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                    <text>ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW
ZENA SMITH
Born: 1926 in Birmingham, England
Resides: Grand Rapids, Michigan
Interviewed by: James Smither PhD, GVSU Veterans History Project
Transcribed by: Claire Herhold, January 14, 2013
Interviewer: Can you start with some background on yourself? To begin with, where and
when were you born?
Well, I was born in 1926 in Birmingham, England and I was just thirteen years of age when the
war started in 1939.
Interviewer: At this time, what did your family do for a living?
My father was a licensed victualler. Now that is a big term that he ran a public house, a big term
for cook. Mother helped him, and we lived there…I lived there from the time I was about eight
until I got married at nineteen. 1:03
Interviewer: And how many children were in the family?
I have one sister and one brother, yes. I’m the only one left of the family.
Interviewer: At that time, did your father make a good enough living to be able to keep his
business and so you had enough food and all that kind of thing?
Yes, yes, he was paid by a brewery, a big brewery in England, had several pubs.
Interviewer: Before the war actually started, before Hitler invades Poland, you’re pretty
young. Were you paying any attention to the news of the world? Had you heard about
Germany or the Nazis?
Of course, of course, yes. We knew that…I remember when our Prime Minister of the time was
Neville Chamberlain. 2:01 He was a Birmingham man, and he went over to talk to Hitler. This
was the year before. Well, we knew war was on the horizon and when he came back, I always

�remember his speech. In his speech he said, “out of the nettle, we have plucked the nettle
danger.” And still being in school, we had to write an essay on that. That’s how I remember.
Interviewer: Do you remember what the popular reaction to that was? Or your parents’
reaction?
No, we knew it was just a time to prepare.
Interviewer: So he said he had established peace in our time, but you didn’t believe him?
No one did. No, we started, you know, preparing for war. 3:01
Interviewer: Once war actually started, did that change at all the way you were living or
what people in your community were doing?
Certainly, yes, because as soon as the war started, I’m from Birmingham, which is very
industrial, and we got the first raids, so naturally everything changed. We were all issued a gas
mask and had to carry it at all times, and we all got an ID number. I still remember mine,
QBDE584. Now, the 4 was because I was the fourth one in the family. Do you remember your
ID number, Dora?
Dora, offscreen: Yes, WEKN4…I can’t remember, I’ve got it written down. 4:06
Interviewer: Did you have a lot of men from the community now joining the military and
leaving, or were a lot of the men already?
Yes, you know, they called them up right away, the eligible ones. Because I was thirteen at the
time and still in school, I do remember that I had a friend who had an auntie in Canada and she
offered to take her niece and her friend for the duration of the war. Well, I was going to be
evacuated to Canada. However, just before we went to go, the Germans torpedoed a hospital
ship, and they weren’t supposed to, so that put an end to that, you know. 5:02 That was
something.

�Interviewer: Do you remember following the news at the beginning of the war? Because
the Germans go into Norway and then they go into France and Belgium and the
Netherlands, then the British are involved.
They didn’t hold out like we did.
Interviewer: As General de Gaulle put it, you had a very nice anti-tank ditch.
We always thought France let us down, at least that’s my opinion or what I heard, I mean.
Interviewer: That’s what people thought at the time, or how you thought about it?
Yes.
Interviewer: Did you follow, were you paying attention when the Dunkirk evacuation went
on? Was that something that was in the news?
Oh yes, certainly we knew. Yes. That was very sad, really.
Interviewer: Did you expect that the Germans would just come and try to invade after
that? 6:00
Yes, and I was very scared because the Germans wanted to, they said they’d get all the English
girls with fair skin and blue eyes. Right? Well, my friend had red hair and brown eyes and she’d
always lord that over me, you know. However, that never happened. So that was something.
Interviewer: Can you talk a little bit about the German bombing raids and so forth? What
do you remember about those?
I remember so much about it, but I remember one night in particular. It was 1942 and I was in
hospital with diphtheria, and they didn’t know whether to put me in the children’s ward or the
grown-ups’. Well, I went into the adult ward. 7:01 And this particular night all we had, when
you have diphtheria, you have to be a flat patient, lay down, and we had our gas masks at the
side of the bed, and we weren’t supposed to move. Well, anyway, being an isolation hospital, it

�was on its own grounds and a bomb fell, probably, well, just outside. The windows went,
shrapnel all over the bed, and it was a terrible night. Panic, screaming, and that’s what I…that
was my worst night of the air raids. It might not have been the worst air raid, but it was for me.
Interviewer: That was the closest you got to being hit?
Yes.
Interviewer: Did you get hurt by the flying glass at all? 8:01
No, we got under our blankets and prayed. That was it.
Interviewer: They didn’t try to move you down into a cellar or anything like that?
Oh no, no. We were there, and next morning…I don’t know why I never took any shrapnel with
me, because my bed was full of it, and you know, for a sixteen year old, that was bad.
Interviewer: How long were you in the hospital?
I was in eight weeks. The thing of it was, I’d just started dating a young boy. I worked in an
office at sixteen, and he did too, and I caught diphtheria off him, because he went to hospital and
my mother didn’t know who I was going out with or what at that age. Well, anyway, one of the
ladies from the office came to visit my mother, and she said, “you know, your Zena’s been going
out with a boy who’s been taken to hospital with diphtheria.” 9:13 My mum said, “that’s funny,
Zena’s not well. She’s in bed with a bad throat. And the doctor’s coming tomorrow.” Well,
when he came he said, “it’s diphth, you’ve got to go away.” And I said, I don’t want to go to
hospital. And I’ll always remember what he said and I think it was disgusting. He said, “if you
don’t go, you’ll be dead by Saturday.” What kind of a professional was he? ‘Cause I’ve never
forgotten it.
Interviewer: Not very good bedside manner by modern standards.

�Doctor Kirk was his name, I remember. So anyway, I was in eight weeks, but my friend was in
ten weeks. 10:00
Interviewer: Did they actually have medication for it? Was there real treatment they could
give you?
All I remember is they gave me shot in the rear end and they said, “don’t move.” And I didn’t
move for about a week, and, no, there wasn’t anything. And then after six weeks I was allowed a
pillow and could sit up in bed, and then at seven weeks…and I got out in eight weeks, and after a
month at home I went back to the office.
Interviewer: How long a period do you think it was that bombing raids would happen?
Was it just for a few months or was it over a couple years?
Oh no, it was more than that, because Birmingham got, I think, by 1940 we had our first raid.
’41, ’42, ’43. Maybe. 11:03
Interviewer: When you were at home, as opposed to the hospital, what would you do if the
air raid sirens went off?
Well, at first we’d go down the cellar, and then if you were in bed, of course, you’d go down the
cellar. But in the end, you were so used to them, you’d carry on. And I remember once we had a
daylight raid, and I was at work, and we always kept our files down below. We thought it was
great, actually. We all went down, our whole office went down in the basement. And it was our
first daylight raid, actually. So that was another experience. 12:01 But, you know, working in
an office and being that age, you were in a dance craze, and we used to dance. We used to
pretend we’d go to go look up a file, and we’d be practicing our dance steps down the stairs, you
know.
Interviewer: How long did you go to school, then?

�Well, at that time, you graduated from a public school at fourteen and went to work. Well,
higher education…my granddad wanted to put me to a trade, but the war stopped everything, you
know, and I went to work in an office and I took up typing and shorthand.
Interviewer: What kind of office was it? What business were they?
Oh well, now that’s another story. 13:00 We made tanks for the North African desert war, and at
that time, Vice - I don’t know what he is now, but General Montgomery came because he was
involved, and Churchill came, and we had lots of excitement. And then during our lunch hours,
once a week, we had a dance put on, we had entertainment, we had a church service another day,
so it was kind of fun in a way, you know. And you just got used to it.
Interviewer: Was this in the downtown, center of the city, or was this outside of the city, the
factory?
No, it was right in Birmingham itself. 14:00 We were a few miles from the center of the city.
You had to take a tram. And once we heard…now I’d never seen a black person, and I was
seventeen, and we heard that a black contingent of black Americans were going to be on parade
in Birmingham. Well, everybody went uptown to see them and we were cheering. We thought it
was great seeing all these black people, you know. So I never grew up with prejudice like here,
and I had my thoughts on that when I came over, because there was still a lot of prejudice in
1946.
Interviewer: Do you remember when the first Americans came to town, did that attract
any attention?
Yes, my father said, “I better not catch you going out with the Yankees.” 15:05 But who listens
to your parents at that age?

�Interviewer: Tell me a little bit about the daily life there during the war. This was a period
where you had rationing and various kinds of restrictions and things.
Oh yes. We had very hard rationing. One egg a month at one time. And was it two ounces of
sugar? Two ounces of sugar, and butter, and of course meat. My mother catered to lunches,
though, for the factories around. We had several businessmen who would come for a lunch, and
she did get extra coupons, so we weren’t as bad as the average English person. 16:00
Interviewer: Did your father’s public house, did they serve food there too, or just beer?
We always served bread and cheese, and pickled onions, and my mother put on the lunches for
the five days a week.
Interviewer: So you had at least a little bit more access to supplies and food than a regular
family would.
Yes, exactly. Exactly, yes.
Interviewer: Was there any kind of black market trade going on at the time? Could one
get things if you knew the right people?
Yeah, they used to come to us for brandy and whiskey ‘cause we were limited and, in exchange
for maybe eggs or something, you know.
Interviewer: And was this just regular people you knew in the neighborhood? You’d just
trade what you had?
Oh yes. And when I was in hospital the local people would get eggs and I was lucky, I would
get nearly an egg a day in hospital and then the Sister said, “Zena, how would you like to share
your eggs?” 17:09 I said, “sure.” You know, so there you go.
Interviewer: How was it that you wound up meeting your future husband?
Beg pardon?

�Interviewer: How did you meet your husband?
Well, let me see. I had a date the night before with another American and he never showed up.
So his, I can’t remember his last name, but I liked him because he had a nice accent because he
was from North Carolina, name of Bruce. Well, he was at the camp, the estate, and my sister and
I, we went riding. I said, “Let’s go up to Packington.” 18:00 Well we got on the outside of the
camp, and there was my husband, Ken, sorting through a bunch of bicycles, bicycles, bicycles.
And so, we said hello, and I said “do you know of this Bruce?” and he said, “Oh, they shipped
out this morning and we shipped in.” And so I said, “Oh that was the reason.” Anyway, he said
“where am I?” I said, “Well, you’re between Birmingham and Coventry.” I said, “where have
you come from?” He said, “Norwich.” And, he said “Well, what’s the nearest village?” And I
told him, Coleshill. He said, “Do you mind if I cycle back with you and see where I am?” you
know. So he did, and then he asked me for a date. And then I said, “Well, I only go out in a
foursome.” 19:04 I didn’t really, but I said that. And I took a friend and we had a foursome.
And that’s how it started. I dated him for a year before we were married.
Interviewer: What did your parents think of all this?
They didn’t like it. They did not like it. They met Ken and he wasn’t used to the life I was used
to, people all around and concerts at the weekend at the pub and dog shows at the pub and
barmaids and barmen and everything and Ken was a teetotaler. Just a little Michigan country
boy. But anyway, they would say, “he’s too quiet for you.” But he wasn’t in the end. 20:02 We
had a nice life.
Interviewer: I suppose on the positive side he didn’t bring in any bad habits.
He didn’t?
Interviewer: Yeah.

�No, no, no.
Interviewer: It could have been worse.
Yeah.
Interviewer: What kind of assignment did he have? What was his job in the war?
Well, he didn’t talk too much about it, but I do know that he was an assistant when they did
autopsies on the bodies, and they’d weigh the parts, and…that was it. And checking the soldiers
in and out and stocking.
Interviewer: Tell us a little bit about the facility where he was working, because you told
me about that off-camera, but where was he working?
Well, he was working on the estate. 21:03 It was a hospital.
Interviewer: Right, but you had explained that to me off-camera, but for somebody
watching the interview right now is not going to know what you’re talking about, so what
was the name of the estate? What was it like?
The estate was called Packington Park. And it became a hospital and after the war it became a
convention and country club and a golf course. I have been there since many times.
Interviewer: So it’s basically one of these old noblemen’s country estates? Do you have any
idea of how old it was or when it was built?
Oh no. It was old.
Interviewer: Are there particular things that happened during the course of the war that
kind of stand out in your memory? Can you think back to what it was like to live back
there in those days? What do you think about? 22:06
Well, I think we all agree that it wasn’t as bad as we thought, you know, because you’re young
and you’re dating and you go to the pictures a lot and in the end, when the siren went you’d just

�stay there. You didn’t rush, you know. We missed out on a lot, like here you go to formals and
dances and get dressed up. We had none of that because of the rationing, and when I got married
I had no coupons. Nobody in the family did, but some girl I didn’t even know, she was the
neighbor of a friend, she loaned me her dress, and then I thought, “well, what kind of shoes?
I’ve got no coupons.” 23:07 It’s kind of funny, but I had a pair of red tap shoes. So what did I
do? I painted them, I bought ribbons for the laces, and I walked down the aisle in my tap shoes.
And then I thought, “I wonder if when I kneel down, if they’ll see the taps?” I never knew, but
that’s how I got married, and you’ll see on that picture I have. Well, anyway.
Interviewer: Did you have things like a wedding cake? Or the kinds of things Americans
do?
Oh yes, the camp. I had a double wedding. My friend, she married an American.
Unfortunately, he was a rotter. But anyway, she never did come here. But the camp made us a
great big cake. 24:00 We were all delighted because we were rationed, and they brought the
cake to the reception, and it had butter frosting I remember. It was great.
Interviewer: When was it exactly that you got married?
I got married August 1st, 1945, just before the end of the war. But all my teenage years, 13 to 19
was wartime.
Interviewer: How long did you say you dated your husband before you got married?
A year.
Interviewer: That was a year. During that time, was he able to kind of bring anything to
give to your family? Stuff that Americans could get that English couldn’t?
I got lots of candy, some I liked, some I didn’t. No, he didn’t bring much foodstuff.
Interviewer: He probably didn’t have the right job for that.

�Probably not, no. 25:00
Interviewer: How long did you stay in England after you got married?
Well, we got married in August and Ken left three weeks later, and then I came over in the
March of ’46, March the 20th.
Interviewer: What kind of process did you have to go through to be able to come over as a
war bride?
Well, in order to get married we had to go and see the captain of the base, and then the
paperwork started, and then to our surprise, we got a check every month which was nice, from
the government. And they made all the arrangements, and I was due to come over on a small
ship, the Argentina. 26:03 However, I don’t know what happened, but they transferred me to the
Queen Mary. And when we left England in March, I mean it was green and spring was almost
there, and the lambs were born. And I couldn’t believe my eyes when we got to New York, they
put us on a train to Michigan. There was no green, there was no thatched cottages, there was no
lambs in the field, and we were all…we thought we were coming to the same type of scenery,
you know. And it was kind of a shock.
Interviewer: What was the trip on the Queen Mary like?
I was sick every day. It was a terrible March, and they had to put a … they had to stabilize it
afterwards and put a girder on the one side to stabilize it, but all…Everybody was bad. 27:15
Couldn’t enjoy it. We lived on apples and crackers, so that was that. But since then I was on the
Mary a couple of times and saw the beauty of it.
Interviewer: I’m sure it’s much nicer in better weather.
Yes, yes.
Interviewer: Was this boat full of war brides or was it just a regular passenger trip?

�No, it was all war brides, war brides. And before we boarded the ship at Southampton, we had to
go to a camp for a few days, and I hated that. And our first meal was creamed corn, which we’d
never had, and a wiener, which we all hated it. 28:06 I mean to say. And ew, we couldn’t eat it.
But anyway.
Interviewer: American military chow, that’s what they call that.
I remember that. None of the girls enjoyed that, but I like creamed corn now and I love hot dogs,
so you get used to things.
Interviewer: Sure. What was it like, when you actually got out to Michigan and you
realized you were in the Arctic or some place, but then you met your husband’s family?
How did that go?
Well, I came to Lansing. That’s where I had to come. But his folks lived in Boyne City, so it
was a week or so that we went to meet them, and it was not what I expected. 29:03 They were
very nice and Ken had put on sixty pounds from the time I’d last saw him in England to over
here. And I saw him in not a uniform, I’d never seen him in civilian clothes. Well, anyway, we
eventually found an apartment, and I got a job and Ken was working at the Oldsmobile and then
he went to school on the GI Bill in the fall, and then that’s where he got his education, from
Michigan State.
Interviewer: And what kind of work did he go into?
He’s a…he was a microbiologist, yes. 30:00
Interviewer: And did he work for a chemical company or a university?
No, he worked for the State of Michigan. And also, though, he was a pharmaceutical rep at one
point because they made more money, but then the state paid better.
Interviewer: What was the hardest thing about making a life for yourself here in the U.S.?

�It was a big adjustment, and we didn’t have children for a long time. Well, all I could think
about was going home and saving to go home. And I was lucky I went home within two years,
because I got in at the Oldsmobile in the office and had a good job, and so I went home in ’48.
31:07 And I’ve been one of the lucky ones, I had 31 visits home. Ken went home. He loved
England and he loved history. And our children have been and now Christopher has been and
taken his boys. They’ve seen the bluebell woods and our life there. Yes, but then once…let me
see, I’m trying to think…In 1968 we were all went back, we sold up and went back. Ken was
offered a job and we went. However, it lasted 6, 7 months and we were back to Grand Rapids.
32:04 And his old boss, Dr. Eldering, she was a famous lady. You mean you…?
Interviewer: I know who she is.
Well, she invented pertussis for whooping cough. Well, she got Ken…she didn’t have anything
there, but she got Ken in at Blodgett, and he had a job to come back to. But then when there was
a job open at the state, he went back for them.
Interviewer: Did the job in England just not work out or…?
Well, he liked the job. We loved where we lived on the South coast, but we were living off our
savings and we had a ten year old son who was very unhappy, crying and he couldn’t adjust.
33:01 My five year old, he didn’t care and anyway… I think Ken thought he wasn’t going to
work as hard, but they had him teaching in Exeter once or twice a week. They had him on call,
and little pay. But then when we came back, all the hospital workers went on strike and they
doubled the wages and we went back and visited the hospital the next time we went. And when
Ken was interviewed for this job, there was a gentleman from Oxford that was interviewed with
him and two others, but he got the job, and he said, “Ken you should never have left. We’re

�making beaucoup money now.” 34:00 But we came back and I was finally happy and satisfied
and life was good.
Interviewer: Now probably after I turn off the camera you will think of some other thing
you remember particularly about life there during the war, but…
I probably shall, yes.
Interviewer: But that is how it works, so in the meantime I’ll just thank you for taking the
time to tell me your story today.
You’re welcome.

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                    <text>Waterfront District Master Plan
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

I.

�TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................................................... 1
COMMUNITY AND SITE INVESTIGATION................................................................................................... 1
Region and District ..................................................................................................................................................... 1
Marina Site ..................................................................................................................................................................... 2
Goals and Objectives .................................................................................................................................................. 3
Public Design Preferences ........................................................................................................................................ 4
ALTERNATIVES CONSIDERED ........................................................................................................................... 5
Waterfront District ...................................................................................................................................................... 5
Township Marina Site ................................................................................................................................................ 6
RECOMMENDED PLAN ........................................................................................................................................... 7
District Improvements Framework Plan.............................................................................................................. 7
Marina Master Plan..................................................................................................................................................... 8
IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGY ....................................................................................................................... 10
Key Ideas for Moving Forward .............................................................................................................................. 11
Potential Funding Sources...................................................................................................................................... 12
Specific Next Steps ................................................................................................................................................... 14

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Land Use
Figure 2: Access Management and Right-of-Way Improvements
Figure 3: Natural Features
Figure 4: Public Design Preferences #1
Figure 5: Public Design Preference #2
Figure 6: Public Design Preference #3
Figure 7: Public Design Preference #4
Figure 8: Public Design Preference #5
Figure 9: Public Design Preference #6
Figure 10: Waterfront District Plan Alternative A
Figure 11: Waterfront District Plan Alternative B
Figure 12: Waterfront District Plan Alternative C
Figure 13: Marina Concept Alternative A
Figure 14: Marina Concept Alternative B
Figure 15: Marina Concept Alternative C
Figure 16: Framework Plan
Figure 17: Marina Improvement Preferred Plan P1
Figure 18: Marina Improvement Preferred Plan P2
Figure 19: District Improvements Framework Plan
Figure 20: Marina Master Plan
Figure 21: Marina Plan Suggested First Phase

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012
INTRODUCTION
In the fall of 2011 the Elwood Township board selected JJR, a site planning and engineering firm specializing
in waterfront redevelopment and community planning, to prepare a plan for the M-22 waterfront corridor
through Elmwood, an area referred to as Greilickville.
The planning effort had two primary objectives:
•

•

Examine the waterfront highway corridor and develop a set of recommendations to transform the
area by encouraging new development, improving pedestrian safety, and creating a more village like
atmosphere for the area.
Prepare a site plan for the township marina property along M-22 that illustrates improvements to
boater facilities, clearer use patterns for visitors and boaters, and integration of the facilities into the
adjacent park and community.

The planning team hosted a number of workshops with community members and local stakeholders to solicit
input into the needs and priorities for the area. Initial meetings in late September 2011 focused on
developing a comprehensive list of goals and objectives for the project area, identifying the program elements
that need to be included on the marina site and overall district, and gaining an understanding of community
preferences as to the desired character of the area once the improvements are made. Based on the results of
these workshops a series of alternative concept plans were prepared at the district-wide scale, as well for the
marina site, and these planning alternatives were the subject of a second series of meetings and workshops
where participants were asked to identify preferred ideas and plan elements.
Based on the results of these workshops the consultant team refined the plans for the marina site and overall
district into a comprehensive plan for improving the corridor. The resulting plan outlines specific
improvement recommendations and provides a strategy for funding and building the vision established by the
community.

COMMUNITY AND SITE INVESTIGATION
Region and District
Elmwood Township is located on the west arm of the Grand Traverse Bay at the base of the Leelanau
Peninsula. Immediately south of the Township is Traverse City, and M-22 connects the Township to the city
to the south and upper Leelanau Peninsula to the north. Elmwood Township is both a year round
residential community (with 4,267 residents according to the 2000 U.S. Census) and a tourism focused
destination that experiences a large number of visitors to the area during the summer months.
M-22 is the primary transportation thoroughfare in the Township and along the route the majority of the
local commercial enterprises are located. The commercial portion of the route south of Cherry Bend Road,
and the residential areas immediately surrounding it, are historical known as Greilickville, so named after
Godfrey Greilick who established a saw mill in the area in the 1850’s. The population of Greilickville is 1,915
people according to the 2000 U.S. Census, or about 45 percent of the total Township population.
Page 1 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

The M-22 corridor from the southern Township boundary north to Cherry Bend Road is approximately one
mile in length. Land uses along this stretch of the road include small commercial enterprises developed in a
suburban style of land use, independent restaurants, industrial producers of fuel, offices, non-profit
organizations, private and public marinas and public open space and parks. Most of the development in the
corridor is concentrated on the west side of the road, and much of the east side of the road is open to the
bay. A Land Use Plan (Figure 1) was prepared to illustrate the land use patterns, and also highlights
underutilized parcels of land which represent “Corridor Opportunities” which demonstrate the potential for
redevelopment.
The pattern of development experience along the corridor has resulted in a large number of curb cuts or
entry drives into local businesses. The curb cuts, in conjunction with limited and unappealing sidewalk
facilities, limited signalized intersections and high rates of travel on the road (posted speed is 45 miles per
hour) has resulted in a corridor that is not particularly pedestrian friendly both for pedestrians travelling
parallel to the road and for those crossing it. The rights-of-way along the road vary in width considerably
along the corridor, complicating the development of consistent road design improvements. This study
considered the attributes of the road and adjacent land uses and proposed a series of potential access
management and right-of-way improvements (refer to Figure 2) and these ideas formed the final design and
recommendations.
The road corridor is crossed by a number of small streams which hydrologically connect the large wetland
system west of the corridor to the bay. These streams, wetlands and contiguous wood lots are valuable
environmental assets, and are illustrated on Figure 3. The streams and wetlands pose a regulatory challenge
for development in the area, but their function in providing habitat and maintaining water quality of the bay
cannot be overstated.
Marina Site
The initial investigations also included a more detailed look at the condition and function of the existing
township marina, located at the northern part of the waterfront district. Some of the key observations
include:
•

•
•
•
•
•
•

The boat launch is a valuable part of the marina, and it experiences peak demand in the summer
months (e.g., on weekends and during the Cherry Festival) which result in traffic backing up onto
M-22.
Parking for boat trailers is generally adequate, except at the peak demand times.
Parking for slip renters and their guests is not adequate.
The adjacent township park was recently renovated and is an asset to the community and to the
marina site.
There is not enough area on the land side for boater activities.
The existing building facilities are disjointed in character and do not have a waterfront character.
Maintaining vehicular connections to the development site to the north for office users and
emergency vehicles is important.

Page 2 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

•

The open water near the ramp is important to maintain as space for boats to wait for the ramp to be
available.

Goals and Objectives
As part of the participatory planning process, community members were asked to assist in the preparation of
the goals and objectives for the waterfront district and the project site. These goals and objectives include:
A. PRESERVE VALUABLE ASSETS OF THE AREA
• Water quality/stream corridors/natural resources
• Discovery Center/cultural assets
• Marina/boat launch/park
• Deep water harbor/tall ships
• Area history
• Nighttime peace
B. ENHANCE PUBLIC ACCESS TO THE WATER
• Views of water
• Connected waterfront promenade
• Fishing pier at marina or park
• Access along break water
• Access for non-motorized boaters
• Bicycle parking along water
C. IMPROVE CONNECTION AND SAFETY FOR VEHICLES AND PEDESTRIANS
• Pedestrian crossing of M-22
• Path along M-22 (north-south)
• Link to key assets and TART Trail
• Curb cut management
• Intersection upgrades (signals, roundabouts)
• Shared access drive
D. IMPROVE THE EXPERIENCE AT THE MARINA
• New harbormaster and marina day use facilities
• Clear circulation into/through marina
• Courtesy dock for visitor’s dinghies
• Enhance picnic/use areas
• Bicycle parking
• Fish cleaning station
• Shared parking opportunities, including off-site parking for overflow boat trailers
Page 3 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

•
•

Improve entrance drives
Provide for boat crane/haul out

E. CREATE A WATERFRONT DESTINATION AND BRAND
• 365-day experience
• Architecture/streetscape/landscape character
• Range of water/land based uses
• Linked, compelling, cohesive experience
• Interpretative opportunities
Public Design Preferences
During the public workshops a series of six graphic boards were presented (refer to Figures 4,5,6,7,8 and 9),
each filled with images and sketches of other projects which the design team has been involved. Meeting
participants were encouraged to express their preferences and dislikes and their input guided the development
of the Waterfront District Plan and Marina Improvement Plan.
Some of the key observations from this exercise include:
•
•
•
•
•

•
•

•

There is particular support for improving the crossing of M-22 for pedestrians through the
use of islands, special paving, lighting, and landscaping.
The streetscape design for M-22 must have an “up-north” character, and not repeat design
themes and ideas more appropriate to larger cities in the south.
Support was noted for installing new interpretive learning displays and improved signage and
banner systems.
Participants liked the idea of art in the district, and preferred that such art reflect a
waterfront theme.
There was discussion related to how the district identifies itself - Elmwood Township or
Greilickville. There appeared to be some preference for identifying the district as Elmwood
Township, but not complete consensus. Participants did like the Township signage program
and discussed expanding the system to cover more of the public amenities of the district.
Participants advocated for public access to the water as a promenade at the marina, and
more direct contact at the park.
People like the existing park buildings, and indicated that new facilities should not appear
too urban. Activities for families and children along the waterfront were supported, but
should not include management intensive, high activity uses like interactive water features or
carousels.
An outdoor performance space along the water was supported, though a concern was raised
about the noise levels generated by the highway.

Page 4 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

•

•
•

•

Strong support was expressed for a fish cleaning station, but given the hours of fishing and
the noise and odors, it was suggested that such a facility should not be too close to the boat
docks.
The marina building should be designed for flexible use, including use during the off-season
for other community purposes, and should be two stories in height.
The use of the waterfront was discussed and there is a desire to support the tall ships in the
district, and support for the idea of bike rentals along the waterfront, as well as a place to
display large fresh fish catches. Participants were not supportive of new buildings being
developed on the east side of M-22.
There is a desire to build a walk along the south breakwater (or other ways to access the
water), improve the water’s edge in the marina, and maintain a more low key character in the
marina site improvements. For example, the community would prefer to avoid industrial
looking steel railings along the water and use a simple design, perhaps of wood. The
waterfront edge should integrate better treatment of stormwater and have improved lighting,
though the lighting may be low level bollards as opposed to decorative street lights.

The site investigations, goals and objectives, and community preferences and ideas combined to give shape
the planning and design efforts that are described in the following sections of this report.

ALTERNATIVES CONSIDERED
To address the issues identified in earlier parts of the study, and incorporate the program elements the
community would like to have in their waterfront, the planning team prepared three alternative concept plans
for the entire district (Figures 10, 11, and 12), and three alternative concept plans for the Township marina
site (Figures 13, 14, and 15). While there is some compatibility between a particular district plan with a
specific marina plan, the plans for district scale could be matched with any of the plans from the marina scale.
Waterfront District
At the district scale, each plan reflects the basic framework of the corridor (refer to Figure 16) and considers
variations on the following:
1. Improving the M-22 Right-of-Way to insure traffic flow while improving non-motorized access and
use.
2. Encouraging redevelopment of key parcels over the long term, with a deliberate focus on using the
placement, shape, and character of buildings to create a walkable village atmosphere.
3. Developing parking strategies for shared parking to handle marina and boat launch overflow.
4. Realigning local roads and access to the marina site, in concert with improving pedestrian crossing of
M-22.
5. Improving connectivity in the district, across the highway, and to the TART trail for pedestrians and
bicyclists. Create loops off of non-motorized trails and greenways for interpretive and educational
opportunities.
Page 5 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

6. Encouraging stewardship of environmental assets.
7. Rearranging the street grid and highway design to reduce the number of curb cuts and improve
access management along M-22.
Alternative A: Leaves the existing road network largely intact and adds a new secondary street parallel to M22. The front door of new development could then be on the internal road network, with a high image
façade remaining along M-22. The secondary street would allow for circulation within the Waterfront
District with less dependence on M-22, reducing the conflicts associated with local traffic movements within
the district. This secondary street could link to the Discovery Center Great Lakes parcel, and could extend
further south before linking back to M-22.
Alternative B: Reroutes Grandview Drive into and through the Brewery Creek development property, such
that its intersection with M-22 is aligned with the entry into Greilickville Park. The focus of new
development would be on the area immediately north and south of Brewery Creek, and links new
development to the Discovery Center Great Lakes parcel.
Alternative C: Also reroutes Grandview Drive, but aligns it to the north of Brewery Creek for a stronger
link to the Township marina site. This alternative illustrates development more closely tied to M-22, with
fewer internal drives that parallel the highways function.
The Brewery Creek development site provides some opportunities for temporary uses of the site that could
benefit the Township and existing corridor businesses while long term redevelopment plans are prepared for
improved real estate market conditions. Temporary uses supported by the community include shared parking
to support the Township marina and boat launch, and a multi-purpose area for Township activities such as
artisan markets or winter festivals.
Township Marina Site
A companion set of alternatives was prepared to address specific improvements to the Township marina site.
While any of the marina site alternatives could be matched up with any of the district wide alternatives, there
is clear compatibility between the alternatives from each scale; for example, the district wide Alternative A
lines up key intersections of M-22 and side roads with the proposed marina site entry on the marina site
Alternative A. At this level of planning the marina site alternatives broadly illustrate different locations and
configurations of site entries, internal roads and parking spaces, building locations and boat launch lanes.
Each of the marina alternatives include a primary marina facilities building, a fish cleaning station, linkages to
a fishing pier along the existing breakwater, protection and enhancement of the Brewery Creek corridor, and
dock for day visitors. Distinctions between the alternatives can be described as follows:
Alternative A: Enters the site at the existing location of the intersection of M-22 and Grandview Drive.
Boats and trailers then move to the north toward a relocated set of boat launce lanes. The primary marina
facilities building is located at the center of the site near the northernmost dock, and a separate fish cleaning
station is located closer to the ramp.

Page 6 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

Alternative B: Connects the marina site to Graelickville Park based on the idea of rerouting Grandview
Drive through the Brewery Creek site and installing a signal at the improved intersection. The boat launch
would remain in its existing location, and a new marina building would be located at the south eastern corner
of the marina site.
Alternative C: creates a new entry location to line up with a new Grandview Drive street alignment that
parallels Brewery Creek, just immediately to its north. This entry road location allows for the separation of
slip renter parking from trailer parking, and also locates the marina building at the southeast corner of the
site.
The Waterfront District and Township Marina site alternatives were presented in a public forum, as well as in
focus group meetings, and reviews with the Michigan Department of Transportation (MDOT). The input
gathered from these meetings directly influenced the further development of the plans. Two versions of a
final plan (Figures 17 and 18) were prepared for review with the Township Marina Committee to solicit
further input during the final planning stages.

RECOMMENDED PLAN
As with most design processes, the plan that results from a review of the alternatives presented includes a
combination of ideas from each. The recommended plan is a result of planning and design refinement and
responds to public input and discussion.
The purpose of the recommended plan is to set a direction for the development of the Waterfront District
corridor, and to identify key improvements to the township marina site. The Implementation section of this
report outlines critical next steps to move toward construction of the recommendations, and further
refinements to the plans are anticipated as additional technical review and input is received.
District Improvements Framework Plan
The primary goal of the District Improvements Framework Plan (Figure 19) is to create a village character
along the M-22 Corridor, increase the ability for pedestrians and bicyclists to safely cross and travel along the
corridor, and to enhance the business environment for private development and non-profit organizations.
Specific initiatives proposed for the Waterfront District include the following:
1. M-22 Right-of-Way Improvements
• Engage MDOT in the study of traffic lane configuration and signalization of key
intersections.
• Install landscape enhancements to beautify the corridor while maintaining an “up-north”
character.
• Improving district wayfinding and signage.
• Implementing a corridor access management plan to reduce the number of curb cuts.

Page 7 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

•

Improve pedestrian walks along the corridor, and increase the number and safety of road
crossings.

2. Corridor Redevelopment
• Develop private-public partnerships with key stakeholders.
• Identify strategies and leverage policies in support of corridor reinvestment.
• Concentrate redevelopment efforts around a central core.
• Modify the local road network to support redevelopment, including the realignment of
Grandview Drive through the Brewery Creek development property.
• Design new architecture and street improvements with a focus on creating a walkable
waterfront village.
3. District Parking Strategies
• Develop shared parking resources; consider purchase and use of Brewery Creek
development site for parking opportunities to support district and marina.
• Utilize peak season shuttle service to support marina, non-profit centers and businesses.
• Locate parking to the rear of future site developments.
4. District Connectivity
• Enhance non-motorized infrastructure (i.e.; the TART Trail, stream corridors, and other
open spaces) to create a trail and recreation network.
• Increase public access to the bay with a passive recreation trail on the east side of M-22.
• Provide future links to the future fishing pier and onto the Traverse City Light and Power
property.
• Improve pedestrian crossings within the district, for crossings of M-22 as well as where the
TART Trail crosses local roads.
5. Environmental and Cultural Assets
• Embrace the natural resources of the district to create an authentic “up-north” experience.
• Restore and enhance the Brewery Creek stream corridor from the TART Trail to the bay.
• Utilize and interpret the district’s natural resources as education opportunities.
• Respect the history of the area, integrating the story of human use of the area into the
recreational and interpretive resources.
Marina Master Plan
The Marina Master Plan (Figure 20) balances the needs to three primary user groups- the boating community
that rents slips and moorings, the boaters that utilize the boat launch ramps, and the general public (residents
and visitors) that will utilize the marina site and adjacent park as a destination and activity area. The
competing demands of these user groups, particularly as it relates to the needs for parking, must be evaluated
Page 8 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

and assessed carefully given the limitations of the size of the marina site and the difficulty in accessing M-22,
and the desire to create a welcoming, park-like environment.
In 2010 the Elmwood Township Marina Committee made specific recommendations to the Elmwood
Township Board as to improvements for the Township marina. These recommendations have been
incorporated into the Marina Master Plan, and can be found in the program outlined below in italics.
Specific design elements of the plan include:
1. Circulation and Parking
• Relocate the existing site entries for boat ramp users to align with the existing Pico Lane
which maximizes the length of the de-acceleration/turn lane on M-22.
• Widen and improve the site exit and slip renter entry at the south end of the site. Consider
staggering a future traffic light at the Greilickville Park entry to facilitate exiting the marina
site. The location and configuration of both marina site entries and the exit are subject to
refinement based on the recommended study of traffic along M-22.
• Provide for access to Center Point parking facilities from the new boat ramp entrance.
• Install a new parking lot for slip renters and guests. Manage use of the lot with access
control measures such as an entry/exit gate.
• Reconfigure boat trailer parking to allow, building capacity in the design geometrics for truck
and trailer traffic around site.
• Provide for overflow marina visitor and fish cleaning station parking within the larger boat
and trailer parking lot.
2. Public Access
• Create a new fishing pier and public promenade along the existing breakwater south of the
marina docks. Manage fishing access to the south side of pier only to reduce conflicts
between boaters renting slips and fishing activity.
• Insure a strong pedestrian connection between the marina and Greilickville Park with links
to the new breakwater promenade and the waterfront promenade near the docks
• Renovate the pedestrian promenade along marina to include more space for walkers, better lighting
and more pedestrian amenities like benches and picnic tables.
• Create a pedestrian link through the parking area and boat ramp to connect to the fish
cleaning station
• Install sidewalks and non-motorized paths on M-22 to link the marina to the larger district.
• Provide for public restrooms in the proposed marina building, separate from boater
facilities.
3. Harbor Facilities
• Provide a floating, hinged and movable dinghy launch ramp and shopper’s dock north of the boat ramp.

Page 9 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

•

•
•

Create a new Harbor Master’s Office on the north side of the ramp to improve the Harbor
Master’s ability to manage ramp traffic. Provide for materials storage and public restrooms
in the design of the Harbor Master’s office.
Locate a new fish cleaning station at the north end of the boat trailer parking area so that it is reasonably
close to the launch ramp activity, but separate enough to minimize traffic congestion.
Provide space (and flexibility in shopper’s dock design) for seasonal haul in and out of boats along the sheet
pile wall north of the boat launch.

4. Boater Facilities
• Construct a new marina building in the south east corner of the site. The new building should include
showers and bath facilities for boaters, a boater’s lounge, a multi-purpose community room,
a second floor overlooking the bay, a small multi-purpose office, and public bathrooms as
noted above.
• Provide for picnic opportunities in a variety of settings-in the plaza area outside the marina
building, along the pedestrian waterfront promenade, and in the open space areas adjacent to
Brewery Creek.
• Provide space for a dog run to allow boater’s a convenient place to water their pets.
• Increase capacity of mooring locations east of the boat channel with star configurations.
5. Other site improvements
• Enhance the Brewery Creek corridor improvements to improve habitat value.
• Install the necessary site signage, site furnishings, and amenities to help people enjoy the
marina
• Install bike parking hoops for use by boaters and marina visitors
• Provide space for a site dumpster area to manage site trash and recycling.

IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGY
For a master plan of any kind to provide a benefit to the community it must have a dedicated group of
community members willing to invest the time, energy, and expertise necessary to move it from a pretty piece
of paper to reality. Our experience in preparing this plan has demonstrated that residents, business people,
Township staff and elected officials of Elmwood Township are ready to accept this challenge.
The pages below outline a strategy for implementing the Waterfront District Plan, including the big ideas that
will move the project forward, potential sources of funding, and specific short term steps that need to be
taken in the coming months.

Page 10 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

Key Ideas for Moving Forward
1. Motivate, Organize, and Strategize: The process of preparing a Master Plan is a great way to gather
community residents and stakeholders behind a single idea or project. More difficult is maintaining
this level of enthusiasm and interest after the plan is adopted. A couple of key ideas include:
• Nurture supporters and advocates within Elmwood, building from the existing Marina
Committee, dividing into task-based subcommittees that engage additional people.
• Identify champions and leaders within the Marina Committee and Township to take
ownership of key tasks and efforts.
• Get agencies to understand your plans and adopt it as part of their own strategy; for
instance, get the agencies involved in the TART Trail to understand your interest in creating
new connections.
2. Create Excitement: Promote the Master Plan and gain local support from community groups,
agencies, and organizations that have complementary goals.
• Reach Out – Obtain regional buy-in from groups serving the region where the ideas from
the Master Plan tie into larger efforts.
• Sponsor a Local Projects Coordination Workshop to investigate how your project relates to
other ongoing efforts in the area. Too often communities and organizations are pursuing
the same or very similar goals through parallel efforts.
• Develop Partnerships to “lock in” community, agency, and business support.
• Create a “Media Blitz” and aggressively market the plan to create “buzz” about the plan.
3. Study: Most Master Plans, because of their more conceptual level of thinking, result in the need for
additional technical studies to firm up key details and loose ends. The Waterfront District Master
Plan is no different, and several follow-up efforts have been identified and are enumerated later on in
this chapter.
4. Focus and Stick to Your Plan! The Waterfront District Master Plan identifies improvements both
for the larger community along M-22 and the Township marina site itself. This creates a broad set of
goals to pursue, and the situation will require some discipline to maintain sufficient focus to be
successful. As part of the effort to maintain focus, it may be important to identify a key project or
projects which can pursued by the community as a catalytic project to demonstrate that the
community is moving forward toward achieving its larger goals. Whether or not a specific catalyst
project is pursued, it will be important for the community to pick its priorities carefully with the
awareness that attempting to accomplish too much all at once can be detrimental to maintaining
focus and energy.
5. Find the Money, Set Timeframes: Funding sources do exist for the type of projects outlined in the
Waterfront District Master Plan, but pursuing funding takes significant effort and knowledge.

Page 11 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

Specific steps include:
•
•
•
•

•

Find a funding champion within your community who can become the lead person in
obtaining the knowledge and contacts required to mount a successful campaign.
Gain and understand public funding opportunities and timing. The information contained
in this report is a starting point.
Pursue private/non-profit funding commitments for design and implementation, even those
these sources of funding may not seem like an obvious place to start.
Provide Individual Giving/Donor Program for each project that moves into implementation
stage. Opportunities to contribute should be identified at a full range of financial
commitment levels, allowing every willing person in the community can be a part of the built
project.
Set an overall implementation timeline based on community priorities and funding and
match availability.

Potential Funding Sources
The successful pursuit of project funding is both art and science, and starts with the identification of potential
funding sources. The positive aspect of a project that has such broad range of long term goals is that the
potential pool of sources is large. The downside is that each funding source has its own set of goals,
requirements, timing, match expectations, and project size to learn and work with.
The potential funding sources have several common goals they are trying to achieve as they invest in
communities, and these goals are consistent with the attributes of the Waterfront District Master Plan,
including:
•
•
•
•
•
•

Creating and improving public access to the Great Lakes.
Creating and improving wildlife habitats and restoring native landscapes.
Providing for education and learning opportunities about our natural environment and
cultural history.
Building and strengthening partnerships between governmental agencies, non-profit
organizations, institutions, and private entities.
Enhancing community character, safety, and livability through the improvement of public
road and streetscape infrastructure.
Providing for non-motorized facilities such as bike lanes and paths whose use will improve
the health and well being of community members.

Potential funding sources for implementing the Waterfront District Master Plan include:
1. Federal and State Sources
• Coastal Zone Management Grants and Waterways Program Grants; these are funding
programs managed by the Michigan Department of Natural Resources and Environment
(MDNRE). They typically require a 50% match, and are normally in the range of $10,000Page 12 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

$30,000. Though small in size, the grants can be very helpful in funding design and
engineering studies in the design phase.
•

Great Lake Fisheries Trust is a non-profit organization governed by the parties to a
settlement resulting from impacts to Great Lakes fisheries through the operation of the
Ludington Pumped Storage Project. The Trust manages the assets generated by the
settlement. The Great Lakes Fishery Trust will provide grant funds to non-profit
organizations and government entities for the following purposes:
 Research projects that benefit Great Lakes fishery resources,
 Rehabilitation of lake trout, lake sturgeon and other Great Lakes fish species,
 Protection and enhancement of Great Lakes fisheries habitat,
 Public education about the Great Lakes fishery, and
 Property acquisition for the above purposes or to provide access to the Great Lakes.

Although a match is not required, it does show support and local commitment to the project.
•

The National Fish and Wildlife Foundation (NFWF) is a 501(c)(3) non-profit that preserves and
restores our nation’s native wildlife species and habitats. Created by Congress in 1984, NFWF
directs public conservation dollars to the most pressing environmental needs and matches those
investments with private funds. The Foundation’s method is simple and effective: work with a
full complement of individuals, foundations, government agencies, non-profits, and corporations
to identify and fund the nation’s most intractable conservation challenges.

•

Boating Infrastructure Grant (BIG); a federal program administered by the U.S. Department of
the Interior and the MDNRE, which focuses on building projects that increase boating and
water access. Though little used by Michigan communities, this source of funding may be a
good fit for the Township marina.

•

Michigan Natural Resources Trust Fund (MNRTF); is a reasonably broad state run program that
funds land acquisition and project construction, and could be tapped into relative to creating and
restoring natural habitat, as well as providing recreational resources such as the path.

•

Transportation Enhancement Grants; this program is federally funded and managed by the
Michigan Department of Transportation (MDOT). The program typically funds transportation
projects that fit outside the construction of road, such as streetscape improvements and multiuse paths. A local match of 20% is required; however, most successful grantees offer a local
match of 40% to 50%.

•

Land and Water Conservation Fund; a program ran by the National Parks Service which
supports projects that focus on preserving and enhancing riparian, floodplains, and wetland
habitats.
Page 13 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

•

Michigan Economic Development Corporation (MEDC): This organization can be an effective
partner in developing a strategic plan for the district and assisting in site development and
funding.

•

U.S. Senator Carl Levin and U.S. Senator Debbie Stabenow: While not a specific program or
source of funding, the U.S. Senators can be helpful in identifying funding sources and advocating
for important projects.

