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                    <text>Interreligious Dialogue:
What Is Required of Us?
Article by
Richard A. Rhem
Minister of Preaching and Theological Inquiry
Christ Community Church
Spring Lake, Michigan
Published in
Perspectives
A Journal of Reformed Thought
May 1995, pp. 10-15
Pilate’s question, “Then what should I do with Jesus who is called the Messiah?”
demands an answer as urgently today as two thousand years ago. By travel and
the ubiquitous beams of communications satellites the world has shrunk to a
neighborhood, and the devotees of the great religions of the world no longer live
in isolation. Increasingly they practice their respective faith traditions in close
proximity to each other.
Not only the interweaving of the world’s religions within the fabric of the global
community but the rise of militant fundamentalisms, fueling ethnic conflict and
spawning terrorism, make it imperative that interreligious dialogue take place for
the sake of the peace of the world. Political leaders and parties will always
attempt to Co-opt the respective religious traditions for their own purposes, but
at least the religions in their authentic expression need not condone such misuse,
and, with genuine dialogue, a deeper understanding of other faith traditions
would be a force for the creation of a more secure world—and a movement
toward a reign of peace, surely the intention of the Creator God.
For the Christian religion, interreligious dialogue calls for a serious engagement
with Pilate’s question. Until we come to a new appraisal of the place of Jesus in
the purpose of God and the revelation of that purpose, we will not be able to enter
into real dialogue. Beginning with the absoluteness of Christianity based on the
finality of God’s revelation in Jesus and a salvation constituted exclusively
through his atoning death, we may enter discussion and evidence a civil tolerance
but without the openness to new insight that alone makes for serious and honest
dialogue. Tolerance may be present in people who are convinced that they
possess the final truth but are unwilling to impose it on another. But such an
attitude also precludes that such people will learn something from the other since
they begin with the assumption that theirs is the exclusive truth.

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Whatever revisioning interreligious dialogue may demand from other faith
traditions, for the Christian tradition, a rethinking of its core creedal
Christological formulations and their salvific implications is of first importance.

The Quest of the Historical Jesus
As I look across my desk at the shelf of books, the name of Jesus is prominent.
Book after book published in the last few years seeks to uncover the mystery and
meaning of this one who “comes to us as One unknown...,” to use Schweitzer’s
familiar designation. Studies emanate from the Jesus Seminar people, as well as
many beyond their ranks, such as the Catholic scholar Raymond Brown and the
highly respected Jewish scholar E. P. Sanders. My eye catches the title of an older
bundle of essays by Marinus de Jonge, Jesus: Inspiring and Disturbing Presence.
Indeed.
I move to the shelf and pull down the classic study by Albert Schweitzer, The
Quest of the Historical Jesus. In his preface to the English translation, F. C.
Burkitt refers to the sharp controversy that had been raging on the continent in
the late nineteenth century over the attempt to discover the historical Jesus
behind the Christ figure that appears in the writings, particularly of Paul. Such
sharp battle, he notes, is somewhat foreign to the more genteel English, but even
those whose lives of Jesus were “written with hate” have performed a great
service in bringing to light an understanding “of the greatest historical problem
in the history of our race.” The new understanding, Burkitt claims, makes clear
that the object of attack was not the historical Jesus after all, but a
temporary idea of Him, inadequate because it did not truly represent him
or the world in which he lived, (vi)
Schweitzer’s work brought the first quest to an end by pointing out the
eschatological center of Jesus’ message in contrast to the portrait that portrayed
Jesus as the ideal person of nineteenth-century, European society. With the rise
of historical thinking, it was being recognized that historical research must seek
to uncover the context of the first and second centuries if it would discover Jesus
of Nazareth.
Burkitt was confident that such an understanding would be taken for granted in
the ongoing research into Christian origins. He cites a contemporary, Father
Tyrrell, who claimed that Christianity was at a crossroads, but Burkitt little
doubts that the church would come to terms with the results of historical
research and bring the significance of Jesus Christ to fresh expression. That the
eschatological prophet of Schweitzer’s description would need to be translated
into another image if he were to be meaningfully appropriated in the twentieth
century went without saying. The dawning historical consciousness was leading
to the recognition, in Burkitt’s words,

