst of a rising flood. In Ritschl the rock of moral autonomy still had
a broad surface. Now, however, with the waves of the flood rising higher
and higher, it became much narrower. The parts that are closer to the sea
– like corporeality, psychological deveopment, history, social
relationships, and the authority of Scripture and Christian tradition – have
already been inundated. Herrmann now withdrew to the narrow center, to
individual (though conceived as interpersonal) inwardness where the
individual is in communion with God through “the inner life of Jesus.”
With a splendid sort of consistency, he devoted his intellectual powers to
the defense of the peak of this rock. (Two Hundred Years of Theology, p.
146)
The rise of the historical-critical method of biblical research led Herrmann to
realize that the certainty of faith could not rest on the probable results of
historical criticism. Faith does take shape in history, but its basis is above history
and beyond the reach of historical research.
Is it possible to posit a basis for faith above history invulnerable to the acids of
historical criticism? Ernst Troeltsch, a student of Ritschl, did not think so. He
rejected the possibility of grounding faith in inner experience, thereby finding an
absolute ground in history. Troeltsch, too, recognized that the deterministichistorical mode of thinking was inundating the gospel, but he did not believe,
contrary to Herrmann, that there was yet a ridge of the rock above the flood.
Troeltsch saw no alternative but to plunge into the stream of historicism with its
relativity. Jesus could not be lifted out of the stream of history. Every historical
person and phenomenon is subject to historical conditionedness. In Berkhof’s
words,
history is an ever-moving stream in which the movement of each drop is
determined by the mass of water that precedes it, and each drop shares in
determining the direction of what follows. That is the fundamental view of
“historicism,” another term for determinism applied to historical reality.
(p. 150)
Historical thinking, which arose in the eighteenth century, is another hallmark of
modern thought. It has marked all subsequent modern thought as indelibly as
has Kant’s analysis of the knowing process. In Troeltsch the full consequences of
historical thinking were drawn; Herrmann’s “inner life of Jesus” was “time conditioned,” thoroughly enmeshed in the stream of history.
The struggle to find a basis for faith continued into the twentieth century. The
catalyst for a major reversal of the tide of continental theology was Karl Barth.
The first edition of Barth’s Romerbrief sent shock waves through the world of

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academic theology and philosophy. Associated with Barth’s name in the early
period was Rudolf Bultmann, who affirmed Barth’s move, seeing in it a shift to an
existentialist interpretation of the gospel – a direction soon rejected by Barth. For
Bultmann, Barth’s early probings seemed consistent with the effort of their
common teacher, Wilhelm Herrmann, to find a basis for faith beyond the
relativities of history. For Herrmann and even more radically for Bultmann, there
was a basic distrust in historically ascertainable facts as vehicles of revelation.
Revelation for Bultmann occurs above history in the “existing” individual who, in
the encounter with the claim of the gospel, is called to decision, the decision of
faith or unbelief apart from recourse to the investigation of any ground for faith
in historical data. Bultmann’s whole program of demythologizing the gospel was
an attempt to peel off the husk of historical happening, for which only relative
certainty could be gained, and find the kernel of God’s appeal in the Christ event.
That Jesus was is all that can be claimed as certain. The “Das” of Jesus is the
point at which God’s claim touches historical reality.
Barth’s first edition of Romerbrief was a seismic shock, but for Barth it was only
an initial probe – he was in transition. The second edition showed Barth not so
interested, as was Bultmann, in the existential analysis of the human person
addressed by the gospel, but in the God Who addresses the human person. In the
preface to the second edition of Romans, he writes:
If I have a system, it is limited to a recognition of what Kierkegaard called
the “infinite qualitative distinction” between time and eternity, and to my
regarding this as possessing negative as well as positive significance: “God
is in heaven, and thou art on earth.” The relation between such a God and
such a man, and the relation between such a man and such a God is for me
the theme of the Bible and the essence of philosophy. Philosophers name
this Krisis of human perception the Prime Cause: The Bible beholds at the
same cross-roads the figure of Jesus Christ.
The second edition of Romans marked Barth’s turn to the interpretation of the
Bible, a turn precipitated by his disillusionment with involvement with the social
democracy movement, which failed to mobilize resistance to World War I, and
the “crisis” created by the need to preach weekly. In his wrestling with Paul’s letter to the Romans, Barth was overwhelmed with the sense of the absolute priority
of God revealed in the event of Jesus Christ and the working of Spirit. Barth was
on the way, on a new way, and for a time continued to grope and feel his way. For
him – as for Bultmann - the thin ridge of the rock on which their teacher
Herrmann had grounded faith was flooded. There was no place to stand. God’s
revelation in Jesus Christ, effected in the individual by the miracle of the Spirit’s
illumination, came “vertically from above.” In the world, in the domain of history,
there were no vestiges of perceptibility except, for example, the crater which
indicates that a meteor has slammed into the earth.