2. Local Organizations
• Grand Traverse Regional Community Foundation
• Rotary Charities
• Traverse City Light and Power
• Kiwanis, Lions Clubs
• Grand Traverse Area Sport Fishing Association
3. Foundations
• W. K. Kellogg Foundation
• Kresge Foundation
• Oleson Foundation
• Mott Foundation
• Other private funders and foundations
• Private corporation grants
Specific Next Steps
In the immediate term, the Waterfront District Master Plan recommends that Elmwood Township and the
Marina Committee complete the following steps:
1. Approve the Master Plan for both the overall M-22 corridor district and the Township marina
site.
2. Update the Township Recreation Plan as required supporting the goals of the Waterfront
District Master Plan.
3. Meet with the appropriate state, county and regional agencies, including MDOT, Leelanau
County Road Commission, MDNR, and TART.
4. Engage regional and local community initiatives, such as the Grand Vision, to educate them as to
the project and to look for common points of interest and potential collaborations.
5. Traffic Study on M-22 Corridor to determine feasibility and the best location(s) for new traffic
signals, pedestrian crossings, access management opportunities, realignment potential for
Page 14 of 18

�WATERFRONT DISTRICT MASTER PLAN
Elmwood Township, Michigan
January 25, 2012

Grandview Drive, and the impacts these ideas may have on the proposed ingress and egress
plans for the marina site.
6. Find partners for funding the Traffic Study noted above; for instance, LCRC, MDOT, and
Grand Vision.
7. Inventory natural features in the corridor district, including wetlands and woodlands, to assist the
Township in the consideration of relocating Grandview Drive and related site improvements
suggested by the Waterfront District Master Plan.
8. Pursue and obtain ownership of land, and/or partnership agreements with land owners, to
provide for increasing off-site parking for visitors, users of the boat launch, and marina patrons.
9. Restart Greilickville Commercial Corridor Task Force, and make the approval of the Waterfront
District Master Plan a priority for the group. In conjunction with the Task Force, pursue
funding for, and implementation of, improvements to the public right-of-way for M-22 including
non-motorized trails and sidewalks, lighting, landscaping, and related streetscape and roadway
improvements.
10. Consider zoning and community master plan amendments to facilitate the implementation of the
Waterfront District Master Plan. This effort should include input from the Greilickville
Commercial Corridor Task Force, and could be charged with confirming a set of planning goals
and objectives for district development, preparing a set of design guidelines for public
infrastructure and private development, introducing amendments to the zoning code and map
that specifically address the goals and objectives for the area, and considering the potential for a
form based zoning code for the waterfront district.
11. Identify and pursue the first phase of marina improvements, such as the Public Promenade along
breakwater (with connections to the marina and park), shopper’s dock, picnic areas, and fish
cleaning station (refer to Figure 21). Some of these first phase projects may require temporary
changes to the existing site configuration to insure that the improvements work in the short and
long term.

Page 15 of 18

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CREEK PROPERTY
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TALL SHIPS

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DEVELOPMENT RESTRICTIONS
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LAND USE

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M A R AT H O N

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WAT E R F R O N T D I S T R I C T P L A N

FIGURE 16

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DINGHY LAUNCH RAMP
SHOPPER ' S COURTESY DOCK (6 SLIPS)

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EXISTING CONDITIONS
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- BOAT TRAILER---------------92 SPACES (-42 SPACES)
- PASSENGER VEHICLE-------- 97 SPACES(+ 15 SPACES)
LEGEND

0

NUMBER OF PROPOSED SPACES

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FISHING PIER
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EXISTING CONDITIONS
- BOAT TRAILER--------------134 SPACES
- PASSENGER VEHICLE-------- 82 SPACES
PREFERRED PLAN - P2
- BOAT TRAILER---------------92 SPACES (-42 SPACES)
- PASSENGER VEHICLE-------- 94 SPACES (+12 SPACES)

LEGEND

0

NUMBER OF PROPOSED SPACES

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DISCOVERY CENTER
G R E AT L A K E S

CORRIDOR REDEVELOPMENT
• DEVELOP PUBLIC-PRIVATE PARTNERSHIPS WITH KEY STAKEHOLDERS
• IDENTIFY STRATEGIES AND LEVERAGE POLICIES IN SUPPORT OF 		
CORRIDOR REINVESTMENT
• CONCENTRATE REDEVELOPMENT EFFORTS AROUND A ‘CENTRAL CORE’
• MODIFY ROAD NETWORK TO SUPPORT REDEVELOPMENT - REALIGN
GRANDVIEW DRIVE THROUGH BREWERY CREEK PROPERTY
• DESIGN ARCHITECTURE AND STREETS FOR PEDESTRIAN AND 		
VEHICLES

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• DEVELOP SHARED PARKING RESOURCES
• UTILIZE PEAK-SEASON SHUTTLE/JITNEY SERVICE
• LOCATE PARKING IN REAR OF FUTURE DEVELOPMENT

LEGEND

4

4

DISTRICT PARKING STRATEGIES

GREILICKVILLE
PA R K

CHILDREN’S
MUSEUM

L

4

3

TRAI

3

ENGAGE MDOT TO STUDY LANE RECONFIGURATION ALONG CORRIDOR
LANDSCAPE ENHANCEMENTS
DISTRICT WAYFINDING AND SIGNAGE
CORRIDOR ACCESS MANAGEMENT PLAN
PEDESTRIAN ACCESS (WALKS AND X-INGS)

......... •·"\'.

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DISTRICT WIDE INITIATIVES
1 M-22 RIGHT-OF-WAY IMPROVEMENTS

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DEVELOPMENT OPPORTUNITY
VEGETATED/ECOLOGICAL
IMPORTANCE

TALL SHIPS

2

DISTRICT GATEWAY

• ENHANCE UPON RECREATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE (TART TRAIL AND
EXISTING OPEN SPACES) TO CREATE A BRAIDED TRAIL NETWORK
• INCREASE PUBLIC ACCESS TO THE BAY WITH PASSIVE RECREATIONAL
TRAIL ALONG M-22 ROW (EAST SIDE)
• PROVIDE LINKS TO FUTURE FISHING PIER AND ONTO T.C.L.P. PROPERTY
• IMPROVE PEDESTRIAN CROSSINGS WITH IN DISTRICT (TART TRAIL,
M-22)

KIGHTS OF
COLUMBUS

M A R AT H O N

-.'

ENVIRONMENTAL

EXISTING ROAD
PROPOSED ROAD
WALKING RADII (5MIN.
INTERVAL)

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• EMBRACE NATURAL RESOURCES OF DISTRICT TO CREATE AN 		
AUTHENTIC UP-NORTH DESTINATION
• RESTORE AND ENHANCE BREWERY CREEK FROM TART TRAIL TO BAY
• UTILIZE AND INTERPRET THE DISTRICT’S NATURAL RESOURCES AS
EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES

EXISTING PEDESTRIAN X-ING
PROPOSED PEDESTRIAN X-ING

1

ELMWOOD TOWNSHIP MARINA / GREILICKVILLE PARK
• REDEVELOP LANDSIDE OF MARINA TO ENHANCE BOATER EXPERIENCE
AND IMPROVE FACILITIES, PARKING AND PUBLIC ACCESS
• CREATE LINKS TO ADJACENT PROPERTIES THAT PROMOTES PUBLIC
ACCESS AND PEDESTRIAN SAFETY		
• INSTALL FISHING PIER ALONG EXISTING ARMOR STONE REVETMENT

□

EXISTING TRAIL
PROPOSED TRAIL

CARTER ROAD

F U LTO N PA R K

G . T. YA C H T C L U B

EXISTING WATERWAY AND
BUFFER

A PAC H E T R O U T G R I L L E

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WAT E R F R O N T D I S T R I C T P L A N

District Improvements - November 22, 2011

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�Adopted by the Charter Township of Elmwood Board

, , - - - - - - , - - - - - - - - NEW WALK CONNECTION TO
PEDESTRIAN UNDERPASS

RECONFIGURED M-22
ROAD SECTION
(DESIGN TO BE DETERMINED)

. - - - - - - - - - RELOCATED ACCESS INTO
CENTERPOINT PROPERTIES

CONFIRM GRADES PRIOR
TO FINAL DESIGN

DINGHY LAUNCH RAMP

SPECIFIC ENTRANCE LOCATION
TO BE DETERMINED PENDING
RESULTS OF TRAFFIC
MANAGEMENT STUDY

SHOPPER'S COURTESY DOCK (6 SLIPS)

PICO DRIVE
ffl'.llll'illll----------------

RAMP TO SHOPPER'S DOCK ! UNIVERSALLY ACCESSIBLE - TYP.)

,•

FISH CLEANING
STATION

~ = - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - REMOVABLE FLOATING DOCK SECTIONS
(SEASONAL IN/OUT OF BOATS)

SHORT TERM PARKING
FOR FISH CLEANING

~ :__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ HARBOR MASTER/ MARINA OFFICE

~=r,,===

GRANDVIEW DRIVE

PUBLIC RESTROOMS (2)
STORAGE (MARINA)

' .

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1-\:=--.. !E.:/4::::::::~

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EX I ST I NG BO AT RAM PS TO REMA I N

D-Q-E-K-\- C

~;;:::::::::~ ,--~ -~::-7 ---------t----:----;--____;._

..

I

BO_AT TRAILER
PARKING (79)

:___________:...____

EXI STI NG I NFRA STRUCTURE TO REMA I N

@ 31@
: , : , , 1 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - ' : ' - --:---.-

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DOG RUN
PICNIC AREA

: - D-O~

81 CNIC ARE A

B

____--:::------------~t:::~=---=~--:-------;-----:-:-7

---

PUBL I C PROM ENA DE
- SEATWALLS

BIKE PARKING

- LANDSCAPING

.
. .

- LIGHTING (SHIELDED)

NEW MARINA COMPLEX

SPECIFIC ENTRANCE LOCATION
TO BE DETERMINED PENDING
RESULTS OF TRAFFIC
MANAGEMENT STUDY

• I
' I

- KEYED BOATER'S FACILITIES

I

DUMPSTER CORRAL
ACCESS CONTROL

''

PICNIC AREA

\

RESTROOMS/SHOWERS

FLEX OFFICE SPACE

LAUNDRY

MULTIPURPOSE ROOM

LOUNGE/MAP ROOM

(SECOND FLOOR)

- PUBLIC FA CILITIES

.

RESTROOMS

NEW SIDEWALKS (6')
&amp; LANDSCAPE BUFFER
EACH SIDE OF M-22

CONCESSIONS
I

' - - - FISHING PIER &amp; PUBLIC PROMENADE
-

- 10-12' WIDE WALK WITH RAILINGS, BENCHES

\

BREWERY CREEK DR IVEJ

" - - - ACCESSIBLE CONNECTION TO
FISHING PIER

.

'

I

' - - - - - - BREWERY CREEK
RESTORATION AREA
I

PARKING
EXISTING CONDITIONS
BOAT TRAILER
PASSENGER VEHICLE

134 SPACES
82
SPACES

PREFERRED PLAN

0
0

BOAT TRAILER
PASSENGER VEHICLE

79
90

SPACES
SPACES

( - 42

SPACES)
8 SPACES)

(+

LEGEND

©

OFF-SITE PARKING*

■

BOAT TRAILER
PASSENGER VEHICLE

1 2 0 SPACE
11 0 SPACES

-

( + 6 8 SPACES)
( + 122 SPACES)

ACCESS CONTROL
PICNIC AREA

■

DUMPSTER CORRAL

0

BIKE PARKING

E9

* REFER TO DISTRICT PLAN FOR POTENTIAL SHARED PARKING LOCATIONS.

NUMBER OF PROPOSED SPACES

N

200'

400'

800'

O'

•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••

ELMWOOD TOWNSHIP
Michigan

FIGURE 20

i
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'

.

'

.

•·.

I

I

''

PREFERRED PLAN

..

I

I

M a r i n a M a st e r PI a n - Ja n u a r y 9 , 2 O1 2

JJ R

�, , - - - - - - , - - - - - - - - NEW WALK CONNECTION TO
PEDESTRIAN UNDERPASS

RECONFIGURED M-22
ROAD SECTION
(DESIGN TO BE DETERMINED)

. - - - - - - - - - RELOCATED ACCESS INTO
CENTERPOINT PROPERTIES

CONFIRM GRADES PRIOR
TO FINAL DESIGN

DINGHY LAUNCH RAMP

SPECIFIC ENTRANCE LOCATION
TO BE DETERMINED PENDING
RESULTS OF TRAFFIC
MANAGEMENT STUDY

SHOPPER'S COURTESY DOCK (6 SLIPS)

PICO DRIVE
ffl'.llll'illll----------------

RAMP TO SHOPPER'S DOCK ! UNIVERSALLY ACCESSIBLE - TYP.)

,•

FISH CLEANING
STATION

~ = - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - REMOVABLE FLOATING DOCK SECTIONS
(SEASONAL IN/OUT OF BOATS)

SHORT TERM PARKING
FOR FISH CLEANING

~ :__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ HARBOR MASTER/ MARINA OFFICE

~=r,,===

GRANDVIEW DRIVE

PUBLIC RESTROOMS (2)
STORAGE (MARINA)

' .

'

1-\:=--.. !E.:/4::::::::~

I

-

l

I

.'

EX I ST I NG BO AT RAM PS TO REMA I N

D-Q-E-K-\- C

~;;:::::::::~ ,--~ -~::-7 ---------t----:----;--____;._

..

I

BO_AT TRAILER
PARKING (79)

:___________:...____

EXI STI NG I NFRA STRUCTURE TO REMA I N

@ 31@
: , : , , 1 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - ' : ' - --:---.-

L

'♦ : ♦ :'"", _- 3

t

DOG RUN
PICNIC AREA

: - D-O~

81 CNIC ARE A

B

____--:::------------~t:::~=---=~--:-------;-----:-:-7

---

PUBL I C PROM ENA DE
- SEATWALLS

BIKE PARKING

- LANDSCAPING

.
. .

- LIGHTING (SHIELDED)

NEW MARINA COMPLEX

SPECIFIC ENTRANCE LOCATION
TO BE DETERMINED PENDING
RESULTS OF TRAFFIC
MANAGEMENT STUDY

• I
' I

- KEYED BOATER'S FACILITIES

I

DUMPSTER CORRAL
ACCESS CONTROL

''

PICNIC AREA

\

RESTROOMS/SHOWERS

FLEX OFFICE SPACE

LAUNDRY

MULTIPURPOSE ROOM

LOUNGE/MAP ROOM

(SECOND FLOOR)

- PUBLIC FA CILITIES

.

RESTROOMS

NEW SIDEWALKS (6')
&amp; LANDSCAPE BUFFER
EACH SIDE OF M-22

CONCESSIONS
I

' - - - FISHING PIER &amp; PUBLIC PROMENADE
-

- 10-12' WIDE WALK WITH RAILINGS, BENCHES

\

BREWERY CREEK DR IVEJ

" - - - ACCESSIBLE CONNECTION TO
FISHING PIER

.

'

I

Potential First Phase Projects

' - - - - - - BREWERY CREEK
RESTORATION AREA

I

PARKING
EXISTING CONDITIONS
BOAT TRAILER
PASSENGER VEHICLE

134 SPACES
82
SPACES

PREFERRED PLAN

0
0

BOAT TRAILER
PASSENGER VEHICLE

79
90

SPACES
SPACES

( - 42

SPACES)
8 SPACES)

(+

LEGEND

©

OFF-SITE PARKING*

■

BOAT TRAILER
PASSENGER VEHICLE

1 2 0 SPACE
11 0 SPACES

-

( + 6 8 SPACES)
( + 122 SPACES)

ACCESS CONTROL
PICNIC AREA

■

DUMPSTER CORRAL

0

BIKE PARKING

E9

* REFER TO DISTRICT PLAN FOR POTENTIAL SHARED PARKING LOCATIONS.

NUMBER OF PROPOSED SPACES

N

200'

400'

800'

O'

•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••

ELMWOOD TOWNSHIP
Michigan

FIGURE 21

i
'
I

'

'

.

'

.

•·.

I

I

''

PREFERRED PLAN

..

I

I

M a r i n a M a st e r PI a n - Ja n u a r y 9 , 2 O1 2

JJ R

�</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University Veterans History Project
Oral History Interview
Veteran: Wendall Smits
Interviewed by James Smither
Transcribed by Grace Balog
Interviewer: We are talking today with Wendall Smits of Byron Center, Michigan, and the
interviewer is James Smither of the Grand Valley State University Veteran’s History
Project. Okay, now start us off with some background on yourself and begin with where
and when you were born.
Veteran: I was born in South Holland, Illinois, right outside of Chicago, 1936. Graduated from
school and high school in Lansing, Illinois, and at Illiana Christian High School. I had a good
friend there who had joined the Coast Guard Reserve and pestered me and pestered me to join,
and I had to get in before I was 18 to get into the program that they wanted to get, or, that he
wanted me to get in at the time. So I-Interviewer: Okay-Veteran: Go ahead.
Interviewer: Can we back up a little bit there. Born in 1936, what was your family doing
for a living when you were a kid?
Veteran: For the most part, my father, during the Korean War, worked in an aircraft engine
manufacturer. It was a Ford Plant on the South Side of Chicago. And after that, he was a truck
driver for the most part. And just to back up there in World War ll, he operated a machine in
Harvey, Illinois that made crank shafts for engines that were produced in Muskegon, Michigan
and later ended up in tanks during World War ll. (0:01:51)

�Interviewer: Right.
Veteran: In between, he was a truck driver back in…
Interviewer: Okay, do you remember much of anything about the World War ll period or
were you too young to be aware of things?
Veteran: I think the only thing that I, the only two things that I remember: one, being, you know,
the end of the war and how happy people were and what I heard on the radio. The other was that
my dad had a bad ailment in his hearing and he was off of work for about a year. He was running
what they called an upset machine to make those crank shafts, and he had to push a floor pedal
and then wait for it to form a hot block of iron into a crank shaft. And because he had this ear
problem and he would just drop over like a dead fate once in a while. He was off of work for
over a year. I do remember that. He was glad to get back to work at the end of the war and he
was glad that it was over.
Interviewer: Right. Okay, what year did you finish high school?
Veteran: 1954.
Interviewer: Okay, now you were saying then that while you were in high school, one of
your friends was after you, and so you had to actually enlist, before you turned 18?
Veteran: Mhmm.
Interviewer: But what was the program that he wanted you to get into?
Veteran: You enlisted for 6 years at that point in time, in the reserves, with an obligation that
during the 6 years, you were going to do at least a couple years of active duty. Once I was in and
down the road a little bit and getting good grades and doing what I had to do to get promoted,

�there was an edict finally that said if you stay in for 6 years, and you get all of your good grades
and you get a progression of advancement, you won’t have to do your active duty for 2 years.
Once I finished 6, I said well, maybe I’ll go another 4 and that went on and on and we got to 20
and I said well, maybe I will do 30 and that’s where I ended up, 31 years.
Interviewer: Okay, so we will go back now. So if you are enlisting when you are 17, you
needed your parents’ permission to do that?
Veteran: I did.
Interviewer: Okay, and what did your parents think of the idea?
Veteran: My mother was very nervous. My dad was relatively proud of it. He was an immigrant
from the Netherlands, and really loved this country. (0:04:11)
Interviewer: Okay, now once you enlist, now what happens? How do they process you?
Where do you go for training?
Veteran: Okay, we enlisted at the Customs House in downtown Chicago, and at that point in
time, we went to reserve units immediately the following Monday night. Those were done in the
evenings at that time. And you didn’t go to boot camp until a year later, so I didn’t actually go to
boot camp until 1955.
Interviewer: Okay. Now, were you still in high school at that point? Or did you move on to
something else?
Veteran: I had, I had graduated the previous spring, just before I enlisted.
Interviewer: Alright, and now… So what are you, in reserve, you have your evening classes
and things like that but what else were you doing at that time?

�Veteran: Oh, at the same time I was going to college in Harvey, Illinois. Just a community
college there. While I was in at the same time, I was working in the summer.
Interviewer: Okay, so during the first year when you haven’t done boot camp yet, what are
you doing in the training session?
Veteran: A couple of things, I think, that were important maybe. Lots of firearms training and
lots of classroom instruction on rescue and search activities. And that was kind of the beginning
of the career, that’s the direction it was going in.
Interviewer: Now were these classes for new recruits or were these things that all of the
reserves and all the men in the unit went to?
Veteran: The majority of the time was spent by all the people in the unit, just over and over and
over.
Interviewer: So you had Monday nights, did you have any weekends that you did training
or just those?
Veteran: Just the Monday nights at that time. It was probably 3 or 4 years before we began to do
weekends instead of Monday nights. And that was good, I always thought, because we’d have to
make 3, or 4, or 5 trips down to downtown Chicago from where I lived as opposed to one
weekend. And the other thing that I thought was good about it was that you actually became a
part time employee at a regular Coast Guard base, and much more productive and much better
learning experience than just classes in a classroom. (0:06:40)
Interviewer: Okay, so what were you, so is this part time thing, how did that work? When
were you there and what did you do?

�Veteran: For the most part, we went to local Coast Guard stations in Chicago. At that time, there
was one in Navy Pier, right on the end of Navy Pier, there was one in Calumet Harbor, there was
one in Jackson Harbor, and we’d spend the weekend right at that Coast Guard station doing
exactly what those regular Coast Guard people were doing.
Interviewer: Okay, so can I go back here, your first year you say, and then you do boot
camp then in 1955?
Veteran: Mhmm.
Interviewer: Okay, where is the boot camp?
Veteran: Over in Cape May, New Jersey. Probably one of the most humid places in the United
States, other than Jacksonville, Florida.
Interviewer: Alright, and what did boot camp consist of?
Veteran: Again, lots of firearms training, lots of swimming and life-saving instruction, and lots
of time spent in the classroom, and lots and lots of time marching out on the parade ground.
Interviewer: Okay. How much emphasis was there on discipline and spit and polish stuff?
Veteran: Lots of emphasis, I guess. Everybody was required to go to chow in the morning in
their white uniform, and when you finished chow, you came back and you changed into your
dungarees and before you went to chow at noon, you did the same thing, and after chow, you did
the same thing in the evening as well. Lights were out at 10 o’clock, and the rabble rouse was at
5 o’clock in the morning and you better have your shoes shined every night and wherever you
went, you marched and a couple of petty officers and one chief petty officer ran the show. And

�the chief petty officer slept in the barracks as we did, so everybody knew to be up before revelry,
because otherwise he was at your bedside, waking you up. (0:08:38)
Interviewer: Okay. And how intense was the physical training?
Veteran: For a guy who, you know, had just finished high school, and was going to college,
probably a little soft, I learned what my mother had done for me real quickly. Wash your own
clothes with ice cold water and ivory soap and rinse them in ice cold water. Beat off the
mosquitoes in the middle of the night as you stood watch and so forth. So yeah, you learned a lot
in a big hurry.
Interviewer: Okay. Now the guys who were in there with you, did you learn anything about
them? Where they were from? What kind of backgrounds did they have?
Veteran: Yeah there, there were two guys who went to boot camp with me from my unit in
Chicago, and then the majority of the rest of the people in the boot camp were from the eastern
half of the United States, or I should say east of the Mississippi. Most of those who enlisted west
of the Mississippi went to Alameda, California for boot camp. So yeah, we got, I met people
from New York and New Orleans and Jacksonville, Florida, and all over the eastern half of the
U.S.
Interviewer: Okay. Were they pretty much all white at this point? Or did you have some
race in there--Veteran: We had some black, black folks, we had some Hispanic folks, but for the most part,
were white at that time, yeah. (0:10:01)
Interviewer: Alright. And how long did the boot camp last?

�Veteran: Our boot camp lasted two weeks.
Interviewer: Okay.
Veteran: We were at--we were there for 15 days, and when we arrived, we left on an airplane
from Chicago and went to Philadelphia, and we were going to ride the train from Philadelphia to
boot camp. They left us at the train station there for 8 hours with nothing to eat, that was all part
of the routine I guess. And then when we got to Cape May, we rode from the train station in an
old school bus and we had about 80 people in that school bus and you know that no school buses
is equipped to hold 80 people. So we were all kind of—it was in the middle of August, it was 90some degrees when we arrived there. So this was all part of the game. We had the first meal late
in the evening on Sunday, around 9:30, and it was baked beans and bread. And the chief said you
better eat it all, just go back up there and get more. If you don’t, you’ll eat it tomorrow morning.
And we thought he was kidding. The next morning, we got up and they had put it in trays, about
maybe an inch and a half to two inches thick, and had put it in the refrigerator. They cut it and
they served it like brownies, so we made sure we ate it the following morning.
Interviewer: Alright, and then you talked about weapons training. Was this just small
arms?
Veteran: Yes, rifles and pistols.
Interviewer: Okay. Alright, so they’re not the anti-aircraft guns or the big machine guns,
or things like that?
Veteran: No, no.
Interviewer: Okay, and this is all on land that you are doing this or do they—

�Veteran: Yes, it was all on land at Cape May.
Interviewer: Okay, and then having completed that, now did you just go back to your units
and—
Veteran: We went back at that time, you know, to our regular Monday night unit. And after that,
we had active duty every year for at least two weeks, except for two years when I was in, near
the end of the time I was in, Coast Guard Reserve was really hurting for money so they asked a
lot of people to take waivers, involuntary waivers, for training, which I did. And then the last
year of the 31 I was in the inactive reserve, which meant again I could be called up but I didn’t
attend any meetings. Otherwise, I went every year for two weeks. (0:12:26)
Interviewer: Okay, I got to go back here to the beginning. So initially, you were assigned to
the Coast Guard in Chicago?
Veteran: Mhmm.
Interviewer: Alright, and what, how long did you serve with them that time?
Veteran: Approximately two years there.
Interviewer: Okay.
Veteran: And then they commissioned the unit in Gary, Indiana. And I chose to go there, we
could make a choice. Having lived in Lansing, Illinois, it was easier for me really to get to Gary
than it was to get to downtown Chicago.
Interviewer: Okay.
Veteran: So they broke that unit just about in half when they started the unit in Gary. And that
would have been about 1956, -57, somewhere around there.

�Interviewer: Okay, now when you’re with your—you were with a unit in Chicago, what
was your job or your assignment?
Veteran: My assignment then was--I was leaning towards engineman training and you know,
working down in the engine room in the machinery spaces, so we had a number of classes, as I
was saying before, in small arms training, and so actual, actual small arms training was at the
armory there and we could actually fire right there in the building. But the other half was leaning
towards engineering experience, learning diesel engines and all that sort of stuff. And while I
was—after I finished the junior college, then I went to work for an organization that was making
diesel engines. So that kind of worked together between the two, what I did at work, working in
an engine test lab, and what I was doing in the reserves and that kind of got me into the
engineering phase. (0:14:00)
Interviewer: Okay, and then when you go to Gary, are you now focusing on the engineering
part?
Veteran: Yes.
Interviewer: Okay. Alright, and how long did you stay with the unit in Gary?
Veteran: 21 years.
Interviewer: Okay. Let’s kind of take us through some of the different things that you did
with them. Did you stay with engineering or did you change what your assignment was
after a while?
Veteran: No. I went to Gary as what they call a fireman, would have been an E3, and left there as
a lieutenant when I moved to Cleveland. But in between, I became a chief engineman, I was an

�E7, there was no E8 and E9 at that time. And then there was an opening in the Coast Guard for
about 10 warrant officers in the engineering group. And I don’t know, there were a couple
hundred people who took the test, and I was lucky enough to pass the test. And then went on a
Coast Guard cutter, Bramble, and got my—no, that was on the Coast Guard cutter Woodbine,
out of Grand Haven, and I was able to become a warrant officer. I did that for two years. And
then again they were looking for some people as line officers, even though you hadn’t completed
college, which I hadn’t. And again, it was a process of taking a test, and I was promoted to a
Lieutenant Junior Grade. We skipped Ensign because of our age.
Interviewer: Okay, so how common—I mean, you seemed to have moved pretty well
through the ranks here in this career. Was that normal for a reservist or were you a little
unusual?
Veteran: There were some people who stuck with the reserve as I did, if that’s the way to say it,
and then there were others who enlisted for 4 years and moved on and said I’ve had enough of
this, I am done, and they moved on. But for those folks who stuck with it, and as I was saying
before, if they did what they had to do to get promoted, there was kind of an unwritten
timeframe: you know you go from E3 to E4 to E5 to E6 and on up the line. And if you became
stagnant in a particular level, the top officers were looking for you and saying hey, either move
on up or get out. However, all of those promotions, all the way from E1 to E7, were all on a
written test. And not all of the services have that, most of the tests were about 150 questions,
very specific to your particular rank as an engineman and so forth. (0:16:49)
Interviewer: Okay, so you had to do well enough on the test as you were going through, so
there’s a kind of weed out process going on, it’s not just whether you, you don’t get it just
for showing up?

�Veteran: No, absolutely not.
Interviewer: You have to earn that. Alright, now in the—you’re in the Coast Guard a long
time, and a variety of different incidents happen or come up along the way. One of them,
you had—so you initially, it’s the Cold War, and there were different things that would
flare up in different parts of the world, then eventually Vietnam happens, and so forth.
And then, in the latter part of your service, Ronald Reagan becomes president and
incidents happen then too. So, you probably have kind of an up and down period of
sometimes when things might happen and other times they seem quiet.
Veteran: Yes.
Interviewer: Now to go back, kind of the early stages of your service, what kind of stands
out for you, like in the period when you were an enlisted man: training assignments or any
active duty work or anything else like that? What particular things stand out? (0:18:02)
Veteran: Okay, in the early part after moving to Gary, there was a normal progression there in
the enlisted ranks up. And as it was for me as a chief engineman, once I became E6, which
would be 1st class petty officer, and E7, I was responsible for the training of other enginemen in
our unit. And then after we, after I had the promotion to warrant officer, which was also an
engineering rank, but now as an engineering warrant officer, you’re responsible for boilers and
all of the other things that were on ships at that time. I was responsible for some training at the
unit and also responsible for some training at lifeboat stations. Younger enginemen who were
just learning the trade so to speak, what to do in a 40-foot boat when the engine quit running and
so forth. So, I enjoyed the time away from the unit as much as I did the time at the unit.

�Interviewer: Okay. And then, where would you go for like your, you had these two week
training assignments in the summers or whatever?
Veteran: Yes.
Interviewer: What places did you go for those?
Veteran: I think, well I went to, 12 or 13 times, to Yorktown, Virginia. And Yorktown was a
reserve base, and at that time it was only reserves, and most of that was for school and advanced
school, and other school, there was engineman school there, there was water pollution school,
explosive loading school. Leadership school, I was at there twice as an enlisted man, once as an
officer. And I really enjoyed going back every other year almost, to school. In between we went
to operating bases. I was at Great Lakes, Illinois a couple of times, Jacksonville, Florida. I was in
New York at the capital at the port twice, once when it was on Governor’s Island, and once when
it was in Manhattan, right near the battery park there. I was in Concord, California at explosive
loading school. That was during the time when we were bombing Cambodia, and we were
loading ships with 500 pound bombs that were all the way stacked in the hold and about 12 high
on the deck. And they would run the ships out through the river, and out past San Francisco but
they would stop in San Francisco to load provisions. And just before I got there, one of those
loaded freighters had hit the pier in San Francisco and put a 12-foot gash in the bow. So while I
was there, they started loading provisions way back at Concord, and they ran them right straight
out of the river, so. But that was a busy time. We worked about 18 hours a day, loading ships
with bombs at that time. (0:21:04)
Interviewer: Okay. Now you’re, you’re in a long time and you are in kind of through—I
guess before we get to sort of the Vietnam era, you get—there’s some Cold War crises that

�happen. I mean there actually have been trouble in Lebanon in the late 50s which wasn’t
directly Cold War, but that was one thing that put some units in some places on alert, but
then you’ve got things like the Berlin Wall crisis and the Bay of Pigs and the Cuban Missile
crisis. Did any of those things have ripple effects that made it to your Coast Guard unit?
Veteran: I think only at that time, any of those things that you just mentioned, only that we were
living under a little more rigid alert. Reminded again that, you know, that we had orders in our
pocket that if anybody was called up, they were expected to be at their location, at their base
within 24 hours. Most of the time, I carried orders in my pocket to be in Juneau, Alaska within
24 hours after I got a phone call. (0:22:07)
Interviewer: Alright. Had you ever been to Juneau, Alaska?
Veteran: Yes, I had.
Interviewer: Okay, so what was up there?
Veteran: I was just there once on a cruise, so I don’t know.
Interviewer: Okay, you hadn’t gone there and you hadn’t seen the base or anything like
that?
Veteran: No, no it would have been brand new for me to, you know, to go to the base. I had been
in Juneau, but not at the base there.
Interviewer: Okay. And then when Kennedy is assassinated in 63, did that, was that, did
that just kind of work the same way?
Veteran: Yeah, it worked the same way. We just would be on a regular high alert, if that’s the
way to say it. It often reminds me when I hear about the people in homeland security today being

�on a high alert. There’s various different levels of alert. It was much the same in the reserves at
that time.
Interviewer: Okay. Now in 65, the Vietnam war becomes a ground war and we begin
drafting large numbers of people and there had been a draft in place taking some people
but then that accelerated quite a bit in the next several years. And you had a lot of people
trying to enlist in something other than the army, or get into reserve units, or do different
things to kind of avoid Vietnam. Did you notice any of the effects of that in terms of what
kinds of men were coming into your units? Did you have people who seemed to be trying to
avoid Vietnam or did they just seem like the guys you always got?
Veteran: There was no question there was some people there to avoid Vietnam, and there were
some people who were there because they were proud to be Americans. That created a bit of a
conflict in some units. A number of these people were very outspoken about they were only there
to put in their time so they didn’t have to go to Vietnam, I only enlisted, for example they would
say to me, I only enlisted so that I don’t have to go over there, and yet I know you have to train
me so let’s do the best you can but I am not really going to do anything. And we had two
brothers, twins, in our unit in Gary, and we knew we were going to have an inspection. And at
that time, they wore the old Navy uniform: it was exactly the same as the Navy uniform so you
had your rating badge on your left sleeve. And they had taken their rating badge off of their
sleeve and had obtained, I don’t know where, but had obtained a badge that looked like it
belonged on their sleeve and it had the peace symbol, if you know what that looks like. And we
had an inspection from the district office, and I can tell you that the commanding officer from the
district office, I thought he was going to kill these two kids when he walked by them. He just

�walked over to their uniform just literally ripped it off of their sleeve. And, but they did their 4
years and they were gone. That’s all they really cared, you know. (0:24:52)
Interviewer: Now did you have people who were sort of actively interested in actually doing
kind of home front, Coast Guard things, I mean just the rescue stuff and that sort of—did
you have people who actually wanted to go and do those things or would those people go
active duty instead?
Veteran: We had a lot of folks who were very anxious to learn lifesaving duties and so forth you
know, especially when we started that augmentation of the regular reserve units. They were very
anxious to be boat coxswains and to be enginemen on board the small boats, really enjoyed it. I
did too. When I did some active duty in Chicago, a couple times there at the Coast Guard
stations, we went out on search and rescues any old time of the day or night. The whistle would
go off, we ran down to the boat after we put our clothes on and usually we slept with our clothes
on, even in the middle of the summer, run down to the boat and be gone within a few minutes,
much like airline pilots do today, and so forth.
Interviewer: Okay. And then, while you are doing that kind of work with the boats and so
forth, are there particular events or things that kind of stand out in your memory?
(0:26:03)
Veteran: Only two times, I guess, both of which were recoveries of bodies. It was in Lake
Michigan and that’s a tough job for some people. It’s a smelly job. And we had one incident in
Chicago where a guy had gone overboard off of a ship in November and his body was floating in
April. So I won’t get any deeper than that but you can imagine what it was like. Everybody had
to bury their clothes after we got back to the base, because of the odor. You can’t get it out of

�your clothes, so. His body came apart in pieces when we picked him up, so. But, we had a lot of
rescues.
Interviewer: Okay.
Veteran: The beaches in Chicago are always busy this time of the year. And people get out just
like they do here on Lake Michigan, and don’t watch the red flag, or ignore it, or want to say I
guess I’m better, I don’t have to notice that it’s there, and they go out, you know, and go
swimming. But we had a lot of rescues there. There’s a strong undertow in Chicago, even
stronger than it is here. I don’t know if that’s, you know, because of the way the lake moves or
what it is, but a lot of people were pulled under by the undertow there.
Interviewer: Okay, and you have people close enough to be able to actually help or—
Veteran: Yeah, when I, at that time, at least in Calumet Park, and they did also at Navy Pier, they
had a large tower. It went up probably I guess three and a half or four stories high and we could
watch the entire beach. And for weekends in particular, and that’s when we were there for
training, weekends in particular at that time, the Coast Guard boats would patrol back and forth
and north and south and back again on the beach, and watch for swimmers so we had an active
presence, and it didn’t take us but a couple minutes to get to somebody if they were in trouble.
Interviewer: Okay, because yeah it has to be pretty quick if they’re going under…
Veteran: It has to be if they’re going under. (0:28:18)
Interviewer: Alright. Now did you have to kind of go out in bad weather conditions? The
famous Coast Guard stuff was often the little boat in the giant waves kind of thing.

�Veteran: Yeah, I guess the—we were out in some small boats at that time. They were 40-footers.
Most of that wasn’t bad, but I remember when we went across on the Bramble, when I was there
for warrant officer evaluation, went on there and we left in November. There was a buoy that had
come loose in Chicago and the Bramble was responsible for the entire bottom of the lake, all the
way up to and including Chicago, and the buoy had come loose in Chicago. We left from Grand
Haven and it’s hard for some people to believe, but when we left the river there, the water was
splashing on the glass in the lighthouse there. And we know of, I know of one chief electrician
who was not sick, and we don’t know about the captain because he never came out of his cabin.
The other 40 guys were sick. And when I got to Chicago and got off, my legs were like rubber,
and it was that way for a couple days. Now people talk about being seasick in the ocean, but
there is a difference on the lake. It comes up in just a couple of minutes and it was—it took us
about nine and a half hours from Grand Haven to Chicago and that’s not even 40 miles across the
lake so, it was a rough trip.
Interviewer: Okay, did you manage to fix the buoy?
Veteran: Yeah, we did fix the buoy. We had another buoy with us and we placed that one in the
right position and we picked up the broken one and towed it into Chicago, so. (0:30:06)
Interviewer: Alright, and you also mentioned that at one point, when you were in Lake
Michigan, there was a massive oil spill in Chicago?
Veteran: Yes. I don’t remember exactly what year that was but it started early in the morning on
the 4th of July and there was an oil tankard that had come into Calumet Harbor there, or at the
east Chicago Indiana harbor where the refineries are there, and it was a Polish vessel. He was
upset with something that had happened and he purposely pumped the bilges into Lake

�Michigan. And that was during the Cold War period yet, and gobs of oil as big as your fist began
to roll up on the beach on the 4th of July as the sun rose. And you can imagine millions of people
that wanted to go to the beach…and so we were called up for three days. And I was awake on the
boat for probably between 36 and 48 hours. Most of us guys were out on the boat. We messed up
a screw on one of the boats so I had to go underneath the water and change the screw. It’s a
tough job even when you’re above water. So you go down for maybe three, four minutes with a
mask and all of the gear that you need you know, but it was really difficult to work underneath
the water and I don’t take any credit for any of that any more than anybody else that was on the
boat. Everybody had a tough job.
Interviewer: Alright. Were you still an enlisted man at that point? During that-Veteran: Yes, I was.
Interviewer: So yeah, you’re the engine guy, okay you go down and do—
Veteran: You go down and do this, that’s right.
Interviewer: Had you been trained to do that sort of work?
Veteran: I had been trained to change those screws, but not to do it underwater. That was a whole
new experience. And you had to learn pretty quick that, you know, you can only be down for so
long and your arms were fatigued and you had to come up for some air. (0:32:01)
Interviewer: So you had an oxygen tank but you, was it still just physically moving
underwater?
Veteran: Underwater was tough, all the resistance from the water itself, you know, yeah. Trying
to operate wrenches and screwdrivers and so forth underwater. I dropped the screwdriver,

�dropped the wrench a couple of times, it was gone. Had to get another one from the boat, and so
forth.
Interviewer: Alright. Now when you make the shift from enlisted to warrant officer, I guess
first of all, not everyone is going to know what a warrant officer is, it’s kind of a peculiar
rank, so can you explain what that was?
Veteran: Yeah, a warrant officer in a naval service, whether it be U.S. Navy or the Coast Guard,
is a specialist in his own right. If I look once in a while at people, in the Army for example, a lot
of helicopter pilots are warrant officers. But in the naval service, you’re considered a specialist in
a particular field. Mine was engineering. The other people who are, you know, operate up on a
bridge, or whatever it happens to be. And I guess I looked, once that opening was there to be a
warrant officer, I said this is a chance to expand what I am doing. I was a chief engineman and
that was a lot of fun and there was a little prestige involved there. You could go to chief club,
you couldn’t do that before, and so forth. But this was a chance to do something more than I did
as a chief. So an engine—on the Bramble, for example, and the Woodbine that was here in
Grand Haven, the Bramble was out of Detroit, a warrant officer was the head of the engineering
department on that ship. So it was a chance to do something more.
Interviewer: Okay. What differentiates a warrant officer from a line officer?
Veteran: A line officer, usually, expected to be more general in nature, as opposed to a warrant
officer being a specialist. That’s about the best way I can describe it, I guess. (0:34:09)
Interviewer: And so it’s a separate category in between conventional officer—a warrant
officer is kind of in between that and the enlisted?

�Veteran: Yeah it’s a peculiar situation in the Navy. When you’re a chief, at that time E7 was the
highest, when you’re a chief, you are welcome in the chief’s club and there’s an aura about being
a chief that he’s the guy who knows. If you’re a young officer, you go to the chief to learn what’s
going on. And then you become a warrant officer, you’re no longer welcome in the chief’s club,
you’re kind of looked down upon in the officer’s club, and I had some strange experiences as a
warrant officer. Just a little harassment. You know, the kind of thing that kids might do in
college to freshmen and so forth. Went to the officer’s club one day and it was in the
summertime and people were dressed either in khakis or in whites but you, it was all white from
head to toe, or all khaki from head to toe, and one of the line officers who was in there
recognized me as being a new warrant officer. And he arranged to have my white cap stolen
from the rack and brought my khaki one there, so I had to go back to the barracks with a white
uniform and a khaki hat so that kind of thing, but we got passed it. We had a lot of fun.
Interviewer: How long did you stay at warrant officer rank?
Veteran: Two years.
Interviewer: Okay.
Veteran: Approximately two years.
Interviewer: Alright, but you decided it would be a good thing to do to move up to the next
level?
Veteran: Yeah, I did. Again, as a chance to do something more. And that opened the door for me
in three different units where I was a training officer, and I was able to actually operate the entire
training program in the unit and schedule all the people in the unit for their annual active duty.
So it was a chance to make sure that people were going to active duty that was intentional for

�their rank. And by that I mean if a guy wanted to be an engineman, he went to engineman school
or a related school, leadership school, or you know, that sort of thing. So you ran the entire
training program of the unit. The unit in Gary had, at one time, had well over a hundred men, so
it was a pretty responsible job to make sure that all these people got the proper training all the
time to move up, especially those who wanted to move up, if that’s the way to say it. (0:36:54)
Interviewer: Okay. Now aside from Gary, I mean where else did you serve as an officer?
Veteran: After Gary, I went to Cleveland, Ohio. I had moved on a civilian job and was in a unit
there for about a year, in an engineering unit, which was really foreign to me. I say engineering,
it was the kind of engineering that goes along with inspections of vessels before they are
commissioned, all the drawings and the building of a vessel. That was completely foreign to me.
I had no training in that and requested early on that I be moved to a port security unit there in
Cleveland. And then I took a job in Owosso, Michigan here, and had to leave Cleveland so the
only opening at that point in time was in Chicago again. So I was living in Ada here at that time,
and drove one weekend a month to Chicago to do my active duty on the weekend. And then
there was a unit in Grand Rapids, at that time, and it was in the Naval Armory on the north side,
in Monroe, and I made application to move to that unit. And it was okayed. And a month before I
was to move to that unit, the unit moved to Muskegon. So I had to drive from here to Muskegon
for some time in the last year that I was in. But again, it was a chance for an advancement. I
became an executive officer there. I was responsible for the operations of the unit. (0:38:30)
Interviewer: Alright. Now, you had mentioned, before the interview, that you had sort of
one kind of other crisis situation or almost crisis situation that you had gotten into, and
that was toward the end of your service. When Reagan was president—

�Veteran: Yes. When Reagan was president, and they had the prisoners in Lebanon, or the
hostages in Lebanon, and they were concerned about getting them out, we were called up at the
unit. In fact, I was at work that day and I got a call 1:30, 2 o’clock in the afternoon to be in
Chicago the following morning at Great Lakes. And we went to Great Lakes and they herded our
entire unit, and a couple of other units, we had probably well over 300 hundred people there.
When we left, we were told to make sure our insurance was up to date, our will was up to date,
because we were going to the Middle East. When we got there, they pulled the black shades. And
we had a couple days of instruction and towards the end of the second day they told us that
they’d be issuing khaki uniforms for us, and that was unheard of in the Coast Guard, any
camouflage.
Interviewer: And so not khaki uniforms but camouflage uniforms?
Veteran: But a camouflage uniform, yeah. And that was unheard of at that point in time, you
know, we wore blue dungarees and whatever. And one of the guys in the crew asked the
commanding officer why are we wearing these? And he said, well, you are going to the desert.
And this kid said but we weren’t trained for the desert, we were trained for water. And he said
well, you will only be there a few days. And he said, and the kid said, are we going there before
the Marines get there and we’re cannon fodder? And the commanding officer said, yeah, that’s
probably a good way to describe it. A couple hours later, they told us we could pack up our gear
and go home without ever telling us why, what happened, but there must have been something
going on behind the scenes that they decided they no longer needed the Coast Guard or anybody
like us over there, so. (0:40:38)
Interviewer: Okay. Now, during the Vietnam era, did the Coast Guard take any sort of
heat from the anti-war movement? Or did people not associate you with Vietnam?