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that absolute truth cannot be embodied in human thought and that its
expression must always be clothed in symbols. It may be that we have to
translate the hopes and fears of our spiritual ancestors into the language of
our new world. (vii)
That the Absolute can be expressed only in symbol, in metaphor, has been widely
recognized through linguistic studies in the last half of the present century.
Metaphor in its common understanding is a figure of speech in which there is a
transfer of meaning—one term is illuminated by attaching to it some of the
associations of another, so that metaphor is “that trope, or figure of speech, in
which we speak of one thing in terms suggestive of another” (Soskice, 1985, 54).
In this sense, all religious language and speech about God is metaphoric. That
does not take away from the truthfulness of what is communicated; indeed,
picture language often conveys a truth far better than a formula or abstract
definition. It does, however, mean that the truth being conveyed and the
linguistic form, the particular figure of speech, are not necessarily tied to each
other. The same truth may be able to be conveyed by a different figure of speech,
and in another culture or time a figure of speech that communicates the truth at
issue may fail to bring that truth to expression with clarity.
In other words, the symbols used to express the truth of the Absolute must not
themselves be absolutized. The symbolic form of expression points beyond itself;
one must “see through” the symbol to the reality symbolized. The form of
expression, the specific figure of speech chosen to disclose the reality may be
adequate or inadequate; it may disclose or it may mislead. Only those metaphoric
forms that prove themselves in usage will last. But even those that prove valuable
over the ages and generations must not be understood as identical with the truth
or reality signified. There may arise in evolving cultural experience reason to
cease using a metaphor or to modify its use if it becomes evident that it has
conveyed not only aspects of truth but also misunderstanding that has proven
detrimental – for example, the metaphor of God as Father in current feminist
critique of patriarchy.
When a metaphor for the Absolute is challenged, it must be recognized that it is
not the Absolute that is challenged, but only the symbolic form used to disclose
the truth of the Absolute.
The Rise of Historical Thinking
As he wrote the preface to Schweitzer’s The Quest of the Historical Jesus in 1910,
Burkitt pointed to the growing recognition of the symbolic character of religious
language in the wake of the rise of historical thinking in the nineteenth century.
It was in that cultural context that the first quest of the historical Jesus took
place, which Schweitzer showed to be naive. Further historical-critical research
revealed the inadequacy of the historical methods employed and of the
understanding of the nature of the biblical documents examined. Nevertheless,

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thinking historically is the mark of modernity and remains so in post-modernism
which, in general, denies the possibility of formulating principles or doctrines
identical with foundational reality, along with rejecting the Enlightenment claim
that there are universal truths of reason.
We can see the implications of this new way of thinking—thinking with historical
consciousness—if we examine the work of Ernst Troeltsch. He is best identified as
an exponent of historicism, a term used here to define the interpretation of the
totality of cultural development (including the Christian tradition) as phenomena
of the historical process. Troeltsch recognized that the advent of the historicalcritical method signified more than just a new means by which to gain knowledge
of the past. Far more, it symbolized a revolution in the consciousness of the
person of the West. He was convinced that the employment of this method was
incompatible with the traditional Christian faith based on a supernaturalistic
metaphysics. This clash was most evident, as we have noted above, in the area of
biblical criticism.
Troeltsch did not point to particular results of scholarly research that was
troubling to believers; rather, he pointed to the method that yielded the
disturbing data. The assumptions of the method, he claimed, were irreconcilable
with the traditional dogmatic method. Traditional dogmatic formulation
regarded the Scriptures as supernaturally inspired; the historian assumed they
must be understood in terms of the historical context in which they arose, subject
to the same principles of interpretation and criticism applied to any ancient
literature. The historian, following this method, according to Troeltsch, could not
assume events recorded in Scripture were supernatural interventions by God;
rather, the historian must treat them in the causal nexus of their times. And
rather than granting uniqueness to the central redemptive events to which the
Bible pointed, the historian must treat them as analogous to all other historical
events past and present. Further, the historian’s research can yield only probable
results, an inadequate ground for faith.
Troeltsch’s ability to recognize the revolutionary nature of the employment of the
historical-critical method revealed to him what remained hidden for many
theological thinkers, namely, that one has to make a choice to accept the method
and its consequences or to reject the method as inappropriate. What could not be
done was to use the method as long as the consequences were compatible with
one’s theological presuppositions and reject it when they went counter to one’s
prior belief.
The church must choose, Troeltsch was certain, to employ the method and accept
the consequences, letting burn what must burn and then building again a truer, if
more humble, foundation. It was his conviction that historical thinking had
penetrated the mind of the Western person so deeply that it was no longer
possible to think in any other vein. Either the Christian tradition would