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It is clear that even the paradigm shift to the contemporary period demonstrates
continuity with the nineteenth century. Barth and Bultmann both radicalized the
efforts of Ritschl and Herrmann to ground faith beyond history in order to place
faith beyond the attack of historical criticism and the widespread Enlightenment
assumption that historical reality can yield only relative certainty. It is further
clear that the crucial question that has dogged theological reflection over the past
two hundred years is the question forced by the rise of historical consciousness,
the question of how absolute truth can be discovered in history’s ongoing
movement, how faith can find a certain resting place in the ambiguity of history.
The later Barth, the Barth of Church Dogmatics, turned more and more to
history, valuing it as the “place” of revelation, in contrast to his early work.
However, to the end he never answered what has been perhaps the most serious
criticism of his theology, a criticism expressed sharply by his young friend and
admirer, Dietrich Bonhoeffer, who spoke of Barth’s “positivism of revelation,” a
“take it or leave it” approach that denied the legitimacy of questioning the
grounds of the revelation, of the claims of the gospel’s appeal. In the final
analysis, neither Barth nor Bultmann were able to ground the Word in history,
within this worldly existence.
The attempt to do so is the story of the post-Bultmannians and the postBarthians – students of these giants who felt the pressure of the cultural mood to
find within human historical existence the experience that afforded a place for
revelation accessible to empirical verification. The development of Christology
“from below,” such as one finds in the early writings of Pannenberg and in Küng,
are examples of this swing back to the attempt to give historical foundation to the
gospel’s claim. In the Netherlands the work of Kuitert, Berkhouwer’s successor, is
an attempt to find in history “the footprints of God.”
The pendulum swings back and forth. Berkhof concludes that if one starts, as
Barth did, with God, it seems impossible to reach real people, and to start “from
below” as Kuitert and others have done makes it questionable whether one
reaches God.
It seems clear that the assumptions of the Enlightenment – the autonomy of the
human person, the subject-object split in the process of human knowing, the
historical consciousness – have created false alternatives (an approach from
below or an approach from above) thereby bringing theological work to an
impasse.
If Enlightenment assumptions have led to an impasse, are there indications that
by moving out from under the dominance of those assumptions, breakthroughs
might be possible in a new cultural period? In a volume of essays entitled
Postmodern Theology, James B. Miller contends just that. Miller sets forth the
variety of forms in which Descartes’ subject-object dualism and Kant’s
knowledge-faith dualism have been manifested in modern thought. From a
different angle, he points to the impasse noted above:

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The logical positivist movement implicitly accepted this dualism, but
denied meaningfulness to the nonempirical, nonscientific side (i.e., the
domain of the noumenal.) Reductionists sought to explain religions and
religious phenomena in exclusively scientific (or social scientific) terms,
thus denying the autonomy (or independent reality) of the religions (i.e.,
explaining the noumenal in terms of the phenomenal.) In contrast, the
existentialist movement, while implicitly accepting the dualism, invested
all significant meaning on the side of faith, moral action, and the religious
life (i.e., in the noumenal domain. (p. 5)
In Miller’s last group, the existentialists, we can see the line of development we
have been tracing from Ritschl through Herrmann to Barth, Bultmann, and their
successors. Indeed, we can see it already in “the father of modern theology,”
Schleiermacher, who sought the ground for theology in the interior life of the
individual.
Miller himself sets in contrast the two poles represented by Barth with his
“positivism of revelation” – the uncritical confidence that the revelatory “word”
provides absolute knowledge of God and God’s purpose for the world, and the
logical positivists who held that reason and empirical observation were the sole
and sufficient sources of absolute knowledge of the world. Thus, Miller observes,
the modern worldview or, as it has been named here, the domination of the
cultural assumptions of the Enlightenment, continues to form the dominant
perspective in Western and Christian culture. He writes:
It is found in the popular understanding of science as an impersonal,
detached, and objective search for the facts of nature. Its neoorthodox
theological manifestation is “normal” Christian theology. The prophetic
rhetoric of the theology justifies a program of cultural change through
social action. Its existentialist roots encourage contemporary forms of
pastoral care and spiritual renewal which turn people away from their
intrinsic relation to nature and history and focus them on a kind of
atemporal personhood. It offers a revealed (and so, absolute) dogmatics of
transcendence for those who would claim for Christianity a right to
cultural dominance. (pp. 7f.)
Miller sees such dominance slipping away; he senses that we are entering a
postmodern world. Developments in biology and physics are pointing the way to
a fundamentally new worldview. If the Enlightenment paradigm characterized
reality as mechanical and dualistic, the model for the postmodern world,
according to Miller, is historical, relational, and personal. He describes what this
means for the emerging understanding of the world and how the understanding
of the human process of knowing is changing.
The world is not simply here; it is evolving. In contemporary biology the world
does not embody an eternal essence, but is rather on ongoing process of creating,
humans being both the product of and participants in this ongoing process.