�Veteran: I never was privy to see any demonstrations or anything at our unit. It didn’t happen at
the unit or any place that I was ever at. We had some people in the unit that I mentioned before
that were not so happy to be there but…No, I really never saw any demonstrations.
Interviewer: Okay. Now if you were just out in public wearing a uniform, you didn’t get—
it didn’t get a negative reaction anywhere?
Veteran: No. No, because most of those reserve units that we were in, we ate off site. We ate our
lunch off site, we would go to a restaurant. It would be 120, 130 guys eating in a restaurant all
with our uniforms on. Nobody ever bothered us.
Interviewer: They might not bother 120 or 130 guys all at once, either.
Veteran: No, that’s probably true. That’s probably true.
Interviewer: That part at least you didn’t necessarily observe. Alright, now the port
security thing, was that something that you only went to once you were in Cleveland or had
you done that kind of work earlier?
Veteran: I had done that when we started in Chicago. The emphasis was more on rescue and
search, and that lasted about 2, 3 years. And then there began to morph into, you know, what are
we going to do with the port in Chicago? You know people think, well, the port in Chicago,
what’s that? Well it’s not much and it wasn’t much at that time, but we began to see some
activities already that were a little disconcerting. And, what do we do with these people on the
pier who are half drunk and laying around and do we observe some people on the pier who
appear to be drunk but they’re not and they are just acting like they are, and that sort of stuff. So
we began, the captain of the port in Chicago, began very actively to train port security people on
what to do in a port and on the facilities. And that just grew, and all the time, almost all the time

�that I spent in Gary, I was involved in port security and that continued in Cleveland and the other
units, except for that one year in Cleveland when I was in the engineering unit. (0:42:53)
Interviewer: Okay. And then, so the port security, was that mostly just dealing with
ordinary people wandering around or did you have to deal with criminal activity, or other
things like that?
Veteran: Yeah, we dealt with a lot of criminal activity, particularly in New York when I was
there a couple of times and New Orleans as well. When I was in New Orleans, we had one night
that the training officer in New Orleans—my object when I got to New Orleans was to become
completely certified as a port safety officer. And the training officer there went on leave without
me knowing it, and I was supposed to work with him the entire two weeks. I got a knock on my
door about 3 o’clock in the morning that said get up, we’re going up to Baton Rouge. And I said,
what happened? I got dressed, I said what happened. There was an enlisted man there. And that
was, as I, you know, mentioned before, you asked the enlisted man what’s going on if you’re the
officer to make sure and you’re new on the place. He said well there’s a Russian vessel that left
from Cuba three days early. He was supposed to stop in New Orleans and let lots of people
aboard, like the state department and the agriculture department and whatever, he was going to
load grain. And he roared right through New Orleans and didn’t stop. So he said we’re going up
there. So we went up there and it was early, just about dawn, when we got to Baton Rouge. And
to make a long story short, eventually the captain and the entire crew of that Russian vessel was
detained, he would not allow them off the ship. And the state department was there, the
agriculture department and the FBI and I don’t know who all, including us. So it was a very new
experience for me. Very tense aboard that ship when the captain was told that he was not allowed
to go ashore. He wanted people to go to a doctor, and on his crew manifest, he had two doctors.

�He wanted people to go to a dentist and he had a dentist on the crew manifest, all of which were
bogus, you know. He had a crew list of more than twice the number of people that was required
to run that ship. So you know what was going on, we all know what was going on at that point in
time. And he loaded grain eventually in Baton Rouge, and he was escorted with Coast Guard
vessels in front and behind, all the way to 90 miles into the gulf. So it was a rough night and a
rough day…but a lot of fun. (0:45:44)
Interviewer: Okay. Now if you’re in a place like New York or New Orleans, do you have to
worry about smuggling activities or organized crime activities?
Veteran: Yeah, a lot of the work in New York was on the piers. At that time, the old wood piers.
We were concerned a whole lot with activities of the longshore men, and I don’t mean to knock
the longshore men, it’s their job. But the old story on the longshore men in New York was the
first ten percent that comes off the ship belongs to the longshore men. And no smoking on the
pier. We were on one pier in New York when I was there the second time where we caught a guy
smoking and he was reported immediately to the supervisor. And when it happens twice, that’s
grounds for dismissal: you lose your job. And we told him about it. There were three of us guys.
We told him that he had one warning, and if there was another, he was gone. We went aboard the
ship to inspect the ship. At that point in time, a lot of those inspections were for radioactive
material and so forth aboard the ship and we had all of the instruments necessary to do that.
Checked all the papers with the officers on the ship and so forth. We came back off and this guy
was smoking again. And the guy who was with me, he said to him I am going to your supervisor,
and you just lost your job. And as we walked towards the supervisor’s office, I heard a scream by
the guy who was on my right, and this guy who had just been caught smoking for the second
time took what they call a bale hook, kind of a round hook that they would hook nets to pull

�things off the ship, and he put it right through his back and it came out of his chest. And luckily
we got him to the hospital before he bled to death or anything, but those are the kind of people
that worked on the piers sometimes in New York so. (0:47:48)
Interviewer: Okay, so presumably he lost his job at that point…
Veteran: Yeah, he did lose his job and went to prison, I understand, for some years besides,
which… So it, you know, wasn’t combat but it was—it could be very dangerous. It could be very
dangerous.
Interviewer: I mean did you encounter any kind of drug smuggling issues or things like
that?
Veteran: No, I don’t think that at that point in time the Coast Guard was much involved in it. At
least not that I knew of…Like they are today. It’s a big part of their job today.
Interviewer: But as far as the port security, it was not necessarily that kind of detective
work so much it was—
Veteran: No, it was kind of a--almost a law enforcement activity at that point in time. Here’s
what we are looking for, if we find it, here’s what the punishment is or you know what’s going to
happen to you folks that are involved in it. (0:48:41)
Interviewer: Okay, now you mentioned the looking for radioactive materials. That seems
kind of odd…Did you get stuff going in, coming out? Any idea what that was about?
Veteran: There was a concern I think at that time in the Coast Guard that there might be, you
know there was--we already had atomic bombs, and was there any smuggling of radioactivity,
radioactive material, that was either coming in or going out. That was one of the concerns when

�we went on board the ship. Who’s trying to build a bomb that we don’t want building a bomb.
And we have that same problem today, right?
Interviewer: Alright.
Veteran: It’s never stopped.
Interviewer: Okay, let’s see now, did you get any kind of awards or commendations, kind
of beyond the stuff you get for showing up?
Veteran: Yeah, I got the—you know the pistol marksman, and the rifle marksman and so forth,
but the one that I enjoyed the most was the Coast Guard Achievement Medal.
Interviewer: Okay.
Veteran: And after spending 21 years in one unit, there were a lot of things I was able to do. One
of my tours of active duty was right at that unit for two weeks. And one other fellow and myself
spent the entire two weeks, probably close to 70 hours a week for those two weeks, rewriting
engineering programs and engineering training manuals for the entire 9th district. And that’s what
the achievement medal was for. (0:50:19)
Interviewer: Okay. Alright, now while you were—you had your career as a Coast Guard
reservist, what kind of work were you doing in civilian life?
Veteran: When I was living in Illinois for the most part, it was marketing support, and the same
in Cleveland. And then when I moved here to Michigan, mostly how do I support the sales
people in the organization that I am working for. It had to do with advertising and sales meetings
and all that sort of thing.
Interviewer: Okay. And out of what company did you work for the longest, do you think?

�Veteran: The longest would have been Allis-Chalmers in Illinois. I worked there 23 years. At
that time, they were building engines in Harvey, Illinois and lift trucks when I first started there.
And then they built a new engine plant in Harvey and they built a new lift truck plant in
Matteson, Illinois, so I worked there for a while before I moved on to Cleveland.
Interviewer: Okay. And then did you stay with sort of heavy equipment manufacturers, or
did you do other things?
Veteran: Yeah, when I moved to Cleveland, we moved to a competitor there. There were 12
people that, over a period of about a year and a half, left Allis-Chalmers and went to Baker
Material Handling in Cleveland. And they built lift trucks just like we did there. We saw the
handwriting on the wall I think in—at Allis-Chalmers. Had a beautiful plant, had a great product.
We sold more lift trucks to the U.S. government than any other manufacturer in the United
States, but we saw the handwriting on the wall that they were slowly deteriorating as an
organization, Allis-Chalmers in general, whether it be farm trucks, construction machinery, lift
trucks, engines, whatever. About a year after I left, the business was sold to a dealer in Ohio,
who ultimately peddled it to a place in Sweden, and it no longer exists so we went to a
competitor. And then one of the folks at Baker, who knew me from Allis-Chalmers, said I am
moving to Midland Heavy Duty brake in Owosso, do you want to come with me? I really didn’t
want to move again, I was only in Cleveland for three years. But I did, and then later on, in 1988,
they were sold and they were building a new headquarters in Kansas City, and my wife and
family said, do we really want to move again? I said well I do, but I knew they didn’t so then I
went to work for a petroleum manufacturer here in—or a petroleum distributer here in Grand
Rapids, and spent the rest of my time there. (0:53:13)
Interviewer: Alright. Are you retired now?

�Veteran: Yes.
Interviewer: So when did you retire then?
Veteran: Last I really worked was about 2 years ago. After I retired on a full-time basis, I worked
as a consultant for 4, 5 years and then drove cars for Hertz Corporation between airports between
Grand Rapids and Detroit, Traverse City and so forth. But about two years ago I said, hey I am
78 years old, that’s enough, I got enough.
Interviewer: Alright. Look back on your career in the Coast Guard, are there other
memories or events or things that kind of stand out? Anything you’ve got on your list there
that, I guess, we haven’t covered?
Veteran: No, I think you pretty much covered everything. There was one, one quick thing that
happened maybe in—when I was in the unit in Gary. Just kind of a funny thing if we’ve got time
for that? (0:54:09)
Interviewer: Yep, yep, yep, oh yeah.
Veteran: I was teaching a class, I was a chief engineman at that time, I was teaching a class and
there was an announcement over the loud speaker system that there was an emergency phone call
for me, so I turned the class over to another fellow, grabbed the phone. And it was my wife. We
had just moved into a house that we had bought, it was an old house, and had fixed it up and just
painted the bedroom and all of that sort of stuff and it was white and she had a new bedspread
and so forth. So she said there’s a bird in the bedroom. I said I am 22 miles away, what do you
want me to do with the bird? So she called her father who lived next door. He came over with a
broom. He was going to beat it to death in the bedroom. She said no you aren’t. So we knew that
the police department had, I forgot what they call that, a gun that kills—or doesn’t kill animals…

�Interviewer: Like a tranquilizer, or something like that?
Veteran: Yeah, a tranquilizer, we knew that. So she said, and when I hung up, I said what do you
want me to do? She said I will take care of it. So she dialed the police and said I’ve got a bird in
my bedroom, can you bring the tranquilizer gun over? And the cop said, lady, this is not for
birds, this is for animals. And she said well, what do you want me to do? And he said open the
window. And she did and the bird flew out. So I’ll never forget it, I’ll never forget what I was
doing that day. It was really—I could go on about that story for hours but, that’s it.
Interviewer: Alright, now overall, what do you think you took out of your time with the
Coast Guard? What did you learn from it or how did it effect you?
Veteran: I think that leadership was the most important thing. It went hand in hand with my
civilian job. The last civilian job that I had at Midland, we purchased 9 companies in 8 years and
melded them into the organization. So there was a constant turmoil, a change of people to work
with. My boss at one time, who was my boss for all except about 6 months at Midland, when we
had bought—we had purchased a company in Syracuse, New York. He moved to Syracuse and
was there for about a year and a half, so our only communication was every two or three months.
We’d meet at an airport somewhere to discuss what was going on, otherwise everything
happened on the phone, and I think the Coast Guard really contributed to that. Being able to be a
leader and at the same time, as an officer, in some cases to act on your own, which I then did in
civilian life. (0:56:56)
Interviewer: Okay.
Veteran: But I think overall, a love of country was really the main factor.

�Interviewer: Alright. But now you’ve reminded me of another question I wanted to kind of
bring in…You’ve, as an enlisted man staying in one place for a long time, you would
have—and then eventually as an officer—but you would have seen a lot of changes in
command and things like that. How common was it for, say, you were in Gary for 21 years,
for base commanders or high-ranking people, to kind of move on or change positions?
Veteran: Commanding officers of most of the reserve units at that time had a job for about three
years, so I saw about five or six, maybe seven in that time that I was there. But that was kind of
an unwritten rule: every three years, we had a new commanding officer. And there was a way for
those folks to move on too. They then became inspectors for the district office, became training
people for the district office, where they would write training programs and so forth. So many of
those folks got 20, 25 years in as well. (0:58:09)
Interviewer: Okay. Now, was it always kind of an adventure when a new guy came in? Did
they kind of come in and want to show who’s boss? Or did they just want to fit in or--?
Veteran: A little bit of everything, I guess. But for the most part, you knew who those people
were because they would be an executive officer before being promoted to be the commanding
officer of a unit. So if you were there with them, as I was, you knew those folks for at least 5, 6
years before they became commanding officer. Training unit, and then executive officer, and
then commanding officer.
Interviewer: Okay, so it’s not like they are usually coming in from the outside? Or are total
unknowns when they come in.
Veteran: Rarely, rarely. That did happen at the unit in Muskegon. The commanding officer there
lived in Detroit, so he drove from Detroit to Muskegon for his weekends. And I lived in Ada and

�drove over there. There was another officer, training officer, who drove from Flint. So, and those
were all—all three of us were new at that unit. All at the same time, all on the same day. That
was a little hairy.
Interviewer: So when you go into a situation like that, how do you handle it, or deal with
the personnel who are already there?
Veteran: I guess at that point in time, you know, I had been in for 29 years, and I often thought
about it on the active duty that you went on each year for two weeks. My feeling was that when
you arrive there on Sunday, you better find out who you are living with and who you can live
with and who you don’t think you can live with, because you are going to be sleeping in the
same place for two weeks, you’re going to eat with them, you’re going to go on liberty with them
and whatever. So by that time you had done it so many times, it really didn’t bother you.
(1:00:01)
Interviewer: Now does it help that the Coast Guard is a relatively small group? Is there
kind of a standard way of doing things that’s pretty common, from one place to another?
Veteran: Yeah, if you get transferred from one ship to another, many of the things are the same.
Or if you get transferred from one base to another, things are pretty much the same. I have been
at the Coast Guard bases as a civilian, I’ve been on Maui and in Honolulu, and they operate the
same as they do in Chicago or over here in Grand Haven. (1:00:34)
Interviewer: Alright. Well, you’ve got a good story and you lay it out very nicely for us, so
I’d just like to close here by thanking you for taking the time to come in and share it today.
Veteran: I appreciate it, and I hope it inspires some other folks to join. (1:00:46)

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Boring, Frank</text>
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                <text>Smits, Wendall (Interview transcript and video), 2017</text>
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                <text>Wendall Smits was born in South Holland, Illinois in 1936. After graduating high school, a friend convinced him to join the Coast Guard Reserve at the age of 17. He completed two weeks of boot camp in 1955 at Cape May, New Jersey and became an engineman for the Coast Guard aboard various ships. He then became a chief engineman and, later, a lieutenant with a unit in Chicago before transferring to a Coast Guard unit in Gary, Indiana. After moving to Cleveland, Ohio, he was promoted to the position of warrant officer, and then to a Lieutenant Junior Grade. Smits primarily worked for port security at the various bases bases he was stationed at and also trained recruits for his Coast Guard units as a training officer. He was later awarded the Coast Guard Achievement Medal for his work rewriting engineering programs and engineering training manuals for the entire 9th district in Gary, Indiana.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans’ History Project
Bob Smoker
Vietnam War
1 hour 26 minutes 39 seconds
(00:00:12) Early Life
-Born on October 25, 1949 in York, Pennsylvania
-Grew up there
-Mother worked in a department store
-Father worked for a heating and plumbing company
-Delivered fuel, oil, and worked on air conditioners
-Graduated from high school in 1967
-Granted a scholarship to Williamsport Area Community College
-Sponsored by GTE Sylvania to pursue a degree in tool making
-After first year of college felt like it was high school all over again
-Tried for a second year and dropped out after the second year
-Shortly after dropping out of college he began his apprenticeship with GTE Sylvania
(00:01:27) Awareness of the War and Getting Drafted
-Aware of the Vietnam War and the draft during his adolescence
-Had some friends who had been deferred because they were apprentices for various trades
-He wasn’t allowed a deferment because he had dropped out of college
-Wasn’t surprised that he was eventually drafted
-Noticed that in Vietnam it looked like continuous combat based on the news coverage
-Followed some of the politics during 1968
-Received his draft notice in April 1969
-Reported for his Army physical
-Didn’t notice anyone trying to avoid getting drafted
(00:03:30) Basic Training
-Went to Fort Dix, New Jersey for basic training
-Went to the induction center in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania prior to basic training
-Boarded a troop train and had been put in charge of tickets for the recruits
-Due to miscommunication concerning the tickets they all arrived late to Fort Dix
-Wasn’t punished for his mistake though
-Remembers taking a lot of tests before training actually began
-Army was seeing who would be good for what roles and who was fit for service
-Received physical, hand to hand combat, and weapons training
-Remembers marching and taking hikes in the sand as part of physical training
-There was a lot of emphasis on military discipline and following orders
-Didn’t have any personal difficulty with following orders
-Kept a low profile to avoid being noticed by the drill sergeants
-Trained alongside a variety of men that were other draftees
-Some had a college education, came from a variety of ethnic backgrounds
-His drill sergeant had been to Vietnam
-Occasionally would give advice about fighting and surviving in Vietnam

�-Didn’t find the physical aspects of basic training all that hard due to being in good shape
-Basic training lasted eight weeks
(00:09:07) Advanced Infantry Training (AIT)
-After basic training applied for a compassionate reassignment
-Father was in a veterans’ hospital and wanted to stay stateside for his father
-With a compassionate reassignment it would have delayed AIT and deployment
-Application process took forever
-Eventually got denied compassionate reassignment anyway
-Sent to Fort Lewis, Washington for AIT
-Advanced Infantry Training was a more intensive version of basic training
-Went through the SERE (Survival, Evasion, Resistance, and Escape) program
-Knowing how to survive cutoff from your unit and how to survive being captured
-Trained with heavy weapons
-Specifically missile launchers, grenade launchers, and heavy machine guns
-Practiced combat maneuvers
-Participated in larger scale war games where rifles were replaced with BB guns
-Trained how to execute a “rifle quick kill”
-Point at target, fire, and kill the target without looking at the target
-Felt that he did well with weapons training
-Trained by Vietnam veterans as well as “shake and bake” sergeants
-“Shake and bake” sergeants: gained their rank in an NCO school, not in combat
-They were not trained how to deal with the Vietnamese populace during AIT
-Spent eight weeks in AIT
(00:14:06) Deployment to Vietnam
-After Advanced Infantry Training he was sent home on a thirty days leave
-Arrived in Vietnam in October 1969
-First had to travel on his own to Oakland, California
-Spent three days being processed by the Army there
-Flew over to Vietnam on a commercial airliner
-Stopped at Hawaii, Wake Island, and then the Philippines
-Allowed to walk around the airports when the plane stopped at each place
(00:16:00) Arrival in Vietnam
-Landed in Bien Hoa, Vietnam at night
-First impression of Vietnam was that it was hot and humid
-No enemy activity upon their arrival
-Assigned a place to stay as well as put on a rotation for guard duty
-Felt a lot of uncertainty during his first days in country
-Stayed on the base so he didn’t know what the countryside was like yet
-Spent a couple days at Bien Hoa before he was assigned to the 101st Airborne Division
-Went through SERTS at Camp Ray near Saigon
-SERTS: Screaming Eagle Replacement Training School
-Physical training, introduction to 101st, jungle survival, introduction to Vietnam
-Doesn’t ever remember any real world application of what he learned in SERTS
(00:19:40) Assignment to Charlie Company
-Flew up to join the division at Camp Evans in a C-130’s cargo hold
-Got assigned to Charlie Company, 2nd Battalion, 506th Regiment

�-Charlie Company was in the field when he arrived at Camp Evans
-Pulled bunker duty on the perimeter of Camp Evans waiting to join Charlie Company
-Got flown out to a firebase in the Lowlands onboard a helicopter to join C Company
-Wound up being the first time he ever rode on a helicopter
-Fairly quiet at the firebase Charlie Company was operating out of
-Could see fighting in the hills and the mountains at night
-Was instructed to observe the other soldiers and follow all the orders that were given to him
-Was not given any kind of formal introduction to the unit
(00:24:40) Conditions in the Field
-Went out on patrol for a few weeks at a time
-After patrols the unit would return to a firebase or to Camp Evans
-Always got transported via helicopter to and from firebases
-Recalls how every plant in the jungle seemed to have thorns on it
-Amazed that no one ever seemed to get the cold or the flu while in the field
-Learned quickly to keep quiet and to keep track of his supplies
-Once your supplies ran out you would have to wait for a resupply to happen
-Soldiers were allowed to smoke cigarettes in the field
-Not allowed to at night though, so as to maintain light discipline
-Never encountered drugs other than one time when they were sent to an abandoned firebase
-Found a bag of marijuana that the soldiers had left behind
-Wound up destroying it
-Original commander of Charlie Company was a gung ho type leader
-Wanted to make sure that C Company was involved in all available action
(00:30:14) Operating in the Lowlands
-Stayed in the hills until the monsoon set in
-During patrols the unit would dig in during the day and move at night
-Also set up ambushes at night
-Operated in the Lowlands to insure that they could be resupplied
-Usually worked at the platoon level, sometimes even broke down into the squad level
-Remembers when Captain Vazquez became their commanding officer
-Heard rumors about his grit, tenacity, and former Special Forces career
-Also heard that he was a strong and effective leader worthy of respect
-With him as their commander they always stayed off the trails and cut through the foliage
-More difficult to cut through the jungle, but always proved to be safer
-Eventually got sent on a mission to secure a landing zone that would become Firebase Gladiator
-While at that firebase heard about how a sister platoon had been wiped out
(00:33:43) Establishing Firebase Ripcord
-In the spring of 1970 Operation Texas Star (also known as the Ripcord Campaign) began
-At the start of the campaign had no idea how big of a deal Firebase Ripcord was going to be
-His company, Charlie Company, was the third company to be sent in to secure the hilltop
-Eventually managed to clear out the enemy forces and secure the hilltop
-Had noticed an increased amount of enemy activity prior to the assault on the hill
-Once the hilltop had been secured a perimeter was established and engineers were moved in
-Spent most of their time building perimeter defenses
-Bunkers, digging trenches, setting up land mines, and laying down wire
-Had to dig all of their defensive positions by hand

�-While building up Firebase Ripcord they didn’t receive enemy fire
-After Firebase Ripcord was established his unit was returned to the field
(00:38:12) Spring and Early Summer of 1970
-During April, May and June of 1970 his unit carried out mostly search and destroy missions
-Noticed a marked increase in enemy activity during this time
-Got sent out on a bomb damage assessment mission during this time
-Went down into a valley and spent the night there
-During their time in the valley they noticed enemy movement towards Ripcord
-Upon returning to base got debriefed by an intelligence officer
-Told that enemy forces were building up and moving towards Ripcord
-Engaged in sporadic firefights over the course of the spring and early summer
-Usually brief engagements with the enemy
-During this time got assigned the “over under”
-Experimental design of the M16 rifle with an attached grenade launcher
-Also became a supply representative for his unit
-Checked on what supplies were needed
-Transmitted those needs back to a base for more effective resupply missions
(00:42:25) Battle of Ripcord-Hill 902
-At the end of June 1970 he was moved over to Hill 902
`
-One of the key hills surrounding the main hill for Firebase Ripcord
-On July 1st the Battle of Ripcord began to intensify and the enemy stepped up their attacks
-Hill 902’s main value was in spotting and targeting of enemy positions
-His unit spent two nights in a row in the same positions on Hill 902
-Strategically bad move, too predictable
-He hadn’t been assigned anything other than to simply be another person on Hill 902
-When the attack began on Hill 902 he had to run from the barracks to his foxhole
-Didn’t even have time to put his boots on
-Remembers a huge amount of light and noise
-Gunfire, screaming, explosions, and the light from flares and artillery
-Realized that Vietnamese forces had broken their line and were deep within their territory
-Instinctively shot and killed an attacking Vietnamese soldier
-Implemented the “rifle quick kill” technique that he had learned in training
-Was able to use a grenade to effectively kill a group of dug in Vietnamese soldiers
-After the firefight helped to secure the perimeter and look for Vietnamese survivors
-Remembers watching as Cobra attack helicopters provided fire support
-Managed to make it through the fighting at Hill 902 uninjured
-Believes that the charging Vietnamese overlooked his position
-As it got lighter he could see jets flying bombing raids on the remaining Vietnamese
(00:53:19) Battle of Ripcord-Interim and New Commander
-Got taken off Hill 902 and was rotated back to Firebase Ripcord
-Company captain [Hewitt, recent replacement for Vazquez] was killed and replaced by Captain
Wilcox
-He was able to serve as Wilcox’s radio operator for a short time
-Walked over to Hill 805 under the leadership of Captain Wilcox
-Whole area felt tense after the attack on Hill 902 like an attack could happen at any time
-Had been impressed by Captain Wilcox since they were first introduced

�(00:56:50) Battle of Ripcord-Hill 1000
-His unit was sent over to Hill 1000 on July 8, 1970
-Very close to Firebase Ripcord and extremely strategic
-D Company had tried to assault Hill 1000 earlier and failed
-C Company was going to work with D Company for a second assault
-On the morning of July 8 artillery and air raids bombarded the hill
-So intense that shrapnel was still falling from the sky when they walked up the hill
-Managed to reach the top of the hill without incident
-Once they reached the top that’s when the Vietnamese opened fire
-Company’s medic was killed on the hilltop
-Received word that a large enemy force was moving towards their position
-Advised to retreat from the hill and regroup at a landing zone
-Had no idea what had become of D Company
-Regrouped at landing zone and Captain Wilcox defied a direct order from Colonel Lucas
-Colonel Lucas wanted a second assault, Wilcox knew it was suicide
-Second assault was abandoned, but Wilcox was relieved of command
(01:04:04) End of the Ripcord Campaign and End of Tour
-Throughout July 1970 the fighting around Firebase Ripcord only intensified
-Vietnamese attacks got more vicious and chipped away at the resolve of the troops
-Remembers that after Hill 1000 C Company joined D Company to rescue D Company, 1st/506th
for an operation
-Helping to secure a landing zone so troops could be evacuated out of the area
-On July 22/23 Firebase Ripcord was abandoned and bombed by B52 bombers
-Last ditch effort to wipe out Vietnamese troops that were attacking the firebase
-By this time C Company had been evacuated and put on station at Camp Evans
-Last major assignment was to be assigned to Firebase Rakkasan
-Acted as the supply representative for the firebase
-Was starting to count down the days to being sent home
(01:08:40) Drugs, Civilians, and Morale
-Doesn’t ever recall seeing or hearing about soldiers using drugs
-Soldiers would occasionally drink beer and get drunk on base during downtime
-Never ran into Vietnamese civilians during his tour
-Towards the end of his tour he started to notice racial tensions building up
-Remembers hearing about a racially motivated incident at “Rocket Ridge”
-Didn’t know the details
-Heard that it had been resolved peacefully though
-In general most men wanted to follow orders and do their job as best as they could
-Just wanted to help each other survive and get home
-In the field he noticed that they were always able to act effectively as a unit
(01:12:49) A R&amp;R in Australia
-Received an R&amp;R while in Vietnam
-Picked Australia to be his destination
-Took his R&amp;R there in May 1970 before the Ripcord Campaign intensified
-Australia was an eye opening experience for him
-Got scammed by a local woman and wound up losing most of his money there

�(01:14:30) Coming Home and Leaving the Army
-Went to Cam Ranh Bay and got processed out there
-Flew back to Fort Lewis, Washington
-Spent a day there
-Prior to leaving Vietnam got promoted to the rank of sergeant
-Being a sergeant he was assigned to Hunter Army Air Field in Savannah, Georgia
-After a short leave home reported to Hunter Army Air Field
-Given easy assignments because he was a sergeant and an infantryman
-Never experienced any war protestors or harassment upon coming home
-At the end of his service the Army made an effort to get him to reenlist
-Declined, just wanted to get out and go back to being a civilian
-Got discharged on May 12, 1971
(01:17:37) Life after the War
-Went back to work for GTE Sylvania
-Eventually completed his apprenticeship as a toolmaker
-Worked for them until about 1981/1982
-In 1975 started attending Bible College
-Graduated from there in 1981
-Went to seminary and wound up being a pastor at a church in Vermont
-In 2001 became a fulltime pastor
-Prior to that had also worked in a machine shop
-After becoming a fulltime pastor became a part time machine shop worker
-Acted as a full time pastor until 2010
(01:19:00) Volunteerism in Vietnam
-In 2001 got a call asking if he wanted to go back to Vietnam for mission work
-Accepted the offer and in January 2002 went to Vietnam for three weeks
-Met with American missionaries and Cambodian church builders in Ho Chi Minh City
-Worked on teaching Vietnamese villagers English
-Had to go over as a “tourist” and not as an official missionary
-Learned that the new experiences in Vietnam replaced the old memories he had
-Has since returned, and continues to return to Vietnam with groups of Vietnam veterans
-Associating the country with a positive experience has been extremely therapeutic
(01:22:40) Reflections on Service and Mission Work
-Harbors no resentment towards the Vietnamese people
-Feels that God has given him so much and he should share himself with everyone
-Wants to continue to help the rural Vietnamese to learn English
-Wants to repay the debt that he feels he owes to God
-Has never been harassed by Vietnamese officials for being a Christian
-In fact they welcomed an American who is willing to help the people
-Wants to continue to work to show veterans that Vietnam is now how they remember it
-Finds it a shame that Vietnam is so closely associated with the war and the culture ignored
-At the end of the day just wants to help veterans not to be stuck with old, bitter memories

�</text>
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Boring, Frank</text>
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                    <text>Lloyd Snowdeal (1:17:30)
(00:07) Background Information
•

Lloyd was born in Rockland, Maine in 1927

•

His father was a skilled laborer

•

He went to high school and worked

•

One of his teachers was interested in world events so, he knew what was going on with
the war

•

He applied for the Navy’s electronic engineering program, but it was dropped so they
told him to go to the Maritime Commission

(15:44) Training
•

Lloyd went to boot camp and then radio school

•

In December of 1944 he received commission to become an officer

•

He went to a school on Hoffman Island in the New York Harbor

•

They taught him Morse Code and he became a Radio Officer

•

Lloyd then went to Virginia to wait for an assignment

(27:05) Deployment
•

His job aboard the ship was to repeat course changes to the rest of the ships in the convoy

•

Their first convoy went to Algiers

•

Lloyd didn’t like to go to shore very much

•

He went to Le Havre, France and Bari, Italy which had a lot of ships sunk in its port

•

Lloyd went to the Pacific Ocean after the war in Europe was over and was the Chief
Operator in the radio room on the USS Victory

•

Their job was to take a load of GIs to Japan as replacements

•

Once they got to Japan Lloyd went on an Italian ship that was in the same port and was
offered the job of being in charge of the radio room, but declined because the ship had
rats and Italian radios

�(41:40) Discharge
•

Lloyd went to work on a mail ship in the Black Diamond line of ships

•

He was on the commander ship that went from the east coast to Le Havre, France,
Belgium, and Rotterdam

•

Lloyd then worked for Standard Oil out of New Jersey on a WWI tanker

•

He worked for 3 months and then got 1 month off paid

(49:15) Air Force
•

Lloyd joined the Air Force on February 23, 1950

•

He went to basic training and became a Bypass Specialist assigned to a B-29 squadron

•

Lloyd worked with Q-24 radar

(57:00) 2nd Deployment
•

He was sent to England, but became ill while he was there

•

Lloyd was sent to a hospital in Frankfurt and diagnosed with Multiple Sclerosis

•

He spent 8 months in the Walter Reed hospital and was sent back to New York

•

In December of 1952 he volunteered to go to South Korea

•

Lloyd was assigned to a service and repair depot in Seoul, Korea

(1:14:47) Back to the US
•

He was sent home and served the rest of his time close to home in Bangor, Maine

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Veterans History Project
Dave Snyder
Vietnam War
Interview Length: (01:11:36:00)
Pre-enlistment / Training (00:00:08:00)
 Snyder was born January 16, 1949 in Painesville, Ohio and grew up in Painesville, where
his father worked as a delivery driver and his mother stayed at home (00:00:08:00)
 Snyder graduated from high school in 1967 and went through a series of jobs, including
working at a gas station and an auto parts store; Snyder had just gotten a job working at a
factory in Euclid, Ohio when he received his draft notice (00:00:30:00)
o During his time in high school and the period before receiving his draft notice,
Snyder was only slightly aware of what was happening in Vietnam; he did not pay
really close attention to the war until one of his friends received his own draft
notice in 2967 (00:01:14:00)
 Once he was out of high school, Snyder figured he would eventually be
drafted before the conflict was over (00:01:27:00)
 Snyder ended up going to Fort Campbell, Kentucky for his basic training and then to Fort
Sill, Oklahoma for artillery school (00:01:40:00)
o At the very beginning, Snyder went through the Army’s induction center in
Cleveland, Ohio (00:01:48:00)
 While Snyder was at the induction center, other men who had received
their draft notice were trying to get out of serving; the one man Snyder
remembers the most was a man who had gotten out of serving once and
was brought to the induction center in handcuffs (00:02:02:00)
o When Snyder and the other men arrived at Fort Campbell, they spent roughly a
week at the base’s induction center for an introduction course before the actual
basic training began (00:02:25:00)
 While in the induction center, Snyder had no idea what his MOS (Military
Occupational Specialty) was going to be; the only time he figured it would
be a combat MOS was when the instructors singled out roughly 100-150
men, which included Snyder, to take training on the M-16 rifle
(00:02:40:00)
 The bulk of the men did not have to take the M-16 training and
sure enough, the group that did go through the training ended up
receiving combat MOSs (00:02:56:00)
o Snyder’s training company was a mixture of both enlistees and draftees, as well as
a small number of National Guard; draftees made up the largest percentage of the
company, followed by enlistees, then the National Guard soldiers (00:03:07:00)
 Not even everyone in Snyder’s training company had to go through the M16 training; a friend of Snyder’s from Ohio went through basic training
with Snyder, did not go through M-16 training, was assigned an MP
(Military Police) MOS, and never left the country (00:03:34:00)

�



The normal weapon the men in the company trained with was the older M14 rifle (00:03:55:00)
 Once the group was selected out for the M-16 training, they were
briefly singled out from the other men and taken to qualify with the
M-16, a process that lasted about three or four days (00:04:02:00)
 The men who trained with the M-16, including Snyder, qualified
with both the M-14 and the M-16 (00:04:17:00)
 At the time, Snyder liked the M-16 over the M-14 because the
former was much lighter, although the latter had more power and
more kick (00:04:31:00)
o For the most part, the training for Snyder at Fort Campbell was the standard type
of basic training that all the soldiers received (00:05:02:00)
o It was not until the very end of basic training that Snyder and the other men
received their orders for advanced training (00:06:27:00)
 Snyder did not really know what field artillery involved, so he asked one
of his drill sergeants and the drill sergeant said that the artillery was
mounted on tracks and Snyder would always stay in the rear; to Snyder,
that did not sound right and as it turned out, it was not (00:06:36:00)
Once he received his orders for Fort Sill, Snyder had a short leave, no more than ten days,
before reporting to the base (00:06:52:00)
o Snyder liked being at Fort Sill because it was a different atmosphere than had
been at Fort Campbell (00:07:08:00)
 As well, he began enjoying training with the artillery because he had
always enjoyed working with machines (00:07:14:00)
o It did not take long, only a couple of days, and a lot of push-ups, for Snyder to
learn that there were not artillery companies but artillery batteries (00:07:32:00)
o The training at Fort Sill consisted of a lot of schooling, learning about the various
guns and their parts, and hands-on training with the guns; as well, the men would
do bivouacs, where they would go into the field for a day or two, set up and fire
the guns, the return to the training area (00:07:44:00)
 Snyder and the other men trained with the 105mm, split-tail howitzer
(00:08:09:00)
 The men were required to do all the maintenance on the guns as well as
clean them (00:08:16:00)
 During the training, the men rotated around the various jobs working with
the guns (00:08:27:00)
o The advanced training lasted roughly the same time as the basic training, about
eight weeks total, with the first week again acting as an introduction week for the
men (00:08:38:00)
o Again, Snyder’s training battery had a small portion of National Guard but the
vast majority of the men were either draftees or enlistees (00:09:05:00)
 At times, during both basic training and advanced training, the men in the
National Guard received some of the worst abuse; however, the other men
received their fair share as well (00:09:32:00)

�



o Towards the sixth week of the advanced training, officers came around asking, if
any of the men were interested in going to NCO school and many of the men did;
for Snyder, NCO was just another new part of the experience (00:10:33:00)
 While in NCO school, the men trained with all the artillery guns, which
was something Snyder wanted to do (00:10:54:00)
 Snyder cannot remember exactly how long the NCO school at Fort Sill
lasted (00:11:13:00)
 The school was a mixture of training, a little bit of everything for the men;
mostly the training involved learning all the positions on the gun, with an
emphasis on the gunner’s position and the section chief’s duties
(00:11:17:00)
 The instructors emphasized making sure that the men knew exactly
what the gun was going to do at all times (00:11:35:00)
 Part of the gunner’s job was: making sure the gun was dug in and
positioned correctly, maintaining the gun’s sight, sighting the
gun’s elevation and horizontal movement before firing, and
maintaining the gun’s bore sight (00:11:48:00)
o When the gunners sighted the gun, they either used aiming
stakes, a column meter, or a distant aiming point, where the
gunner would pick a certain spot in the distance and aim
the gun relative to that particular spot (00:12:29:00)
 The men also trained in how to properly lay out the batteries; although
there were other men whose sole responsibility as laying out the battery,
any of the NCOs could do the job if needed (00:12:45:00)
 The men even trained with self-propelled artillery, everything from
maintaining the engine to changing the tracks (00:13:04:00)
 Going into the NCO training, all the men were promoted to corporal and
when the training ended, they were promoted to sergeant (00:13:35:00)
Once he finished NCO training, Snyder transferred to the 2nd (Battalion) of the 2nd
Artillery (Regiment), a training battalion stationed at Fort Sill (00:13:49:00)
o The battalion was responsible for doing the majority of the firepower
demonstrations on the base (00:14:13:00)
 One of the “trick shots” the batteries would do was fire a timed, highangle shot into the air, then crank the guns down and fire a direct-fire shot,
so that the two rounds impacted at the same time (00:14:17:00)
o The way things were going, Snyder vaguely thought he might stay with the
battalion but that was not how things worked out (00:14:41:00)
o Snyder stayed with the battalion for four or five months working as a gunner on a
105mm howitzer (00:14:47:00)
Snyder eventually received orders shortly after New Years 1970, ordering him to deploy
to Vietnam (00:15:09:00)
o After he received the orders for Vietnam, Snyder briefly returned home before
deploying to Vietnam in February 1970 (00:15:22:00)
o Prior to Snyder leaving Fort Sill, there was some training related to Vietnam but
the training was not intensive (00:15:43:00)

�



The Vietnamese training involved teaching the men the local Vietnamese
customs, training them about the different types of enemy booby-traps the
might encounter, etc. (00:15:49:00)
 For the most part, the training was off and on throughout the entire process
at Fort Sill, with only a week being fully dedicated to it (00:16:18:00)
Snyder’s orders were for Cam Ranh Bay and once he arrived in Cam Ranh Bay, that was
when he was assigned to a unit (00:16:33:00)
o Once his short leave was over, Snyder first went from Ohio to Fort Lewis,
Washington and from Fort Lewis, processed over to Vietnam (00:16:48:00)
 On the section from Fort Lewis to Vietnam, Snyder flew with other
soldiers on a commercial jetliner (00:17:21:00)

Vietnam (00:18:11:00)
 Once he arrived at Cam Ranh Bay, Snyder’s first impression of the country was the smell
and the heat, especially compared to Ohio and Washington in February (00:18:11:00)
 Snyder and the other soldiers on the plane largely stayed together as a group through the
in-country processing, after which, manifests were read that divided the men up into the
various units; Snyder ended up with the 101st Airborne Division (00:18:43:00)
o Snyder and another soldier initially questioned their assignment to the 101st,
having never been through jump school (00:19:10:00)
 The two men talked with a sergeant, saying they had not been through
jump school, and the sergeant merely said that they were in the 101st now
and to “enjoy it” (00:19:35:00)
 After leaving Cam Ranh Bay, Snyder and the other men assigned to the 101st Airborne
wound up at Camp Evans (00:19:57:00)
o Once they were at Camp Evans, Snyder and the other men were put in a
classroom and given an orientation to Vietnam; as well, the men went through
medevac training, including a medevac demonstration on a landing pad just
outside the classroom (00:20:46:00)
o During the time in the classroom, Snyder kept looking at plaques lining the walls
of the room and were the unit crests of the various units in the division; he saw
one crest, the 2nd of the 11th, and he told a friend that was the unit they wanted to
avoid because another of Snyder’s friends had served in the unit and the unit was
armed with the massive 155mm howitzer (00:21:07:00)
 Once the classroom orientation was over, all the men loaded onto a truck and drove
around to the various units in the division (00:21:33:00)
o As the truck drove around, Snyder kept seeing the 105mms that he had trained
with (00:21:56:00)
o When the truck arrived at the 2nd of the 11th’s position, Snyder saw that the unit
was indeed using 155mm guns and although he told his friend to hope that was
not the unit they were assigned to, Snyder’s name was the only one called to join
the unit (00:22:05:00)
 The 2nd of the 11th’s area at Camp Evans was the rear area for the
battalion, with only a single battery stationed there (00:22:38:00)

�



Snyder spent part of the day at the battalion’s area in the camp before
boarding a truck to join his battery on Firebase Jack, which was located
just outside Camp Evans (00:22:51:00)
o Once at Firebase Jack, Snyder joined his battery, Alpha Battery, 2nd (Battalion) of
the 11th Field Artillery Regiment (00:23:16:00)
 As it turned out, a soldier who Snyder had gone through AIT with was
assigned to one of the other guns in the battery, which meant Snyder at
least knew someone in the battery (00:23:21:00)
 Although the other soldier also attended NCO school, he dropped
out after a few weeks, which explains why he arrived in Vietnam
before Snyder did (00:23:27:00)
 When Snyder first arrived at the firebase, he did not think it could be too
bad if the firebase had an outdoor volleyball court (00:23:49:00)
 The battery stayed at Jack for only a couple of weeks after Snyder arrived
before moving out (00:24:02:00)
 When he arrived at the battery, Snyder was assigned to the third section as
a gunner (00:24:13:00)
 For the most part, each gun section in the battery consisted of
roughly eight or nine soldiers, who were broken down into a
section chief, a gunner, an assistant gunner, two men on a trey to
load the gun, a rammer, a radio man, and one or two men working
with the ammunition (00:24:19:00)
o The gunner’s job was to set both the quadrant and
deflection for the gun; because the 155mm used separateloading ammo, the individual round was loaded first,
followed by the powder and a primer in a firing lock, the
assistant gunner’s job was to open the breach, prime a
firing lock and close the breach once the round and powder
were loaded (00:25:05:00)
 At the most, it took the gun sections a couple of minutes to load
the guns (00:25:43:00)
o The expected rate of fire from each gun was six or seven
rounds per minute and the gun crews were operating well
over that rate, almost double (00:25:50:00)
 There were always six guns assigned to a battery (00:26:08:00)
 For the most part, when he arrived, Snyder was accepted by the rest of his
section; although there were a couple of men who initially did not get
along with Snyder, he ended up becoming friends with pretty much all the
men in the section (00:26:26:00)
Whenever the battery moved, it was by helicopter, with a CH-47 Chinook carrying each
gun and other Chinooks carrying the ammunition (00:26:53:00)
o For the most part, when the battery moved, the men traveled to their new position
via Huey, although when the battery left Firebase Jack, some of the men rode in a
Chinook (00:27:20:00)
o Normally, before the battery would move, a senior member of the battery would
go into the position first to oversee the placements of the guns (00:27:59:00)

�



o Once they arrived at a new position, the first thing the gun sections had to do was
open the two trails on the gun and situation the gun so that if necessary, the gun
could be fired (00:28:13:00)
 Next, the soldiers jacked the gun up off the ground, then swung the gun in
a 360º circle with the trails extended; the tails traced a circle on the
ground, which gave the men an idea where the parapets for the trails
needed to be dug out (00:28:21:00)
 Once the parapets were dug in, the men would raise the gun up higher
using stacks of old ammunition pallets nailed together; the higher the gun
was in the air, the higher elevations gun could fire at (00:28:53:00)
 Although the gun would shake pretty good when it was jacked up,
the whole weight of the gun was pressing down on the pallets,
which offered some stability (00:29:24:00)
 After the men had set up the gun, they would dig bunkers for ammunition
storage that were protected by sandbags, then they would dig out their
living quarters (00:29:45:00)
o Whenever the gun would fire, the men would toss any excess powder into a
nearby pit they had dug to be burned later; however, if the situation became too
hectic, then the excess powder would just be sitting around (00:30:08:00)
 Surprisingly, Snyder’s section never had any accidents from the excess
powder; the men knew there was excess powder and any excess powder
was always tossed away from the gun and into an area the men were not
using if it could not go into the burn pt (00:30:27:00)
The number of fire missions that the section would have in a day varied; there were days
when the missions were pretty constant and other days when it was quiet (00:30:58:00)
o The number of fire missions in a given day always depended on what going on
around the firebase; if there was a “contact” fire mission, then the mission lasted
until the infantry units had disengaged (00:31:06:00)
o Sometimes, a fire mission called for the entire battery to be used and other times,
it was only a couple of guns (00:31:18:00)
The HE (High Explosive) rounds for the 155mm weighed 97lbs apiece and the
“firecracker” rounds weighed 107lbs apiece (00:31:58:00)
o For the HE rounds, there were a selection of different fuses available, including a
time-delay fuse, the standard point-detonating, a timed fuse, and a VT fuse, which
went off based on distance traveled (00:31:15:00)
o The “firecracker” round contained a large number of small grenades that the men
would set a time fuse to and launch at high angles with a low charge to keep the
round close to their base’s perimeter (00:32:48:00)
 The launch from the gun would knock the bottom base plate off the round,
allowing the small grenades to fall out, ala a cluster bomb (00:33:03:00)
o Apart from the HE and “firecracker” rounds, the guns also fired WP (White
Phosphorus) and smoke rounds (00:33:28:00)
 During a normal fire mission, the first round fired was either a WP or
smoke round, unless the crew had preloaded the gun with another type of
round (00:33:42:00)