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accommodate itself to the spirit of the times or it would become a relic of the
past.
In his discussion of the significance of the historicity of Jesus for Christian faith,
Troeltsch included Schleiermacher, Ritschl, and Herrmann in his criticism, for
while the liberal Protestant tradition recognized the validity of the historicalcritical method for the investigation of Christian origins, it failed to recognize the
relativity of all historical phenomena including Jesus of Nazareth. Consequently
Troeltsch could but condemn their view that Jesus is the absolute Savior for all
people of all times and places (cf. Die Bedeutung der Geschichtlichkeit Jesu für
den Glauben p. 51).
In Troeltsch’s view the very historical-critical approach to Christian origins,
especially to Jesus himself, undercut any attempt to salvage from the uniformity
of history a final and absolute revelation of God. Thus Troeltsch was convinced
that the theology of the future would have to purge away the last vestiges of the
old dogmatic approach and carry through more rigorously the requirements of
the historical-critical method that draws all historical phenomena, Jesus of
Nazareth not excepted, into the movement of historical process, allowing for no
absolute uniqueness in the midst of the relative.
Paradoxical as it may appear, Karl Barth quite agreed with Troeltsch—agreed,
that is, that to subject Jesus to historical-critical research behind the witness of
the New Testament is to level him down to one historical person among others, in
whom there cannot possibly be found the final and definitive revelation of God.
Of course, agreement with Troeltsch that having followed the path it did, there
was no stopping halfway, does not imply that Barth advocates with Troeltsch that
their successors should draw the logical conclusion as Troeltsch advocated. On
the contrary, Barth discovers their fatal error in the course they chose to follow in
the first place. It was not their decision to grant recognition to the use of the
historical-critical method and then fail to draw the conclusions to which it led.
Rather, it was their understanding of religion as an innate potential of the human
spirit and their failure to see that, defined in such terms, the Christian faith was
not being spoken of at all. If Christianity were a phenomenon of the religious
capacity of the human person, then it would be one religion among others and
could be understood only, as Troeltsch maintained, by a comparative historical
study. In such an instance there could be no talk of an absolute and definitive
revelatory significance or meaning in history. If one started where Troeltsch
started, Barth maintained, one would end where Troeltsch ended. But then,
according to Barth, we have to do not with the religion of revelation but with the
revelation of religion (Church Dogmatics I, 2, 284), and the application of the
historical-critical method will discover in Jesus no more than a man among other
men and in Christianity no more than a religion among other religions. The
History of Religions school is only the logical outcome of a theology that speaks
of the believing person rather than of the revealing God. Theology that takes itself