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The world is understood “to be relative, indeterminate, and participatory.”
Existence is fully relative, meaning nothing exists in and of itself; “To be is to be
related,” in contrast to the absolutes of Newton’s time-space categories. Quantum
theory in physics has overthrown the “substantial universe;” the world does not
have a history, but is history. Heisenberg’s principle of uncertainty points to the
indeterminacy of the core of reality and this, in turn, points to the core of reality
as an unfathomable mystery. Interestingly, there is more awe before mystery in
contemporary physics than in much theology.
We began this inquiry with Descartes and Kant and their epistemological
analysis. The understanding of what it means to know is called in question by
these developments in biology and physics. Miller contends,
From a postmodern perspective, all knowledge is historically implicated.
Nothing is known apart from its cultural setting, and that setting is
constitutive of what is known. There are no culturally neutral facts.
Knowledge is not so much found as made, or better, it does not grow so
much as it is grown. (p. 11, italics his)
There is a significant difference between this conception of the historical
character of all truth and the historicism of the modern period as represented by
Troeltsch, for example. Here the human subject is not caught in an impersonal
historical determinism, but is a participant in the unfolding history of the whole
of reality.
Truth relative to any community of knowers makes all knowledge incomplete.
Alfred North Whitehead described the world not in terms of substances, but in
terms of events, pointing thereby not to a world of static substantiality, but to a
world of dynamic temporality. From Whitehead has developed the inquiries of
the school of process theology. Miller considers what new theological insights are
offered from such a conception of reality.
In regard to creation, the idea of the dualistic relationship between God and
world is called into question, as well as the objectifying of the world as a thing.
The view of God creating provides the possibility of overcoming cosmological
dualism and historical determinism.
Anthropology looks different from such a perspective as well. The processes
producing the human person are not different from those out of which all else in
the universe emerges. Humankind becomes in such a view part of but not the
center of the cosmic drama.
There are also implications here for Christology. Incarnation might be
understood to characterize every moment of the history of the universe with
Jesus of Nazareth being the one who articulates the incarnational model in
his teaching and the one who in his person is said to demonstrate the

© Grand Valley State University

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Richard A. Rhem

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meaning of that model for human living. In this sense, Jesus’ uniqueness
as incarnation is historical but not ontological. (p. 19)
With these brief references to Miller’s application of a new understanding of
human knowing and human knowledge, we can see the potential fruitfulness of
theological inquiry that throws off the dominance of the cultural assumptions of
the Enlightenment and allows the fresh breakthroughs in biology and physics to
overcome the impasse into which modern thought has led us. The shape in which
Christian faith has come to expression in every cultural epoch has borne the
marks of the cultural assumptions of each successive epoch. This is no less true of
the modern period under Enlightenment assumptions than of Reformation
theology under the assumptions of the sixteenth century with its heritage of
medieval thinking and Renaissance humanism. The challenge before us is to
bring the legacy of sixteenth century Reformation theology to new expression,
given the openings provided by the emerging postmodern age.
In his Two Hundred Years of Theology, Berkhof provides a chapter on the
engagement with modern thought in the Netherlands. What he has to say about
Herman Bavinck is especially interesting in regard to this discussion. Bavinck
was firmly rooted in the Reformed Church of the Secession led by Abraham
Kuyper. Brilliant and highly gifted, he studied at Leiden under Scholten, against
the prevailing tradition of his church. He was attracted to ethical theology, an
attempt to mediate the gospel and modern thought. Kuyper appealed to him to be
clear in his objections to this mediating theology but was never satisfied with
Bavinck’s criticism – it was not strong enough.
Bavinck remained within the Secession Church and, in time, became Kuyper’s
successor at the Free University. He wrote his Gereformeerde Dogmatiek and in
the first volume enunciated the theological foundations upon which his work was
built. The objective principle of knowledge is primary: the Holy Scriptures. He
was viewed, according to Berkhof, as “the faithful theological partisan and alter
ego of Kuyper.”
Yet Berkhof notes that apart from the second edition of his dogmatics and a onevolume summary, Bavinck produced little in the field of dogmatics during his
years at the Free University, and nothing that was new and original. He observes,
He [Bavinck] felt increasingly that the modern period needed a much
more vigorous renewal of theology than he himself had produced or was
able to produce. Particularly the issues arising from the historical-critical
interpretation of Scripture needed a very different approach. (p. 113)
Berkhof goes on to say that Bavinck’s views on the issues at stake became
increasingly relativistic, and, in 1910, he sold a large part of his dogmatics library;
during these years his interest turned to issues posed by culture.