�





Although the hope was for there to be nine men assigned to each gun, at times, it reached
the point where there were only three or four men to a gun (00:34:01:00)
o During those times, volunteers were asked to come to the front from the rear area
and men from the 105mm batteries were reassigned to the 155mms (00:34:15:00)
o It was interesting how the men in the different sections always seemed to pull
together; if Snyder’s gun was not doing anything and another section was short
men, men from Snyder’s section would help the other section (00:34:32:00)
Once the battery left Firebase Jack, it bounced around to several different firebases,
several of which Snyder cannot remember (00:34:48:00)
o For the most part, the firebases where the battery was assigned tended to be quiet;
the guns did a lot of fire missions but that was about the extent of their operations;
it was not until the battery arrived at Firebase Granite at the end of April,
beginning of May 1970 that things started changing (00:34:56:00)
 By the time Snyder’s battery arrived at Granite, a 105mm battery was
already positioned on the firebase (00:35:03:00)
 The battery stayed at Granite until June, when they were evacuated out
and moved to Firebase Ripcord (00:35:54:00)
 One night while stationed at Granite, the firebase came under attack by
enemy sappers (00:36:04:00)
 During that night, the artillery was firing illumination and
“firecracker” rounds (00:36:17:00)
 Granite was located on a cleared hilltop, with jungle closer to the
bottom and the majority of the artillery fire was concentrated in the
cleared area, closer to the firebase (00:36:33:00)
 Normally during an enemy attack at night, one gun was strictly used for
firing illumination rounds; multiple guns were used for the illumination
rounds if the enemy was attacking from multiple directions (00:36:50:00)
 Apart from the artillery guns, each gun section was armed with an
M-60 machine gun and an M-79 grenade launcher; during an
attack, soldiers would man the perimeter of the section with armed
with those weapons (00:37:11:00)
o During one attack, the M-60 used by infantry unit stationed
lower of the hill than Snyder’s gun section broke and
Snyder’s gun section ended up loaning their M-60 to the
infantry unit (00:37:33:00)
 During a typical night, the gun section would post a guard who would
patrol around their section of the perimeter (00:38:48:00)
 On most nights, the men did not fall asleep until ten or eleven
o’clock at night to begin with and those who did manage to fall
asleep never slept through the night (00:38:51:00)
o It was almost a guarantee that at some point, there was
going to be a fire mission for the section (00:39:02:00)
 Even during the night fire missions, most of the entire gun section
needed to be working (00:39:13:00)
The range of the 155mm was about fifteen miles; however, most of the fire missions were
closer to the firebase and were often lobbed onto a position (00:39:41:00)

�Firebase Ripcord / End of Tour / Reflections (00:40:07:00)
 Snyder’s battery eventually left Firebase Granite and arrived at Firebase Ripcord in June
1970 (00:40:07:00)
o Ripcord had been established for quite a while by the time Snyder’s battery
arrived on it; the soldiers in the battery had been doing fire missions in the
direction of Ripcord as early as March and April of 1970 (00:40:13:00)
o Apart from Snyder’s battery of 155mms, there was also a battery of 105mms
stationed on the firebase (00:40:43:00)
o When Snyder first arrived at Ripcord, he thought that the firebase offered a pretty
view of the surrounding area (00:41:13:00)
 On some days, the winds blowing across the firebase were so powerful
that the men were unable to stand (00:41:38:00)
o The number of rounds Snyder’s section fired in a day was usually less than one
hundred rounds, which constituted a busy day, with a normal day being
somewhere between twenty-five and forty-five rounds (00:42:08:00)
 A lot of times, it was even less that twenty-five rounds; it all depended on
what was happening around the firebase (00:42:37:00)
 All the ammunition used by the guns was helicopter to the firebase and the
gun crews had to haul the ammunition to the gun pits from the helicopter
landing pad, which were lower on the hill (00:42:46:00)
 The first time Snyder’s gun came under fire while the battery was stationed at Ripcord
was after his and two other guns were sent on a mission to a smaller firebase north of
Ripcord, code-named “Shepherd” (00:43:44:00)
o Although Snyder did not know why the guns had moved to Shepherd then, later
on, he talked with another soldier and the other soldier explained that Shepard
was within firing range of an area used by the NVA to mobilize (00:43:56:00)
o The three guns were moved to Shepherd with the intention of launching a quick,
one-day strike against the staging area (00:44:17:00)
 The three guns arrived at Shepherd in the afternoon, the gun crews set the
guns up, and fired through the night (00:44:28:00)
 The next day, helicopters came in, picked up the guns and the gun crews,
and flew them back to Ripcord (00:44:34:00)
 The mission to Shepherd happened only a couple of weeks before the
situation at Ripcord began to really heat up (00:44:47:00)
o When the enemy launched their attack at Ripcord, they used a combination of
mortars and 122mm rockets (00:45:07:00)
 Some of the mortar rounds fired onto the firebase were gas rounds and
although looking back now it was funny, at the time, none of the men
could find their gas masks, which were crammed into the bottoms of their
duffle bags (00:45:23:00)
 The gas was similar to mace, so those men who could not find their
gas masks just pulled their shirts over their mouths (00:45:47:00)
 Although the gas was in the open and could dissipate, there was
still enough to tear the men up (00:45:56:00)
 The men could see where the gas rounds were coming from, a
mountain a short distance away from Ripcord, and although the

�o

o
o
o

o

most effective way to destroy to mortar as a direct shot, the
commanders insisted on using only lobbed shots to try and destroy
the mortars (00:46:07:00)
o Trying to make the shot was like trying to do a long court
basketball shot; the men kept trying to adjust their shot, the
target was so far away that the adjustments did not make
too much of a different (00:47:11:00)
 Over the course of the day and more information was available, the guns
were able to hone in on specific targets (00:48:26:00)
After the attack on the first day, the enemy attacks continued and kept
snowballing, getting more violent and causing more injuries (00:49:19:00)
 It was during these days that the guns came close to firing one hundred
rounds per day (00:49:55:00)
 Keeping all the guns supplied with enough ammunition increasingly
became a problem because the re-supply helicopters carrying the
ammunition kept getting shot down (00:50:05:00)
 It eventually reached the point that unless it was a close-in fire
mission, each gun had a quota of rounds it could fire during any
given day (00:50:09:00)
 Once the quotas were in place, almost all the harassment missions
were stopped and unless it was a confirmed contact mission, the
gun crews tried to conserve ammunition (00:50:32:00)
o A lot of the harassment missions were passed to batteries
stationed on other firebases (00:50:49:00)
 At one point, there were less than thirty HE rounds in the bunker
for Snyder’s gun (00:51:14:00)
 However, the battery was eventually re-supplied and by the time the
battery left Ripcord, it had a fairly substantial amount of ammunition
stored in the bunkers (00:51:21:00)
Once the siege began and the men had to move ammunition from the landing pad
to the bunker, they had to do so under enemy fire (00:51:48:00)
The siege of the firebase ended up lasting for twenty-three days (00:52:01:00)
During Snyder’s time on Ripcord, the soldiers stationed on the firebase did not
always have an adequate amount of supplies necessary for them to do their jobs
effectively (00:52:19:00)
 However, this was largely due to the situation, which made it impossible
to keep the firebase supplied (00:52:23:00)
For the most part, the daily routine on the firebase did not change for the twentythree days the siege lasted; however, the soldiers had to often adjust on the fly to
changing circumstances, depending on the situation (00:52:49:00)
 When a helicopter was shot down on July 18th, the orders were for the men
to hunker down and when it was over, collect whatever ammunition had
been moved during the explosion from the helicopter crash (00:53:01:00)
 The gun crews spent the 19th policing up any spare ammunition inbetween fire missions (00:53:34:00)

�On the 20th, the men were told that on a nearby hill, the enemy was using a
pack howitzer to launch rounds onto the firebase (00:53:43:00)
 Snyder’s gun crew could see the rounds from the pack howitzer
flying over their gun and another gun, which happened to be
pointed in that direction; without permission from his section chief
or anyone else, Snyder lowered his gun and ordered for an HE
round (00:53:54:00)
o In front of Snyder’s gun, another gun in the battery was
doing the exact same thing (00:54:20:00)
o Both guns fired at exactly the same time and managed to
destroy the enemy position on the other hill (00:54:24:00)
 Apart from the engagement on the 20th, there was only one other time
when Snyder’s gun used direct-fire, when there was a large battle
occurring on a nearby hill (00:54:48:00)
 Snyder’s gun just happened to be in a position between two
bunkers where, if it was taken off the ammunition pallets and set
on the tires, it could direct-fire against the other hill (00:55:03:00)
o Snyder’s gun, plus a nearby 105mm and a quad-.50 caliber,
were the only guns on Ripcord in a position to depress low
enough to direct fire on the other hill, so the whole night,
the three guns fired on the hill (00:55:38:00)
 During the night, Snyder remembers watching as tracer rounds
went back and forth between the two sides (00:55:56:00)
 At first, the three guns were firing behind the enemy position to
prevent new enemy forces from joining the fight; however, once
data became available, the guns could be aimed at specific pockets
of enemy forces (00:56:36:00)
 The top priority of the gun crews were contact missions; if there was ever
a fire mission that was a contact mission, then all the men in the gun crews
hustled and double-checked to make sure everything was correct, lest they
hit American forces (00:57:44:00)
 Sometimes during the danger close missions, the section chief
would check Snyder’s measurements; however, the section chief
was not always around, so Snyder had one of the other men with
some experience check it for him (00:58:13:00)
 Snyder never had any trouble with the men who would give him fire
information over the radio; the men would read Snyder the coordinates
and he would repeat them, a process that the other soldiers in the section
used for their various assignments (00:58:47:00)
o The battery lost several soldiers while stationed in Ripcord, including a lieutenant
(Bob Kalsu, who had played football for the Buffalo Bills) whom Snyder greatly
admired (00:59:42:00)
 The lieutenant would get into competitions with another soldier to see who
could carry to most powder canisters; whereas most of the soldiers carried
one canister in each arm and possible one on their back, the lieutenant and


�







the other soldier carried six, one canister in each arm and a pyramid of
four canister on their back (01:00:21:00)
 Unfortunately, both the lieutenant and the other soldier were killed
by the same incoming round (01:01:14:00)
o By the time it was the 23rd, Snyder could not wait to get off of the firebase; at the
same time, in the back of his mind was the question of why the Army did not
allow the men stationed on the firebase to finish the fight (01:02:22:00)
 During the night before the 23rd, Snyder’s gun was firing at low angles the
entire night; the gun fired the entire night to use up as much ammunition
as possible, both so the men would not have to haul spare ammunition
around and to keep the ammunition out of enemy hands (01:02:52:00)
o Once the battery was finally off Ripcord, Snyder could not believe that he was
still standing up (01:03:37:00)
 When the helicopter arrived back at Camp Evans, it landed at the
helicopter pad where the medi-vac demonstrations were given and there
just happened to be a class receiving a demonstration when the helicopter
landed (01:03:37:00)
 Snyder and the other men piled out of the helicopter and Snyder sat on the
ground, leaning against his M-16; after a moment, he looked up and saw
the men in the class had eyes as wide as dinner plates (01:04:07:00)
The battery returned to Evans for little over a week then back to Firebase Jack for a brief
period, before finally arriving at Firebase Rakkasan, which was a hotel compared to
Ripcord (01:04:43:00)
o Snyder stayed at Rakkasan from when the battery moved there at the end of
August until he rotated out of the country (01:05:12:00)
o Although there were still fire missions going on, the days were not quite as crazy
as they had been during the summer (01:05:42:00)
 There were never any significant attacks against the firebase itself; Snyder
cannot even recall a mortar strike against the position (01:05:56:00)
When his tour ended, Snyder returned to the United States via Cam Ranh Bay and Japan
before arriving at Fort Lewis, where he processed out (01:07:14:00)
o Snyder returned home to Ohio very early in the morning, managing to find room
on a stand-by flight around three o’clock in the morning (01:07:32:00)
 Snyder’s girlfriend’s brother picked him up at the airport because Snyder
wanted to surprise his parents; however, his parents received some letters
that had been sent back before he arrived, so they sort of knew Snyder was
coming home (01:07:41:00)
o Although the Army asked if Snyder wanted to re-enlist, he politely declined to
accept the offer (01:08:03:00)
For the most part, Snyder observed that most of the drug use by soldiers was confined to
the rear areas, with not too much on the actual firebases (01:08:15:00)
o Drugs use was more policed out on the firebases, especially given the situation;
soldiers did not want to work with other soldiers on drugs (01:08:32:00)
Snyder’s section was a fairly good mixture of ethnicities, including black and whites, as
well as some Latinos (01:09:08:00)

�


o Although other soldiers kept trying to play up racial issues, Snyder’s section did
not fall for it; everyone in the section had their own job to do and that was the
extent of it (01:09:23:00)
o If there was any tension, it was between individual soldiers, not entire racial
groups (01:09:38:00)
The individual gun sections became extremely close knit and it was not too often soldiers
in one section actually went out and visited soldiers in another section (01:09:56:00)
Although the moral of the soldiers in Snyder’s gun section was sometimes okay, for the
most part, it was not because the soldiers did not really see an end to what they were
doing; it was always the same thing every day (01:10:19:00)

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Boring, Frank</text>
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                <text>Dave Snyder was born in 1949 in Painesville, Ohio. After graduating from high school in 1967, Snyder held a series of jobs before receiving his draft notice in 1969. After processing into the military in nearby Cleveland, Snyder went to Fort Campbell, Kentucky for his basic training. From Fort Campbell, Snyder moved to Fort Sill, Oklahoma for advanced training in field artillery then attended Non-Commissioned Officer School, also at Fort Sill. Once he finished NCO school, Snyder spent a few months in a training battalion stationed at Fort Sill before deploying to Vietnam. Once in Vietnam, Snyder received an assignment to Alpha Battery of the 2nd of the 11th Field Artillery of the 101st Airborne Division. The main weapon of the 2nd of the 11th was the 155mm artillery gun and once in his gun section, Snyder received the position of gunner. After Snyder arrived, his battery moved to several different hilltop firebases before finally arriving at Firebase Ripcord. While stationed on Ripcord, the battery participated in the weeks-long siege of the firebase by enemy forces. Once the siege ended, the battery moved to another firebase, where it was when Snyder's tour ended and he rotated back to the United States.</text>
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                    <text>Jenna Sobaski
On March 12th, 2020, I was on my way to a talk that was being hosted by my WRT 430
professor Oindrila Mukherjee. It was an opportunity to have a skype call with Aatish Taseer, a
writer and journalist who had been published in Time, Vanity Fair, and The New York Times. His
career greatly interested me as it is exactly something I would like to do once I am done at
Grand Valley. I was on the phone with my mom as I walked to the building. I had wanted to
update her on the situation. One of my professors had warned us that it was only a matter of
when the school will close because of the coronavirus, not if.
I had just reached the door of the classroom the skype session would be held in when I
got the email stating that classes would be moved to online until at least March 29th. The skype
session took my mind off of it, but it ended quickly.
I ended up calling my mom again to further update her. I was kinda scared. It’s really
strange when school gets canceled for something that is not weather-related. Yes, I am a
twenty-two year old woman, but it never hurts to call my mom when I am unsure of something. I
was very stressed about the uncertainty of everything, so I decided going back to my hometown
for a bit would be nice (at the time, I had no idea I would end up being quarantined there for
more than a month).
I was supposed to report to my job at nine the next morning, but classes were canceled.
Normally when classes are canceled I am not supposed to come to work. I emailed my boss
quickly, asking what I should do. He had emailed me previously (a little before the university
shut down) to see if I had a way to do some work remotely, which I do have. So I wondered
what he would need me to do to be able to work from home.
I blame my mom for telling me to sleep in (not really, as I stated earlier. I am an adult. I
need to take responsibility for my choices.), but I ended up waking up at eleven in the morning
to an email from my boss asking me to come in as soon as I could.
I arrived flustered as heck, which I think he found funny. I received a flash drive with a
few files for me to work on while the university was closed. I finished up some in person work
that needed to be finished. The office was generally calm. This was the complete opposite of
how I was feeling.
After work adrenaline really kicked in. I clean when I am stressed. So I cleaned up my
room at my off-campus apartment, and spent the majority of the day packing up some things to
go leave (again, I was only expecting to be there for a week or so). I also tend to drastically
change my hair during stressful points in my life as a means to gain some semblance of control.
So, I put my hair in two pigtails and hacked away. I went from mid length hair to a bob! I’d
always wanted to see how I looked though, and it ended up looking really cute.
I decided to leave after my therapist appointment on Friday the 13th. This appointment
actually ended up being virtual. This worked out great for me, as I normally have a thirty minute
commute (and the appointment was at nine thirty in the morning). I was able to sleep in. But I
had hardly slept anyway.
As soon as it was done I loaded up my many, many, houseplants into my ford escape,
named Dean and started my hour and twenty minute drive to my hometown. It felt like I was in
an apocalypse movie as I drove the empty highway in the dark. I listened to a lot of Robyn to
make myself feel better.

�*****
The minute I came home, I deeply regretted not bringing my bulletin board that I had
decorated, as my childhood bedroom really does not reflect my current style. But still I made
do.
April 6th
I really wish people would follow social isolation. My sister and I went for a drive last
thursday (April 2nd) and she saw a few people she knew who were breaking quarantine. My
sister and I only took a drive to watch the sunset. We live very near the coast of Lake Michigan,
and had no intention of even leaving our cars. I had not left the house since March 14th, I was
going for a drive, damn it.
It frustrates me though, to see crowds of people out and about and people who do not
live together hanging out. My parents are both in their sixties, and my father has been battling
cancer for over five years, with a preexisting lung condition as well. They are both extremely at
risk for this virus, and I’ll be furious if they get sick (or even die) because someone did not want
to stay home and follow social distancing.
*****
My parents, unfortunately, seem to have the news playing nonstop on the family room
TV. I understand that being informed is important, but I also disagree with their choice of news
outlet.
*****
A personal plus to this quarantine is I have been able to spend more time writing and
creating. That has been refreshing. Otherwise my days are filled with work, homework, taking
my dog for walks, and chores. A while back I got the email that Grand Valley would be moving
to online for the rest of the semester. This was partially my decision to drop two of my four
classes. I was just not learning well online in my document design class, and my other class
was belly dancing, which is very hard to do online. I decided to retake these classes the
following year to really get the full experience I had wanted. I am glad that the university made
the decision to be remote, because the only way to get through this is to slow the spread and
stay home.
*****
My family and I have been playing a lot of games and watching movies together. It's
been nice to spend a little more time with them. I don’t even spend this much time with them
while I am on break from school.
I am fortunate. I know a lot of people are a lot worse off.
April 8th
Mom asked me to help her plant peas and spinach today. This is the first time I’ve seen
a garden in our back yard since I was a child.
My birthday was a few days ago. It was definitely a quiet birthday, but it was lovely. My
mom made a cake, and I got the self inflating sleeping pad that I’ve really wanted for my
camping trips. All my friends mentioned that they were sorry we couldn’t celebrate together.
I’m hopeful that soon I can see them again.

�I don’t know if I’d said it before but I will say it again. It is so easy to forget what is going
on in the world here. There are so few houses on my road. Even my dad mentioned that it's
like living in a bubble out here while we were taking our dogs for a walk. Except he now keeps
a gun near by, in case of what, I’m not sure.
I unfriended someone on facebook because he was ranting about not being able to go to
a movie or to a restaurant. I felt he was being an ass because, you know, people have it way,
way, worse. I just did not want to see that today.
Social media helps me remember what’s going on in the “outside world” as my mom
keeps referring to it as. That, and my parents' habit of keeping the news playing constantly. My
mom has now taken to Youtube to watch song parodies about the corona situation. It drives me
crazy. I hate it.
I saw on Facebook that a lot of students in this situation are really struggling at being
productive and getting anything done. They just can’t focus when everything feels like the end
of the world, and a few of them seem to have professors that aren’t as understanding as mine
have been. I don’t have this problem, but maybe the opposite. I am doing a lot but there just is
not enough time in the day to do what I need.
A family friend of ours works as a nurse in the next county over. Two of her coworkers
have the virus. The friend herself is asmatic. I can tell my parents are worried.
My mom is also really worried about her brother (my uncle/my godfather). She's worried
he isn’t taking good care of himself during this time. It’s his birthday tomorrow.
Something that helps make me feel better is taking care of my plants. I have at least
fifty, which doesn’t look like as much as it sounds, I promise. The one I named Desdemona has
finally produced flowers again in nearly a year, and my bird of paradise is sprouting a new leaf.
Normally when I move my plants they get stressed and get really sick or die, but right now that
isn’t happening and that makes me really happy.
*****
A week ago I got glass in my foot. My dad spent a good twenty minutes trying to dig it
out, followed by a dose of rubbing alcohol. My parents are terrified of being near hospitals
because of the possibilities of getting the virus there. Thankfully my foot is fine.
*****
I’m surprised that my depression has just now decided to show up.
April 9th
I see a lot of people quarantined with their significant others. I wonder what that would
be like.
I still have my old skateboard that I got in middle school and decided I should try to learn
how to ride it because I never did.
Today was out of the ordinary. My mom made us all go into town with her while she ran
errands so we could visit my uncle for his birthday. We stood outside his house with a “happy
Birthday” sign and sang to him. It was awkward but I could tell he enjoyed it and that made me
happy. Then my mom tripped and fell on the grass while trying to give my uncle the mail from
his mailbox. The neighbor peaked out her door and just watched that. It was quite the tumble
and was hilarious after we saw she was okay.

�I am definitely starting to miss my independence. I don’t regret coming here though. My
mom always said that times of emergency are when you want to be surrounded by those who
would support you, and support me my family does a lot. It has just become very apparent that
I have changed a lot since leaving for college four years ago. My mom likes to make sure I’m
being productive with my time here, and I have to remind her that I am twenty three, and I’ve
been managing my time very well for a long time.
I’m bummed that I can’t go get take out or drive-through food. My family and I have
decided that it's for the best (because of my dad and both my parents being over sixty) if we just
make our own food. And I agree. When this is all over I’m going to go have the best day at
McDonalds.
I mentioned earlier that this was a much needed break. One of the only real good things
about this is that for a long time I was thinking of taking a semester off for a break. Now I really
don’t feel the need to. I feel that this quarantine has really given me a new appreciation for life
as I knew it.
Also, we got an emergency alert on our phones today that the stay at home order was
extended to April 30th. I will have to leave before May 4th to move my things out of my
apartment. I still don’t know what my living situation is going to be like for summer and the
school year. The laker store hasn’t posted textbooks for the spring semester classes, which I
get why.
April 10th
I am definitely starting to feel more irritable as a result of this quarantine. I only keep in
touch with one or two of my friends right now, which is fine. Yeah, I’m really just feeling icky
today. Icky on the inside. So much is just messed up in the world, and people are in so much
pain. I am still being creative and productive today despite my internal feelings of irritability.
Today is just one of those days where I am excited to just get everything done that I need to get
done and go to bed. Maybe I’ll work in my sketchbook some more. That always makes me feel
better. My greatest form of self-care is creation. I’ll draw things from my dreams, recreate art I
found on youtube(that was first found on Tik Tok). I used to just paint rocks and leave them
around for people to find, but I can't do that anymore.
I redownloaded Bumble as a way to just talk to other people, but quickly deleted it. I’m
just not interested in dating right now and probably won’t be for a while.
I started working out regularly again. Nothing insane, but I go for a nice long run on our
family’s elliptical. I can’t wait for gyms to open again so I can start doing good weight training.
I might have to start wearing my glasses soon. My eye doctor may not be refilling
contacts right now. That will really bother me. I don’t like wearing glasses at all. And my friend
Zachary said that my glasses make me look like the pizza guy from Booksmart. That doesn’t
bother me as much as I hate not having a full range of vision.
There are flowers starting to bloom around despite it being so cold. I’ve pressed a few
to add to my sketchbook. Maybe my sketchbook is turning into an art journal now.
The stove is so full of old food it's burning that the house is full of smoke.
I wonder if people will look back on this and read it like those My America diary books I
read as a kid.

�May 5th
Things have been busy for me lately. I had to finish up my winter semester, and had a
load of papers to write.
A small bit of tension is running in my family due to us being around each other so much
but overall it is not bad.
I got my mom to buzz my hair into an undercut. It’s something I’ve always wanted to do
and right now seems to be a great time to do it since no one will see me. My head feels so
much cooler too.
I had to move out of my allendale apartment. It really wasn't so bad and took maybe a
total of five hours to pack everything up and put it in the cars. I'm sad to have lost a place to live
there, but I signed a new lease for august once the school year starts.
My friends and I have been doing weekly video calls where we can catch up and play
games. It's been nice to reconnect.
I’m getting really antsy to travel again, so I’ve taken to making a vision board of places I
have been and places I want to go. It has been very therapeutic for me. It keeps me positive to
focus on fun things like that.
My mom also had me cut her hair. My dad thought it was hilarious and kept taking
pictures. She thought I was taking too much off but once she saw what I did she liked it.
I am very fortunate to be where I am. This quarantine has turned more into a nice break.
We are so far removed from the world out here.
The stay at home order has been extended to May fifteenth.
May 6th
I learned the skill of embroidery.
We are going to the nearby state park today. I will report back on how that went.
I have made travel plans for when quarantine is over. My sanity is based totally on if
these travel plans will happen. I definitely will adhere to social distancing for as long as medical
professionals tell us to. I am just hoping the world is back to normal soon so these travels will
happen.
May 10th
We took a very long walk in our state park. It’s a beautiful trail. I collected so many
shells. I was surprised at how many people were on that trail. There were many large groups
of people too. My sister saw some people she knew that were not following social distancing.
I’ve taken to bringing my dogs out onto the porch to drink my coffee with me in the
mornings. It’s been a nice time to sit and watch the nature in my backyard and to be away from
my phone.
I’m so removed from the chaos. I feel I should speak on the protests in Lansing, but I’m
not sure I am ready yet.
My contacts came in the mail.
We saw the palest deer that we have ever seen. It was almost white.
Mother’s day went well. We made dinner for my mom instead of taking her out.
I started an herb garden in some old jars. I’m excited for them to grow.

�The summer classes I’m taking are going well. I can tell I am at risk of being
overwhelmed if I don't work hard.
May 20th
I have become a coffee drinker again. I am drinking more coffee in a day than I ever
have. I think it's because I stay up late, only to take melatonin to fall asleep, only to need to
wake up early, thus needing coffee.
May 21st
My parents went to the store this morning. At six in the morning. My mom says
shopping used to be fun but now it's too stressful.

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                    <text>Harry Sobotka (1:01:36)
(00:03) Background Information
•

Harry was born in Grand Rapids, Michigan in 1918

•

His father worked at a furniture company and died when Harry was very young

•

Harry’s step father worked in the mines

•

He graduated from high school in 1936 and worked at W.B. Jarvis as a material handler

(2:09) Training
•

Harry joined the National Guard in 1936

•

His ROTC training helped because he moved up to Private First Class

•

He was in the Howitzer Company in the National Guard

•

Harry spent one summer camp with them and then they were disbanded

•

He was put into the Heavy Weapons Company

•

They trained once a month for 2 hours and went to Camp Grayling in the summers

•

Harry was called up to deal with a strike at GM in Flint, Michigan in 1937

•

After flint he went on extended maneuvers and was introduced to the new 2.5 ton truck

•

They had to fight fires at Camp Grayling

(9:12) Nationalized
•

In October of 1940 Harry gets called up for active duty

•

He was sent to Camp Beauregard, Louisiana

•

They were there for 3 months living in tents and using WWI equipment

•

Harry was then sent to Camp Livingston, Louisiana

•

They had better tents that were off the ground

•

He went to New Orleans on leave

•

Harry was a sergeant in charge of 4 crews in the mortar platoon

�•

He heard about Pearl Harbor on the radio and they got better equipment shortly after the
attack

•

When his unit was sent to Fort Devens he went to Officer Candidate School at Fort
Benning, GA

•

He was in the 17th class of OCS and lived in barracks

•

Harry worked with infantry weapons and tactics

•

After OCS he got 2 weeks on leave and went home

•

He flew to Camp Roberts, CA in a DC-3, which was rare at the time

•

Harry wasn’t there long and then was moved to Camp Swift, Texas near Austin

•

He became part of the newly formed 95th division and received the recruits

•

They gave him a commendation for knowing how to receive the recruits

•

Harry was there for about a year and he got married on September 19, 1942 while his
wife was living outside of the base

•

He was sent to Ft Sam Houston, Texas for desert training

•

After that he was sent to the east coast for deployment

(29:15) Deployment
• Harry was sent overseas on a converted luxury ship in August of 1944
• He went to Fort Winchester in England and then crossed the English Channel
• They landed on Omaha Red Beach on a LST boat
• Harry went towards Alsace-Lorraine and Metz
• General Patton had a meeting with all of the officers and told them they would lose a lot
of people
• He was in charge of the cannon company that used 105mm Howitzers
• Harry was the executive officer in charge of the HQ and handled 3 platoons
• It was his job to decide some of the missions and keep everything supplied
• They were about 1 to 2 miles away from the front lines

�• After they helped take Metz they went into the town
(39:50) Battle of the Bulge
•

They crossed a river and held their line until the Battle of the Bulge got bad and then
went up to help

•

The weather was horrible but he had warm clothes to wear

•

They stayed in civilian houses and sometimes the people were still there

•

Being off the front lines they didn’t get shot at much and there weren’t many German
planes

•

He had to go to Paris to make sure the enlisted men stayed out of trouble

•

Harry gave the men captured German money in to spend in Paris

•

They slept in converted hotels

•

He went to the Eiffel Tower and the Notre Dame Cathedral

(47:15) Transfer
•

Harry was transferred to rebuild part of the 106th Division Cannon Company

•

Some men that were transferred had been sent in from other units that did not want to
deal with them anymore

•

Harry was ordered to go to England and reconstitute people from the 550th Anti-Aircraft
Battalion to go to Japan

•

He never crossed the Rhine River

•

Before getting sent home Harry went to Camp Barton Stacey

(52:40) Back to the US
•

Harry went home on a small boat in December of 1945; the trip took 2 weeks

•

He was processed at Fort Indiantown Gap

•

On the train to Detroit, Harry got his briefcase stolen

•

From Detroit he took a bus home

�•

It had been about a year since the last time he saw his wife

•

Harry rejoined the National Guard

•

He went to work for GM for 3 months

•

Then Harry became a time keeper for Grand Rapids Metal Craft

•

He went from being the chief time keeper to a foreman

•

The National Guard then hired him for their technical program and he retired in January
of 1975

•

While in the National Guard he went to the Detroit riots in the 1960s

•

Harry enjoyed being the commander of the group he had first joined as a private before
the war

•

He helped to get a new armory in Grand Rapids instead of building an expensive wall for
the new highway that was going in

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project
Buzz Sodeman
1:55:37
Back Ground information (00:09)
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Born in Saginaw Michigan at Saginaw March 3rd at Saginaw Osteopathic Hospital in
1947 (00:15)
He lived in the Saginaw area till the middle of his first grade year, when his parents
moved to a different neighborhood (00:23)
He graduated from Saginaw Saint Mary’s High School (approx. 1965) (00:48)
His father was the regional sales and service manager for the Whirlpool corporation
and his mother was a nurse(00:50)
There were three children in his family, a younger brother, a younger sister and
himself. (1:10)
After high school he attended Central Michigan University for 1 year. He went from
being a nation honor society student to flunking out of college. (1:23)
After one year at Central Michigan University he had a 1.9 GPA (1:38)
At this time (approx 1966) men with 4.0 GPAs were being drafted. (1:40)
He applied for the 120 Day delay program (1:55)
When he applied for this portion the military had still been screening people. (2:09)
He was told after a physical examination that he would never have to worry about
going to Vietnam because his eyesight was so poor that if he lost his glasses he
would have to worry about shooting his own people. (2:20)
In the 120 day period between when he enlisted in the military and boot camp, he
married his first wife. (2:30)
His father served during World War II in the Philippines. (2:53)
His father asked him, “do you want to sleep in a dirty foxhole or do you want to
sleep in clean sheets?” Wanting clean sheets, Buzz was left with the Navy or the Air
Force (3:01)
He enlisted in the Navy (3:20)
He had heard primarily poor things about the Vietnam War when he enlisted (3:30)
He considered evading the draft but ultimately decided against it. (3:45)
When doing the physical examination he did not see anyone overtly attempting to
fail the exams to evade the draft. (4:20)

Basic Training (5:17)
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He reported to Great Lakes Naval Station in January of 1967 (5:20)
He was placed on a bus that went from Detroit to Chicago and then on a train from
Chicago to Great Lakes Naval Base. (5:35)

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When they arrived they immediately met their company commander and were
placed in a barracks. (5:43)
They soon found out this was the wrong barracks and had to move to another. This
happened during a horrid snow storm (the Great Chicago Blizzard of 1967). When
they arrived in their barracks they simply sat on the floor with no light, no heat, and
no food. (6:00)
Due to frigid conditions, much of the physical training had been done inside a
hanger. (7:20)
His training consisted on certain classes such as Navy proper etiquette and knot
tying. And even basic aspects such as how to wash clothes (7:41)
To wash sheets, the men would plug the drains with the cloth, sprinkle soap on them
and then tag team wrestle on top of them to get them clean. (8:10)
Some skills form his training had carried over, such as he still keeps his cloths in the
same order he had been trained in his dresser, or dressing in military alignment.
(8:50)
He never thought of himself a great acceptor of the authority in the Military. (9:17)
The authority had been emphasized quite a bit during his basic training. (9:25)
Basic training ended in April of 1967 (10:15)
After this he underwent a battery of tests to determine what he should be in the
navy. (10:20)
His exam determined that he should be a bomb sight which is not a position he
desired. (10:42)
When he got to the Lemore California Naval Base he decided to pursue something
else. (10:48)
As a result of scoring highly on particular exam he was asked if he would like to go
to language school. (11:34)
He had his choice between Russian and Vietnamese. (11:53)
He failed to take either one of these languages. (12:12)
He prepared barracks for other men in VA 113 (12:42)
He immediately became a plane captain of an A4 (this particular A4 was the aircraft
flown by the squadron commander.) (12:50)
He was then sent to Memphis, Tennessee for aircraft maintenance (ACE) school
(13:31)

Service in Ace School (13:40)
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ACE School consisted of 8 to 10 weeks of training. (13:42)
This training encompassed everything including engine repair and ejection seat
operation. (14:02)
He spends 4-5 months in California before going to Tennessee. (14:12)
A plane captain position entailed maintenance of the planes and directed pilots
when they took off. (14:23)
He had no men working under him (15:03)

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He had worked in the San Joaquin Valley in California. (15:20)
When temperatures were reported over 100 degrees flights were often grounded.
(15:30)
VA 113 was not a training outfit (16:11)
While in this position he did not want to be moved onto a flight deck location as he
did not desire that work environment. (17:04)
In his barracks there had been a 6 o’clock curfew that was enforced. (17:40)
He recalls that most if not all his class was white. (18:32)
He graduated in the top third of his class (18:40)
After Graduated from AMEA School he was granted a 30 day leave before going into
service. (19:18)
He volunteered to serve in a base in New Jersey (19:34)
Instead, he was moved to a new flight outfit in San Diego as a result of this he moved
himself, his wife and his daughter out to San Diego without a home. (19:48)
They stayed in a motel until a duplex was found they could stay in. (20:10)
The military pay was not too bad, but goods that were available through the base
were often overpriced. (20:38)
He served as a plane captain on an F4 Phantom jet. (21:07)
He served on the base for 6 to 8 weeks and no one on the base had an idea who he
was. As a result of this he would often check in at the base in the morning and then
leave with his wife and daughter to go to the beach. (21:17)
Once they did figure out who he was and evaluated his experience, they soon
rushed him through plane captain certification. (22:00)
Soon after this, he was placed back in the shop to work on ejection seats. (23:00)
Because they were a training outfit he got the opportunity to train men on how to
operate and take apart the ejection seat. (23:11)
He hoped he could serve the rest of his tour in the California. (24:14)
While he was visiting his parents in Frankenmuth, Michigan, his mother got the
orders that he was going to be sent to South Vietnam. His mother took this new very
hard. (25:01)
His orders dictated that due to this position he was going to need survival school
training. (25:21)
By knowing particulates personnel men really well, he was able to know what time
to leave and what time to return in order to take 30 days leave without the navy
ever knowing. (26:14)

Survival School training (1969) (24:54)
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Survival school consisted of 4 weeks of how to survive in very harsh condition
(24:54)
Part of the exercise was to be taken up on a bus to Silver Springs, California, where
the men would be dropped and left to survive for 3 days. (27:44)

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The men were weighted before and after having gone on this survival expedition.
Most men lost weight (28:15)
Because he was headed down to “the Delta” (the Mekong Delta) he was given 100
percent class room work. (30:00)
Instructors had said that there was no front line in Vietnam but only hot zones and
cold zones. (30:29)
He was given all his necessary shots, the worst being Bacilli. He believes that this
experience gave him a very great phobia of needles. (30:43)
The logic of being given antibiotics and what disease they would be exposed to had
been explained to the men (31:52)
The men had also been trained in Vietnamese customs (32:20)
However these classes were unable to prepare him and the men for what they
actually encountered. (32:40)
His wife and daughter moved back to Michigan after he left for Vietnam. (32:56)
When leaving from Vietnam the plane he was carried on stopped once to refuel in
Hawaii. (32:13)
He did not believe he would ever come back. (33:25)

Service in Vietnam (33:35)
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He Arrived in Vietnam in September of 1969 (33:36)
He had heard a lot about the war before being sent there and he heard from men
who had served in the Tonkin Gulf that numbers had been inflated and the U.S.
forces were not going as well as the paper made it sound. (33:48)
There was culture shock he experienced when landing in Vietnam.(34:36)
He Flew out of San Francisco international Airport, stopped once in Hawaii and then
landed in the Philippines. (34:58)
He had arrived during the monsoon. (35:34)
The flight was only for military personnel, however stewardesses were on the flight
as well. (35:50)
Before arriving in Vietnam all the men on the plane where sprayed with an
insecticide. (36:04)
His first impression of Vietnam was that it was very dirty and very congested.
(36:36)
Once he landed he took a bus from the tarmac to the Hotel Saigon. Wwhen on the
bus he was told that the life expectancy of Marines who leave the tarmac was 15
seconds. And when they were driving if a man on a motorcycle comes by and throws
a grenade at the fencing in the window he had to hit it off. (37:13)
The Hotel Saigon was an actual hotel converted for military use. (38:22)
He had often been called to stand watch at this hotel and when he did he was given a
helmet, a flak jacket, on shotgun shell, a shotgun and a whistle. (39:00)
His job was to stop men from standing in front of the hotel. (39:20)
He believed that the Saigon Hotel housed all Navy personnel (40:48)

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After staying at the Hotel Saigon for 3 days he was put on a C130 and was flown to
Binh Thuy. (41:24)
During his transportation he was not told a lot about Vietnam but others did not
“sugar coat” any questions they asked (42:05)
When he arrived at the base he was one of the first people there (a plank owner)
(42:43)
There was no running water but the army provided a water buffalo for drinking
water (what looked like a fuel truck but filled with water. Toilets and showers
however were provided. (42:49)
If you were dirty and you took a shower you came out dirtier then you went in.
(43:31)
At one point the sewage backed up and the toilets where surrounded with near knee
high sewage. (43:36)
They had a bak chi (a Vietnamese term for a doctor) who instructed that he chew on
charcoal briquettes to rid him of diarrhea. (44:04)
Once there, he found that the planes flying from the base used a different ejection
seat from the one he had trained on, so he was made into a parachute rigger. (45:13)
The shop he worked in was eventually given walls and air conditioning in order to
protect the parachute fabric. (45:47)
He actually never worked on a parachute. He ended up working primarily on life
vests and helmets. (46:20)
While working on a helmet he noticed that the sunglasses portion of it had a small
hole in it (a bullet hole) after further inspection he found that the helmet had the top
of someone’s head in it. This helmet was then thrown away. (47:20)
Surrounding the base were a concrete factory, a civilian road and an air field.
(48:12)
The country he described as being fairly flat. (49:34)
While standing watch at the base one was able to see firefights in the forest approx.
200 yards away. (50:00)
On the road next to the base he saw Vietnamese prisoners being marched down the
road who were used for labor. (50:34)
His base was under red alert twice when he was there. (51:12)
A week after he left the base he heard of the base being breached through its front
gate. (52:33)
He had served watch several times while there. He was given a machine gun, an
M16, a flak jacket and a helmet in a 30 foot metal tower. These watches were four
hours at a time. (32:56)
Underwear was a hard commodity to keep in Vietnam because if a soldier had a
Vietnamese women do his laundry they would often steal underwear. (55:10)
Often times clothes dry rotted fairly quickly (55:22)
He had very little contact with the Vietnamese military, however he had more so
with civilians. (56:22)
While in Vietnam he visited an orphanage quite often and considered adopting one
of the children. If he did he wanted one that looked French as opposed to

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Vietnamese because he did not want that child to grow up with children whose dad
might be dead due to that war. (57:30)
He would also attend some celebrations of villages where he would eat odd food
such as “jungle dog” (58:30)
He had only been to a bar once in Can Tho. (59:43)
Once at a restaurant he ate, what seemed to be a Vietnamese’s delicacy, Pigeon
Brain. (1:00:00)
If a G.I. bought tea (a sort of root beer) at a bar it entitled them to sit with a bar girl.
(1:01:06)
The one occasion he did go to a bar he and his army friend had brought their own
alcohol. However once there they had been approached by a Vietnamese prostitute
who came to them completely naked. The men turned down this offer. In response
the prostitute attempted to burn the men with a lit newspaper. (1:01:40)
In an effort to get back to base safely, they hitched a ride on an armored personnel
carrier that was passing through the town. (1:03:37)
He did go into town one other time, when he was invited to breakfast by a woman
who worked on the base in the mess hall. When he went there, she told him to have
someone write a letter to his wife and tell her he had been killed so that he could
stay with her and order her things out of the Sears catalog. (1:03:55)

Entertainment at the base (1:05:00)
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G.I.s where forbidden from purchasing Coca Cola, as the VC has a means of putting
ground glass in the cans. (1:06:11)
People and planes going in and out was fairly common however operations where
ceased at night. (1:06:40)
Some men on the base had large snakes. Because of this when he came back he did
keep large snakes. (1:07:26)
The USO came through several times while he was there. On one occasion they
brought girls from Playboy and several professional football players. (1:08:25)
The Miss America girls also came through via the USO. He met Miss Michigan, who
was not very friendly. (1:09:04)
On a weekly basis Filipino bands would come in and play at the base. (1:10:07)
A steady showing of films was also provided. (1:10:32)
Although he never took any sort of drug, anything a G.I. wanted he could get.
(1:11:11)
One of the men needed to be escorted to Long Binh prison due to his drug use.
(1:11:26)
Drug abuse appeared to be more prevalent among the African American Navy
personnel. (1:12:12)
Alcohol was very prevalent on the base and consumed by most of its occupants.
(1:12:23)
Drinking was more common at the beginning of one’s service than near the end.
(1:13:12)

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During Christmas the base had a tree, chocolates, and Kahlua. (1:14:00)
Although he did not firsthand witness it, drugs must have affected the performance
of men somewhat. (1:14:35)
He was labeled a racist after a black service member told him to do his laundry and
he said, “No, I’m not your nigger.” (1:15:09)
In 1969 he went flying and got lost over a stretch of forest. During this flight they
picked up a wounded soldier and a Vietnamese woman who was pregnant (1:16:00)
Morale, particularly with in the paraloft, had been fairly high. (1:17:08)
In order to scare an officer who had stated he missed his wife but then lived with a
Vietnamese hooker, Buzz placed a smoke grenade under his jeep so that when he
started it he would be frightened. (1:17:55)
This officer kept his hooker on the base. (1:18:54)
Change in personal was quite common as service there was fairly short (approx. 365
days) (1:15:09)
For his final 4 weeks there he ate of a palate of LRPS (long range patrol meals) as he
feared the food made by some Vietnamese woman in the mess hall would be
poisoned. (1:20:09)
The Jack Staff news paper gave an accurate account to men as to military progress.
(1:21:30)
Action had been evolved around him. The Brown-water Navy had visited his base
server times. (1:22:23)
While soliciting a prostitute a G.I. had his genitals severed by a Vietnamese hooker.
The following morning a military force followed the blood trail the man left back to
the bar and burned it to the ground. (1:24:28)
Most native people as a whole appeared glad that the military was there. (1:25:03)
G.I.s were to watch children because often times they would place razor blades in
their hands so that they could cut GIs clothes to get their money(1:25:17)
There were about 900 kids in the orphanage he visited. (1:27:44)
The only phone call he was allowed to make while on base was that to ask his father
for the washers and dryers for the orphanage. (1:28:08)
Some men on his base had taken Vietnamese wives. But not many. (1:29:40)

Post service. (1:30:00)
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It took a whole year out of his life, and while its effects had not been known while
there once he returned home the effects of his service had been evident. (1:30:10)
He left on schedule to return home (September 1970)(1:30:30)
When attempting to travel back he was forced to wait on the plane for approx. 1
hour. He feared the plane was going to be attacked during this time. Once it lifted off,
the flight took 18 hours to San Francisco California. (1:31:24)
Immediately upon deplaning he went into a bathroom and changed into civilian
clothes. (1:32:36)

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His orders directed him to go to Chicago. However he had a four hour layover.
(1:33:38)
When he met his father and first wife after his service they failed to even recognize
him due to the amount of weight he had lost and the amount his skin had tanned.
(1:34:17)
The navy offered him his second class petty officers stripes and then offered him
10,000 dollars tax free to reenlist in the navy. He chose not to due to his lack of
interest and the fact that he had a family. (1:35:18)

Effects of his service (1:36:00)
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His return was very difficult with his family as he found he had missed so much
growth (especially with his child) and they he had disrupted their routine. This
ultimately resulted in them growing apart. (1:36:22)
After at the beginning of his second marriage his new wife suggested that he might
have PTSD. Initially, he was told that he did not (1:37:34)
He was diagnosed with prostate cancer and treated. The VA covered the coast of
part of this treatment. (1:38:00)
After this diagnoses he went to see another psychologist and it was confirmed that
he did in fact have PTSD, some mild anger issues and perhaps some survival guilt.
(1:39:30)
He was recently diagnosed with type 2 diabetes.(approx. 2010) (1:40:24)
He was diagnosed with Baric Esophagus (believed to be due to the dust from the
cement factory he was next to.) (1:40:40)
The medical effects that he noticed during this year has left him angry with the
military and the VA (1:41:26)

Physiological effects and PTSD (1:41:40)
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His anger has been known to get the best of him in situation such as sports games.
(1:41:50)
At one occasion when he had been at a Yankees game he began to hyperventilate
due to the about of strangers who had been there. (1:44:00)
He thinks that much of these problems had been as result of the lack of trust of both
the civilians and Navy personnel in Vietnam as well as the constant threat of being
under attack(1:45:00)
He finds a bond with the veterans around him however he would not ever call them
brothers. (1:46:11)
His initial dream was to graduate college, become a history or biology teacher and
perhaps even coach football. But his experiences in Vietnam crushed these dreams
(1:47:43)