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seriously can speak only from the revelation of God that has grasped it, paying
homage to no worldview, be it ancient or modern, to no philosophical system,
and to no anthropological analysis of the human religious capacity. Theology
must speak from out of the revelation of God in Jesus Christ.
Thus Barth completely repudiated the method of Troeltsch, and, to the dismay of
the academic world, pursued the traditional dogmatic method, reducing
historical-critical research to a secondary, helping role in the explication of the
biblical witness to Jesus Christ.
Barth’s repudiation of Troeltsch and the whole project of nineteenth-century
liberalism prevailed. A whole generation of theologians was shaped by the
theology of the Word that, while not a uniform movement, was at one in removing the truth of Christian faith from the results of historical investigation.
But as the twentieth century nears its end, Troeltsch is being studied anew.
Garrett E. Paul in a 1993 Christian Century article asks and answers in his title,
“Why Troeltsch? Why Today? Theology for the 21st Century.” Dietrich
Bonhoeffer had exposed the Achilles’ heel of Barth’s dogmatic method with his
recognition of Barth’s “positivism of revelation.” Writing from prison to his friend
Eberhard Bethge, Bonhoeffer pointed out that Barth was the first theologian to
begin the criticism of religion but that he replaced it with a positivist doctrine of
revelation that says in effect, “Take it or leave it.” In a later letter he affirmed
Barth’s ethical observations as well as his dogmatic views, but went on to write:
it was that he gave no concrete guidance, either in dogmatics or in ethics,
on the non-religious interpretation of theological concepts. There lies his
limitation, and because of it his theology of revelation becomes positivist, a
“positivism of revelation,” as I put it.
Bultmann, who joined Barth in the removal of Christian origins from historical
investigation, claiming the necessity only of the “dass” of the historical Jesus for
faith, also saw his disciples move away from this view as they engaged in “the new
quest of the historical Jesus.”
Presently the flood of studies being published, including the work of the Jesus
Seminar scholars, indicates that the implications of historical thinking recognized
and applied by Troeltsch will not go away. Karl Barth, arguably the greatest
theological thinker of the century and among the greats of all time, was able by
the power of his thought and the circumstances of his historical moment to stem
the tide of historical thinking applied to theological formulation for a generation,
but the kerygma sheltered in a safe haven denying investigation of historical
foundations cannot finally be maintained no matter how brilliantly and powerfully proclaimed.
Hans Küng in Great Christian Thinkers (1994) identifies Barth as one of a line of
theologians—Paul, Origen, Augustine, Aquinas, Luther, and Schleiermacher—

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who effected a paradigm shift in theological understanding. But in his analysis of
Barth, Küng claims that he initiated the paradigm shift to postmodernity but did
not complete it. With great regard for Barth’s accomplishments, Küng nevertheless confirms Bonhoeffer’s claim made a half century ago.
Recognizing that the later Barth was reevaluating the knowledge of God available
from the world of creation, natural theology, and world religions, Kung maintains
that in the end this dogmatic edifice conceived on such a large scale,
stringently constructed and carefully built, had at least in principle
(though most Barthians hardly noticed) been blown up!
It is Küng’s contention that if Barth could start over, “he would attempt to work
out a Christian theology in the context of the world religions and the world
regions.” How would Barth go about this, according to Küng?
He would have attempted to work out a responsible historical-critical
dogmatics in the light of an exegesis with a historical-critical foundation,
in order in this way co translate the original Christian message... for the
future that had dawned in such a way that it was again understood as a
liberating address from God. (120)
And, Küng contends, the “historical Jesus,” apart from whom the “Christ of
dogma” becomes a myth to be manipulated at will, might “again become of the
utmost importance and urgency.”
We have come, it would appear, full circle during the course of this century. The
current reconsideration of Ernst Troeltsch stems from his early grasp of the
implications of historical thinking for theological formulation. He was an
interdisciplinary thinker at home in various realms of inquiry. He faced up to the
demise of Eurocentricism and the relativity of all historical events and human
knowledge – religious, philosophical, and scientific. Thus he acknowledged that
Christian faith was relative to its largely Western orientation and environment.
At the beginning of this century Troeltsch foresaw the global pluralism with
which we are finally beginning to come to terms. In 1910, Burkitt was expressing
the implication of a new way of thinking, thinking historically, thinking in terms
of development, the evolving conception of truth. Such a way of thinking is widely
accepted in our world, but it has been resisted in the conservative sectors of the
church because it can lead to the morass of relativism and the denial of the
Absolute and of absolute truth.
But such a result is not the necessary consequence of historical thinking. Rather,
it can simply lead to the recognition expressed by Burkitt—that every human
attempt to express absolute truth is only a relative expression—relative to one’s
cultural context—a partial grasp of the absolute that will always transcend any
historically conditional expression. Further, that expression is possible only in
symbolic form, by use of metaphor.