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Richard A. Rhem

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Berkhof writes that after 1900 “Bavinck increasingly felt that his theological
direction was leading to a dead end.” Was it only historical-critical research that
undermined his earlier certainty? Berkhof asks. Or was it deeper? Did he finally
yield to his earlier fascination with ethical theology, recognizing that the issue
between it and his Reformed orthodoxy was not really an issue between
theocentricity and anthrocentricity, but rather between intellectualism and
personalism?
Is faith submission to the authority of scripture truths or is it the personal
encounter with God through the person of Christ by which we are transformed
into personalities? Bavinck opted for the priority of the scripture principle, . . .
Hence Bavinck remained more strongly burdened than he wished by the legacy of
the Reformed scholasticism of the seventeenth century and gave up intellectual
tools he could not well do without in the continuing confrontation with the
modern spirit. (p. 114)
One cannot help but wonder why Bavinck’s latter years were not more fruitful.
Why did he sell most of his dogmatics library? Why did his interest turn to issues
in the broader culture? Berkhof does not speculate, but he does tell us that
Bavinck felt his theological direction was leading to a dead end. Could it be that
he sensed he was stuck? Was he not perhaps blocked from fruitful engagement
with modern thought by his own objective principle of knowledge, the holy
Scriptures? Indeed, not by Scripture as such, but by Scripture as understood by
premodern seventeenth-century Reformed scholasticism, a view still prevalent in
present-day Reformed orthodoxy.
Scripture itself is the cumulative translation of tradition over several centuries.
Where it is not valued as an inspired human witness to encounter with the living
God, but rather as a book of absolute truths not only about God but also about
science, cosmology, anthropology, and history, how can genuine dialogue with
ongoing human intellectual and spiritual development be engaged in? It is
impossible. Given Bavinck’s ecclesiastical context, to raise that issue would have
been fruitless; it would not have been tolerated.
Reformed theology in this country faces the same dilemma. Its doctrine of
Scripture has remained immune from the acids of criticism, and an authoritarian
use of Scripture continues, making it impossible either to engage the cultural
assumptions that remain as a legacy of the Enlightenment, or to capture the
attention of an obviously spiritually destitute and groping present generation
where the yearning for transcendence is pervasive.
Perhaps the insights and breakthroughs in science and the spiritual bankruptcy
of the West have created the moment that will compel us to move beyond both
the theological impasse traced above and an authoritarian use of Scripture. In his
biography of Karl Barth, Eberhard Busch records a conversation of Barth in
which he referred to being dubbed orthodox. That was fine with Barth, if it
pointed to a willingness “to learn from the Fathers.”

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Richard A. Rhem

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But he rejected any restriction to the doctrinal position of any teacher, school or
confession.... “Confessions” exist for us to go through them (not once but continually), not for us to return to them, take up our abode in them, and conduct
our further thinking from their standpoint and in bondage to them. (Karl Barth,
p. 375)
That is the freedom we must discover in order to enter the contemporary
discussion, bringing the richness of Reformed theology into engagement with a
postmodern world.

References:
Hendrikus Berkhof. Two Hundred Years of Theology, report of a personal
journey. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989, translation by John Vriend of 200
Jahre Theologie: Ein Reisebericht, 1985)
Hans Küng. Paradigm Change in Theology: A Symposium for the Future. David
Tracy, editor. Crossroad Publishing Co., 1989.
Hans Küng. Theology for the Third Millennium: An Ecumenical View. Anchor,
reprint edition, 1990.
James B. Miller. Postmodern Theology: Christian Faith in a Pluralist World.
Wipf &amp; Stock Publishers, 2006.

© Grand Valley State University

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