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His way to cope with conditions that he didn’t know he had for 20 years was to stay
busy. He wrote 4 books that were published as well as worked for a hockey team
(1:48:00)
After a while he did not put Vietnam veteran down on any job applications as it
often lead employers to assume that he was a druggy or that he had killed
babies.(1:49:22)
The first symptoms he noticed were night sweats. (1:50:16)
He finds that he is always very attentive to his surrounding when in public due to
his lack of trust of people. (1:51:15)
The things that bother him the most are Taps and God Bless America but not the 4th
of July. (1:51:47)
Because of his time spent there, it was ruled that he was exposed to Agent
Orange.(1:53:03)
He supports the troops however he does not support the governmental evolvement
in Iraq. (1:53:40)
He dislikes the commercials in which the service men come home and are rewarded
with tickets and gratitude as no one had done that for him. (1:54:37)

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Afghan War
Nicolaus Solecki
Length of interview: (1:48:36)

(00:00) Early Life
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Nic was born in October 1990 in Flint, Michigan
He attended Flushing High School and graduated in 2009
Nic’s mother was a barber and his father worked for General Motors
On September 11, 2001, Nic was in middle school
o All the students were sent home that day
o As the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan progressed, Nic paid close attention
o Several of the boys from his town took part in the first and second battles of
Fallujah

(2:15) Military Life
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After he ended his senior football season, Nic and a group of his friends decided to join
the marines
o He had a family friend who had graduated from West Point and was serving in the
army; however, this was the only positive insight he had. This influenced his
decision to join the marines
o Another reason he joined the marines was to get his schooling paid for by the G.I.
Bill
A recruiter offered Nic an armorer position (of which only three were available in the
country) but Nic wanted to join the infantry and fight
Nic left for boot camp in San Diego on August 2, 2009
o When he arrived at the airport a drill instructor walked in and herded them to a
bus. All of the recruits had to sit on the bus with their heads down
When they arrived at their destination, all of them had to remove all personal items
o All of the recruits were given a buzz cut, and basic military clothes and shoes.
They were not allowed to sleep for the first 24 hours because the drill instructors
were trying to reset everyone’s body clock
(11:30) Training occurred in phases
o In phase one, the drill instructors emphasized discipline and breaking down the
recruits by exhausting them
o The second phase (week 5-8) involved building the recruits back up in the ways
of the Marine Corps. In this phase, they went to Camp Pendleton to go through
rifle qualification training

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When a recruit joined the marines, a schedule was set which extended to their graduation
date
o If a recruit was injured, there was a significant period of time he was allowed to
heal before being placed in another class
Nic graduated basic training on October 30, 2009
o When he graduated, he was given a 30 day leave in which he was required to help
marine recruiters
In the beginning of November, Nic was sent to SOI (School of Infantry)
o This is where particular infantry roles were assigned and trained for
o Shortly after starting SOI, Nic was given another block leave for Christmas. This
was the second significant leave he was given in the five months he was in the
Marine Corps
(19:20) Nic’s particular designation was an 0352 Anti-Tank Missile man
o In SOI, he trained on medium and large, anti-tank missile systems. He also trained
on the Javelin and Sabre missile systems
o Although the enemy the United States was facing didn’t have the technology that
the Americans had, they still had vehicles that made these missile systems
necessary.
In SOI, Nic and his comrades learned how to operate in small fire teams. In total, the
training lasted for 2.5 months
After SOI, Nic was sent to Twentynine Palms, California
o Twentynine Palms was a large and empty place in the middle of the desert
o He was placed in a weapons company, 1st Battalion, 7th Marine Division. A lot of
the men in the unity had just come back from Iraq
(29:00) There was a significant amount of hazing that occurred when Nic joined his unit
o New replacements were often made to clean things and stay awake for long
periods of time. However, hazing was something largely frowned upon in the
Marine Corps. This was largely due to severe incidences that command didn’t
want repeated
o Ownership significantly influenced behavior in the Marine Corps. Officers of all
ranks were responsible for the actions of their men, If they behaved badly, the
leader took responsibility
Throughout their stay at Twentynine Palms, there were a lot of brawls between Platoons.
These often began when one marine insulted another and friends got involved. These
fights actually built comradery within units
Late in the summer of 2010, Nic was sent to Okinawa as part of the 31st Expeditionary
Unit
o This was shortly after North Korea had sunk a South Korean frigate off of their
coast. Nic spent 3 to 4 weeks on Okinawa before getting on a ship headed to the
coast of North Korea where they stayed for 2 weeks. One of the companies
assisted in training South Korean troops
o They also traveled to the Philippines and helped train troops as well as provide
relief after a typhoon

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During this period, Nic also took part in jungle training
o This was difficult because it was always very hot. There were occasions when he
had to survive for an extended period of time without most of his gear. He learned
how to build shelter and what foods to consume when regular rations weren’t
readily available
Nic’s ship, the USS Harpers Ferry, held hover craft which were used for beach landings
o A lot of the exercises he went on utilized these hovercraft
They worked with foreign troops from Guam, Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines
(42:40) When Nic’s unit was in the Philippines, their base was set up near a small town.
The people living in the town were very poor; many of them didn’t have proper clothing.
These conditions gave Nic an idea of what to expect in Afghanistan
o He had to sit through a lot of briefings on sexual assault and general safety
because American soldiers had conducted themselves poorly in the past
o In general, Nic and his comrades had a lot of time to themselves when they were
on the ocean; they often called it the “Booze Cruise”
o A lot of the work Nic did in the Philippines involved moving supplies into nets so
that they could be air lifted
o He was on the ship until January or February of 2011
After he returned to the U.S. Nic had a short leave before he reported to an anti-armor
leaders course, where he achieved the rank of corporal
When he returned to his unit, they had received three replacements. Another company
(Animal) had received far more and was at double the normal company strength of 120
men
o Command was beefing these units up so that they would be better suited to train
Afghan soldiers. Four teams were set up, two would help train the Afghan Army,
two would help train the police force. MPs were also attached to these units
o Nic was pulled into Animal Company as a squad leader (Animal Company, Army
Team 4, 2nd Squad). Each team would pair with a company of Afghan soldiers
(50:50) Nic and his unit spent most of 2011 preparing to go to Afghanistan
o One of the first things they did was go to Bridgeport, California to become
acclimated to the sort of terrain they would be operating in
o Once he returned to Twentynine Palms, Nic was put into Animal Company. After
being reassigned, Nic and his comrades took a month long course in Dari, a
lingual dialect spoken in Afghanistan
o Afghan civilians would come in and take part in simulated operations. They
would only speak native Afghan languages
o The final stage of preparation was called Mojave Viper, a one month training
exercise in Twentynine Palms. After Nic had completed it, he had a few weeks of
liberty before shipping to Afghanistan

(55:00) Afghanistan


Nic boarded a Delta airliner in California and was flown to Germany where he got on
another plane headed to Manas Airbase in Kyrgyzstan

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o All troops going to Afghanistan went through Manas. They spent a week there to
adjust to the climate and the time zone.
o After a week in Manas, Nic was taken to Camp Leatherneck in Helmand
Province, Afghanistan
After spending several days at Camp Leatherneck, Nic was flown by chopper to his area
of operation
o Unfortunately, he was flown to the wrong forward operating base (FOB). He was
taken by truck to FOB Alcatraz in northern Sangin. Nic’s platoon was attached to
an Afghan Army unit there. Dog Company (Nic’s old unit) was also stationed at
Alcatraz
Half of Nic’s platoon remained in FOB Alcatraz while Nic and 12 other men were
positioned at a small patrol base (PB Watson) 30 minutes away
When they arrived in Sangin, the 3rd Battalion of the 7th Marine Division were rotating
out. They helped incoming units learn their jobs
The Afghan soldiers were high a lot; the first Afghan soldiers Nic saw were carrying a
large garbage bag of marijuana into a hut
o Nic and those in his platoon had a hard time trusting the Afghan soldiers. There
was only one that they allowed into their living area
o They knew that some of the Afghan soldiers were Taliban informants. The only
reason that they weren’t arrested is because the Americans were getting a lot of
intelligence from their cell phone activity
(1:05:30) At the patrol base, there were 23 Afghan soldiers living with them; those who
were suspected of being informants were kept close so the marines could watch them
Nic and his comrades worked with the Afghans and their goal was to get them to a point
in which they could operate on their own.
o The incompetence of many of the Afghan soldiers prevented the marines from
allowing them to take the lead.
o Many of the soldiers we paid infrequently because their commanders would not
distribute the funds given for payroll. Many of the Afghan soldiers were paid far
less than they were supposed to because commanders often stole their money
There was quite a bit of enemy activity during Nic’s deployment; however, the Taliban
were careful not to shoot rockets at the marines because they were located close to a large
amount of poppy.
o Poppy fields were very important to the enemy. On one occasion, Nic witnessed a
bulldozer driving into a poppy field. The silence that had lasted the whole day
ended with a firefight, in which the enemy fought to protect their crop.
The enemy often refrained from engaging the marines. Instead, they waited for Afghan
soldiers or police to fall into an ambush. Nic and his comrades were not always able to
help their Afghan allies because they wanted the Afghans to handle problems on their
own
Villagers were often helpful in pointing out IEDs because they didn’t want the marines
walking through the middle of their poppy fields

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(1:13:30) A major flaw of the advising was the fact that a lot of the marines were not
patient enough to carry it out effectively. A low-ranked marine was more enthusiastic
about fighting than working with the locals
Despite the issues in this advising effort, they had fostered good relations with Afghan
commanders, allowing them to work through many of the problems they faced
About five months into the deployment, the marines were told that they were pulling out
of PB Watson and consolidating all U.S. and Afghan forces at FOB Alcatraz
o During Ramadan, the Afghan soldiers were fasting in the high heat (over 100
degrees). Issues arose when several marines began to purposely chug water in
front of them. When a fight broke out, one of the marines claimed that one of the
Afghan soldiers tried to kill him
o There had been several “green on blue” incidences where sleeper cells within the
Afghan army had killed marines. When the fight occurred, the entire base went on
alert because they believed this to be a similar incident
As a result of this incident, all of the marines left Alcatraz and went to FOB Jackson
(1:21:00) The Helmand River flowed through their area of operations. They called the
area across the river “Indian country” because it was under the control of the Taliban.
When patrols were conducted, there needed to be a total of 12 men, four of whom needed
to be marines
o The Afghan soldiers were often high but the marines tolerated it as long as they
were doing their jobs
o They didn’t make much contact with the Taliban; however, when the Afghan
soldiers went out alone, they were often engaged
o The Afghan soldiers were often able to use American transportation (such as
helicopters) when going into the field with the marines
Translators came from the United States (belonging to immigrant families) or local areas.
Those who came from local areas were often working so that they could earn the right to
move to the United States
When Nic moved back to Alcatraz, he took part in the normal patrols and guarded the
base
On one occasion, supplies were accidentally dropped into Taliban country. Whenever Nic
and his comrades saw American supplies on the ground, they refrained from toughing
them because the Taliban were known to booby trap items such as MREs
When the marines reduced their presence in Sangin, the Taliban began to operate more
aggressively because the Afghan army weren’t able to hold them back as effectively as
the marines
While he was in Afghanistan, he was able to call his family on his satellite phone.
However, they had to go on a roof to get a good signal; this made them targets for the
Taliban
(1:36:42) Nic was in Afghanistan for seven months. He got back to the United States in
October 2012.

�

They were replaced in Sangin by the 2nd Battalion, 2nd Marine Regiment. Although Nic
and his unit stayed for a short time to advise their replacements, their advice was largely
ignored

(1:40:20) Back in the United States





Before they were sent to Twentynine Palms, they spend a week at Camp Leatherneck
learning how to readjust to civilian life
Nic was released from the Marine Corps in March-April 2013. The first thing he did was
spend a week in San Francisco before driving across country to Michigan. He spent the
summer readjusting before starting college at Grand Valley State University.
o PTSD was an issue for many men and women coming out of the military. For
Nic, the skills he learned in the Marine Corps (organization and discipline) helped
him land on his feet.
Nic is studying international relations with a minor with a minor in international business.
He has also studied abroad in Poland; he plans on going into the field of business

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                    <text>Speaking Out
Western Michigan’s Civil Rights Histories
Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Interviewee: Ivo Soljan
Interviewers: Logan Knoper, Alyssa Hall, Tim O’Neil and Tierra Jackson
Supervising Faculty: Melanie Shell-Weiss
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 2/23/2012

Biography and Description
Ivo Soljan compares and contrasts the different countries that he has lived in.

Transcript
O’NEIL: Ok, we just need you to say what your name is. It’s lvo Sol
SOLJAN: Ivo (EE-VO). That’s how you pronounce that.
O’NEIL: Oh, I’m sorry
SOLJAN: That’s ok. That’s Ok. Some call me even “Evil”. Don’t do that. Ivo Soljan.
O’NEIL: Ok, could you say that just once so we have a
SOLJAN: Ivo Soljan
O’NEIL: Alright.
SOLJAN: OK.
O’NEIL: So, could you give us, like, a basic biography; where you are from, how you got to West
Michigan?
SOLJAN: Yeah. Born about 85 years ago.{laughter} No. Born about sixty four, right now, an old guy. Came
here to Grand Valley in 1991. So it’s been twenty years now. But I was in connection with Grand Valley
even earlier than that because my university in Europe where I taught, and Grand Valley used to have a
very fruitful exchange program. It was the University of Sarajevo in former Yugoslavia, in Bosnia. And it
was established as one, probably the first exchange program between Grand Valley and some other
university overseas. And in ‘75, 1975. So I participated in a number of activities the symposia every
second year, either at Grand Valley or over there in Europe, and also there was an exchange of students
here. So I was really quite engaged in that, so when there was a war which was kind of a serious war I
needed a place to continue my life, and applied, and was invited to come here, and to be interviewed.
{Iaughs}

Page 1

�O’NEIL: {laughs} Yes. You mentioned overseas. Could you give us, like, a country?
SOLJAN: The country, as I mentioned, the country is formerly Yugoslavia, which doesn’t exist any longer.
It fell apart during that war because it was it was an artificially created country. Like Czechoslovakia, or a
number of- or even the Soviet Union if you ward. it consisted of six republics, like six states in the
United States. And, so it was a unified country, but it didn’t really function quite well. and there were
very strong movements within the country to kind of, coming from different sides, to get independent
and kind of break that united kind of somewhat like the American CMI War, and perhaps even in terms
of if you compare that in terms of the number of the dead and the victims it’s pretty comparable. In
Yugoslavia, about 200,000 people died and in America, about 600,000, but, if you compare the
populations, it would be pretty much the same ratio. So that’s the country. And the city, as, I mentioned
the city that I lived in, I wasn’t born there, but I taught there for 20 years, is the city of Sarajevo, which is
often it often used to be mentioned at least when you were all toddlers because when the war was
there the city was besieged for three and half years. It was really in very, very bad shape. A lot of people
died. —
O’NEIL: Logan, do you want toKNOPER: Well I mean we can just start little bit about the city you were born in and about your
childhood over there, growing up. What was that like?
SOLJAN: Mm-hm. Yeah. I was- I’m sorry I have a lot of stuff upstairs, but I couldn’t really prepare- The
city I was born in is, it’s kind of a funny name in English, it’s called “Split”. but it’s not really Split, though
I occasionally joke that I’m a Split personality. {laughs} But the thing is that it’s a Mediterranean city on
the coast of thethe sea that is part of the Mediterranean and that sea is known as the Adriatic, Adriatic
Sea. That’s the sea which is probably somewhat bigger than Lake Michigan. And that’s the sea where
Venice is so that particular part. I was born there, virtually with my feet, you might say, in the sea. My
father was a marine biologist. He led a significant marine biology institute there. So my first ten years of
my life were really just- kind of swimming if you want.
KNOPER: Yeah.
SOLJAN: Yeah. For some reason, we moved to Sarajevo, which is inland, but it’s not very far inland. It’s
probably about three hours drive.
O’NEIL: Okone of the big buzzwords of the assignment: Identity. Is there any, like, specific things that
you can think of about how moving to West Michigan has shaped your identity?
SOLJAN: Yeah
O’NEIL: I mean, your sense of humor seems very- relatable. {laughs}
SOLJAN: {laughs} Thank you. Well, things, any change is a change, and initially it wasn’t easy because we,
in that kind of panic, and it wasn’t just panic, it was actually well calculated. We went to holidays,
basically, trying, hoping that that war would finally be stopped by the European powers in America, but
it wasn’t completely for four years. So that, we basically left everything. All of our possessions, our

Page 2

�assets- home, just name it. Our library, all our investments in the retirement funds and so on, just was
wiped away. So, west Michigan, or rather Grand Valley I should say, has always been a nice place to us.
Before coming here permenantly as a (?) scholar I spent a year in California, then a year here, and I was
always very friendly with a lot of people around here among the administration and the professors. I
taught english, in fact, in ‘89 and ‘90. I was very friendly with President Lubbers. I don’t know whether
the name at all, but he used to be- he was our first president- oh, actually the second, but I mean the
first, in that he was 32 years on the helm of Grand Valley. So it’s- in many ways it’s been a soft landing
and it’s been a soft landing also becauseboth my wife and I are in English studies, so english really
wasn’t a problem for us. it’s not like you find yourself suddenly on Mars Something wenot only we could
– I mean, because of our qualifications would could actually teach (laughs) American students how to
speak proper english.
ALL: (laugh)
SOLJAN: So our english- our english used to be prominently British english. And some of that is still
probably noticeable in my pronunciation, but I’ve been teaching for twenty years, so it’s been lost. Our
children also spoke english and they liked it immediately It was fine. We knew- it was it wasn’t like
falling from the moon. We lived in California one year before that and then Grand Valley another year.
Then we went back home for just one and a half year. there were significant political things that were
happening there we wanted to participate in that, and, it was realized that it was going to be much
more painful than we expected. So we came here and Grand Valley, - from our first, we lived in Grand
Haven. And it’s a great place too. It’s a small city, or rather “tn-city” as they call it. And found plenty of
friends, very manageable. We lived- all our lives we’ve lived in big cities. I mean, Sarajevo is half a million
or more than that and in other in London, in- just name it- but we like the- especially now when the
children have gone. they got married and have families, so it’s easier. It’s kind of nice to live a rather
simple life. If we need entertainment, it’s mostly in terms of music, opera, stuff like that. Or lectures.
This area offers you plenty. It’s just amazing how much you have here. The colleges, there’s Aquinas and
there’s Calvin and there’s Hope and there’s Grand Valley, you just, - plenty. So we don’t miss that, I
mean that is something that is plentiful here and we enjoy that. There are plenty of opportunities.
KNOPER: You mentioned you were, your dad was a marine biologist and you loved the water and stuff,
so Grand Haven do you—?
SOLJAN: -Oh yeah! Oh yeah! We often actually refer to the lake as “the sea.” “Oh, look at the sea today.”
It’s kind of automatic. Oh yeah, it’s lovely actually We just like it, the- well, what we miss in fact is thekind of this smell of the salty sea. Otherwise it’s just lovely. Yeah, we enjoyed it.
O’NEIL: You mentioned a couple kids? maybe —
SOLJAN: Yeah. There are a couple kids, in fact well, they will be kids forever. (laughs) But the son isthirty, thirty one, and my daughter is thirty six. he lives in New York and he completed his studies here.
It was half price. So why not? (laughs)
ALL: (laugh)

Page 3

�SOLJAN: He studied- he studied English and Spanish and ended up in film industry. he is really a smart
guy and he elbowed his way into the film world. He is a producer in New York and kind of makes a big
buck. He enjoys- his wife is fine. They have a little kid, little Allegra, who is a year and a llttle bit more
now. Now the daughter is in the Hague and she is a very smart woman. She is a lawyer by profession.
And she works for this international court for war crimes, in the Hague in the Netherlands. Her husband
is Dutch too. And so, they have one kid, they have a little- little girl, little Nora and they are expecting a
second one in May. So things are- they are well placed. They seem to be happy in their lives. But of
course, kids are kids, as all too well. (laughs)
O’NEIL: Just little details: were they born here or—?
SOLJAN: No, no. No, we came here- I was nearly, I was forty three, four, something like that. They werethe son was eleven when we came here to stay. Although they were, as I mentioned, we were here
before so when he first visited he was eight. But he was eleven when we came to stay and the and the
daughter--. They had five years difference, so she was, well, sixteen. So she completed the final year of
the senior year of high school here then went and did her studies at Massachusetts at a rather small
college and went to NYU, New York University, to complete her legal studies.
O’NEIL: Ok, so we’re going to bounce around a bit here
SOLJAN: By the way I’ve never been on drugs.
ALL: (laugh)
SOLJAN: -for the record.
KNOPER: Oh well that question came later- (laughs)
SOLJAN: I’m very healthy.
O’NEIL: Have you lived anywhere else in the United States? I’m sorry if I missed that detail earlier.
SOLJAN: Well I did mention it earlier- We lived in Irvine, California, which is kind of a broader,
metropolitan L.A. and we lived there for a year. I was a Fuibright scholar doing my post-doctoral work.
that was about twenty two years ago. I enjoyed that very much, that was very nice. But otherwise, no,
no, we didn’t really. We kind of stuck here. I was traveling a lot all over America because I worked. I used
to work during the summers for the US State Department and they- the assignment would usually be to
take the European delegations for three week visits to America. So in that capacity, I was contracted by
the State department probably for about, at least thirty five states. I was going all over America. I
haven’t seen Hawaii. I haven’t seen Alaska, but otherwise, —
O’NEIL: Is there anything you noticed about the people in those areas of the country? Like, the way they
treat you or other people around them?
SOLJAN: Mmhm. Oh well Americans are very, very hospitable I must say that Well, I must in other parts
of the world too We often hear about the English being cold and reserved We lived in England for four
years all together, off and on. the English can be {hospitable} also— it’s just a question of they don’t hug

Page 4

�so much, like we in America. They tend to be kind of private and they have a little suspicion if you hug
them too much.
ALL: (laugh)
SOLJAN: But otherwise, no. we know other nationalities. We also spent time in Italy, and we have
friends in France and so on. So, people are- you find good people and friendly people everywhere. And
you find also, I don’t know, I wouldn’t call them “bad” people but, the people you wouldn’t gladly spend
time with. You find them everywhere.
O’NEIL: The less nice.
SOLJAN: Mmhm.
O’NEIL: Ok, continuing with the civil rights topic, like how people treat each other- has anyone, like you
or your family been —
SOLJAN: Mmhm. — Welt, no. We’ve never really— As a matter of fact we’ve been treated always as if
we were special. The one thing was the compassion, the fact that they knew that we lost everything and
were the victims of the war in that sense. So they extended help, “Whatever you need..” and so on.
Always only positive. But then of course, I think it’s always mutual. We’ve always treated people very
very nicely. And I think it’s, it’s a very simple rule it’s kind of the “the rule of thumb” as they call it. “You
treat me well, I’ll treat you well.” There are of course, there are segments of any population and you
see, we had this civil war which was- terrible, where some of my— very close friends ted out to be war
criminals. Kind of— participating in—slaughters and what not. So you never know. Things happen in life.
But to us, it’s been a— a very good experience. I might even say blessing. our children had a- stable
place to continue their life. We enjoyed- our life back home was very good. I had very good- I worked at
the university and taught there for about twenty years and was highly respected. My wife, she was a
high school teacher and then editor later on in a publishing house. So, it was a good life. But then
suddenly, everything just caved in. So you change everything. You adapt. The most important thing is to
be able to adapt. Accept what life brings you.
O’NEIL: Were there any people in particular that affected your thinking about- particularly ethnicities or
genders or religions?
SOLJAN: I wouldn’t say so. we as a family are catholics and of course in America the church life is - in
contrast to many, MOST, of the rest of the world. It is one of the hubs where people, I mean very often
you have the impression that it’s more of a- club. You cannot feel that so much because you live here
but if you go to other countries, there’s much more indifference, Americans on the whole are very
religious. At least they say, or at least they think they are. But for those who go regularly and attend
churches it’s often really—companionship, more- I don’t know. I don’t want to be nasty, but sometimes
it’s not really something profoundly spiritual at it is just getting together, having donuts and coffee.
Well, there’s nothing wrong with that! After all, the relationship, the companionship is religion. get
together and be together and help each other. So no. I must say-well, I’ve come across bigotry, there’s
no doubt. Not against me, but I’ve heard where people are speaking about the blacks very very, - in a

Page 5

�way that you don’t like to hear. Or others it’s not just blacks, it’s- but then, these are the people that,
you normally wouldn’t associate yourself with anyway. And you’ll keep them at arm’s distance. So there
is, sadly there is still- you know and that’s part of my— You asked me, or whoever did, in my
Anthropology class—, I have a pretty big political experience. I participated in a number of political
events here in America, and back home. One of them was peace negotiations in Dayton, Ohio. You
weren’t born, or were little kids so you don’t remember that. It was November of ‘95, which actually
ended that war in the Balkans. It was a very exciting thing to see all these, kind of, dignitaries . And I was
invited by President Clinton actually to go and accompany him to go to Bosnia on Air Force One to visit
the troops So then, you find wonderful people and of course you find people who would definitely need
some— re education. Especially in the sense of the feelings of superiority, but you have that in other
countries too. The thing that particularly hurts me, because I’m an American, we got American,
nationality in 2001 so it’s been ten years now, is that especially now the treatment of the people of the
middle east. The Muslims and the— there is this rather unjustified sense of superiority “These are the
primitive guys that have to give us our oil, because that’s our oil. If not we’ll kick some butts.”
ALL: (laugh)
SOLJAN: So, this whole ideal - and that’s very often actually articulated as “ugly American” or “arrogant
American”. There is that. You find that also that some people I’ve met that belong to the militia the
Michigan Militia. There is a lot of bigotry there. I won’t say that, at least publicly they’re not Ku Klux
Klan, but a lot of their thinking is along these lines.
KNOPER: So what would you say in the big scope the “American view” of other cultures or other
countries versus your country’s, or Yugoslavia’s view, or the world view? How would you compare their
views?
SOLJAN: Well, again I must say, sadly, because America is such a huge country, and such a huge potential
economic and whatnot, Americans are very ignorant. That’s one thing that, well, you are privileged
because you come to college and suddenly your eyes open. But it’s just —what’s Jay Leno’s—, there’s a
part of the program he does every several weeks where he—”Jaywalking” or something like that, where
he confronts these youngsters and asks them “What is the capital of America?” “Puerto Rico!”, these
guys know nothing! No history. Sadly, it’s the consequence that these subjects are being removed. “Oh,
do we need that? We’re a big country. We’re so important.”, but it really, —it closes your horizons, and
that’s not good. I just, right now, an hour ago, or two hours ago— there was a lecture in Kirkhof center.
There was a guy from one of the universities in Pennsylvania talking about American politics and policies
in the Middle East. And it’s defeating to see that most Americans don’t even know, after ten years of the
war in Iraq, “Where’s Iraq?”, and stuff like that. Not interested!, American population, like so many
others, and I see that actually being spread all over the world, that’s the very strong, American
consumerism. People are primarily consumers. Buy, buy, buy. And in a number of homes you don’t have
books at all. A book is a rarity. There are televisions perhaps in every—there’s a plasma in every room,
and then there are eight hundred channels but seven hundred ninety-nine are nothing something like
that. So there’s a huge offer on the market, but very little- very little selectivity. That should be and that
could be. I know that from the education of my kids and I Assume you are in the same thing. If you try
and you get good direction from your professors and the surroundings where you are, America can

Page 6

�easily produce brilliant kids, brilliant experts. But a lot of that is basically just buy your car, buy your
home, go and spend some time—a lot of time in casinos and go to Las Vegas, that kind of stuff. In order,
politically speaking, in order actually to keep social unrest controlled—because there is a lot of reason
for unrest—there is a huge difference in income that’s a problem right now, so huge it’s just
unbelievable. In order to keep people peaceful, give them things to buy! That’s exactly what President
Bush after 9/11 just said, “Oh,”, “go out and buy! Go out! Shop!”
(pause)
SOLJAN: Anything else guys?
O’NEIL: I have one little thing
SOLJAN: A couple of jokes from Bosnia?
ALL: (laugh)
O’NEIL: If you want, go ahead! (laughs) You’re clearly very well-read, being an english professor and
knowing Shakespeare and everything, is there any particular work of literature or art or a book or a
movie that influenced your perception of people?
SOLJAN: Yeah, well all literature is about people, so there’s no doubt about that, even when you cannot
project it and very often that (?) it’s always about people. And even if they have these horns, different
(?) on their heads and what not, three heads and what not, they’re people, because human psyche is
the same otherwise we wouldn’t understand. these creatures that are just a blob of energy, even they
love or hate or something. but literature in general is just a—wonderful tool of understanding, learning
and learning about your life and the life of those around you, but Hamlet is of course one of my favorites
but there are so many others. The list is just huge.
O’NEIL: This is just my personal curiosity, but you said you were on Air Force One?
SOLJAN: No, I was invited to go there; I had to miss it, because I had separate problems here at Grand
Valley at that time so I was really engaged deeply in resolving that first. But it was I got the White House
invitation that said will you go with the President and work and be his interpreter over there, which is
kind of a very, very wonderful I just said that after “How stupid of me. I should have done that, and
remain in the White house! No, but, I’m here in Grand Valley.
O’NEIL: Well I’m glad you stayed. (Laughs) Another little curiosity—how many languages do you speak?
SOLJAN: Well, my native tongue is known as—its a Slav language like Polish or like Russian. It’s called
Croatian.
O’NEIL: Okay!
SOLJAN: —l can tell you a little bit here, so you have that there for curiosity. . (Speaking in Croatian)
“What would you like me to tell you? If you want I can tell you all sorts of things.” Thats what I said.
Now, that’s Croatian. Then English—English of course—English is not my mother tongue, but I’m pretty

Page 7

�fluent in English. And I speak Italian. Can read Spanish--I can pretty much atone with French. it’s pretty
much a common thing with intellectuals in Europe. They speak— they’re small countries, so you need -it’s not like it is in America where you travel two days and you’re still in America. Ya, or three days even,
if you go by car. Over there you can—there you can go through three or four countries and with
different languages. That’s what I mean.
KNOPER: Yeah I know, like my friend from—he’s in Czech Republic, and I mean all in Europe they like
teach English. They have English along with their other stuff.
SOLJAN: Oh I know. Absolutely. When I started, it was pretty new there at that time, because it was not
so long after the second world war, but we started when I was like ten years old—and it was full eight
years there. So after that—well even so some of them would never—, it just depends on how attentive
you are, and you must pay attention or otherwise it doesn’t go into your head by itself. But yeah, that’s
it. And then normally you just pick up a couple of others at least so much that you can make yourself
understood and can read popular things and so on.
O’NEIL: do we have most of our—at least all of—
KNOPER: Yeah we pretty much got through everything. I mean we covered the views—we can talk
about the past I guess, but —
SOLJAN: I got something of my past; I never killed anyone—but I might! (All laughs)
KNOPER: oh. (Laughs) Hopefully no one in this room!
O’NEIL: Yeah! (Laughs)
KNOPER: So like what about your—you mentioned you came over here at age forty-something—
SOLJAN: Forty-three, yes.
KNOPER: Forty-three. What kind of like—in your teens—what kind of things were you like going— were
you interested in. Did you go to school at Grand Valley also?
SOLJAN: No. You mean myself?
KNOPER: Yeah, like in college and all that stuff.
SOLJAN: Oh no! No, no. I got my education in Europe. So I completed my—I got my higher degrees in
England. So I lived in England. And in a sense—and of course England is quite different from America,
but America is much more unified so to speak—i mean McDonald’s everywhere Taco Bell everywhere,
and four kinds of gasoline everywhere. But no I came here, as I say after being really rather thoroughly
familiar with American way of life and American culture and American history, that’s another thing that I
often find frustrating here when I ask my students about American history.
O’NEIL: A bunch of blank stares—

Page 8

�SOLJAN: Yeah. My usual joke is “Was it before Vietnam or after Vietnam?” Something that happened
like three-hundred years ago. So as I say, the only psychological shock was the feeling that you lost your
country, that you’ve lost all the things you’ve been building through through twenty-five, thirty years—
and that you have to start from—even though we’ve been many places in the world, it’s kind of tough
initially. You have to accommodate yourself and say well that’s it now so it’s being here. And we didn’t
come, —typically people come to America for economic reasons. It’s kind of immigrants who--as they
like to say here, dream their American dream or something—fulfilling their American dream. No it
wasn’t our case, our case was to—as we couldn’t ret—I mean the war was just raging over there. We
couldn’t go back. It was basically starting life somewhere you could start it. It wasn’t economic stuff.
KNOPER: Was there ever—did you ever like think of going somewhere in Europe at that time?
SOLJAN: Well, that was a possibility. We had some good friends, American diplomats. And before
thinking of going here, he said there is a possibility you can actually—he worked as an American
diplomat in Northern Germany; he said their American base is here—he said you can just kind of start
from. But, I contacted Grand Valley, and they just said pack up and come here immediately —and that’s
it.
O’NEIL: Was the fact that Grand Valley offered you a position something that influenced you to become
a professor—
SOLJAN: Well no, as I said I was a professor for twenty years before that back home, so I’ve been
teaching for forty years—more than forty years. I had this—I was primarily thinking, because I have a
major in violin too and music—and I was thinking to myself as a music performer and violinist, at certain
point there are these branching roads, and you have to choose, you cannot take both—and there was
this good opportunity, and even someone from the university of Sarajevo told me, Why don’t you
complete your graduate studies and join us?”, it’s a chance like so many things in life—you start—that’s
one good thing with studies- -you said you were still undecided, it doesn’t matter. You can always
change as I told you. My son completed English and Spanish and you could say that doesn’t really lead
him to a producer in film industry, but that’s where he ended up and he’s extremely happy. that’s what
he considers—you can learn all the time. That’s the point. And if you’re willing to learn the roads are
open.
KNOPER: Would you say Americans have more opportunity than maybe you had early in your life like
college? Or is it just like now a days—
SOLJAN: Yes and no. In the sense that even here—I don’t know we call something here complaints that
not enough American youth go to—, many of them are dropouts even in high school, and many of them
don’t complete their studies. So I’m wondering--there’s no doubt that the American facilities or the
American universities—the huge difference between the American universities and European
universities—generally speaking European universities- -that you pay here. It used to be—I don’t know
whether it’s going to change under American influence, but in other words, universities here are
business proposition. You pay—what you call that?
KNOPER: Tuition.

Page 9

�SOLJAN: Tuition, right. and it grows and grows and grows and without tuition the univeisities wouldn’t
exist. And over there, in most countries it used to be free university—you wouldn’t have to pay. Now
whether that’s good or not, I don’t know. I got very good education there, but I must say the high school
also, I think, was much more concentrated on important things—that’s what I say the sense of history
and geography is also something we immediately recognize and know about that. Now whether that’s
the ultimate thing in your life, I don’t know it doesn’t have to be. There are differences, and again, I’m
not someone who—back home I also had a very developed cultural life, intellectual life, so I had no
problems, moving anywhere. For someone who actually came here—and I think that’s the majority of
people who come from other countries—they usually move to America in order to make some money
and to start a new life, economic life. And of course for them it’s difficult. Number one, the language
barrier, number two all these customs they don’t really know and they have to get used to them. It’s
difficult to say I never really systematically thought about that. (Pause)
KNOPER: Anything else?
SOLJAN: You fed up with me?
O’NEIL: No, I could just ask you questions for hours, but in terms of the assignment I think we—
SOLJAN: Good, wonderful. Well if you want to add something I haven’t said, please do. No problem.
Only let it not be dangerous. The Italians have a nice saying, they say, “(speaking in Italian). If it is not
true it’s well found.”
KNOPER: Exactly!
SOLJAN: Okay guys! Thank you very much. All the best. And have A’s. Four A’s!
KNOPER: Hopefully.
END OF INTERVIEW

Page
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Interviewers:	&#13;  Jose	&#13;  Jimenez	&#13;  
Location:	&#13;  Grand	&#13;  Valley	&#13;  State	&#13;  University	&#13;  Special	&#13;  Collections	&#13;  
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Young	&#13;  Lords	&#13;  in	&#13;  Lincoln	&#13;  Park.	&#13;  
She	&#13;  was	&#13;  born	&#13;  in	&#13;  New	&#13;  York	&#13;  City	&#13;  and	&#13;  raised	&#13;  in	&#13;  the	&#13;  West	&#13;  Side	&#13;  of	&#13;  Manhattan	&#13;  in	&#13;  the	&#13;  Chelsea	&#13;  area	&#13;  around	&#13;  
17th	&#13;  Street	&#13;  and	&#13;  8th	&#13;  Avenue	&#13;  near	&#13;  the	&#13;  17th	&#13;  Street	&#13;  Park.	&#13;  The	&#13;  projects	&#13;  were	&#13;  primarily	&#13;  Puerto	&#13;  Rican	&#13;  and	&#13;  
Black	&#13;  but	&#13;  it	&#13;  was	&#13;  always	&#13;  in	&#13;  conflict	&#13;  with	&#13;  the	&#13;  Sicilian	&#13;  Italians	&#13;  and	&#13;  the	&#13;  Irish	&#13;  of	&#13;  the	&#13;  Village	&#13;  neighborhood...	&#13;  
There	&#13;  were	&#13;  some	&#13;  youth	&#13;  who	&#13;  were	&#13;  members	&#13;  of	&#13;  the	&#13;  Assassins	&#13;  gang	&#13;  and	&#13;  when	&#13;  things	&#13;  got	&#13;  rough	&#13;  they	&#13;  
would	&#13;  travel	&#13;  to	&#13;  Upper	&#13;  Manhattan	&#13;  and	&#13;  bring	&#13;  back	&#13;  more	&#13;  Assassins	&#13;  to	&#13;  help	&#13;  protect	&#13;  the	&#13;  people	&#13;  of	&#13;  their	&#13;  
neighborhood,	&#13;  mostly	&#13;  with	&#13;  baseball	&#13;  bats,	&#13;  chains	&#13;  and	&#13;  knives.	&#13;  
	&#13;  	&#13;  

�Minerva	&#13;  grew	&#13;  up	&#13;  in	&#13;  NYC	&#13;  with	&#13;  the	&#13;  younger	&#13;  Cuevas	&#13;  family	&#13;  kids	&#13;  and	&#13;  remembers	&#13;  traveling	&#13;  back	&#13;  and	&#13;  forth	&#13;  to	&#13;  
Puerto	&#13;  Rico	&#13;  where	&#13;  she	&#13;  lived	&#13;  during	&#13;  her	&#13;  teenage	&#13;  years	&#13;  and	&#13;  is	&#13;  the	&#13;  home	&#13;  of	&#13;  most	&#13;  of	&#13;  her	&#13;  relatives.	&#13;  In	&#13;  Puerto	&#13;  
Rico	&#13;  she	&#13;  lived	&#13;  in	&#13;  the	&#13;  barrio	&#13;  or	&#13;  neighborhood	&#13;  of	&#13;  Collores	&#13;  of	&#13;  the	&#13;  town	&#13;  of	&#13;  Juana	&#13;  Diaz	&#13;  not	&#13;  far	&#13;  from	&#13;  Villalba.	&#13;  
She	&#13;  visited	&#13;  with	&#13;  her	&#13;  Grandmother,	&#13;  Antonia	&#13;  Pacheco,	&#13;  a	&#13;  retired	&#13;  school	&#13;  teacher	&#13;  from	&#13;  the	&#13;  University	&#13;  of	&#13;  
Puerto	&#13;  Rico.	&#13;  Her	&#13;  mother	&#13;  Aida	&#13;  Hernandez	&#13;  Garcia	&#13;  was	&#13;  born	&#13;  in	&#13;  Villalba,	&#13;  a	&#13;  country	&#13;  and	&#13;  she	&#13;  remembers	&#13;  
picking	&#13;  up	&#13;  fallen	&#13;  avocados	&#13;  off	&#13;  the	&#13;  ground	&#13;  for	&#13;  dinner.	&#13;  Her	&#13;  father	&#13;  Edwin	&#13;  Diaz	&#13;  hailed	&#13;  from	&#13;  the	&#13;  city	&#13;  of	&#13;  
Santurce	&#13;  and	&#13;  Minerva	&#13;  recalls	&#13;  always	&#13;  visiting	&#13;  the	&#13;  post	&#13;  office	&#13;  with	&#13;  her	&#13;  Grandfather	&#13;  where	&#13;  a	&#13;  few	&#13;  of	&#13;  her	&#13;  
uncles	&#13;  worked.	&#13;  She	&#13;  is	&#13;  one	&#13;  of	&#13;  three	&#13;  sisters	&#13;  from	&#13;  her	&#13;  mother’s	&#13;  side,	&#13;  and	&#13;  another	&#13;  sister	&#13;  from	&#13;  her	&#13;  father’s	&#13;  
side.	&#13;  
Minerva’s	&#13;  sister	&#13;  was	&#13;  proactive	&#13;  in	&#13;  the	&#13;  community	&#13;  and	&#13;  she	&#13;  joined	&#13;  the	&#13;  Young	&#13;  Lords	&#13;  in	&#13;  New	&#13;  York	&#13;  in	&#13;  1970,	&#13;  
right	&#13;  after	&#13;  they	&#13;  split	&#13;  from	&#13;  Chicago	&#13;  and	&#13;  changed	&#13;  their	&#13;  name	&#13;  from	&#13;  YLO	&#13;  to	&#13;  YLP.	&#13;  Her	&#13;  family	&#13;  did	&#13;  not	&#13;  want	&#13;  her	&#13;  
involved	&#13;  because	&#13;  they	&#13;  thought	&#13;  it	&#13;  was	&#13;  a	&#13;  gang.	&#13;  However	&#13;  she	&#13;  says	&#13;  that	&#13;  it	&#13;  was	&#13;  in	&#13;  the	&#13;  Young	&#13;  Lords	&#13;  that	&#13;  she	&#13;  
learned	&#13;  her	&#13;  history	&#13;  and	&#13;  felt	&#13;  Puerto	&#13;  Rico	&#13;  in	&#13;  her	&#13;  heart,	&#13;  even	&#13;  though	&#13;  she	&#13;  was	&#13;  born	&#13;  in	&#13;  New	&#13;  York.	&#13;  There	&#13;  was	&#13;  
a	&#13;  saying	&#13;  in	&#13;  Spanish	&#13;  that	&#13;  she	&#13;  recalls:	&#13;  Yo	&#13;  no	&#13;  naci	&#13;  en	&#13;  Puerto	&#13;  Rico	&#13;  pero	&#13;  Puerto	&#13;  Rico	&#13;  nacio	&#13;  en	&#13;  mi.”	&#13;  I	&#13;  was	&#13;  not	&#13;  
born	&#13;  in	&#13;  Puerto	&#13;  Rico	&#13;  but	&#13;  Puerto	&#13;  Rico	&#13;  was	&#13;  born	&#13;  in	&#13;  me.	&#13;  

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Give me your name and where you’re from.

MINERVA SOLLA: Okay, Minerva Solla, Puertorriquena de Nueva York.
JJ:

Okay, all right.

MS:

-- you want me to start or just talk about my life?

JJ:

If you can give me your name, where you were born, anything related to how you
got to the Young Lords. And then we’ll start from there.

MS:

Okay.

JJ:

Okay. Anytime, go ahead.

MS:

Okay. My name is Minerva Solla, and I was born in New York City. I came from
-- parents from Puerto Rico.

JJ:

From where?

MS:

Puerto Rico. And my mom was born in Villalba and my dad in Santurce. And all
my family is in Puerto Rico. And I lived in Puerto Rico when I was a teenager,
and I was always back and forth from New York City to Puerto Rico. My parents
came -- [00:01:00]

JJ:

Who’s your parents -- names? What are their names?

MS:

Mami’s name, Aida Hernandez Garcia. And my dad, Edwin Solla.

JJ:

Okay, and now what about brothers and sisters?

MS:

My sister was born -- Gloria, and she was born in Santurce, Puerto Rico. And
my other sister, her name [Evelyn?] and then I have another sister from my dad’s
side named [Jeannette?] Solla.

1

�JJ:

Okay. And when did move here from Puerto Rico? You said they’re in Puerto
Rico now?

MS:

Well, my sister, the one that was born in Puerto Rico, she actually lives here.
Well, she lives in New York and she’s a teacher. And she, right now, she’s with
the union, United Federation, UFT. And she stays involved. She used to work in
a post office, put herself through school, went to City College. And now
[00:02:00] she retired but she’s still very active with teaching when they need her.
And she’s active in the community.

JJ:

Teaching?

MS:

Yeah, she teaches. She’s a teacher with the disabled.

JJ:

With the disabled?

MS:

Yes, disabled. Mm-hmm.

JJ:

And then, okay so Minerva, you grew up in New York, but you said you went
back and forth.

MS:

Yes. I grew up in New York City, but always back and forth to Puerto Rico. My
grandfather -- we used to go to Collores and that’s next to Juana Diaz. So I was
always -- I lived in Juana Diaz for a short period of time with my uncle and aunt.
But we were always either in Juana Diaz, Collores, or Santurce. And we would
go in the summer because that was the cheapest time to go, during the summer
when it’s really hot. So we would [00:03:00] spend most of our summers over
there in Puerto Rico.

JJ:

What did you do when you went there?

2

�MS:

I used to go with my grandfather a lot to Avenida de America. We used to go to
the post office and that was my dad’s side of the family. But my mom’s side of
the family, which is my grandfather, he used to -- (Spanish) [00:03:25] So I’m
going to be talking New York Rican style. (Spanish) [00:03:31] He used to
always be on his horses so we used to go to the farm, and he used to have a
machete, and he would -- I always admired him. He had a really big hat and
always -- (Spanish) [00:03:46], he was chopping caña all the time. So we would
go to the beaches though a lot around the Boquerón area and Aguadilla. And we
were always in Ponce, and I [00:04:00] have -- all of my family is there right now
except for me and my --

JJ:

In Ponce?

MS:

Well, yeah, all over Puerto Rico.

JJ:

Okay. And did you say how many brothers and sisters you had?

MS:

We have three girls altogether. And then I had another sister from my dad’s side
of the family.

JJ:

And -- so this is when you were older, going back and forth right?