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My purpose in introducing the limits and possibilities of historical thinking is in
order to point the way to authentic and fruitful interreligious dialogue. Such
dialogue is imperative for our world. The frightening prospect of a world in the
throes of religious conflict makes it incumbent upon us to find a way to effect
communication and mutual respect among the world religions. That will not be
possible unless we are willing to apply the insights of historical thinking to the
core credal development of Christology, including the various theories of the
atonement that have been formulated throughout the centuries.
The Development of Doctrine
Burkitt was too confident in 1910. The twentieth century has not seen a fresh
expression of the meaning of Jesus Christ in the church. Rather there has been
strenuous resistance to any revisioning of core Christological formulations.
This resistance to revisioning has been pointed out by the Anglican priest John
Bowden in Jesus: The Unanswered Questions (1988). He is troubled by the
church’s refusal to engage in serious discussion of the unavoidable questions
surrounding Jesus that have arisen as our knowledge of the cultural context of his
life and the checkered history of credal development have become apparent.
Bowden writes from the perspective of faith, from within the tradition of the
Christian church, and for love of the faith and the church. But he raises the
unanswered and disturbing questions that must be addressed if the church is to
engage the spiritual quest of those for whom responsible, intelligent inquiry must
accompany the commitment of faith. Thus, his purpose in writing is pastoral and
positive. From a broad spectrum of research he has distilled the critical questions
that demand a hearing.
Reflecting on his own theological training, he finds it remarkable that, after a
thorough immersion in the historical-critical study of Scripture, he found quite a
different approach to the history of Christian doctrine up to the year 451, the year
of the Council of Chalcedon and the formulation of the classical statement about
the natures of Jesus Christ. The theological reasoning and philosophical argument of those early centuries used the Bible in quite another fashion than he had
learned to use it in his biblical studies. While the different cultural patterns of the
early centuries of Christian dogmatic formulation were recognized, the
conclusions of the church fathers were not to be questioned after Chalcedon; they
were a given.
But, Bowden contends, the conclusions of those early centuries need to be
questioned as seriously as the gospel record has been. Biblical criticism must be
joined by doctrinal criticism that will examine the historical development in those
early centuries that culminated in the classic credal definitions of Incarnation
and Trinity, an historical development about which we have data enough to trace
the interplay of cultural forces involving not only concern for the truth but
political power plays and ecclesiastical intrigue. We really know the story. We

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have simply refused to draw out the implications for this core credal affirmation.
But until we do, we will not be able to engage in honest interreligious discussion.
Doctrinal formulation is a human enterprise. Human thought forms and human
language are the tools of such formulation. To acknowledge that as fundamental
for historical thinking is not a denial of absolute truth, as previously stated. It is
only to recognize that any particular articulation of the truth cannot be
absolutized and be raised to a status beyond further reflection and possible
reformulation. It is simply to acknowledge that it is a given of our human
historical condition that we are limited to relative apprehensions, partial
understandings that need always to be adjusted in light of new information
gathered from research and ongoing historical experience.
John Hick is a Christian thinker who has utilized the distinction between the
Absolute and the respective relative apprehensions of the Absolute in the great
world religions. Being a Christian, he has applied that insight to the development
of the Christological formulations of the early centuries in the interest of
developing a Christology in a pluralistic age.
Christology Revisited
John Hick has a ready grasp of the development of the Christian theological
tradition as well as a deep knowledge of other religious traditions. For him, the
window to the Real, to God, is Jesus and the Christian tradition. But he believes
that the Real is apprehended through other traditions as well. Thus he believes
there is a pluralism of ways of salvation. He argues his case in The Metaphor of
God Incarnate (1993), in which he contends that the necessary revision of
Christological understanding that alone can make way for genuine interreligious
dialogue will involve “liberation from the network of theories—about Incarnation,
Trinity and Atonement….”
Hick contends that
divine incarnation in its standard Christian form, in which both genuine
humanity and genuine deity are insisted upon, has never been given a
satisfactory literal sense; but that on the other hand it makes excellent
metaphorical sense….We see in Jesus a human being extraordinarily open
to God’s influence and thus living to an extraordinary extent as God’s
agent on earth, “incarnating” the divine purpose for human life. He thus
embodied within the circumstances of his time and place the ideal of
humanity living in openness and response to God, and in doing so he
“incarnated” a love that reflects the divine love. (12)
Hick, in a sense, is attempting to fulfill the task that in 1910 Burkitt foresaw as
necessary if the church were going to face the consequences of the historical
study of Christian origins and translate the figure of Jesus into an understanding
meaningful to the twentieth century.

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Yet, the work of translation does not proceed without resistance, as Bowden
points out. In his opening chapter, Hick himself reviews the explosion that
erupted following the publication in 1977 of The Myth of God Incarnate, a
volume of essays by leading New Testament scholars and theologians, of which
he was one. “Thundering sermons and clerical pronouncements,” along with
articles in the British press called for the Anglicans among the authors to resign
their orders, and publication of a flurry of conservative retorts erected a wall of
opposition to the insights and implications as they were articulated in The Myth
of God Incarnate. From the tenor of the responses, one would have thought
nothing in the church’s understanding had been affected in spite of two hundred
years of intensive research and discussion. While the results of the historicalcritical study of the Bible had gained some acceptance, there obviously remained
a formidable barrier to the same kind of investigation of the historical process
that transformed Jesus of Nazareth into the ontological Son of God, second
person of the Trinity, in the credal development of the fourth and fifth centuries.
Hick addresses the third element of the doctrinal triad he contends needs
revisioning, the understanding of the death of Jesus as an atoning sacrifice. He
traces the history of the development of the doctrine, pointing out the cultural
contexts that influenced the respective theories over the centuries. Then he asks,
as in the case with other doctrines, what was the original experience out of which
atonement theory arose, for it is that same gracious, liberating experience that we
seek in our day.
Rejecting the idea of an objective justice requiring punishment for wrongdoing, a
moral law that God can and must satisfy by punishing the innocent in place of the
guilty, Hick searches for a way to express the idea of atonement in the broad
sense, in the etymological meaning of at-one-ment becoming one with God—not
ontologically but, rather, being in right relationship with God, being in a state of
salvation. He points to Eastern Orthodoxy as a valuable source for understanding
with its idea of restoration to the divine image, salvation as a process of
transformation.
In such a view, “Jesus’ death was a piece with his life, expressing a total integrity
in his self-giving to God; and his cross continues to inspire and challenge on a
level that does not involve the atonement theories developed by the Churches.”
With such an understanding of the death of Jesus, Hick is able to find similar
meanings of salvation in other religious faiths. Thus he contends,
these different conceptions of salvation are specifications of what, in a
generic formula, is the transformation of human existence from selfcenteredness to a new orientation centered in the divine Reality....
The great world religions, then, are ways of salvation. Each claims to
constitute an effective context within which the transformation of human
existence can and does take place from self-centeredness to Realitycenteredness. (136)