MS:

No, when we were young little girls and I lived in Puerto Rico during my teenage
life for a little while, but I was back and forth since probably five, six, ten, all the
way up to thirteen years old. Including when I joined the Young Lords Party. So
when I joined the Young Lords Party, I had a young daughter, and I named her
[Taina?]. She was probably maybe one of the first Young Lord baby. And
Mickey Melendez gave me [00:05:00] a baby shower. And Taina because I
thought it was going to be a Taino, but it was Taina, so we changed the o to a.

3

�And when she was a little baby I would go visit my grandmother in Santurce.
And that was during the time -JJ:

What was grandma’s name? What was her name?

MS:

My grandmother, her name was Antonia Pacheco. She was a teacher in Puerto
Rico.

JJ:

She’s another teacher?

MS:

Yeah, for the University of PR. And she obviously passed away a while ago.
And we were always around my grandmother with the other teachers of Puerto
Rico. But her brothers, they worked in a post office and one of them was like a
big position. And one of the first -- his name was Pacheco too, his last name.
And he had a big position in the post office, so that’s why we were always in the
post office. It was like a thing with my grandfather, taking us to the post office.

JJ:

In this is in Santurce? [00:06:00]

MS:

Yes. So my grandmother was a teacher in the University of Puerto Rico, yes.

JJ:

Oh so she was there. And you would hang out with your grandmother --

MS:

My grandmother, my grandfather, and also from my mother’s side, he --

JJ:

And your grandfather’s name was?

MS:

Daniel. Daniel Pacheco.

JJ:

From your mother’s side?

MS:

From my mother’s side it was Gabriel. Gabriel Garcia.

JJ:

And he was from Santurce?

MS:

No, Gabriel was from Collores.

JJ:

Collores, okay. There’s a song --

4

�MS:

Juana Diaz I know. There’s a song about Collores. And that’s where -- Villalba
is the little town where they had the -- it’s known for gandules. Gandules. So we
used to be opening the gandules. Yeah, they used to teach us how to do that.
And in Villalba, I have a lot of cousins there and we used to climb the trees to get
the aguacates. So we used to, you know, [00:07:00] that kind of stuff. That’s
how we used to play.

JJ:

And you just climbed naturally?

MS:

Yeah, yeah. But then a lot of times they were --

JJ:

How far did they fall down?

MS:

Well a lot of times they were just on the ground, the aguacates, and we would
pick them up and bring them to our mothers.

JJ:

So that was a (inaudible) campo?

MS:

That was a campo. Absolutely, a campo where most of the mosquitoes were
(Spanish) [00:07:24] but I guess for all Puerto Ricans we --

JJ:

(inaudible) Was there a bathroom?

MS:

No. We used to -- a latrine, you know? And we used to have the outbox.

JJ:

Outhouse?

MS:

Right that’s what you call it? Yeah and not too many people like doing, I guess.
Just the generations that came after me --

JJ:

They don’t know that.

MS:

No, they don’t know that. But as little girls, not in Santurce. We had the
bathroom in Santurce -- my grandmother’s house there. But in my grandfather’s,
my mother’s side was the [campesino?]. [00:08:00]

5

�JJ:

Ah. So let me -- tell me about New York, coming back and forth to New York.

MS:

Yeah, coming back and forth from New York. When my mother -- when she
came to New York, it was like in 1948 around there. And that was like an influx
of Puerto Ricans coming to New York City. And of course when they came to
New York City, they were coming into the factories. And my mother used to work
in a restaurant -- a Puerto Rican restaurant. And all the Puerto Ricans used to
go to this restaurant because everybody was here from Puerto Rico and that’s
where they were in the garment industry. So my mother worked in a restaurant.
She put us in Catholic school.

JJ:

What’s is the garment industry? What’s --

MS:

The garment industry was in Chelsea, Manhattan. [00:09:00] And that’s 15th
Street, 16th Street, 17th Street, downtown Manhattan, and it’s on the West Side.
It was called the Chelsea area --

JJ:

Is that a Puerto Rican neighborhood?

MS:

Yes. A lot of Puerto Ricans but there was Irish and there was Italian. So it was
really bad for Puerto Ricans there at that time --

JJ:

What do you mean?

MS:

Because we were seen as the new group coming and like the immigrants, even
though we’re citizens of the United States. But we were seen as the immigrants
coming in. The Irish was there before us, and the Italians were there before the
Irish. So the groups did not get along and there was a lot of gangs that were, I
guess --

JJ:

So the gangs, in those gangs, were there women?

6

�MS:

There were gangs.

JJ:

What about the women?

MS:

They were. They were the Assassins, and they were also in the gangs.
[00:10:00]

JJ:

And they were gangs too?

MS:

Yeah, they were called the Young Assassins.

JJ:

Were the women and the men fighting or?

MS:

Yes. A lot of fighting. A lot of killing, knives. Everyone wore -- the Assassins
wore black leather coats and actually berets. They weren’t Black Panthers, but
they were gangs.

JJ:

[So this would be around the ’60s?]

MS:

That was in 1970 -- not it had to be in 1966. Well maybe it was 1965, around
there.

JJ:

And they were kind of -- the Assassins were kind of big at that time.

MS:

Yes, they were called the Assassins and then the younger groups which were the
teenagers, they were called the Junior Assassins. And they were mainly Black
and Puerto Rican. So the Puerto Rican and Black people in the Chelsea area,
very tight. And it was -- culturally, [00:11:00] we were together through the
dancing, through food, through soul food, through the arroz con gandules,
through the rice and beans. And when there ever was any gang fights, it was
Black and Puerto Rican against Italians. So we were called Spics, just like the
West Side Story, right? It was basically the West Side Story said a lot about that

7

�time, so the Italians were called Guineas, and we were called Spics. That was
derogatory for Puerto Rican, Spics.
JJ:

Was that a real group? You know, like the Young Lords that they come from the
West Side Story, did you know that?

MS:

They came from what?

JJ:

The color purple came from the West Side Story.

MS:

Oh, look at that.

JJ:

Yeah. [That’s the only hero they had. But that’s where we came from. We dyed
our shirts purple and everything?]. [00:12:00]

MS:

Oh, look at that.

JJ:

(laughs) But that was -- that was the big thing at the time in New York. When the
movie came out?

MS:

Yes. The West Side Story? Yes. It was big.

JJ:

(inaudible) That’s the only hero they had from the movie. And then they moved
to Chelsea and that’s when they (inaudible).

MS:

Yes we were -- so the Puerto Ricans were in the Chelsea area in Manhattan
which was --

JJ:

Was the West Side Story about that [happening?]?

MS:

Yes. Mm-hmm. Yes. And then, when you go upper Manhattan, it was the
Dominican community. So we were kind of divided. The Dominicans were upper
Manhattan, the Puerto Ricans were in the 17th Street Park. Gil Scott, Gil ScottHeron, he came from 17th Street and his song on the cork and the bottle, he talks
about 17th Street. So 17th Street was [00:13:00] a park, but there was a lot of

8

�drugs and a lot of young people using drugs and a lot of alcoholism going on
during that time. And there was, you know, unfortunately there was like fights
between again, the Italians and the Puerto Ricans. And they -- the Assassins
were from upper Manhattan, Harlem, and outside of New York City. And when
there was going to be a gang war fight, they would come in. There was a lot of
women. They used to put the -- the women used to put the razors like before
they went into the fight, in their hair. It was very common, you know, to cut each
other up.
JJ:

This was mainly Blacks and Puerto Ricans?

MS:

Yes.

JJ:

So I guess [clearly?] the Black and Puerto Rican communities hung out together
basically?

MS:

That’s how New York City was.

JJ:

(inaudible) Sometimes I feel there’s more [00:14:00] in New York than in
Chicago. They’re more -- Chicago is more like (inaudible)-oriented, and New
York is more urban and a lot closer to the Black community. Well, to the culture.
I don’t know about (inaudible).

MS:

Well we had the projects. And in the projects, the only people that lived in the
projects were Black and Puerto Rican, right? And then in the tenement houses,
where we all had -- it was only maybe a couple of blocks from where we lived.
We went to the schools together, we played basketball. We mainly met through
the dances, and it was a very tight connection with Black and Puerto Rican. With
a lot of stuff, it was not just the culture. It was the food, it was the soul food, rice

9

�and bean, very -- we used to go to La Taza de Oro. [00:15:00] It was on 15th
Street on 8th Avenue. So that’s where Black and Puerto Ricans, we introduced
our Black sisters and brothers to La Taza. And that was a Puerto Rican
restaurant that just recently closed. It was 50 cents to get rice and beans during
that time. So we connected even though we weren’t -- our group was not part of
the gang. But we used to wear the black leather.
JJ:

The black leather jackets too?

MS:

People had the alpacas.

JJ:

Yeah, we had like (inaudible).

MS:

But when there was any trouble in the neighborhood, there was some -- couple
of people in our group that was part of the Assassins and if there was any
trouble, they would bring in the Assassins to --

JJ:

So the Assassins were a big [help?] (inaudible).

MS:

Big.

JJ:

They came to the (inaudible) for you.

MS:

Mm-hmm. Mm-hmm. Yeah.

JJ:

And they were women.

MS:

There were men and women.

JJ:

Men and women?

MS:

Yeah. In our group, there was a young woman [00:16:00] named Mickey, and
her last name was Melendez. So Melendez, they had maybe seven and they
were in the Assassins. [Danny?] Melendez, all the Melendez. All of them. All of
them.

10

�JJ:

So this was the Melendez (inaudible), and Mickey is (inaudible).

MS:

Well it wasn’t that Mickey Melendez.

JJ:

Isn’t that the same one?

MS:

No, there was another. It wasn’t that Melendez that belonged -- they were
younger than Mickey that belong in our group in Chelsea. It was Chelsea.

JJ:

But they were Young Lords too?

MS:

No, they just were from Chelsea, and I grew up with them.

JJ:

And you grew up with them.

MS:

Oh, wait. I’m sorry. The name was [Cuevas?]. Danny Cuevas. The Cuevas
family.

JJ:

And you grew with up with them? And so how were they since you grew up
together?

MS:

They were real Puerto Rican. They were Puerto Ricans.

JJ:

What does that mean?

MS:

Well [00:17:00] when you’re a Puerto Rican, whether you were born in Puerto
Rico. You know that saying? (Spanish) [00:17:06] Growing up and even now,
Puerto Rico is in everybody’s heart. So I guess when I say real Puerto Rican,
when you see a Puerto Rican, Boricuas. Okay, Boricuas, you know? So that’s
what the Young Lords were about. When we heard about this Puerto Rican
group, we said, oh, it’s a Puerto Rican group. Let’s go check out Felipe Luciano
in Brooklyn College. And when he spoke about what they were doing as Puerto
Ricans, we joined the Young Lords. However, in New York City, the majority
were Puerto Ricans that joined the party, but we also had African American and

11

�then also other sisters and brothers from another Latin American -- like Salvador,
[00:18:00] from another part of Latin America. But mainly everybody was Puerto
Rican.
JJ:

Were your parents political?

MS:

Mami, I would say Mami, she -- so for instance, she liked Kennedy because -- so
she talked about the good that Kennedy was doing. And then she also liked
Martin Luther King. But basically she was very poor, and her mom died when
she was maybe eight years old. So her dad couldn’t keep them because he
didn’t know how to raise them actually. So there’s something that’s called
(foreign language?), [00:19:00] so she grew up with her cousins and her aunt.
They took her in, but she basically -- she said she never had dolls. She made
out of the broomsticks, she used to make her dolls. And she was like a
Cinderella I guess. She used to have to shine the wooden floors, you know?
She didn’t have her schooling. I think she had to leave school when she was
eight years old to care for the house. And then when she got older, she came to
New York City looking for a better life. And because they said it was going to be
a better life, but she landed working like my aunt in the garment industry and in
the restaurant part-time. She had us go to school. While we were in school at
three o’clock she would leave her job to take care of us. She actually was a
single mom because my dad never lived with her. He would come in and out of
the house, [00:20:00] but she raised three daughters and then in the summer -- I
don’t know if you know about La Villa. But Las Villas is an area where a lot of the
Jews used to go and it’s like, La Villa is in Plattekill, New York -- upstate New

12

�York. And then when the Puerto Ricans came in, everybody goes to La Villa. La
Villa, (Spanish) [00:20:24], they used to bring Gran Combo, all the dancing.
Then that’s where we used to go when we were little girls and we would go with
our mothers and our aunts. And that was where you went for Labor Day, Fourth
of July, Las Villas.
JJ:

In New York. Upstate in New York.

MS:

Yes and every Puerto Rican and people from Puerto Rico used to come, would
go to Las Villas. So it was like -- it’s in the Catskill region. So it’s -- and that’s
upstate New York. And now, they don’t do that anymore. I think they do stuff but
it’s [00:21:00] not like how popular it was like the Palladium, in New York City. All
the people that used to go to the Palladium used to go to Las Villas.

JJ:

So you went to the Palladium too?

MS:

You know, I might have gone to the Palladium maybe once. My sister used to go
to the Palladium a lot.

JJ:

And that was -- everyone went there.

MS:

Every -- all Puerto Ricans went there, the Palladium. Yeah. And everybody went
to Las Villas. And everybody went to Orchard Beach. That was our Luquillo.

JJ:

So you went to Las Villas. You went to Las Villas?

MS:

Yes.

JJ:

And how was that?

MS:

Las Villas was -- I was maybe eight years old. Eight, nine, ten. And La Villa was
fun to go because it was --

JJ:

And what happened there? Why was it fun?

13

�MS:

It was fun because it was a lot of the energy. (Spanish) [00:21:47], dancing,
salsa. They would bring in bands, Gran Combo, all the bands that -- Tito Nieves
and while our parents used to go to the [00:22:00] main ballroom and dance, we
used to stay in the room. But we would hear the music. They also had
swimming pools in New York City at the time. We never went swimming. So
when you go to the Catskill region, they had swimming pools, and we used to like
that. It was getting out of the city, and it was a connection of Puerto Rico.
Because when we used to go to Puerto Rico, the first thing, place we would go
to, we would always go, was la playa, the beaches. That’s where we were
always.

JJ:

[And where would you go? To what beaches?]

MS:

In Boquerón?

JJ:

In (inaudible)?

MS:

Cabo Rojo, Boquerón. And then --

JJ:

I’ve never been to the beach in Puerto Rico.

MS:

Oh my goodness.

JJ:

(inaudible)

MS:

So if you go like in Boquerón, you can go like beach to beach to beach. They
have Guánica, they have Playa Gorda. They have Gilligan’s Island they call it.
It’s actually a little island and they have [00:23:00] beautiful beaches. Playa
Buyé is a small little beach, so you can go beach-hopping. So, on that part of
Puerto Rico.

JJ:

So basically growing up in that neighborhood, what was it like?

14

�MS:

In New York City?

JJ:

Yeah.

MS:

It was -- our parents were really strict, but we used to play basketball a lot. And
we used to play baseball. And everybody was Puerto Rican like I said, Puerto
Rican and Black. There was a couple maybe white girls that belonged to the
group, and you can say that (Spanish) [00:23:44] because they dance salsa.
They just connected with our group instead of connecting with the Italians and
the Irish because it was a very divided.

JJ:

(inaudible) [00:24:00] Because we didn’t have [any leader?] How was that in New
York? [As a group?] (inaudible)

MS:

No, we were not timid. We were not intimidated. We basically -- the
neighborhood was really our neighborhood. And when we walked in those
streets it was -- our streets. So, 17th Street Park was like our park. And when we
would go to the projects, it was like our projects. Everybody knew each other
and even if you were out late at night, the [wino?], they knew you. They didn’t
mess with each other. However, when you crossed the line down to the Village,
if you went like to West Fourth, West Third Street, you had to be really careful.
You couldn’t go by yourself. You had to go in groups because that’s where there
was more Italians [00:25:00] in that area. So they used to have that, Sicily, I
think, Italian festival every year. We were always told not to go there. Some of
us would go there and then were always --

JJ:

So they were (inaudible).

MS:

That’s where there were fights.

15

�JJ:

They were ready to jump on you?

MS:

Yes, mm-hmm.

JJ:

And what years was this?

MS:

That was in the ’60s.

JJ:

And they were still jumping on Puerto Ricans in the ’60s?

MS:

Mm-hmm. Yeah.

JJ:

I mean there was none of that in Chicago. So tell me about -- what did you do
with Young Lords from the beginning [up until now?]

MS:

So with the Young Lords, when we were in high school and I guess that was
around 1969 because I joined the Young Lords in 1970. So a lot of the Puerto
Ricans in the community, we were hearing --

JJ:

Did you see (inaudible)?

MS:

Well, my mother didn’t agree with --

JJ:

And she wasn’t for Kennedy. (inaudible)

MS:

They didn’t agree with [00:26:00] the Young Lords because they said they were -

JJ:

They were not in the [communist?] party or anything like that.

MS:

No. They were -- our parents thought -- the talk about the Young Lords with my
parents and people her age, their age, it was that they were a gang. So they
didn’t want us to get hurt.

JJ:

They didn’t want you to be in the Young Lords.

MS:

Right because they said it was a gang. In Puerto Rico, every -- mostly my dad’s
side of the family, they disowned me. I couldn’t go to their home. When I went to

16

�Puerto Rico, I was able to go to my grandmother’s house because she supposed
what I was doing. She might have not supported the politics because I was for
the independence of Puerto Rico. I stood up for that. And in New York City
though, our parents thought that if you join the Young Lords, you’re going to be in
a gang. You’re in a gang. [00:27:00] And they saw it as fighting. They saw that
we were going to get hurt. And I was a young girl. So it was like, that is not for
you. They used to call me Chiki. In Puerto Rico, my name is Chiki. So in New
York City too, my parents and her -- my aunt, her sister, her name is [Liduina?].
She’s still alive. She’s 89. She’s great. One thing my parents, they never knew
English. They -- the Spanish -- even until now, my aunt -- but what I was going
to say about the Young Lords, they thought it was a gang. So they didn’t want us
to join. So once I joined, I couldn’t go back to my mom’s house. And I couldn’t
even use the bathroom because I was seen like I guess dirty or I’m going the
wrong direction, [00:28:00] (Spanish). You’re supposed to be in school,
(Spanish) [00:28:09], that kind of stuff. So it was rough, and I had to -- I made a
decision early on in life that this was what was right, and this was what I needed
to be, who I needed to be with other people in the Young Lords Party. And I saw
a lot of injustice, especially in the Lower East Side because that’s where the
branch was when I first went and joined the party. I went to Brooklyn College. I
saw -- but I went with my girlfriend, her name was Flaca. And we said, let’s go
check out Felipe Luciano. When we heard him speak, I know he recruited a
whole lot of other people there, but when we heard him speak, we just looked at
each other and said [00:29:00] we’re going to join the party tomorrow. So we left

17

�high school. We were in high school. We left. And we joined the party the very
next day. We went to El Barrio, which is Spanish Harlem, and they told us, look.
They’re just opening a branch in the Lower East Side. There’s a lot of Puerto
Ricans there. So we went and that’s close to Chelsea. So we said, okay, we’ll
go there. So we went there and that’s where we joined. It was on East Third
Street, between Avenue A and B, that’s where the branch was.
JJ:

And what did you do at the branch (inaudible).

MS:

Well, what we used to do is that they used to give us political education and
people that were just a couple years older --

JJ:

Who was giving the political education?

MS:

They were teaching us about the Red Book, which was Mao Tse-tung.
[00:30:00] We learned about dialectics, and it was something that we were not -I didn’t know about that. So it was a challenge because it was different
paragraphs where they would kind of break it down for us. But mainly we
learned about the history of Puerto Rico. And I thought that was good for us
because we didn’t know about the history of Puerto Rico. My mom used to
sometimes talk about Pedro Albizu Campos and my aunt did. But they never sat
us down like they did at the branch in Lower East Side. So Iris Morales and Juan
González and Yoruba and David Perez --

JJ:

Who do you remember? Say something about each one (inaudible).

MS:

Well, Iris I remember that she was the one who [00:31:00] put it down in basics
of ABC, of us understanding about our history of Puerto Rico. And she did it in a
real soft-spoken manner. And at the same time, she was very powerful and

18

�passionate. She was very passionate. So what she was able to teach was from
the heart. And it resonated with everybody there.
JJ:

And then what about Yoruba?

MS:

Yoruba? Crazy. In a good way. Because he was like -- every young person
related to Yoruba because they like his style. You know, the way he was swag
when he would talk and just his mannerism. [00:32:00] And we used to party,
we used to hang out, we used to get high. So we went to the party, it was like,
okay, you don’t really --

JJ:

You were getting high on weed or?

MS:

Yeah, in the streets, yeah. We did drugs.

JJ:

(inaudible)

MS:

And we drank. But when we went to the party, it was people our age. So we
change also the women of the parties, this is something that Denise brought out
and Denise Oliver and other women, is that we all got afros, right? So before the
party, we all used to straighten --

JJ:

(inaudible)

MS:

We used to straighten our hair, you know? (Spanish) [00:32:51] Because we
wanted to be white. We wanted to have straight hair. We didn’t want our African
roots. [00:33:00] And we all got into the afro, just like during that time a lot of the
beautiful Black women. But of course our African roots in being Puerto Ricans,
all the sisters who had the really curly nappy hair afro. And then at the time, my
hair real curly and I stopped straightening it and I just cut it. And it was all curly.
We let our natural beauty come out. So and our dressing changed. So we used

19

�to wear the -- no, we had combat boots, we took off our high heels, right?
Combat boots and the khaki pants and (Spanish) [00:33:46] those jackets? Like
the fatigues, right? And then we had our purple berets. So every day, that’s how
we used to get dressed [00:34:00] and it was really changing how we were
taught. Like society says we have to look this way, and we have to act this way.
So we had a whole change of being and we learned that in Young Lords Party.
So we got education, we learned about our own natural beauty, we learned how
to respect each other as women. We learned to help others through respecting
women also. At the time, I didn’t understand sexism, I was very passive. And
they always were talking about the passivity and speaking up and that we were
an intelligent individual. And that we can do anything that a brother could do at
the party as well. [00:35:00]
JJ:

And you have children.

MS:

I do. Taina is the first child, Taina Maria, and then I also have [Jose Gabriel?]
and [Liana?]. And then I have [Maya?] and [Gabriela?].

JJ:

Any grandchildren?

MS:

Yeah. The grandchildren -- I have a lot of grandchildren and children in Florida,
Miami, and Orlando as you know. There’s a whole -- all the Puerto Ricans are in
Orlando. And the grandchildren are C.J., [Chad Martinez?] and [Brandon?] and
[Layla?] and [Samaya?].

JJ:

So they’ll probably see this but it’s going to be online. And so --

MS:

And -- I mentioned Gabriela.

20

�JJ:

What do you want them to know about [00:36:00] (inaudible) and the work that
you do in terms of the Young Lords and other stuff like that? Some people didn’t
like the Young Lords. Never understood the Young Lords. What do you want
them to remember? The good work. You and -- as a final thought.

MS:

Well, I want them to remember that basically the Young Lords came about
following the footsteps of the Black Panther Party. And so many similar things.
So the food program, the clothing program, the Lincoln Hospital healthcare which
is all connected to basically what a lot of the work that I have done with the
Healthcare Workers Unions and now with the Nurses Union [00:37:00] that I’m
working with. And it’s --

JJ:

You’re a union organizer.

MS:

Yes. And I work a lot with culture, connecting culture, the arts, to the every day
activism that we are still active with. So the Young Lords Party, I could say back
then and now and in the future that whatever we do, we never give up. And
whatever we do, we do the best that we can do. But we can’t do it by ourselves,
we do it as a collective. And that the society -- one thing about the Young Lords
and the Black Panther Party and all the groups that ever came together to
change and to make it better for working family for our children, is that we’re
fighting. If we don’t, [00:38:00] a lot of injustice right now that we fought back
then, we’re fighting now. And that you can’t do it by yourself. And society always
says, it’s a me society. It’s an I society. But it really it is a we society. Because
when we have experiences, we come together and that helps with us -- our good
experiences and bad experiences brings us together. And could analyze the

21

�good experience and how we can make it better and make bad experiences. But
the collective is the only folks that can do that. And you have to always go into
the community, stay with the community, understand the community. We are
community. And we are patients too. So when we go in the hospitals, we want
quality healthcare. We want universal healthcare. We want single payor.
[00:39:00] We want good housing. Simple things. Our families, working family
want a good vacation. That’s all we want. Real basic, we don’t want to get rich.
But in this society, it’s the one percent, maybe two percent that controls
everything and always has. And we are who -- we’re the 99 percent. But we are
one people. The 99 percent are Boricuas, are African American, are white, are
all people just wanting to make this country. We made this country and wanting
to make this country a better country. And we’re a beautiful people. And that’s
why we do what we -- that’s why Lo Boricua, they’re -- they hold Puerto Rico in
their heart. [00:40:00] They carry it. And even they always, you know, there’s
this thing on Facebook that when the Puerto Ricans are babies, they put the
stamp, la bandera, because we’re so proud of la bandera, and you remember the
flag waving. The Puerto Rican flag waving came from the Young Lords Party in
New York City at the UN when Yoruba led -- Pablo Yoruba Guzman and the
leadership of the party led that long march from El Barrio to the UN. And it was
like 10,000 people in the street. And (Spanish) [00:40:38] all down those streets,
the UN, and it’s inspirational. And that’s how we continue with the Sí Se Puede
attitude. You have to have that Sí Se Puede attitude. And you have to have fun
and that’s what we do (Spanish). [00:41:00]

22

�JJ:

Let me just shut this down.

MS:

Okay, okay, good.

END OF VIDEO FILE

23

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                    <text>Grand Valley Sate University
Veterans History Project
Dominic Patrick Sondy
(01:28:00)
Introduction (00:13)
Family and Friends (00:26)
•

Born and raised in Detroit in 1922. He mentions that his parents were
originally from Italy and Sicily before they immigrated to the U.S. His dad
painted roads before joining the army.

•

He gives a detailed description of his dad’s experiences in the 32nd Division,
126th Inf. Regiment during World War I.

•

Sondy mentions an encounter of his dad shooting down a 3-winged German
plane from the trenches with a Springfield. rifle. (02:47) Also mentions an
encounter in which his father and a friend about being pinned down by a
German machine gun and getting 16 burn marks to his back. Further mentions
an encounter in which a German 75-millimeter shell bounces off his father’s
helmet and takes a piece of his hair off. (05:57)

•

Briefly mentions that his dad used the GI Bill [not passed yet?—ed.] to get an
education and make a start in the Detroit motion picture industry.

•

Also describes the difficulties that his family faced during the Depression
while living at their farm near 6-mile North, Detroit right across the street
from the University of Detroit.

Pre-enlistment (10:58)
•

Graduated high school in 1941. Sondy mentions the reservations that he had
about joining the armed services because his father was against even though
many of his friends had already joined in 1942.

•

Before joining the armed forces, Sondy mentions working in a variety of
capacities in machine shops, drafting, and photography.

Enlistment and Training (12:33)
•

Upon getting drafted in April, 1943, Sondy mentions having an interview with
a man from the draft board in some detail. Describes how he was sent to
Camp Roberts, CA for field artillery training.

�•

While there, Sondy mentions that he learned a great deal about fire direction
and the importance of math and trigonometry in field artillery.

•

Also mentions in some detail his time with the Army Specialist Training
Program (ASTP). While doing this, he and another named Andrew Tomo
were chosen out of a group of 52 men to study at Stanford for three months in
AREA study. This was preparation for the invasion of Sicily and Italy but
instead was used as preparation for the invasion of France which was on July
6th, 1944. (00:17:34) Shares some of his personal thoughts on the train ride
from San Francisco to Seattle on Christmas Eve. (00:18:00)

•

Upon arrival in Seattle, WA he boarded a truck which took him to Fort Lewis,
a camp of 50,000 people. While there, he trained with an 8-inch howitzer
outfit firing 8-inch guns.

•

Mentions that while at Camp Roberts they also received desert training
because it was believed that they would go to Africa, but instead went to
Wales.

•

Sondy describes in some detail a 2 ½ correspondence with a girl named Jenny
who he met at that camp while going to a film shop. He mentions that he
continued his correspondence with her during his time in France and
Germany. Later on he found out that his mother had withheld a few of Jenny’s
letters from him. (00:22:31)

Combat Experiences in Europe
•

Sondy mentions an encounter in which a buddy of his brought in White
Russian prisoners-of-war from a province between Russia and China who had
originally worked in a factory. Further describes how a little girl gave him a
100-year old ring. Later on, when these people were journeying home they
threw a celebration and were all killed after drinking wood alcohol.
(01:14:44)

•

Briefly mentions the conditions of the Nazi Army at the end of the war.

•

Sondy discusses in some detail how General Patton pushed his division dog
ragged for 20 to 25 miles a day. He mentions that within 93 km of Berlin FDR
halted their advance and redirected down the Autobahn so that the Russians
could get to Berlin before the Americans. They were sent to Bavaria along the
autobahn to Linz, Austria. Briefly highlights Russian brutality of the German
people. Further mentions that that the Germans suffered 1,000,000 causalities.

•

Sondy describes in some detail an encounter on Palm Sunday where an allied
P-47 fired on their position. He tells of how a Chicago outfit shot down this P47 with a 50 caliber machine gun and forcing the pilot to bail out. Also

�mentions that while the pilot was parachuting down the unit continued firing
at his parachute. Consequently, the wind took the pilot’s parachute directly
down in front of this unit’s gun emplacements where he landed dead. What
follows is a brief exchange of words between this unit and its liaison.
(00:41:37)
•

Sondy also briefly mentions having various discussions with a fellow officer
about his photography expertise from middle school, while serving as a truck
radio operator.

•

Describes in some detail his service while fighting in the Battle of the Bulge.
Briefly mentions a story about a group of 450 men who went patrolling in the
woods and were wiped out as a result. Afterwards, his company was
redirected north to the Bulge.

•

Describes an encounter in mid-April [August?] 1944 in which he saved his
regiment. He mentions that he was part of an advanced party whose job it was
to scout ahead for better gun placements. About 30 feet from a German
position he noticed that the air smelled of cabbage and ordered a halt because
he knew Germans usually liked to cook cabbage. His superior officers: Capt.
Beersdorn and Colonel Lock-it commended him for his quick thinking and
recommended him for a medal. (00:51:19) Unfortunately, both of them were
killed in the Bulge and were unable to file the necessary paperwork for him to
get his medal.

•

Sondy describes his time in the German province of Bavaria in a town called
Bad Ebling, 30 miles east of Munich. Spent the reminder of his service there.
He mentions that about July 4th he went and paid a visit to Hitler’s fortress and
King Ludwig’s Castle. While there, he grabbed a few tiles from the floor as
war souvenirs.

Going Home (55:45)
•

Sondy discusses that a week after the surrender of Germany that since he
wasn’t eligible for a pass that the colonel informed him that he was going to
be shipped home, even though he earnestly wanted to stay and take officer
training.

•

Afterwards, he boarded a boxcar train to Le Havre, France, where he was to
be shipped out. On the way, he mentions in some detail an encounter with an
Italian family who believed him to be a native Italian deserting the army and
going to America. He mentions that this took place in Mannheim. (01:00:17)

•

From the train station, he boarded a ship and went back to the states to be
trained for the Japanese war. The Japanese war ended in August. He was sent
to Camp Grant in Rockford, Illinois where he stayed from Sept. 1945 to

�January 1946. (1:04:32) When he got his 50 discharge points he was out on
Jan. 19th.
After the war (01:19:01)
•

Upon being discharged, Sondy mentions that he went to Wayne College for a
Bachelors and Masters in teaching. He taught art and photography in public
schools around Michigan for 32 years. In 1960, he took a leave of absence to
work with a friend on setting up a photography lab. He quit after having
disagreements with his friend and goes back to work in the school system in
Warren, MI. Shares his personal thoughts about the war and how lucky he
was. (01:28:03)

�INDUCTION INTO ARMY

During the year 1940 war was going on in Europe and in the Far East on land as well as on the seas. The United States was
supportingthe Allieswith some supplies. The United States was not prepared for war as to personneland weapons. The
Congressvoted to start a draft of men for a year of military training. The draft sign-up tookplace in October. Since I was in
the age bracketto be drafted, I signed for the draft at Angell Schoolalong with my friends. My draft numberwas drawn so
that I wouldprobably be drafted during the first year. Since Ruth and I were engagedand she wouldbe graduatingfrom
Calvin Collegein June of 1941,we decided that I would volunteer to go into the anny to get in my one year of militarytraining
with the group that was going to be inducted in January 1941. I was workingat Accuralite a division of SealedPower Corp. at
55centsper- hour. I got the job to play softball for them in 1941. The January group was the second group to be inductedfrom
the Muskegonarea. My departure date was January21st. Ruth and I went to a hockeygame at the Mart the 17th• Our group
left Muskegon by train from Western Avenuestationbound for Kalamazoo. They put US up in the Burdick Hotel in downtown
Kalamazoo. During the day of the 21st at the Kalamazoo Armory,we went througha completephysical from head to toe. That
evening we were sworn into the U. S. Army at $ 21.00 per month. Then we were put on a train for Fort Custer. We were
assignedto barracks. We got our first taste of Army mess and were issued Army clothing (some clothingwas WW I style).
Friday I worked in clothingsupplyin recordinga record of clothing issuedto individuals. We also had to take a multiple­
choice test. It was an IQtest althoughwe didn't know it at the time. A fellowfrom Muskegonwanted to hitch bike home for
Saturdayand Sundayand asked if I wouldgo with him. I said I would go as far as Grand Rapids (I wantedto see Ruth). At
the time I didn't know how I would get back to Fort Custer. When I got to GrandRapidsI calledmy folks asked if they could
take me back to Fort Custer. They said they would and Ruth went with them. WhenI got back to Fort Custer Sundaynight, I
was told we were shipping out the first thing Mondaymorning by train to the State of Washington. Someof the men that were
inductedat the same time were going to Upper Michigan (they ended up with the 5th Infantry Division and were sent to
Iceland.). We arrived at Chicago and were met with other inducteesgoing to the Stateof Washington Our train was the Great
Northerntaking the northern route to the city of Seattle. The cars were Pullmancars and I had an upper berth. On the train we
had a few non-commissioned officersfrom the units to which we were going to be assigned. A very interestingride as I had
never been further west than Chicago. We made a few stops in route and saw mountainsfor the first time. We went through
an eight-miletunnel (snowingat east-endand raining and no snow at the west-end). At Seattlewe were put aboardferryboats
for a ferry ride up Puget Sound to Fort Worden

�FORT WORDEN - WASHINGTON
We arrived at the pier of Fort Worden ill late January 1941. Fort Worden was the headquarters post for the defenseof the
entrance to Puget Sound We left the ferryboat with our luggage andhadto walk up to the barracks. We passed a number of
barracks - they were all occupied. We ended up in some old CCC barracks on the west -side of the camp. The buildings were
one story, potbellystoves for beat and the streets were dirt. We had a central building for toilets and showers. We were told
that the quarters were temporary for a few months. My cot was in the middle of the building near the potbellystove - so I was
either too hot or too cold Our battery was "G" battery of the 14th Coast Artillery. We were told that we would get our basic
training here and that we would remain with the 14th Coast Artilleryin Puget Sound The men of our battery were from
western Michigan,across the State to Detroit area, and a number from the Chicago area. On Fort Wordenwere housed the
second battalion (batteriesD, E, F) ofthe 14th Coast Artillery. Batteries A, B, C were located at Fort Casey. Fort Flagler was
going to have batteries G, H, I. The barracks at Fort Flagler were not finishedyet. Alsoat Fort Worden was the 24Sth Coast
Artillery. It was the NationalGuard for the State of Washington (they had been called to active duty the last few months of
1940). Captain Clark was our battery commander (a West Point graduate still in his twenties). He was a very good officer and
commander. He didn't stay with us very long. The other officerswere ROTC officers who had been called to active duty. Our
l" Sgt, was Sam Milder (regulararmy). He was in World War L We had our basic training at Fort Worden. There were a few
ball players in the battery so we formed a softball team. We had some good players from Grand Rapids - Detroit- Chicago,
and I was the only one from the Muskegon area. We had a good team and we beat the other batteries most of the time. I
played 3rd base and was consideredone of the better players. The meals were very good - we had a regular anny mess Sgt. ­
Chinese. Port Townsend was within walking distance - so had a town near by The 24Sth Coast Artillery occupiedall the new
barracks on post. Post commanderwas Colonel James Cunningham- he was also the regimental commanderof the 14th CAC
He was regular army. The 248th CAC manned the guns at Fort Worden with the 2nd battalion of the 14th CAe. Our assignment
was to be at Fort Flagler. From time to time we would send a work detail to Fort Flagler by truck About the end of March, I
was paid $ 30.00 per month and we were ready for Fort Flagler.

�FORTFLAGLER

March 1941- May 1,1942

Fort Flagler is locatedat the North tip of Marrowstone Island - a little over 800 acresof land Indian Island was directly west of
Marrowstone Island. When the tide is out the islands are one island - when the tideis in theyare two islands. The only way
off the islandsin 41 - 42 was by boat or by a little old ferry that operated near the southwest comer of Indian Island The ferry
could hold a truck or two or a few cars. From the north end of Marrowstone Island to.PortTownsendwas about four miles but
by road it was about twenty miles. In thosedays we had a boat at Fort Wordenwhichbroughtin suppliesto Fort Flagler and
Fort Caseyit also transportedarmy personnel, one trip every one or two days. Fort Casey was on WhidbeyIsland which was
East of Marrowstone Island - about five miles across. WhidbeyIsland is the second largestisland withinthe continentallimits
of the United States. In late 1940 and early 1941 the governmentbuilt about 24 newbuildingson Fort Flagler whichincluded
nine barracks, three mess halls, and variousother buildings- this was enough to take care of a battalion. This battalionwas the
third battalionof the 141h CAe. In 1941 the Island was a very run down place- few housessome occupiedsome empty. The
Islandhad one general store - that store was the only town on the Island- it wascalled Nordland The store was about a mile
plus from the Fort Flagler entrance gate. Fort Flagler had nine gun emplacements plus a battery of anti-aircraft guns. Guns
were from three inch to twelve inch. For about three months "G" Batterypersonnel were the only militaryon post. The
buildingswere not even painted when we arrived We had nice quarters -:furnace heat - toilets andshowersin all of the
barracks. We did manydifferent things - cut fire trails in the woods- we were the fire detachment (hose cart) - guard duty
(there were very few outdoor lights) - we worked on conditioningthe big guns - we put fuses in ammunitionfor the big twelve
inch mortars- fired our rifles on the rifle range - we were oriented on all the armamenton post (to include the three search­
lights). We also were able to carryon with our ball teams. We were champsfor softballin early season. I played third-base.
We had to play our games at Fort Worden. Later in the season we playedbaseball. We had to changesome positions. Some
fellows play softball but not baseballand some the other way around All our gameswere playedat Fort Wordenor in a small
town on the mainland Our final game for championship was at Fort Casey (we won 1- 0). Our pitcherpitched a one-hit game
their pitcherpitcheda three-hit game - their pitcher was a minor league pitcher - ours a regulararmy sergeant). I was the
. catcherfor our team. Our team playedan all-star high school team from the city of Seattleat Fort Flagler. Webeat them 3 - 2.
I had a triple that day. Our secondpitcherwas a pitcher who pitched for the University of Texas. He had a no-hit game
pitching for Texas. I also played with a team that bad players from all three forts (three or four of us were on that team). That
team played the 42th Division team fromFort Lewis.They beat us.14~ CACteam or members of that team plus the 24Sth
.esc playerswent to Sdttle"to play in an all servicementournament, We lost in the finals to Everett Air Force base. I think
they had a couple major or minor leagueplayers. I played in part of that final game. I was a littleyoung and inexperiencedto
competebut I held my own I didn't strike out at bat I played in the outfieldwhen I played. We went to Seattle by truck and
ferry and stayed at the YMCA On one Saturday's inspection by the now Brigadier GeneralCunningham he stopped in front of
me, "You are the best looking soldier I have seen today". It was announcedin the Harbor DefenseDaily Bulletin. "G" Battery
assignmentat Fort Flagler was to man the three-inch Guns (BatteryDowns andBatteryWansboro) and the under-water
listening station. The officers had the personnelin various assigmnents. I ended up with the group manningthe underwater
listeningstation. By that timeI was also promotedto Private first class. Also some ofthe older men (over 39 years) were sent
home subjectto recall ifwe got into a war. Also about this time Fort Flagler got personnel to fill the other barracks. They
became H Batteryand I Battery and we received some personnel from K Batteryto man the three searchlightswe had on the
Island H Battery was assigned the twelve-inch Mortars and I Battery was assignedthe Anti-Aircraft Guns. The personnel
manning the underwaterlisteningstation were formed into four teams. Withfour teams we could man the station twenty-four
hours a day. It wasn't necessaryto man the station that often at that time. During AugustI had a fifteen-dayfurlough on which
I came home and got married. Ruth had graduatedfrom Calvin and hada teachingpositionin Indiana. So the first part of
Septembershe started teaching and I went back to Fort Flagler. During the summermonthsI went with a fellow who was from
Grand Rapids on pass to Oak Harbor. Peoplefrom the ChristianReformed Churchin Oak Harborbad invited us for the week­
end We went there two or three times. There were many Dutch people in that part of the State of Washington. About this time
I was promotedto Corporal. In September the personnel manningthe underwaterlisteningstationwere transferredto a new
battery designatedas COL" Battery. There are no "J" batteries or companies in the army. "G" Battery remainedin barracks A
and B while "L" Battery was housed in barracks C. Being a small number of people"L" Battery's personnel continuedto have
their meals with "G" Battery. We had aboutforty people in "L" Battery. We had four shifts for manningthe station. It
probably was the most importantunit in the Harbor DefensesofPuget Sound as Puget Sound was a very important waterway.
Ships were going back and forth all the time. Passenger liners, freighters, and navy ships were the main vessels. Bremerton
Navy Yard was locatedjust west of Seattle.The UnderwaterListening Station tracked ships both under andabove water. The
only other underwaterlistening station on the west - coast was located in San Francisco. We had a few men across the Sound

�government owned Indian Island and all the old houses were vacant. We even put up a fake outhouse. We dug an under
ground shelter about 15 feet down and covered it with logs. The ground was all clay and we had to use dynamite to remove
much of the clay. We trained in the use of 50 cal. Machine guns. We had to take them apart and then back together
blindfolded. We had three or four on mounts around the fenced in area. In November we made plans to go home for the
Christmas holidays (first a half of the unit and then the other half). Whenthe 1st of December came, all plans were put on hold
We were told we were going on 24-hour alert until further orders. All Christmasplans were then canceled. Our four shifts
were already to go - we knew our assigrunents- but we could not get off the island without special permission, What's going
on here? We took our shifts as scheduled. Saturday - December 6 our shift was on the mid-night to 7 AM shift. We had our
breakfast and went to bed. We got up at noon and were told that Pearl Harbor had been bombed by the Japanese.
We were already on 24 hour alert so not much of a change. We continued working on our barn. We did man our machine guns
at night and we were told to shoot anything that flew. That week General Cunninghamcame over to our island and spoke to us
about the Philippines as he had served there fora period of time. One day when our shift was on duty, I receivedcoded
message by radio from the Navy. We were told that the Navy was bringing in a number of ships through Puget Sound to the
Bremerton Navy Yard for repair. The group included an aircraft carrier, a battleship, three destroyers and about six airplanes
above the ships. You could see that some of them really needed repairs. It was quite a sight. Our turn of duty was extended for
the duration of the war. Our 39 years old men were ordered back to their units. Our duty was pretty well set - this was a
defense situation for how long? Was this what we wanted to do possibly for the duration? The Army had put notices out that
they wanted men to go to officers' school to be commissioned as officers. You had to have scored at lest 110 on your IQ test to
apply. I had scored 132and one of my friends had scored even higher - he had quite a bit of college, I didn't have any college
- I had been working with a correspondence school studying accountingand was near the end of the course. So we put in our
applications. We had interviewswith our battery commander and other officers. We had to take physicals at Fort Worden.
George Haddad my friend was the head plotter on our shift and I worked across from him on the other side of the plotting
board George applied for Chemical Warfare School and I applied for Coast Artillery School. I found out that a fellow from
."H'~ Battery had also applied.for Coast Artillery School.. The fellow from "If'. Battery and! were ordered to report to Officer
Candidate Schoolthe first part of May. He was assigned to Coast Artillery School at Fort Monroe, Virginia and I was assigned
to the Anti-Aircraft School at Camp Davis, North Carolina. I found out that George went to Chemical Warfare School a little
later. The fellow from "If' Battery and I took a bus from Port Townsend to Seattle. We stayed overnight in a hotel in Seattle
with reservations for a plane to Chicago that left at 8 0' clock in the mortling. We left from Boeing Field for Chicago. This was
my first time up in an airplane and of course I got sick (this was in 1942). We made six stops starting with Spokane and landing
at the Midway Airport in Chicago at midnight. Ruth and her uncle and aunt met me. I visited her school, had a few days
together, and back to Muskegon. Then I was on my way to Camp Davis by train to Washington, D.C. and then on the Atlantic
Coast Line traitfto'Wilmington, North Carolina. I was brought the rest of the way by bus to Camp Davis locatedjust outside
the little town of Holly Ridge. The camp was built on a swamp. I hoped I would be here through the first week of August 1942.