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With such a perspective, genuine interreligious dialogue can begin. It will become
an empirical process of seeking to discover the fruits of the respective religions in
human life. The alternative to such a stance is to bring to the discussion an
understanding of atonement that necessitates a Christian absolutism of the
exclusivist variety—that outside of the knowledge of and faith in Jesus Christ, his
death and resurrection, salvation is not possible, or, an inclusivist view that
salvation is only through Christ but explicit knowledge and trust are not
necessary to receive the benefits of his death and resurrection.
The ranks of the exclusivists are thinning. Evangelicals are increasingly trying to
find a broader arena for God’s saving embrace. Clark Pinnock’s A Wideness in
God’s Mercy: The Finality of Jesus Christ in a World of Religions and John
Sanders’s No Other Name: An Investigation into the Destiny of the
Unevangelized attempt this, although they thread a tortuous way because they
have not yet shed an earlier view of biblical authority nor questioned the core
Christological formulation.
Schubert Ogden suggests an alternative to Hick. In a 1993 address at the Divinity
School in Chicago, he argued against the pluralists’ claim as well as rejecting the
claims of exclusivists and inclusivists alike. But in his approach there is also a revisioning of the classical Christological formulations in which salvation is
constituted through Jesus Christ alone. Rather than a constitutive Christology,
Ogden argues for a representative Christology. In this view, the Christ event
represents the claim that “salvation has always already been constituted by what
Christians are wont to think and speak of as the primordial and everlasting love
of God.” Whether and where that love of God might elsewhere be represented is
to be determined in the discussion without prior commitment to exclusivism,
inclusivism, or pluralism. One simply enters the dialogue open to the truth claim
of the other.
My intention is not to advocate Hick or Ogden or any other thinker who is
addressing the matter of interreligious dialogue. Rather, I wish to point to the
necessity of honestly drawing out the consequences of the recognition that human grasp of the truth develops, evolves, and needs ongoing assessment and
adjustment—and sometimes conceptions need to be rejected. By use of historical
imagination the originating experience that gave rise to a theological formulation
needs to be recovered in order to express the same reality differently, in order to
make the experience available in a totally different cultural context.
Rather than seeing this as a burden, a cause for fear and defensiveness, it should
be seen as an exciting challenge. Is not such a pursuit of the truth to love God
with mind as well as heart? And is not the recognition that every biblical and
theological expression is marked by the human and historical limitations that
adhere to all human thought the reason there is need for continual reformation?
To be Reformed is not to be in possession of a set of timeless and eternal truths
but, rather, to refuse to absolutize any human arrangement or formulation. It is

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not to be saddled with a set of truths that were once new, innovative, and
destabilizing of the established order of the sixteenth century, or the first century.
It is an approach, a spirit, a posture that is open to new knowledge, fresh insight,
and cumulative human experience within historical development.
The church has managed to spend the century in a state of schizophrenia,
pursuing research in the academy and sharing the results in the lecture hall,
while the liturgy, prayers, hymns, and sermons have given little evidence of the
honest engagement with insights of the modern period.
My mentor, Hendrikus Berkhof, claimed the only heresy was to make the gospel
boring. I would add another—the heresy of orthodoxy, the evidence of a failure of
nerve and lack of trust in the living God. It is the heresy of an inordinate lust for
certitude that seeks premature closure, the shutting down of the quest for truth
and growth of knowledge in the magnificent and mysterious cosmos by the creatures whom the Creator calls to consciousness and embraces in a grace that
pervades the unfolding cosmic process.
References:
John Stephen Bowden. Jesus: The Unanswered Questions. Abingdon Press,
1989.
F.C. Burkitt, Preface to The Quest of the Historical Jesus by Albert Schweitzer.
Dover Publications, Dover Ed edition, 2005.
John Hick. The Metaphor of God Incarnate: Christology in a Pluralistic Age
(Second edition). Westminster John Knox Press, 2nd edition, 2006.
Ernst Troeltsch. Die Bedeutung der Geschichtlichkeit Jesu für den Glauben.

© Grand Valley State University

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