�CAMP DAVIS- NORTH CAROLINA-May 6 - August7,1942

1

Camp Davis is located about 30 miles NNW of Wilmington on highway 17 near the town of Holly Ridge which is 5 miles from
the Ocean. The camp was built upon a swamp. During World War I the airplane was not a very importantfactor. But World
War II combat was fought on land, on the sea and in the air. There were very few anti-aircraftartilleryofficers at the beginning
of World War II. Anti-Aircraftdefensewas given to the Coast ArtilleryCorps rather than to the Field Artillery. They
considered Anti-AircraftArtillerydefensiveweapons. Camp Davis was built to train candidatesto becomeanti-aircraft
artilleryofficers and ROTC commissionedofficers to complete a refreshercourse to become anti-aircraftartillery officers. The
ROTC officers were mainlyLieutenants, Captains and Majors who had been recalled to active duty. Upon completion of the
course the ROTC officers were assignedto new activated Anti-AircraftArtillerybattalions. The officer candidate 9O-day
course was for enlisted personnel - which upon completion of the course they wouldbe given a commisssionas a second
lieutenant. The buildings at CampDavis were similar to the new buildings we had at Fort Flagler. When I arrived in
Wilmington, I joined a group which was going to be transported to Camp Davis. Upon arriving at the camp, the group was
taken directly to our new home. We hoped the barracks would be home for the next ninety days. Not all personnelof our
group would be graduating in ninety days. We were assigned to a cot in one of the four barracks. We had to remove all stripes
-and unit designation from out uniforms, We were- can:didatesforcotnliiission- Class # 18. Our eqUipment and clothing were
checkedto see if we had all of the items we were required to have. I was short summer uniforms, We did not need summer
uniformsat Fort Flagler - it never got that warm. So I was issued my summer uniforms and any other items I was short and a
rifle. The men came from all over the USA Someof the candidates were young (just recentlyin the army), some with a year
or more in the anny, others were from the regular army with many years in the army. We were paid accordingto rank we held
prior to becoming a candidate for a commissionas a Second Lieutenant We were now a companycommanded by a Captain
Smith. We had platoon commanders. They would be acting more as evaluatorsthan commanders. Each week we had
different candidates acting as officers within the company. We were continuously being evaluated. Candidateswere evaluated
in various areas -leadership, military bearing, classroom instruction,attentionto orders, and discipline. The living quarters
were inspectedtwice a day. Bedding had to be foldedjust so or you would find your cot up over the heating duct. Clothingon
your clothing rack had to be buttoned. Field equipmentmust be placed in the right order. Barracks inspectionsresulted in
most of all the demerits we received. Everyone had demerits of some sort. The inspectorswould unbutton a shirt or blouse.
We had better check it before the next inspection. We had inspection in ranks every Saturdaymorning. The first four weeks
the inspectionswere with rifles. Many of those inspections were in the hot sun. We wore brass name badges - if you touched
them they would tarnish. We marched to class at attention - we did not turn your head to the right or left - eyes stmight ahead.
We had about NO--150 in our class. A little over half graduated with the basic group. Some dto.Qped out - some were asked
to leave - others were dropped back a few weeks especially if they were weak in classroomsubjects. The ones that left went
back to their previous unit or were assigned elsewhere. I made friends with a few of the fellows. Two of those friendships
lasted for years - the last one died in January 1999. He was four years older than I was. DonaldMcClelland had the cot next to
me- he was from "K" Battery -14th CACand was stationed at Fort Casey. I did not know him before our meeting at Camp
Davis. Larry Blaisdell's cot was across the barracks from us. (More about these two friends later). Our classroomswere hot ­
our shirts were wet from sweatjust sittingin the classrooms. We received good training for the thirteen weeks allotted to tl~
prior to being commissionedas officers. We got to know the basics of anti-aircraftartillery. We trucked to the Ocean beach
one-day to receive orientation on the 90rnm- 37mm- the new 40mm guns. The 40mm gun was so new that the instructor
could not put it back together after he had taken it apart. We also were trucked to Fort Fisher (a Civil War Fort) located near
Wilmingtonto view an anti-tank range for anti-aircraft guns. We did not have any range firing at Camp Davis. All tile
candidates should have had rifle firing at their previous unit I weightedabout 150 pounds at that time and during that thirteen
weeks I lost weight We were under stressand tile weather was hot. The last week was usedto buy new uniforms,
Officersbuy their own uniforms- howeverthey do receive a cash uniform allowance. A day or two before gmduation we
assembledin a theater building to choosewhere or be told where we were going to be assigned as officers. On a big board in
front contained where we could be assigned. The three of us (Don, Larry and I) saw that they needed twelve officers at Camp
Haan, California We signaled each other to choose Camp Haan. Well we made it - Don got the twelfth opening.. We were
able to chooseaccording to our rank in the class. Some of the regular army candidatesreceivedspecial assignments- one
went to West Point to be a gun instructor- another to a fort on Long Island - an so on.. Saturdaymorning was graduationday
in our new uniforms, A group of the graduateshad chartered a bus to take us to Washington, D.C. on our way to our
assignments. Don McClelland was from Cheboygan,Michigan. So we boarded a train for Harrisburg, PA On our way to
Harrisburg we decided to get a plane to Detroit. We got the plane after a little wait After arriving in Detroit, I called Ruth in
Grand Rapids that I was in Detroit and I would be flying to Grand Rapids. Ruth and her sister Gertrude met me at the Grand
Rapids airport. I had a few days of leave in Michigan. Ruth and I were go~ leavefor California that coming Saturday. I had
Den's telephonenumber.

�</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University Veterans History Project
Oral History Interview
Veteran : Harold Soper
Interviewed by James Smither
Transcribed by Christopher Kroupa

Interviewer: We’re talking today with Harold Soper of Grand Rapids Michigan and the
interviewer is James Smither of the Grand Valley State University Veterans History Project. Ok,
can you start us off with some background on yourself, and to begin with where and when were
you born?

Veteran: I was born in 1920, April 16 in Indianapolis Indiana. I lived there three years and then
we moved to Berrien Springs, Michigan. Lived there for about six years and then we moved to
Grand Rapids, Michigan. Where I lived all my life.

Interviewer: Okay

Veteran: Until I went into college and went on my own.

Interviewer: Alright, now what was your family doing for a living when you were growing up?

Veteran: My dad was, worked for Kraft, Kraft cheese, he was a district manager for Kraft Foods.
And he had all of Western Michigan and he had northern Indiana. And his job was to go around
to make sure all the salesmen were selling the products and were doing their jobs.

Interviewer: Ok

�Veteran: So, he was a manager for them.

Interviewer: Ok so now was that a steady job for him for him in the thirties?

Veteran: Oh definitely.

Interviewer: Okay so, there’s a depression going on and maybe not hitting you as directly as
some people.

Veteran: Didn’t hit us at all.

Interviewer: Ok alright and then where did you go to high school?

Veteran: I went to high school in Grand Rapids named Creston, Creston High school.

Interviewer: That’s still there, yeah, ok. And when did you graduate high school?

Veteran: 1938.

Interviewer: Alright and after you got out of high school, where did you go?

Veteran: I went to Michigan State for four years.

�Interviewer: Ok and were you still in college when Pearl Harbor happened?

Veteran: Yes.

Interviewer: Ok and do you remember how you heard about it?

Veteran: Oh yes, I remember, I was, I belonged to a fraternity, and we were, we were, just kinda
parting, doing some uh part…

(2:00)

Interviewer: Partying yeah.

Veteran: And at the time of day I heard about it oh it was awfully exciting and awfully disturbing
let’s put it that way.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: Yeah that was terrible because we were graduating, and we knew that it would affect
us.

�Interviewer: Alright, now what did you do about that? Did you go off and enlist, or did you wait
to get drafted?

Veteran: No I, well I waited to graduate and I was drafted before I graduated.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: I had to graduate after I was drafted.

Interviewer: Alright and did they allow you to stay in school to finish the term or?

Veteran: Uh-huh (Nods head yes).

Interviewer: Ok.

Veteran: The draft ward had to get another list of men, and I was it.

Interviewer: Right, ok now once you’ve been drafted then, so now it’s the middle of 42 at this
point, so I guess July, where did they send you then for training?

Veteran: Fort Belvoir for basic training, three months of basic training.

�Interviewer: Ok and what did that consist of?

Veteran: Oh, that consisted of going on marches, learning about various weapons that we used,
quite a few classes, but a lot of training to build us up and strengthen us. We did marches and
calisthenics and all that type of thing.

Interviewer: Ok,

Veteran: To get ourselves into shape.

Interviewer: Alright, now let’s see, is that in Virginia?

Veteran: Yes

Interviewer: Yeah ok, now were all of you there just for general training, or were you all going to
go into the same part of the army?

Veteran: No, we just for general training,

Interviewer: Ok

Veteran: People went various places after that.

�Interviewer: Alright, now when you were at Michigan State, had you done any ROTC there?

(4:00)

Veteran: No

Interviewer: Ok

Veteran: I had no interest in that.

Interviewer: And that wasn’t a requirement at the time you went there?

Veteran: (Shakes head no)

Interviewer: Ok, alright so now you spend three months in Virginia, and at Fort Belvoir did you
have to stay on the base the whole time?

Veteran: On weekends we could, we could take off.

Interviewer: And did you remember if you went anywhere? Like to Washington or Richmond?

Veteran: Haha, yeah, I went to Richmond and I actually found a young gal there and went to see
her every weekend I could. Got so attracted to her that after I was on furlough, I invited her up to

�Grand Rapids to meet my family. And I think she was very disappointed but then I went off to
the wars and we corresponded for a bit of time, but I finally cut it off.

Interviewer: Ok um, but in the meantime, you had a pretty good time while in basic training?

Veteran: Yup

Interviewer: Yeah, at least better than most, ok now once you finished the training then what did
they do with you? Is this where they sent you to Texas or?

Veteran: Then, then, we were assigned to an air force administrative group, to go, well we were
put on a troop ship, and the troop ship because of the German U-Boats we had to go way around
South Africa, South America I mean, South Africa I mean, South Africa way down into the cold
area down there and up to Bombay, and I got off at Bombay and four of us were supposed to go
to this Air Corps administrative thing I talked about,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

(5:56)

Veteran: But when we got there, we found out that the class had already started so then they
assigned us to another group. They assigned us to a group out of Wyoming, the head of the group

�was a very nice guy from Wyoming and all the troops were sheep herders. And I came in as a
private, as a,

*Phone ringing in background*

Interviewer: Let’s wait for that to finish ringing here.

*Phone reads phone number*

Veteran: See that isn’t for us.

Interviewer: Yeah, right.

Veteran: We get those all the time.

Interviewer: Yeah, oh yeah

Interviewer: Okay, well, let’s

Veteran: So, I went into the Army as a private

Interviewer: Right

�Veteran: And, just by the grace of God I got into this, this particular company,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm

Veteran: And these guys were a bunch of, they had never been to college or just a bunch of sheep
herders.

Interviewer: Right.

Veteran: They were prone to drink a lot and, so the guy was a corporal, he goofed off and so I
got his position and over a period of about three months I got all the way up to Master Sergeant.
How they, there was one guy who was a Tech Sergeant which is which is like may starting salary
grade six, there was a guy there that Tech Sergeant fired and he he’d rather have that position
which had different duties then the master, so I got all the way to Master Sergeant in a short
period of time.

Interviewer: Okay, now to get over I mean to get to the Indian Ocean, I mean you talked about
going around Africa and so forth, do you remember anything about that sea voyage?

(7:59)

Veteran: Twice, twice our boat had to make a sudden jerk to avoid a German U-Boat.

�Interviewer: Right, do you,

Veteran: That was it, that was the only exciting thing.

Interviewer: Okay now were you in a convoy or just by yourself?

Veteran: Oh we were, the troop ship was, was a large, it had been a pleasure boat.

Interviewer: Okay so an ocean liner.

Veteran: Yeah and I think we had ten thousand troops I think on there. It was a nice big boat.

Interviewer: Okay, and some of those were fast enough that they went without escorts.

Veteran: Yeah.

Interviewer: Okay.

Veteran: We, we had when we went around Rio de Janeiro, in that area, we had air cover.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm, yeah cause that’s available from there and that was part of it, but were
there parts of the ocean you were just out there by yourself?

�Veteran: That’s right.

Interviewer: Okay, do your, was the weather bad or was it ok?

Veteran: No, I remember the weather was nice .

Interviewer: Mm-hmm. Alright and then do remember anything about Bombay, you stayed there
a while?

Veteran: Oh yeah, what happened was, the four of us, got there and the place that we were
supposed to go, they already started so they put us on a, told us to just stay there so we were
there seven days.

Interviewer: Okay.

Veteran: So over seven days we just wandered around the town of Bombay. We were GIs and
the people there were all good to us, and it was a nice experience, and then we got on a small
boat, it took us up the Tigris-Euphrates River to Khorramshahr, Iran.

Interviewer: Right .

Veteran: And right across the river was Basra, Iraq.

�Interviewer: Mm-hmm, yup

Veteran: They were right across the river from each other. And so, we were stationed there for a
period of time.

Interviewer: Okay, so what kind of setup did you have in Iran, just live in tents or in a town? Or?

(9:59)

Veteran: Yeah, we were, we were in tents and we were in tents so we got there, they had
barracks made by the time we left. They did a lot of construction work there while we were
there, making it a little nicer for the troops that came after us. But while we were there, we went
into town, I went all the way out to Tehran, took a truck, a truck took us up to Tehran and we had
another, Hamadan was another city in Iran that troops went up too that was a nice town and good
to us and also we went over to Basra and I went up into Iraq, I can’t remember the names of the
cities but up 100, 200 miles up into Iraq. So, we really got to see that country while we were
there.

Interviewer: Ok, how, what kind of impression did you have of the people in these places?

Veteran: Well, the Iranian Government was really bad, they killed off people like, like nothing.
They were like the Russians, if anyone stole or something why they just killed them. But the
Russians said they buried them alive if they caught someone stealing. They were both the

�Russians and the Iranians were cruel to their people. But, Iraq their government was a little more
humane.

Interviewer: Now did you have a sense that the people resented your being there or were happy
to have you there or didn’t care?

Veteran: Well see I was, like I said in charge of this what they call the oil dump and their
sending all these things up to Russia and I had forty, forty foremen, and they were all Muslims.

(12:09)

Interviewer: Mm-hmm

Veteran: All college-educated Muslims, and they just loved me,

Interviewer: Okay.

Veteran: Because I didn’t smoke or drink and they were so glad to know that Americans weren’t
these tough guys that these construction workers were getting drunk all the time, smoking and
all. And I told them those guys, they’re not typical Americans at all and I found out that, you
know I was Christian and again I didn’t smoke or drink at all and they just loved me. I treated
them good and then they oversee the 800 workers that loaded these trucks.

�Interviewer: Okay, now had they been educated in Iran or any of them gone abroad?

Veteran: I think, I can’t tell ya, they were all college-educated. I don’t know.

Interviewer: But they spoke English?

Veteran: Oh, very well.

Interviewer: Yeah okay, now my understanding is that what was going on in Iran in part was that
the British and the Soviets were sorta taking over the main railway that went from the Persian
Gulf up north.

Veteran: Yeah.

Interviewer: So that was a supply route that you’re using.

Veteran: That railroad was one of the supply routes.

Interviewer: Okay and the British were in charge of the half from Tehran south, did you ever see
any British Military personnel?

Veteran: Oh yes, when I went into town.

�Interviewer: Mm-hmm

Veteran: So never, I never cozied up to them because usually they were drinking and kinda that’s
where I would see them you know in these restrooms and places and they’re kinda rowdy.

Interviewer: Okay, so you didn’t have any official dealings with them or anything else like that?

Veteran: No

(13:58)

Interviewer: Okay, now when you’re over in Iran, did you have much communication with
people back home?

Veteran: Uh yeah, what did we have, we had was it something like an email it was,

Interviewer: Now they have V-Mail right?

Veteran: V-Mail! (Nods head yes)

Interviewer: Right and then they take a picture of it or whatever.

Veteran: Exactly.

�Interviewer: Yeah

Veteran: And I was pretty, pretty faithful in keeping contact with my family.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: Yeah.

Interviewer: Okay, did you feel like you were kind of missing out on the war over there or was it
interesting enough that it didn’t matter?

Veteran: Well I’ll tell ya my dad was in World War One and he was a captain.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: And he actually was right in the fight, in fact we actually was out in no man’s land and
caught a German soldier and brought him back but and he was quite disappointed that first I
didn’t become an officer.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm

Veteran: And second that I, where I went,

�Interviewer: Right.

Veteran: He, his first reaction was that he wished it were otherwise but then after that he
accepted it.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm. And did you have any feeling about that yourself or you were just gonna
go where they sent you?

Veteran: Exactly.

Interviewer: Okay, now eventually you rotate home, you don’t stay in Iran for the entire war.
How did that come about?

Veteran: Yeah, you have to be over there, I didn’t know that at the time but, eighteen months
before you go back to the states.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: And so after 18 months I, I came to the headquarters there and said I wanted to go to
the Quartermaster Officers training, and that’s when they told me, well Quartermaster is already
in session, they’ve, in 2 or 3 weeks that will be that, but besides you’re not qualified because
you’re not a limited service guy, which is one of the requirements, so I, that’s when I said I

�would go with the Corps of Engineers. So, I signed up with them and went into their basic
training.

(16:36)

Interviewer: Okay.

Veteran: There’s a thirteen-month thing to become an officer. I was there 10 weeks of that
terribly hard training and then I, like I told ya, the officer in charge there said, you know because
you’re doing so well in the written exams and all, you’re gonna pass but 40% of these guys are
gonna fail because we’re gonna take 60% of them.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: And these guys ya know they build Bailey Bridges and they’ve been enlisted men, it’s a
shame because you can be an officer but you’ll never be able to do a good job of commanding
them if you don’t understand the work, and I agreed with that wholeheartedly, and so, I agreed to
quit after 10 weeks,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: And like you say, he, well he just told me to go to wherever the Quartermaster LCS
was. Anyway I was sent there and when I got there like I say they were already in operation and

�so I went back to the Corps of Engineers and said place me someplace and so I was very
fortunate, ya know I had a college education in accounting and so they sent me to Chicago where
they were, they were, had military contracts as we got near the end of the war, and many of the
military contracts were being closed. So that was my job,

(18:30)

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: To close military contracts, filling office standpoint. And so, I lived in Chicago for one
year what they call,

*Phone ringing in background*

Veteran: Called rations and quarters,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: I stayed in a hotel and got my food paid for,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: And I had a certain amount of money to spend.

�Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: And after one year there, they transferred me to Indianapolis, and I did the same thing
up there.

Interviewer: Okay, now where were you when the war ended? Were you in Chicago at that
point?

Veteran: Yeah.

Interviewer: Okay.

Veteran: Yeah and then I went up there and you know, it was just wonderful the work I did, I
was trained in school and I can do and not many people could do that, and I lived (illegible).

Interviewer: Right, now when you were doing this kind of work, did problems come up? Were
there any companies you were dealing with that were

Veteran: Oh yeah.

(19:59)

�Interviewer: Anything,

Veteran: In fact, I had to many times I had to visit these companies.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: Oh yeah. Oh, I don’t think I ever got one contract closed that I didn’t have to at least
one visit. I had a company car and in fact a lot of times I had a company driver to take me these
places depending on if it was close by at all then I could drive the company car, but if they
thought it was all the way or a dangerous way I’d have a driver.

Interviewer: Okay, so a company car, like an army car basically.

Veteran: Mm-hmm.

Interviewer: Yeah, alright, now you were still a Master Sergeant at this point?

Veteran: *Nods head* Mm-hmm.

Interviewer: And then did you go in a formal dress uniform and try to look impressive?

Veteran: No, no I was always in a uniform.

�Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: Always. And actually, in the Army most people have more respect for a Master
Sergeant then a certainly a Second Lieutenant.

Interviewer: Oh yeah.

Veteran: And probably even the First Lieutenant, in fact when I was in Iran there, I had a First
Lieutenant who was there to, as my boss,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm

Veteran: And he just sat around.

Interviewer: Well the Sergeants do the work,

Veteran: I did all the work, he didn’t, he was there, he’d been in the war and he actually had been
wounded.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: And he was, he’d been in the hospital, the reserves for recovery.

�Interviewer: Now, the unit that was in Iran, you said they were from Wyoming, would that have
been a reserve unit or National Guard unit?

Veteran: It was a reserve.

Interviewer: Okay. So, you had your core group of guys who were in it and,

Veteran: Yup.

Interviewer: That’s where they got sent, okay. Now in that unit were you pretty much the only
guy from someplace else?

Veteran: Yeah. Uh no, there were four of us.

Interviewer: Okay.

Veteran: There were four of us.

Interviewer: Yeah, the four of you came together that’s right.

Veteran: The other three guys, they never advanced at all,

(22:03)

�Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: They didn’t care to.

Interviewer: So, they just joined the rest of the group and,

Veteran: Yeah, they just joined it and then they didn’t care whether they got to be an officer, or
even an enlisted officer or not,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm

Veteran: But they’re nice guys, but they were certainly nothing like me.

Interviewer: Right, now it’s a lot of times soldiers, if they’re stationed in a rear area in some
other country, can get into a lot of interesting kinds of trouble, there could be women, there could
be black markets or other things like that, did much of that happen? Or in Iran was the society
more tightly controlled than that?

Veteran: Yeah, there were women and some of these guys would get involved with them,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

�Veteran: But I, I just wasn’t aware of much of it,

Interviewer: Right.

Veteran: I didn’t do it myself,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: And I just heard what they did, but I’m not too knowledgeable about that,

Interviewer: Right, and I wouldn’t think that in, you would necessarily have a lot of bars and
places like that.

Veteran: They had the bars,

Interviewer: They had bars okay, I guess they wouldn’t after the Islamic state took over, but that
was a long time afterward.

Veteran: Mm-hmm. Right, oh yeah.

Interviewer: Alright, so when you were talking about doing again this business of closing
contracts and things like that, what kinds of business were you dealing with? Were they
manufacturers or?

�Veteran: Oh yeah, they were, one of them was weapons manufacturer, a number of them
supplied things like clothing,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm

(22:58)

Veteran: Uniforms and I remember several of them were in the uniform and, let’s see what other
things were there, supplying that the military need that weren’t necessarily military items, but I
don’t remember any food companies,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm, okay

Veteran: That’s about it.

Interviewer: Okay alright, but yeah, I mean you have all this stuff that you need to run the offices
with and all the various kinds of equipment besides the weapons and so forth. But basically, you
were pretty much responsible for a wide range of different things and the companies that were
just in those areas?

Veteran: Yeah

�Interviewer: Okay, alright now did the Army,

*Phone ringing in the background*

Veteran: Aren’t they awful

Interviewer: Yeah, did they army make any effort to get you to stay on or did they just want
everyone to go away?

Veteran: They did, they did ask me if I didn’t wanna go into, become an Officer and stay,

Interviewer: Right

Veteran: I had, in the end they gave me that opportunity.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm

Veteran: But I turned it down.

Interviewer: Okay, now so when did you get out of the Army?

Veteran: I got out in ‘46.

�Interviewer: Okay, so after you got out what did you do?

Veteran: I went back to, to University of Michigan and got my master’s degree,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm

Veteran: And actually that, my tuition and everything was paid for by some organization that
heard about what I did and all, and I can’t remember what the organization was, but it was some
organization in Chicago that paid for all of that for me.

(26:02)

Interviewer: Okay, you mean somebody that you had somehow done business with, or had a
connection with from that time?

Veteran: No, I didn’t have any connection with them,

Interviewer: Okay

Veteran: They just made that available and somebody in the military there made that available to
me,

Interviewer: Okay,

�Veteran: And then contacted,

Interviewer: So, you got into that from,

Veteran: So, I mean they were just doing it for anybody that they felt had done a good job in the
military.

Interviewer: Okay, and was this in accounting or something else that you did? The master’s
degree.

Veteran: Business Administration.

Interviewer: Okay, and then once you finished that, did you go find a job?

Veteran: Oh yeah, first I, I wasn’t sure what company I wanted to go with, and so I became a
CPA, certified public accountant.

Interviewer: Mm-hmm

Veteran: And I went around and audited the books of a lot of people, I did that for a couple of
years, and then, then I went to Ford Motor Company. I was there for 26 years.

�Interviewer: Mm-hmm

Veteran: I started out as a, as an auditor, internal auditing, and I worked up to the controller of
the company.

Interviewer: Okay, and did you retire out of there, or move onto something else?

Veteran: No I retired from there. I retired from there about, what I did, no I didn’t, I retired from
there but then I went back into a, CPA work.

Interviewer: Okay, yeah.

Veteran: And it was just, it was just the Lord leading because one of the big clients I had was in
Muskegon, and the job there took about two months in the middle of winter, and that’s when I
met my wife, one of the gals who worked at the client, was a friend of my, my wife and she fixes
up on a blind date, and that was the beginning,

(28:11)

Interviewer: Alright

Veteran: That was, yeah that was wonderful.

�Interviewer: Okay, when you kind of look back at the time you spent in the service, what do you
think you took out of that, or learned from it?

Veteran: Well certainly, oh, I grew up I guess, and became an adult and knew what was going on
in the world, and I was a little bit, little bit unhappy with the way I, I lived a more controlled life,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: In the church, and the church community you know, I just didn’t know a lot, some of
the people out there who live so vulgarly,

Interviewer: Mm-hmm.

Veteran: And so yeah, I think the main thing I say is I grew up and knew what was generally
going on in the world and I was then happy to come back into a climate of a church and a
Christian school, and all that type of thing, it made me appreciate it more.

Interviewer: Alright, okay, well you were telling me you know you don’t remember as much as
you used to but I can say that you told us enough to make this worth coming and recording the
interview, and I can safely say that I’ve never talked to anybody who had either of your jobs, so
thank you very much for taking the time to talk to me today.

Veteran: Well it’s been my honor and my privilege to do it, thank you.

�Interviewer: Alright.

(29:54)

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                  <text>The Library of Congress established the Veterans History Project in 2001 to collect memories, accounts, and documents of U.S. war veterans from World War II and the Korean War, Vietnam War, and conflicts in the Middle East and elsewhere, and to preserve these stories for future generations. The GVSU History Department interviews are part of this work-in-progress, and may contain videos and audio recordings, transcripts and interview outlines, and related documents and photographs.</text>
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                    <text>Cynthia Sorenson interviewed by Gina Asman and Ken Kutzel
July 21, 2018
GA: Now what you’re doing is working.
Ken: Alright, we're headed down, just hit the record.
Okay we'll do that. Thank you very much, Ken.
Ken: You’re welcome.
GA: As they leave… What do I have in my mouth? I don’t know. So, we'll get started alright.I
got some questions here that I supposed to be asking you. This is Gina Asman and I'm here today
with Cynthia Sorenson, my friend, and we are downstairs in the Old Schoolhouse in the place
where Cynthia is very very comfortable. Today is July 21, 2018. We are in Douglas, Michigan.
and this oral history is being collected as a part of The Stories of Summer project which is
supported in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities Common
Herritage program. That’s quite the name. Thank you for coming today and taking the time to
talk with me. I know I kinda twisted your arm to do this tonight. This is not your favorite thing I
know I'm gonna ask you some different questions I hope because before I think they talked about
the, the robbery at the bank was in that. Weren’t you interviewed as far as that was concerned?
Well, the second time, yeah. Pat Devenhost and I were interviewed.
GA: Okay, but what was the first time about then?
CS: My sister and myself.
GA: Okay the two of you, so you and Marge were interviewed now. Okay. Well anyway, I
wanna learn more about your family history and your experiences that you've had here in the
Saugatuck-Douglas area and I have to ask you this can you please tell me your full name and
spell it, even though I know how.
CS: Cynthia Anne Petertyl Sorensen.
GA: Now, that is an interesting name. Spell it for me, please?
All of it?

�GA: The whole thing, especially the Peter, that’s where I get the Peter.

CS: C Y N T H I A A N N E P E T E R T Y L S O R E N S E N
GA: I bet Sorenson is often misspelled, isn’t it?
CS: Yes.
GA: And that's not very nice because it's a good Scandinavian, I think.
CS: I think it's Danish.
GA: Oh, Danish! Okay I’m sorry I was wrong there. Now, tell me about the Peter, because I’ve
heard.
CS: Petertyl.
GA: I know but I've heard him calling you Peter or Pete. I guess it’s Pete.
CS: It’s a nickname. A family name.
GA: Tell me about that.
CS: Oh, my grandmother my mother's mother's maiden name was Petertyl.
GA: Your mother's mother, okay.
CS: My grandmother. It’s Bohemian.
GA: Oh, its Bohemian? Now, how did Bohemian and Danish get together
CS: I don't know.
GA: They just did.
CS: They met in Chicago, my mother did. They met in Chicago. Now, what else did you need?
GA: Well I just think it's such an interesting name and I heard your niece, Joan, say…

�CS: No, my cousin.
GA: Your cousin, that’s right. She said, “Pete was there” And I said, “Pete? Who’s Pete?” “Oh,
you know, Pete.” So, I thought, oh, and that’s why I had to ask you.
CS: My family nickname and then of course when I worked in the restaurant with my aunt, she
would call me Pete. The customer's would call me Pete.
GA: Well, tell me about that restaurant. I know it's called The Hollyhock, right?
CS: The Hollyhock House.
GA: The Hollyhock House. Tell me about that.
CS: My aunt had that for many many years. she it was the best restaurant in town.
GA: Your aunt's name was?
CS: Emily Leon.
GA: Ellie Leon
CS: Emily. Emily Leon.
GA: And then the building is still there, isn't it?

CS: No, Marrows took it over and extended their restaurant.
GA: But, it is where Marrows was, correct?
CS: Well, Marrows was on the corner.
GA: The corner, right.
CS: And they took the property in between the lot and my aunt’s house.
GA: Oh.
CS: So, there’s actually three lots there.
GA: See, I was incorrect because I thought that the back part of the side part that runs along the
road there was The Hollyhock House.

�CS: It was facing Water Street.
GA: Water Street, yes. Because it kind of bends in there, doesn’t it?
CS: Yeah.
GA: How long did you work there?
CS: I started when I was fourteen.
GA: Oh my word.
CS: Helping in the kitchen. I worked there for twenty years.
GA: So all through high school and so on, then.
CS: Yes.
GA: And I’m sure that probably during the summertime you were really, really busy, weren’t
you?
CS: Very busy. There would be lines of people waiting to get in.
GA: Well, I can remember hearing about it. I don’t ever remember eating at it but I can
remember hearing people talk about it, that it was a very good place to eat, and it was very…
What should I say? A neat place to go, a different place to go, not your typical hamburger or
whatever.
CS: It was all homemade food, homemade cooking.
5:08
GA: What was your favorite?
CS: Well, probably her vegetable soup. [Chuckles]
GA: Her vegetable soup. Did they have other kinds of soup?
CS: Oh, yeah. She made it all.
GA: Was there different soup on different days?

�CS: She made all sorts of kinds of soups. I don’t remember if it was one a day or how she did it,
but all of her soups were good.
GA: But vegetable soup was your favorite?
CS: Yeah.
GA: What did they have for dessert? I love dessert.
CS: Pies. All sorts of pies: Lemon meringue, butterscotch, and chocolate, coconut cream…
GA: So, a lot of cream pies, then?
CS: Oh, yeah.
GA: And why did she call it The Hollyhock House?
CS: She liked hollyhocks, and there were hollyhocks in the vacant lot next door.
GA: Ah… and these were probably the old-fashioned ones, the singles.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Did you ever take them apart as a little girl?
CS: Oh, yeah.
GA: Make dolls?
CS: Make dolls, yes.
GA: I did that too. So, vegetable soup, lots of pies.
CS: Lemon meringue.
GA: Lemon meringue, was your favorite lemon meringue?
CS: Yep. And she made a lot of sweet rolls. Her cinnamon rolls were the best. Everyone liked
her cinnamon rolls.
GA: So, she was probably open for breakfast then?
CS: Oh, yeah.

�GA: What time did you have to go to work?
CS: I can’t… let’s see. I think she opened at 8:00. She started out serving dinners and decided it
was easier to do breakfast because there wasn’t a lot of waste. Eggs just kept, you know. Then,
she decided that breakfast was too hard because everyone wants it to be perfect. People like their
eggs a certain way.
GA: Scrambled, over-easy.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Oh, this is too hard!
CS: So, she went back to dinners.
GA: Oh, really?
CS: And, that’s when there were line ups because the pavilion was there then.
GA: Right across the street, really.
CS: Mhm. And, she went back to breakfast and lunch. So, I was a waitress. I didn’t do any of the
cooking.
GA: Well, that’s more fun. You didn’t have to clean up, either, doing dishes?
CS: No, I didn’t have to do the dishes. There were high school girls that came in and did the
dishes.
GA: What was the décor like inside? When you remember, what did it look like? I imagine it
being sort of light, bright colors and so on?
CS: Yeah. She used a lot of yellow.
GA: A lot of yellow, okay.
CS: Just all kind of. It was kind of open. There was a porch, a glassed in porch. The windows
could be open. It was very cheerful.
GA: And I assume there were tables out on the porch? Were you serving?

�CS: Yeah, we served tables on the porch. In the regular restaurant, she had vases of flowers on
every table.
GA: Fresh flowers, I’m sure.
CS: Yeah. She had a big flower garden in the back because she liked to garden.
GA: So, these flowers probably came right from her garden.
Yeah.
GA: Neat.
CS: I don’t remember… Well, I was there when the pavilion burned.
GA: You remember that, then?
CS: We were open.
GA: Because that was early May, wasn’t it?
CS: May, yes May of 19…60?
GA: May 1960, yes. So you were working that day, then?
CS: Yeah. It happened right around noon hour.
GA: So, it was right across the street from you.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Oh, my word.
CS: You hear the fire whistle. They had a fire whistle at that time. Everyone was running down
between the pavilion and The Crowbar because there was smoke down there. And I said, “Oh,
there’s a boat on fire.” I looked across the street, and there were flames inside the building way
over in the far corner. And, we were full of customers, of course. I said, “Everybody better
leave.” Nobody wanted to leave, they all finished their lunches, paid...
GA: Oh, you’re kidding! Just kind of watched everything?
CS: Yeah.

�GA: Oh my word.
CS: Firetrucks were pulling out of the front.
GA: Well, they had the front row seats.
CS: Yeah. My sister worked at Harris Pie, in the office of Harris Pie then. She and a couple of
her friends came for lunch and they were waiting for a table. And they took their lunch with
them back to the office.
10:10
GA: To go, yeah.
CS: Finally, we got everybody out of the restaurant, and I happened to think to grab the cash
box. We had a cash register, but I thought to grab the drawer and went into the backyard. My
aunt had a dog at the house, so I let him out. Then, I just stood in the back and watched it burn.
GA: Holding the cashbox and keeping the dog company then?
CS: Yes.
GA: Oh my word.
CS: And while, just before we left, this lady from Douglas, Mace Acosta, came. She wanted pie
and coffee. And I said, “Well, you can’t come in, we’re closed.” But she insisted, so I gave her a
pie to take home.
GA: Oh my word!
CS: She wasn’t going to leave.
GA: And she just wanted to come on in, eat her pie and watch the excitement going on across
the street?
CS: Yes, yep. So that’s… My cousin Frank was at Michigan State then, and some of his friends
called and told him what was going on. They came and got his record collection out of the house.
GA: Sure, because he was living at that house then.
CS: Yes.

�GA: The house didn’t burn, did it?
CS: No, but the plane glass window on the front cracked.
GA: On the house?
CS: On the restaurant.
GA: Oh, the restaurant.
CS: Yeah. A couple of the firemen were keeping hoses on the roof of the house, so it didn’t
burn. She also had candles, candles on all of the tables. They melted right over because it got so
hot in there.
GA: Oh my word. And it was probably pretty cool out because it was early in May?
CS: Yeah.
GA: So, it wasn’t 80 degrees or anything.
CS: It was a sunny day, I remember, but… Later after the fire was out, then she opened up and
made sandwiches for the firemen, or whatever they wanted to eat. A friend of hers came and
helped her.
GA: Now, you probably helped too, didn’t you? Or did you have to go and do something else?
CS: I was there, but I don’t remember doing –
GA: Well, you probably helped serve them to the firemen.
CS: Yeah. I don’t remember doing that, but I must have. Of course, I had to hang out with the
dog. [Both laugh]
GA: And you made sure the money was safe, too.
CS: Yeah. My parents were living in Lansing.
GA: At that time?
CS: They were coming over for the weekend and they saw all this smoke in the sky.
GA: They were probably…

�CS: They couldn’t get into town. They weren’t letting anyone into town.
GA: Were you living at that time on Campbell Road?
CS: Yeah.
GA: But your folks were in Lansing, so it was just you and Marge in the house, then?
CS: M-hm.
GA: I didn’t know that! I thought your folks lived there all the time!
CS: No. My dad worked for the State of Michigan, and he worked out of Lansing.
GA: Oh.
CS: They’d come over every weekend.
GA: So, you two girls were just on your own then?
CS: M-hm.
GA: Oh, well, times are…
CS: We were old enough then.
GA: I know, but times are different now. [Laughs] Would you leave your teenagers there, my
word!
CS: Well, Marge wasn’t a teenager, so. She worked at Harris Pie, and I did the restaurant.
GA: Well, now, I know that your house is really, really old. Talk about your house. You said
you lived in that house after you had lived in another house downtown in Saugatuck first.
CS: M-hm.
GA: But this house had already been built on Campbell Road?
CS: Oh, yeah.
GA: But, it’s not a farmhouse. It’s too fancy to be a farmhouse.
CS: Oh, it isn’t fancy.

�GA: Oh, I think it is.
CS: It was a farmhouse.
GA: Well, it’s not a typical, plain old, what should I say, bare boned. Well, the inside wasn’t like
a lot of those houses, Victorian houses.
CS: It was plain.
GA: But the outside is very, very elegant, as such. It was on a hill; it looks really nice there.
CS: According to Jim Schmeecan, it was built in 1867 or 8, I can’t remember.
GA: So it’s… my math… It’s 150 years old.
CS: Yeah. It was the only house on that side of Campbell Road when we moved there.
15:03
GA: Oh, really? The only one? Was there ever a barn in there, too?
CS: Oh, yeah, there was a big barn, food storage building, and a chicken coop.
GA: And a chicken coop! And, you didn’t raise chickens for food?
CS: Nope.
GA: But there were probably already fruit trees there.
CS: Oh, yeah, the whole area was a fruit orchard.
GA: Peaches?
CS: All kinds of fruit. Different kinds.
GA: Hmm.
CS: But at that time, we weren’t running the orchard at all. It was just there.
GA: It was just there.
CS: Yeah. It wasn’t taken care of; it wasn’t sprayed or anything like that.

�GA: How old were you when you moved into that house, do you remember? Were you in high
school?
CS: Yeah, I was in high school.
GA: You came from Chicago?
CS: Yeah. Brookfield.
GA: Brookfield, that’s where the zoo is. So, you came up here because your dad had a job in
Saugatuck, right?
CS: No. He quit his job in Chicago because he was tired of commuting through the loop. And,
what he wanted to do was build. He was a builder.
GA: That’s right.
CS: He wanted to build houses up here. We moved here after my sister graduated from Riverside
Brookfield High School, because she was going to go to Western. My dad liked to hunt and fish
so he wanted to be in this area.
GA: So, this was a perfect place for him!
CS: M-hm. We were here… Well, we came here in October of 41. In December, there was Pearl
Harbor.
GA: That’s right.
CS: So, the company he worked for in Chicago wanted him to come back, because they had a
job out in Nebraska building ammunition storage in the fields of Nebraska. So we went out to
Nebraska for, oh, almost a year.
GA: Where abouts in Nebraska?
CS: Sydney, Nebraska.
GA: I don’t know where that is.
CS: It was just a little town like Fennville.

�GA: I’ve never been. Oh, like Fennville, okay! Is it in the middle of Nebraska, or where in
Nebraska?
CS: It’s more in the southwestern parts.
GA: The southwestern parts, okay.
CS: Because I know we took trips to Colorado and Wyoming while we were there.
GA: Oh! So, you were there a little while then?
CS: Yes. Not a full year, but.
GA: Not a full year, okay.
CS: Then we came back here.
GA: But at that time, you did not have the house on Campbell Road, correct?
CS: No.
GA: Okay, so you lived in town.
CS: Yeah. We lived on… first we lived on Lake Street. That house isn’t there anymore. And,
then, we lived up on Mason Street.
GA: Okay.
CS: Then my dad built the house on Hoffman Street.
GA: Oh! And is that house still there?
CS: Yes, yep.
GA: Do you know the address or anything?
CS: I don’t know. I can’t remember enough.
GA: But you’d know what it looks like, right?
CS: Oh, yeah. They’ve changed it.
GA: Oh, okay.

�CS: That was in the 40s, then, by the late 40s. Yeah. I was in high school, so I could just walk to
school, the old school.
GA: The old school. Because I can remember the Saugatuck High School burned in the middle
of the night, didn’t it?
CS: Yeah, there was a thunder storm and they think it was struck by lightning. That was 1950.I
can remember my dad was good friends with Mr. Wah.
GA: Was he the superintendent?
CS: Yeah. I remember where we lived, and I remember the phone ringing in the middle of the
night, and my dad saying, “Oh, we’ve got to go, Saugatuck High School is burning down.” And,
they were talking about where they could hold classes and so on. Could we loan them books, or
just whatever? Because my dad was in Fennville at that time. So that was in 1950.
GA: Yeah. See, I didn’t remember when it was. I remember that the high school was on a hill.
CS: You weren’t born then.
GA: Oh, well, yes I was. [Both laugh]. The high school was up on a hill, but the gym didn’t
burn, did it?
CS: No. It was attached to the high school building, but it didn’t burn.
GA: So, only part.
CS: There was no damage upstairs. Let’s see, there were four classrooms attached to the old
school, red brick, and the gym was to the other side. It wasn’t near the building that burned.
GA: Okay, so it was separate, then, kind of.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Oh, I see. See, I don’t remember that. [Clears throat]. Excuse me. I remember going to
games in the gym and knowing that was not a part of the school that burned then.
CS: No, it didn’t. I don’t even think there was smoke damage in there, but there was in the red
brick part of the school. And, we had to have classes in the Legion Hall now in town.

�20:07
GA: Probably churches or something?
CS: Churches. Let’s see, where else? Well, that’s about all there was. Then the fixed up the gym
and divided it into classrooms.
GA: Classrooms.
CS: So yeah, we did. We had classes in there.
GA: Because when you graduated, I think Saugatuck was much smaller than Fennville.
CS: M-hm.
GA: How many were in your graduating class?
CS: Ten.
GA: Oh, my word! [Laughs] Now there’s probably, what, 70 or 80?
CS: Oh, yeah.
GA: Over 100 maybe.
CS: Yeah.
GA: See, I don’t know.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Wow. Because I can remember the building being up there, and I haven’t been… Aren’t
there apartments over there now?
CS: Yes, condos.
GA: Condos. They just took down the school, or what?
CS: Well, they took down the old school and built a one-story school.
GA: I remember that too.
CS: Right in that spot.

�GA: Oh, really?
CS: I think they took down the red brick part too. The gym was left. Then they built the onestory, but it wasn’t very well constructed. It didn’t last.
GA: I guess not.
CS: So, then they built where it is now.
GA: Where it is now.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Because that’s state of the art now, as far as. My brother and sister-in-law came over and
moved here from the Detroit area, and they were like, “Wow!” They couldn’t believe what a
wonderful athletic facility they have. They said, “My word, this is better than anything we’ve
seen in a long time.” They were really impressed. Okay, when you were in high school, they
were still called the Saugatuck Indians?
CS: Oh, yeah. Still are.
GA: Is there going to be any change to that?
CS: They’re not.
GA: I hope not too, because it just…
CS: We had a big meeting, oh, two or three years ago, and someone wanted to change the name,
drop the name.
GA: But with the name Saugatuck, that’s an Indian name.
CS: An Indian name.
GA: You know what it means, don’t you?
CS: Bend of the river, I think.
GA: I think.
CS: It has different meanings, but mouth of the river, bend of the river.

�GA: Saugatuck, it’s a neat, neat place. It certainly has been well-known for years and years and
years. So, you lived here, too, then, when they had the jazz festivals?
CS: Yeah.
GA: What do you remember of that?
CS: I didn’t go to those. I wasn’t interested in that.
GA: From what I’ve heard, the jazz festivals were supposed to be out where the racetrack is.
Yes.
GA: But, people, the college kids and such, the troublemakers or whatever didn’t go to that.
They just congregated in downtown.
CS: Came in downtown.
GA: Because they wanted to
CS: Drink.
GA: Drink and riot and just have a good time.
CS: Yeah.
GA: See, you lived then. Well, actually your address in Saugatuck was on the other side of the
river, so you didn’t have to be involved in that.
CS: Right. M-hm. Stayed out of town.
GA: I don’t blame you. I remember seeing pictures of this just jammed with people in front of
the Old Crow and such, and Coral Gables.
CS: I remember, in the daytime working in the restaurant, there were always a lot of people
around.
GA: That would have been about the same time, then, that the pavilion burned. Was that when
they had them, or was that later?
CS: That was later.

�GA: It was later, okay.
CS: The pavilion was gone then. That was just a parking lot, I think.
GA: So, there was a parking lot across from The Hollyhock.
M-hm. Down on the river.
GA: On the river.
CS: I think that property was sold to the Singapore Yacht Club. They had the parking lot.
GA: Oh, okay.
CS: They had their boats docked on the water there. One more thing, going back to the fire. We
were wondering what to do about classes and things. And there was talk. [Coughs] Excuse me.
GA: We need a bottle of water, but we don’t have any.
CS: I don’t need a water. There was talk of merging with Fennville.
GA: Really? Such rivalry.
CS: We did not want it.
GA: I’m sure Fennville didn’t want it either.
CS: We had a demonstration march.
GA: Oh, really?
CS: [Chuckles] I shouldn’t be telling you that.
GA: Well, I went to Fennville as you know, and we would have felt the same way. We don’t
want to join with those Saugatuck Indians! They are our rivals.
CS: That’s when they decided to rebuild.
GA: That was in the – I don’t remember that at all.
CS: I don’t know if we have any pictures of it? We must have pictures…
GA: So, there was a demonstration?

�CS: Oh, yeah. Saying, “No, no, no, no!” And, so, they listened.
25:04
CS: Then there was another… All these people were coming to the restaurant. There was a
group that came it. It was one of the musical groups at that time. I can’t remember the name, but
somebody said that’s who they are. They autographed a paper napkin and left it on the table. So,
I picked it up and kept it. I still have it.
GA: You’ll find it some place and go, “Oh, that’s where it is!”
CS: I can’t remember the name of the group. There were four or five fellows that were in it.
GA: Were they singers?
CS: Singers, instruments and singing.
GA: Ah.
CS: I’ll find it and give it to the archives.
GA: Yeah! You should because that would be special. So, did you have different napkins that
said Hollyhock House on them?
CS: No, just plain white.
GA: Plain white napkins, okay. But somebody autographed it, like The Beach Boys or
something. A well-known group.
CS: Yes, they were well-known at the time. I don’t know if anyone would remember them now.
GA: Oh, I’m sure oldies like the two of us would remember. Now, do you remember what they
ordered? You waited on them, right?
CS: Yeah. It was breakfast. I don’t remember what they had. But I thought, I’m going to save
that. I don’t know why, but…
GA: I’m glad you did! And you’ll find it, it’ll turn up, and you’ll say, “Hey, there it is.” You
probably have it in a book or something to keep itCS: In a box that I’m saving. [Both laugh]

�GA: Did you have other celebrities that came to eat at The Hollyhock House?
CS: I don’t remember. I was trying to remember if Burt Tilstrom came in [Indistinguishable]
GA: Yes.
CS: I remember when he passed by out on the street.
GA: On the street.
CS: And the dragon was hanging out the window. [Both laugh] Someone he knew was eating at
the restaurant. So he stuck the dragon out the window.
GA: That’s neat.
CS: Ollie.
GA: I remember watching that on TV. Cuckoo Friend and Ollie. What year was that, I can’t
remember?
CS: Must have been in the 50s.
GA: Early 60s.
CS: Yeah, 50s.
GA: Okay, do you remember seeing that dragon sticking out of the window, was the pavilion in
the background, or had it burned down by then?
CS: I think that it burned.
GA: It burned. So it had to be after 1960 of May.
CS: Yeah, I’m not quite sure.
GA: You said you worked there for about 20 years, then.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Wow.
CS: Yeah, I started working there in… Let me see. I think it would have been 1965. So, maybe it
wasn’t 20 years.

�GA: Maybe you subbed in somewhere or helped out sometimes, too. I remember because I had a
friend, Bob Breckenridge, who worked in the bank.
CS: Yeah.
GA: And I would mock him and say, “Yeah, you don’t even have a job. You’re finished with
work at 3:00 in the afternoon. That’s no job.”
CS: The bank used to close at 3.
GA: I remember that, yeah. But, you start work at what time?
CS: 9:00.
GA: 9:00. But you didn’t leave at 3:00.
CS: Oh, no, no. We were there.
GA: Because you had to make sure everything was …
CS: Yeah. And, let’s see what else. Well, I was offered the job at the bank. I didn’t apply for it.
GA: Oh, that’s a compliment! So they came to you and said, “Cynthia.”
CS: I was taking a refresher course in typing up at the high school, an evening class. Mrs.
Showers, do you remember Louise Showers?
GA: I remember the name, but.
CS: Yeah, she was there, too, because she was starting to work at the bank. She had to learn how
to type. [Chuckles] And she told the bank manager.
GA: Who was?
CS: Mill Stahl.
GA: Okay.
CS: And she said he should ask me to work there because I was such a good typist.
GA: Ah.

�CS: So, I came into the bank and he asked me if I’d like to work there. It was just part time,
because I had to work at the restaurant in the morning. I could work at the bank in the afternoon.
Well, that lasted a week, and then he wants me full time. And Irene Simonson.
GA: Okay.
CS: She was a customer of my aunt’s who came every day for coffee. She said she’d like to have
a job working the restaurant.
GA: Oh really?
CS: She just jumped at the chance.
GA: So, she filled in for you and you went to the bank, then.
CS: Yeah.
30:00
GA: Okay, may I ask you a personal question? When you worked at The Hollyhock House, how
much did you get paid an hour? Not with tips.
CS: I came across some pay stubs the other day throwing stuff out, and it seems like it was about
a quarter.
GA: Oh, that’s good. Oh, I think so. When I worked at The Redwood, I got 50 cents an hour, and
that was in the early 60s. Oh, so, my word, I didn’t know that!
CS: But, we made good tips there.
GA: Oh, I’m sure you would have, yes.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Well, that was very profitable.
CS: Yeah. When you stop to think about it, it was good at that time.
GA: And when you worked at the bank, you had given up your job to Irene SimonCS: Irene Simonson, yes. Her husband was the photographer.

�GA: Yes. I’ve heard that name.
CS: Carl. Carl Simonson.
GA: I would never recognize her if I saw her, but I’ve heard the name.
CS: Well, you probably knew her son, Bruce. He was village maintenance, head of village
maintenance for 50 years.
GA: I just nominated Tanya, but that’s it. Your cousin, Frank Lamb, I know.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Because he was on the basketball team.
CS: Yeah.
GA: I’ve probably told you, but we used to call him The Nicotine Five. Isn’t that terrible?
Because it was Frank Lamb, name me some of the other guys. Lovejoy. Frank Lovejoy.
CS: Yeah. Ralph Brickles.
GA: Ralph Brickles. Bob Breckenridge.
CS: I don’t know. But Bob was younger… Rick Francis.
GA: Rick Francis, yes! I thought it was Rex, but Rex went to Fennville then.
CS: Yeah. He went to Fennville.
GA: He… [gasp] He changed sides.
CS: Well, he had to.
GA: Yeah, I think there was a little problem there.
CS: He and the coach, who was the school principal at the timeGA: Oh, really?
CS: Had a disturbance…
GA: There was an altercation.

�CS: Let’s see. Frank and Ralph, Oh, Bill Hedgeland, I think.
GA: That’s right.
CS: He was one of them.
GA: Will Hedgeland, yes, he was one of them. Oh, that’s right. Because you had a good team.
CS: Oh, yeah.
GA: They were very good and I know it was always the-. When you played Saugatuck, when
Fennville played, that was the game.
CS: M-hm.
GA: And we played each other twice. Once in Saugatuck, once in Fennville. And those were the
biggest turnouts. They were the most exciting.
CS: Yeah, still are.
GA: The rivalry. I don’t know, when did the rivalry start?
CS: Probably from the very beginning.
GA: From the beginning, yeah. The Blackhawks and the Indians. The Indians were really, really
tough. I remember being in that gym, and it would be so crowded. I know one time my dad was
sitting up at the top, and there were guys with snare drums up above him, and a snare drum fell
off and hit him right in the head.
CS: Oh, gosh.
GA: Isn’t that a weird thing to remember? But, it was very crowded in there, very tight. As I
recall, the bleachers seemed like they were right on the floor. There was not much room at all.
CS: Yeah, it wasn’t very big.
GA: But, it was filled with lots of excited spectators. Wow. Now, going back to, I keep thinking
about The Hollyhock. How long, then, did your aunt have that? When did she close it?
CS: She closed it in 1970, I believe.
GA: So, ten years after the pavilion burned.

�CS: Yeah, she wasn’t well, so she had to give it up.
GA: And nobody took it over?
CS: Oh yeah. I can’t remember their last name, but it probably was Sullivan or something. This
couple took it over and kept the name.
GA: They kept the name The Hollyhock.
CS: They were, they just didn’t have as good of a restaurant.
GA: I’m sure all the clientele figured that out early on.
CS: Yeah. I think they sold to Marrows.
GA: Oh, okay.
CS: Then Marrows was built in the vacant lot next door to build over the house.
GA: Because Marrows has been there quite a while.
CS: Oh, yeah.
GA: Probably since, what, the mid 70s, then?
CS: Probably. I can’t remember the years now. I know there was a couple from Indiana that had
the Marrows restaurant for a year. They would come up every summer and open up. They were
jealous of my aunt’s restaurant because their food wasn’t that good. [Laughs]
GA: And she always liked to cook?
CS: Oh, yeah.
GA: But she’d never been a restauranter like this before? An entrepreneur or anything?
35:04
CS: Well, when she first came to Saugatuck, she worked at The Green Parrot, I think was the
restaurant’s name, so she worked there.
GA: So, she said, “I can do this even better on my own.”
CS: Well, she didn’t start right away. My father and John Ball had a restaurant on Mason Street.

�GA: Oh, really, your dad?
CS: Yes, they just had hamburgers and chili.
GA: Oh, okay.
CS: And my aunt worked there as a waitress.
GA: Frank’s mom?
CS: Yeah. My mother did the dishes and Mrs. Ball made the pies.
GA: Oh, really?
CS: And from there, the Balls opened their own restaurant on Butler Street. John Ball
Restaurant. I don’t remember…
GA: Now is that relation to the John Ball of Grand Rapids? John Ball Park?
CS: No, no.
GA: No relation whatsoever.
CS: And then my aunt opened her… opened Hollyhock House, because my dad went back to
building. He’d rather be building than be in a restaurant.
GA: That was much more his style.
CS: So, my aunt opened Hollyhock House and the Balls opened their restaurant.
GA: So, really, there were quite a few restaurants in Saugatuck.
CS: Oh, yeah.
GA: I remember the Hollyhock, and I remember you used to go downstairs and it was called….
So, it would be in the south end where… What is it called? The Old Crow in the south end? You
would go downstairs and there was something called the…
CS: The Ratskeller.
GA: The Ratskeller, that’s right. I can remember that, and I can remember upstairs.
CS: That was, uh, El Forno.

�GA: El Forno.
CS: And next to that was the Old Crow Bar.
GA: The Old Crow Bar, okay. The Ratskeller, that’s right, it was downstairs. What do they call
it… The Soda Lounge next to the drugstore?
CS: That was on Butler Street.
GA: Oh, that was on Butler Street, okay.
CS: It was kind of at the back of The Hollyhock House, facing the other side of the street.
GA: Ah, because I remember all of the Saugatuck kids going. They called it the Scrounge.
CS: Oh.
GA: What was it called?
CS: The Soda Lounge.
GA: They’d call it the Scrounge. I don’t ever remember being in it, but I remember them talking
about it.
CS: It had been there a long time.
GA: Well, go ahead.
CS: They used to, they’d go on up after the ball games. The kids could come in.
GA: Oh, okay.
CS: I don’t know that they were open every evening, but after aGA: After a ball game of some sort. Basketball, football, something like that.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Oh, no, because Saugatuck didn’t have football.
CS: No.
GA: That’s right, so they had… Did they have a baseball team?

�CS: I don’t know, I don’t think so.
GA: So, just basketball.
CS: Just basketball.
GA: So, no tennis or…
CS: Nope.
GA: Oh, my word. Then, that’s why the guys were so good. They didn’t have to practice
anything else. [Both chuckle]
CS: Then, The Soda Lounge moved across the street. It closed up when they were across the
street next to the bank, because it was the bank on the corner.
GA: Which is now The Garden, right?
CS: Yeah. It was just a small… This was after Mike Kenny died. His wife and her sister had The
Soda Lounge and it was just a smaller place. They ran that for a while.
GA: Had the drugstore always had the soda bar in the back, there, too?
CS: Yeah. Well, when we first came, it was right in the front part, The Soda Lounge. I mean, the
drugstore.
GA: The drugstore.
CS: Over on the north wall. They had The Soda Lounge, a soda bar there. When Christianson
took it over, he added on the back of the building and had it back there.
GA: Is it still there?
CS: Oh, yeah.
GA: I remember, every summer…
CS: They don’t serve all year round. It’s in the summertime.
GA: Okay. Because it was always the neatest thing to come to Saugatuck. It was always kind of,
“This is enemy territory.” Isn’t that terrible?

�CS: It was a bad town.
GA: No, it wasn’t a bad town, it was enemy territory. Oh, let’s go to Saugatuck. I can still
remember that. Did you ever go to Whatnot Inn?
CS: Yeah.
GA: That was, when I think of it, thinking of it now, we used to go there as kids, but it was a bar
then!
CS: Probably, yeah.

40:00
GA: I guess, I would never allow my kids to go to a bar by themselves, but we did. Maybe our
folks didn’t know. I don’t know.
CS: Maybe they knew the people that were running it and it would be…
GA: That’s right.
CS: I don’t remember.
GA: Deanne DeAngelo.
CS: Deanne.
GA: DeAngelos, that’s right! Sure, she was. I remember, she was a very pretty girl. Deanne
DeAngelo.
CS: M-hm.
GA: That’s right. Well, then, I’m sure it was okay with the DeAngelos.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Even if it was a bar. Huh.
CS: It was a family-run place. I was trying to remember when the bank was on the corner.
GA: M-hm. I can remember the bank being on the corner. That’s where the rose garden is now.

�CS: I think it was being remodeled or something. They had to move the money. Every night,
they had to move the money out of the vault over to the drugstore.
GA: Really?
CS: They kept it over there.
GA: Oh, my word.
CS: Then they brought it back in the morning. I think they must have been remodeling at that
time. I wasn’t working there then, so I can’t remember, but that was so funny that…
GA: They’d take the money from the bank.
CS: In the afternoon they’d take the money to the drug store in a wheelbarrow. [Both laugh].
GA: And I’m sure everybody knew what was happening.
CS: Oh, yeah. There was one, two policemen in town.
GA: So, they would escort it over there?
CS: Yeah.
GA: Oh, that’s neat!
CS: And they brought it back in the morning.
GA: With a police escort?
CS: Yeah.
GA: Now, I remember the bank being a red brick, sort of a flat building. Was it always that way?
CS: It is now. It was a two-story yellow brick building on the corner.
GA: Maybe I’m just remembering what it is now, because now it’s back farther than what it was.
CS: M-hm.
GA: Because before it was…
CS: Where the rose garden is.

�GA: Oh. But it was a two-story. I guess I don’t…
CS: Yes, it was a two-story. There was a dentist up above, an attorney, and some lady.
GA: I didn’t know that. What was it called? Not The Chemical Bank.
CS: No.
GA: It was called what?
CS: Fruit Growers.
GA: That’s right, Fruit Growers Bank.
CS: Then, we merged with South Haven’s Citizens’ Trusted Savings, and it became Citizens’
Trusted Savings. And then they decided to build a new building, the red brick bank.
GA: So, that was probably, what? In the 80s or 90s? I don’t know.
CS: 1971.
GA: Oh, 70s!
CS: In 1971, they moved into the new brick building.
GA: So, you remember the move, then, very vividly?
CS: Oh, yeah. We had to help carry all of the stuff over to the new bank.
GA: So, you were working at the bank when they were remodeling and would take it across, or
was that before?
CS: That was before.
GA: That was before. They must have had a huge safe, then, to hold all of the money from the
bank.
CS: I don’t know what they, how they did it.
GA: I hope they didn’t just put it on a shelf someplace. [Laughs]
CS: Unless, well, there was a big vault in the bank. Maybe they could keep most of it… Well,
they had to have safe deposit boxes in there.

�GA: Yeah, they would take a couple… You can’t have more than ten of those.
CS: And then the daily money they took over to the drug store.
GA: Wow!
CS: The old old bank had a corner… [Indistinguishable]
GA: Oh, on the outside of it?
CS: Yeah. That’s what they took down and remodeled.
GA: When they were remodeling, yeah, okay. Hmmm. When was it built originally, do you
know?
CS: I don’t remember.
GA: But, a long, long time ago. But, yellow brick?
CS: M-hm.
GA: Interesting. Did it take up that whole space? It was really quite large.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Much larger than it is now.
CS: Yeah, well…
GA: Did it have a basement?
CS: This one has a basement.
GA: There was a basement.
CS: There was a basement too in the old one, yeah.
GA: Did you ever go down there?
CS: Yeah. It was all dark and spidery.
GA: So, it wasn’t all nice and clean, you know, with lights.

�CS: When they were going to tear it down and move everything over to the new bank, we had to
go down there to see if there was something we had to save. A lot of stuff we probably should
have saved but didn’t. It was just piled away.
GA: Well, when was this new one built, then? You said about ’71.
CS: Yeah.
GA: So, did it take them? I mean, you moved in ’71 or ’72?
CS: It was finished in 1971.
GA: 1971.
CS: We moved everything over there.
GA: And then you worked there for how many more years?
CS: Altogether, starting at the corner, 35 years.
GA: Oh, my word! That’s wonderful! And this all came because you were such a good typist.
CS: Yeah. And now, I can’t type. [Laughs]
45:03
GA: Oh, well, hey. Now, everything is done… The kids are good at… When they dig up
students’ bodies they are going to wonder why their thumbs look so strange, but that’s how they
do their typing.
CS: Well, we had typewriters.
GA: Well, that was before computers.
CS: Yeah. We had computers towards the end.
GA: Towards the end, okay.
CS: Of my employment there. That’s when I got out. I didn’t want to get confused. Well, I
wanted to retire anyways.
GA: But you were there when they had the big robbery, weren’t you?

�CS: I was working there, but I hadn’t gotten there. This happened early in the morning, 8:00 in
the morning, and I got there at 8:30. It was just Pat and Frank Wicks that were there.
GA: But you heard about it, then?
CS: When I came to work, Pat met me at the back door, and she said, “Well, we’ve been
robbed.” And then she said, “You gotta come in.” The place was full of police and sheriffs.
GA: What did they ask you?
CS: I really can’t remember. We had to take lie detector tests there. During the investigation, we
all had to take lie detector tests. Like, where were we and when did we come to work, and all
that. I can’t really remember that.
GA: So, then, you would come in a back door.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Because banks didn’t open until what, 9:00?
CS: 9:00. We never could quite figure out how they got the front door open. They just walked
right in even though they had been locked the night before, but somehow they…
GA: Did they ever catch them?
CS: They didn’t catch-. Oh, well, they did, but this was long after.
GA: Because they wore masks, like presidential masks or something like this.
CS: I can’t remember that, because I didn’t see them, but one of them was arrested down in
Florida. He ratted on the rest of them.
GA: Oh, okay.
CS: Told them who the rest of them were.
GA: They had to be… They really planned that, then.
CS: Yeah. They were… They were renting a condo as you come into town. It was on the river
right there as you turned into Saugatuck, North Shore Harbor Condos, or something. They had
been living… They were living there. They had rented there.

�GA: And they just cased the whole place?
CS: They knew when Brinks was going to come and pick up the money. It was…. It was Labor
Day weekend. And, of course, Brinks didn’t come that Monday, so all that money was held over
to the next weekend.
GA: They were very professional, then, weren’t they?
CS: They never did recover any of the money, but eventually all of them were caught.
GA: But they never, ever figured out how they were able to get in those front windows, those
front doors?
CS: No. I wonder if they ever questioned them to find out how they did it.
GA: I would think so, because obviously they’d have to have…
CS: Tools. I don’t know.
GA: You’ve had some experiences here, haven’t you?
CS: Then we had a fire in the new bank.
GA: Oh, I didn’t know this! Tell me about that.
CS: I forget when it happened, but it was at night. Somebody coming out of The Sand Bar saw
smoke coming up from the bank and called the fire department. The manager, John Guyer, was
living on Cambeck Road. They called him, and he went down there, and Pat. Pat was where she
lives now, so she came. They had three people to call if anything happened. One was the
manager, one was Pat, and one was me. Pat tried to get me, but I didn’t hear the phone.
GA: Well, it was in the middle of the night, so.
CS: Yeah. Well, I did finally get down there. It was an electrical fire in the box where all the
wires and things were. John Guyer, the first thing he thought about were the Carl Herman
paintings.
GA: Oh.

�CS: There were four of them in the bank, and he got them all down. The fire was over where
they were hanging on the wall. He got them all down, covered them up, and then saved them all.
50:04
GA: Well, that was very lucky. Was there much damage done inside the bank?
CS: Oh, yeah. We couldn’t. We couldn’t work in there. We had to get a trailer out in the parking
lot. We had to work out of the trailer.
GA: For probably a couple of weeks.
CS: Well, longer than that.
GA: Longer than that?
CS: It was during the winter.
GA: Oh, no!
CS: And it was cold. [Both chuckle]
GA: Oh, dear.
CS: Nothing under the trailer. They had straw bales under the sides.
GA: But that doesn’t protect much, oh my word.
CS: Every night, we had to bring everything over into the vault and lock it up. The vault was
still..
GA: Still useable.
CS: Still useable, yeah.
GA: In the bank.
CS: Because it had been closed-up while the fire was going on.
GA: That would be fireproof, too, I’m sure.
CS: Yeah.

�GA: Wow.
CS: But the restrooms were over there. [Both laugh] We didn’t have any in the trailer.
GA: [Laughs] My turn! I can’t wait! Hurry up and take this customer!
CS: You’d put a coat on and run over there.
GA: Oh, dear. [Chuckles] When was this, do you remember what year?
CS: Gosh, I can’t remember the date.
GA: Well, it was after ’71, though.
CS: Yeah.
GA: So, probably the late 80s, maybe?
CS: The 80s, okay. Yeah, it had to have been in the 80s.
GA: So, the bank was really not that old.
CS: No. There was a basement in that bank, too. There was smoke, the smell of smoke down
there, but I don’t remember any damage in the basement. It was all on the upper level.
GA: Luckily, someone was coming out of The Sand Bar and caught it.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Wow.
CS: I don’t think of anything else. Well, it must have been around Christmastime when it
happened, because we had a Christmas tree in the lobby.
GA: A Christmas tree, okay. But, then you didn’t have room for that when you moved into this
itty bitty…
CS: Oh, no. It was… We probably got back into the bank in the spring or summer.
GA: But even so, that’s gonna be quite a while.
CS: It was a long time, especially in the winter to be freezing like that.

�GA: See, I’d never heard that before. I’m sure a lot of people.
CS: I have photographs of the trailer, it would have been the trailer.
GA: I’d bet they’d like that here, it would be nice.
CS: Well, they’ve got a lot of those. It was around the holidays because the people in town were
so good to us. They kept bringing us food.
GA: Probably hot cocoa or something like that.
CS: We did have coffee. But they brought cakes, and rolls, and donuts.
GA: All those good things.
CS: Candy, man. A lot of stuff.
GA: And I think that’s part of what makes Saugatuck so neat because it’s so small, especially in
the wintertime. Everybody knows everybody.
CS: Yeah.
GA: Because all of the outsiders, I should say a majority of them, are gone because people are
not going to come here in the wintertime, because it’s mainly the summer, the water, the hunting,
the fishing.
CS: One winter, we had one of those sled dog races.
GA: Down to Main Street?
CS: I don’t know. I think they were out of town, but they were all in town with the dogs. This
was after the pavilion was gone.
GA: So, after 1960.
CS: Yeah. All these people were there with their sled dogs. They all came into town.
GA: Well, that would be a good draw. So, they went right down Butler Street, then? Main
Street?
CS: I can’t remember where they raced. It had to be out of town, probably, but they parked their
trailers in town.

�GA: Woof, woof, lots of dogs. Well, that would be exciting. Those are good memories.
CS: We used to have a rubber duck parade race on the river.
GA: Oh really?
CS: Where people would sponsor a rubber duck.
GA: In front of the pavilion?
CS: No, it was down by the ferry. We’d dump them all in the river and see who won.
GA: So did they go… I don’t know what way the river flows, probably to the lake.
CS: Yeah.
GA: So, they would float north, right?
CS: I don’t know if they had a way to keep them from going all the way to the lake.
GA: They probably had a cut off for whose got there first?
CS: Yeah.
GA: Ah, that’s fun.
CS: We only did that once?
GA: Did you do it?
CS: No.
55:00
GA: Oh, Cynthia, come on! Rubber duckies! [Both laugh] Were they yellow ones, or bright?
CS: They were yellow.
GA: And they had numbers on them so you could know whose was whose?
CS: M-hm.
GA: Oh, that’s neat. What else can you think of that was different? I’ve never heard of that.
That’s neat.

�CS: This is jumping around.
GA: Oh, that’s okay.
CS: They used to have Venetian Night at the pavilion where people would come in costume and
they had dancing and costumes and the Venetian Boat Parade used to be really big. There used to
be 25-30 boats in the parade with decorated…
GA: Decorated with lights on them and costume and theme. I would assume they had a theme
they would carry out?
CS: I don’t know if they ever had a theme, you just decorated. There were a lot of them. And
then, when gas got expensive, the boats, they didn’t want to use their gas in a parade, so.
GA: And probably different organizations or families or whatever would have the boat, or it
could be your little boat.
CS: Yeah.
GA: For example, Oxbow might have one or something like that.
CS: They had one, and the Saugatuck Yacht Club and the Singapore Yacht Club. Different
groups would have a boat decorated.
GA: That’s neat!
CS: And then, I used to sit on the roof of my aunt’s restaurant to watch it at night.
GA: Oh, it was at night?
CS: The boat parade was at night.
GA: Oh, sure, with all of the lights on it would be much more exciting. So, you sat on the roof?
CS: Yeah, I could climb out the bedroom, out of the hall window and sit and get a good view.
GA: [Laughs] And not get yelled at, right?
CS: That must have been after the pavilion was gone, otherwise there wouldn’t be much to see.
GA: Otherwise, the pavilion would have been in the way.

�CS: Yeah.
GA: And nobody yelled at you for sitting on the roof?
CS: No. [Both laugh]
GA: Oh my word. Well, Cynthia, this has been very, very interesting. When you think of some
other things, we will talk the next time we do newsletters. I’ll try to take notes or not. I don’t
have a little recorder, but I think this would be really, really great for them. I thank you so much
for sharing these memories with me. Remember they are going to go to Grand Valley.
CS: I didn’t know that. I thought it was going to be kept here.
GA: Well, yes, but they will go there. I think that’s where they are going to sort through them
and put them all in, then coming back because they are going to stay here as far as this is
concerned. Stories of Summer, is that what the whole thing is called?
CS: A lot of mine was winter. [Chuckles]
GA: Well, its memories of the Saugatuck-Douglas area. So, thank you very much, Cynthia. I
appreciate that. This was fun, and it wasn’t so horrible, was it?
CS: Well…
GA: Well, yes, I know. [Chuckles]
CS: I can’t think.
GA: Oh, yes you can.
CS: Of dates and things like that. I don’t remember certain dates.
GA: Well, I think you’ve done a very good job. I enjoyed it, and I’ve learned a lot. We know
that you will not have your picture taken because that’s what you said.
CS: Right.
GA: So, that’s going to be on here before I shut it off.

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                    <text>Speaking Out
Western Michigan’s Civil Rights Histories
Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Interviewee: Jeffrey Sorensen
Interviewers: Christina Ober, Anthony Weinke, Michael Doak and Max Sadler
Supervising Faculty: Melanie Shell-Weiss
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 11/4/2011
Runtime: 01:06:51

Biography and Description
Jeffrey Sorensen grew up in the Upper Pennisula of Michigan. He discusses the stereotypes and
misconceptions of “yoopers.”

Transcript
Christina: Describe your childhood growing up in the UP. How was it a normal childhood, and/or was it
abnormal?

Jeffrey: I’d say growing up in the UP, it was mostly normal. I mean, the UP’s a little bit, not as advanced
as other places, but like compared to like other people growing up I didn’t have any big differences
really. Except for the fact that I didn’t go hunting.

Christina: How do people generally perceive ‘yoopers’ the stereotypes or misconceptions?

Jeffrey: They all go hunting they all wear camo, we don’t have running water, yeah that’s about it.

Christina: Do you think your family had any of those stereotypes that you didn’t?

Jeffrey: Well, my brothers both always go hunting, and I don’t. My brothers own camo, and I don’t. All
of the male members of my family own guns, and I don’t.

Christina: Did your family ever try to influence you to do any of those stereotypes?

Page 1

�Jeffrey: Not really, my brothers originally kinda tried to get me to go hunting, but they didn’t really care
that I didn’t. I mean, I like shooting guns, so that isn’t a big thing, I just never bought one.

Christina: Did you just not want to do it, or did you have other things going on?

Jeffrey: It was a combination of I didn’t want to do it really, like it wasn’t my thing, and I was just busy
with other stuff going on in school or other things like boy scouts or band or track or anything like that.

Christina: How do you think masculinity played a role when you played sports throughout High school?

Jeffrey: I don’t think it really was an issue, like I was the head captain of my track team, and everyone
listened to me just like they would listen to anyone else, actually probably more than they would listen
to them, I never really had any issues with people trying to be more masculine in track, so like trying to
dominate my authority or anything like that.

Christina: What experience with masculinity or imasculinity did you have during your high school career?

Jeffrey: I was always a band geek, so that’s considered less masculine. But then I was also in track, so
being in sports is supposed to be more masculine. I don’t know. There wasn’t really too much of a big
distinguishment [sic] between masculinity and imasculinity other than when it came to sports.

Christina: Do you have any clubs or groups at your school that support gaysor talk about gays at all?

Jeffrey: When I was there, we didn’t. The year I left, they made one.

Christina: Did you wish there were any?

Page 2

�Jeffrey: At one point I tried to start one up, myself, and two other people were trying to start a GSA, a
Gay Straight Alliance, but it just didn’t work out, we couldn’t find a teacher that was willing to be the
advisor for it.

Christina: Do you think that in your high school there were gays that came out, or did you mostly think
they hid it, since there was nothing that helped them?

Jeffrey: Well, there was, when I was there only one other guy was openly gay. But I know there was
other people who were friends of mine that I knew were gay, but they weren’t open to everyone else.

Christina: How do you think the idea of masculinity changed when going from High School to college, or
do you think it doesn’t?

Jeffrey: Well, in college, even less people care. For me, in High School, it wasn’t that big of a deal, but in
college, it’s just not a deal, or not a big deal, at all. Nobody really cares. I would say there’s a greater
variation of masculinity and imasculinity, but it’s not something that people really care about.

Christina: Do you think they have a lot more clubs and things that you can talk to other people like you
than your high school?

Jeffrey: Yeah, there’s definitely a lot more. I mean, I think of three different groups right off the top of
my head, where my high school had nothing.

Christina: What experience have you had in college with masculinity or imasculinity?

Jeffrey: Um…

Christina: Do you partake in any of the groups at Grand Valley?

Page 3

�Jeffrey: Well, I’m not involved in any of the LGBT groups at Grand Valley, it’s not really something I care
to be a part of, but I’m involved in other groups, like I’m a founding father of a fraternity, which
generally you would think a fraternity is this really masculine type organization, but yet I’m still a
founding father.

Christina: What do you think is the role masculinity plays in a fraternity?

Jeffrey: Masculine role in a fraternity? Even the guys in our fraternity who are straight, there’s a lot fo
them who really aren’t masculine. Some of them are, some of them aren’t, some of them are kind of in
between, so I really don’t think it plays a role.

Christina: What kind of stereotype do you think a fraternity has and do you think yours follows in any of
those stereotypes?

Jeffrey: A lot of those stereotypes are just like that frats like to party, like to drink, that to join you have
to go through a huge ordeal, that there’s a lot of hazing, basically just guys that are really macho and a
lot of people describe them as tools, but my fraternity, and a lot of fraternities on campus, we don’t
really fit those stereotypes, we try not to be tools, which that depends on your definition of tools. But
we try not to act like we own the place, like a lot of fraternities do, we’re kind of trying to change that
stereotype, especially at Grand Valley. We want to be different, we want to be a diverse group, not a
group that’s like a bunch of guys who are all the same. We’ve got a wide range of guys from gay, bi,
straight, and then we have a few different races within our fraternity too.

Christina: Have you ever had any problems with your fraternity, being gay?

Jeffrey: Well, I’m totally open to my fraternity. Everyone knows I’m gay, I have openly talked about
going on dates with guys, and nobody’s really cared that I talk about it. We’re all brothers, we support
each other, even if someone doesn’t necessarily agree with it, because we’re brothers, they’re going to
support it.

Christina: Do you think being in a fraternity at grand valley is different than if you were in a fraternity at
a bigger school, like Michigan or State? Do you think that you’d be perceived differently as gay?

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�Jeffrey: I think being gay wouldn’t necessarily effect it. It could. The bigger schools tend to have
fraternities that have more hazing and stuff like that, and I think that being gay might effect how much I
would be hazed. I would assume that a gay person would be hazed more than a straight person. But I
would say once they’re in the fraternity it wouldn’t be any different than it is here.

Christina: So, if you went to one of those schools, you wouldn’t have thought different about joining a
fraternity?

Jeffrey: I would’ve thought differently because of the hazing part of it and me being gay, I would expect
to be hazed more, so for that reason I probably wouldn’t have gone Greek.

Christina: Going back to your childhood, when do you first think you found out you were gay, and
describe the process.

Jeffrey: I would say I’ve known most of my life. I started getting a pretty good idea of it when I was in 5th
grade though. Even before that, looking back, I can kind of see the signs of “oh yeah, I wasn’t the
same.” Fifth grade was about the time I was figuring out that I liked guys, and the after a couple more
years I was trying to figure out if I just liked guys and liked girls or if I just liked guys, or whatever. After
seventh grade I figured out that I’m not attracted to girls at all, and that I’m only attracted to guys. I’d
say by eighth grade I knew for sure that I was just gay, not bi. But I’ve showed the signs that I was
different since second grade probably. At recess I would play with the girl friends instead of go play
sports with the guys, I didn’t like a lot of the same things that the guys liked. I wasn’t into a lot of sports.
I mean, I wasn’t into girly things, I just wasn’t into sports so I hung out with girls more often.

Christina: You told me before that you dated girls while in High School. Do you think that was a way of
you showing masculinity and following in the footsteps of the male figures around you?

Jeffrey: I didn’t date girls in high school, but I did in middle school. But I don’t think that was me trying
to prove anything to anyone, it was more I wasn’t sure at that point whether I liked girls or if I just liked
guys. During middle school, I dated girls to try to figure out if I did like girls or not. At that point I knew
that I liked guys, but I needed to figure out whether I liked girls, or if I was just gay.

Christina: Describe the event of coming out to your parents.

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�Jeffrey: I told my mom. I never told my dad, but I’m pretty sure my mom told her, him. When I came
out to my mom, it was because I was telling her about one of my friends who happened to be gay, and I
mentioned that part and she said “well why are you friends with him?” And then eventually she said “If
he’s gay, why are you friends with him?” and my response was “because I am too.” And she didn’t take
it very well. At first she didn’t really know what to think, she didn’t really believe me I guess. She didn’t
know if I knew for sure that I was gay, but at that point I was a junior in High School, and I had known
for many years. She even told me I shouldn’t tell my dad. She didn’t want me to really openly pursue a
gay relationship, and she wanted me to kinda just for the most part keep it to myself, which to me
wasn’t something I could do, and at that point I was pretty much completely open in school, all my
friends knew, most of the other people in the school knew, it was just my family that didn’t know at that
point.

Christina: How did you come out to your brothers, and based on the stereotype of brothers in a family
competing to be the best and giving each other a hard time, did that happen?

Jeffrey: Well, when I came out to my brothers, both of them had already moved out. I was the only one
living at home, and actually at that point I wasn’t really living at home anymore, I was off getting ready
for college and I was living with one of my brothers. But, when we were younger we had that concept of
brothers always competing, but now that we’re older, we’re just that; we are brothers, and we are
family. So, I told my brothers one night, my oldest brother threw a party, and first I told my oldest
brother’s fiancé, and then she kinda helped me because she already knew about it, but was trying to get
me to tell her on my own time, so once I told her she kinda had me practice, because the goal was to tell
my brother by the end of the night. So she had me practice by telling her brother and her best friend,
and one of her cousins, and some of the other people at the party, and finally the last person I told was
my brother. So we kinda pulled him aside, and she said “your brother has something to tell you.” And
she said “it’s something you’ve kinda had suspicions on for a while, but never really knew for sure.” So I
just said that I’m gay, and his response was “yeah, and?” My other brother I didn’t tell, but I told his
girlfriend, and I gave her permission to tell him, and he already knew too, she told me he already knew,
but didn’t want to assume. She just confirmed it for him. With both of my brothers I can openly talk
about being gay. If I’m in a relationship with someone, my middle brother I can talk to, he’s okay with
me sharing stuff about that. He’s not good at giving any advice, but he’s willing to listen. My oldest
brother is a little uncomfortable with the relationships, but that’s mostly just because he’s my brother,
and a lot of the time you don’t want to hear about your sibling’s relationships, so it’s just the same
concept. But, if I really needed to talk to him, he would be willing to. Like I said, we are brothers, and
we outgrew that competing stage and now we’re just completely supportive of each other.

Christina: Do you think it helped a lot that your brothers accepted you since your parents
technically didn’t?

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�Jeffrey: I would say with my parents being how they were, they didn’t really want me to be
open about it, but my brothers are very supportive and they know how my parents reacted
so when I officially came out to them they told me like if I can’t go to Mom and Dad for
something then I can go to them. They basically wanted to make sure that I knew that just
because they’re my brothers and I don’t have sisters they wanted me to know even though
they’re guys I can still go to them. They might not know necessarily how to deal with
something but because they’re my brothers they will try to help me if I ever need them.
Christina: How did you come out to your friends and did you do this before or after you did
to your family?
Jeffrey: I came out to my friends first, and just like my brothers they already knew, it was
just a matter of me telling them, so during my junior year I kind of slowly told my closer
friends and the general response was yeah what’s new. Everyone knew, it wasn’t a
surprise to anyone it was more a surprise that I was finally telling them. I would say by the
end of my junior year I was out to everyone. Of course all of my friends knew and before I
even came out everyone pretty much knew I was gay, there wasn’t much surprise there.
My closest friends were supportive of it and I kind of left after junior year unsure of how
senior year was going to be because I came out to the rest of the school right at the end of
the year. Then senior year came around and basically I just walked in the door and
flaunted it, but not really flaunted it, but owned it. I was myself. I wasn’t trying to hide
anything anymore. I kind of had a hint of what it was like to be myself and for everyone to
know who I am and be supportive of that so senior year I didn’t try to hide anything and I
was just myself from that point on.
Christina: You said that your friends pretty much already knew, do you think your parents
had any idea prior to you coming out?
Jeffrey: I think they kind of had an idea but a lot of parents aren’t too thrilled to hear if their
son is gay so I think they probably kind of had the idea but they were more denying it than
anything to the point that they didn’t really believe it. I know my mom was kind of shocked
by it but part of that is before that I would come home and say like I heard this rumor about
me and it has to do with me being gay and my mom would never ask me if the rumor was
true but because I was upset about rumors like that like she just assumed that they weren’t
true and I think she assumed that that was kind of my way of saying they weren’t true but
because I was her son she was getting the wrong message I guess.
Christina: Your relationship with your parents now do you not feel as comfortable now as
you did before? Do you think they think differently of you?
Jeffrey: I would actually say I’m more comfortable now because like before I was just the
oddball son I didn’t do the same thing as my brothers, I didn’t go hunting and stuff like that.
I was the one that was always involved in band and other organizations and stuff but never
like the big sports but I did track but that’s not considered one of the big sports but like my
parents I think before I came out to them they didn’t really have an excuse for me to be

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�different it was just I was the oddball son they never had a problem with it but I kind of did.
But then after I came out now they know why I’m a little bit different from my brothers
they know that the reason I’m little bit more flamboyant is because I’m gay and a lot of
those gay stereotypes that they didn’t have an excuse for before they now have an excuse
for.
Christina: Have you ever actually sat down with your Dad and talked about being gay or is
it basically just your mom?
Jeffrey: So far it’s been just my mom and I haven’t even talked to her enough to know what
all he knows I just know that he knows I’m gay and that might be the extent of it but
between my dad and I it’s just like a unspoken thing. I don’t know if he’s really comfortable
with talking about it. He doesn’t treat me any differently he treats me now just like he did
when I was a kid so nothings changed there. I know he knows, and he knows that I know
he knows and that’s the extent of it. We don’t talk about it, he never brings it up. We’ve
actually never talked about it at all.
Christina: How does religion play a role and how has it throughout your life?
Jeffrey: Most of my life I wasn’t religious at all but then during high school a lot of my
friends were really religious, they went to church every sunday they went to the local bible
camp and basically the entire summer was filled with different events at the bible camp. I
had a lot of friends that did different mission trips and were involved in different ministries
all around but I wasn’t involved in that stuff so being friends with those people I started
getting more and more involved and I became really religious I was probably one of the
most religious of my friends for a while. I went to church every sunday I ended up
controlling some of the audio visual stuff at the church and then I was working at the bible
camp as a high ropes instructor and when I wasn’t scheduled to instruct there I would help
out around there. If they didn’t need any extra help there I would go to another part of the
camp and volunteer and help out. I was involved in a worship band that traveled around to
all the churches in the area and we did different performances and lead worship and stuff
all over the place. We had our own ministry stuff going on throughout the week so on an
average week I was doing stuff for different weeks but religion based probably four days a
week and then at one point my church kind of caught wind that I was gay and the leaders of
the church pulled me aside and asked me about it but I wasn’t really telling them anything
and eventually kind of figured out I wasn’t denying it but I wasn’t confirming it either so
they figured out what they heard was true so they decided first I couldn’t control the audio
visual stuff anymore and they said that was a leadership position and they couldn’t have
someone that was gay doing a leadership position. I told them if I wasn’t doing that I
wasn’t going to go to their church anymore. I quit going but they basically pulled me back
in and said that they didn’t want me to leave it was just because it was a leadership position
and they don’t want people to get the wrong idea which I didn’t agree with at all but some
of my best friends went to that church so I didn’t want to stop going so I decided to keep
going. I eventually stopped going to church though. I slowly stopped attending their
services every week. First I would go every other week, then every three weeks, and
eventually I quit going altogether. I kept going to the youth group at one point one of the

Page 8

�leaders pulled me aside and kept asking me about being gay and asking if I was going to
change. I told him I wasn’t going to change, I wasn’t willing to change, and it wasn’t
possible for me to change. At that point his daughter was my best friend and he told me he
didn’t want me ever talking to her again. I quit going to the youth group then. The only
reason he became a leader of that youth group was to watch me and make sure I wasn’t
going to influence anyone. So I quit going, and I kinda, at that point like, it was the winter
so I kind of silently quit working there, cuz it was the off-season so I wouldn’t be working
anyway so I just didn’t show up the next summer. Um, and with the worship band at that
point they were the only ones that I felt comfortable talking to. Um, so I told the woman
who was in charge of the ministry that the worship band was for, and well I told her and
her son, and he was becoming one of my best friends. Um, he was the lead in the worship
band, and like we hung out quite a bit. Um, so I told the two of them and, they didn’t try to
kick me out right away, but they told me they can’t have me like openly gay in the worship
band. Um, they said if it just stayed between them they wouldn’t try to kick me out or
anything, they just couldn’t have like that image, I guess. Um, mainly because it was
nondenominational, um so we were going around to different churches, they didn’t want to
do anything that would take away from what a certain church was trying to enforce. So I
kept going to the worship band stuff for a while, but they kept trying to kinda say like “have
you thought about changing?” like “Are you willing to change?” and I started getting less
comfortable with hanging around them so I slowly stopped going to that. So that was like
my last religious like organization that I quit going to and like since then I haven’t gone to
church, um, when I came to Grand Valley I didn’t start going to church again. Um, I pretty
much just like, quit religion. Um, at this point I’m not religious in any way; um I don’t really
have any kind of belief system. I’m not agnostic, I’m not atheist, like I just don’t have a
belief system, and I don’t really care to develop some kind of belief system, but um, it’s one
of those things where I’m open to the idea, but because of my past I’m not going to actively
try to develop some kind of new religious beliefs.
Christina: Do you think if your church would have been accepting to you in the very beginning that it
would be completely different now?

Jeffrey: I don’t think that it would be completely different, because I’m sure most of the people at the
church knew, maybe not some of the older ones who weren’t used to seeing gay people, but for the
most part, all the younger people in the church I’m pretty sure knew, especially the one that went to my
school, or even their parents. Like, they all knew so I don’t think it would have been hugely different,
and about when I stopped going to the church isn’t really that long before I moved out of the house and
moved in with my brother, um downstate just before coming to Grand Valley. So I don’t think it would
be that different, but I don’t think I would have like a negative, um, I don’t think I would have some kind
of like negative feeling towards religion, if they were accepting right away, but other than how I feel
about religion, I don’t think that it would be much different.

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�Christina: Yea, if they, when you came out, if they were completely acceptable of it and said we want
you to stay here and we accept that you’re gay, do you think you would have kept going and then when
you came to Grand Valley would occasionally think more religiously than you do now or do you think
you still would have straight away?

Jeffrey: I think if that was the case I probably would have kept going to church, um, while I was there I
would have kept going to that church, and then when I came to Grand Valley I probably would have
found a church to go to, um, and I might have actually been involved in like a worship band here or
something along those lines.

Christina: Do you kind of wish that had happened or do you think that it happened for a reason?

Jeffrey: I’m for the most part a believer in that everything happens for a reason, and I feel like if the
church and the worship band and the bible camp and everything wasn’t or if they were more accepting
maybe I would have ended up staying in the U.P., but part of the reason why I came down to Grand
Valley was because, the U.P. isn’t as accepting of like gay people. There’s really not that many. So it
might have influenced where I ended up now, but like like I said, I am a firm believer in everything
happens for a reason, so I feel like part of it was kind of I was meant to maybe not necessarily be non
religious, but at least meant to come here. And that was one of the things that kind of pushed me away
from the U.P. to come here.

Christina: Do you think the religious groups on campus think of gays differently than your church back
home do?

Jeffrey: Um, I think some of them do, but some of them don’t.

Christina: Based on now where you are in your life, do you think everyone is accepting of your
orientation?

Jeffrey: I think anyone who I associate with like on a regular basis, like anyone who is a friend of mine or
involved with any organizations with me, um I would say like they are all completely accepting.
Obviously, if they weren’t accepting, they wouldn’t be my friend. Um, I never really hear anything about
anyone not being accepting of me specifically, um, I mean obviously I am gonna hear like about people

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�being not accepting of gay people in general, but I never hear it specifically towards me because of me
being gay.
Christina: Do you find it different in class or anything with the way you look and the way you talk, and
how you like perceive yourself, do you find any problems with the peers in your classes or around
campus?

Jeffrey: Not really, um, Grand Valley has a lot of gay people so it’s something everyone is used to, and
like, I mean a lot of people dress really well here, but then at the same there’s gay people here that
don’t dress very well at all. So I would say like how I dress isn’t a big issue, because there’s a lot of gay
people who dress really well, and there a lot of straight people who dress really well. Um, I would say
how I talk is more feminine so like straight guys for the most part like their voice isn’t gonna be as
feminine as mine, but like nobody really cares. Um, like everyone is their own person, and I think
everyone here like realizes that, so the way different people dress or talk or act like doesn’t really phase
anyone.

Christina: Do you feel a lot more comfortable through expressing yourself at Grand Valley than you did
at home and places away from Grand Valley?

Jeffrey: Well, like, when I’m at school at Grand Valley, like I’m completely open I can be myself. There’s
no one here that I feel like I need to hide anything from. But then like if I go home, because my parents
aren’t comfortable with me being gay, they know about it, but because they‘re not comfortable with it I
try to give them that little bit of comfortablility, where like I’m not going to be totally flamboyant in
front of them. Um, a lot of my extended family doesn’t know, so I’m not going to act really gay in front
of them, um, so when I go home I kind feel like I’m confined to how I acted before I was open, so I don’t
really like to go home, but I think as I’m getting older my parents are kind of getting more used to me
being more flamboyant because just as I grew up I became more and more flamboyant, because I was
kind of becoming more comfortable with myself. It’s just not to the point where I’m comfortable with
my parents, but the older I get the more comfortable I get with it and, and the more I kind of act more
like gay in front of my parents. Um, I care about what they think and don’t want to make them
uncomfortable, but at the same time I need to kind of put them out of their comfort zone a little bit,
because I’m their son so they kind of have to get used to it, because it’s not changing.

Christina: Do you think you’re ever going to be completely yourself around them? How long do you
think that might take?

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�Jeffrey: Um, well eventually I would like to be. I would like to be open to like my entire extended
family. Um, I don’t know if that will actually ever happen or how long it will take. Um, I would say if I
did I wanted to start coming out to more people it would probably start with some of my cousins
because they are like my age level or somewhere close. So, like they are the ones that because they are
younger and I’m sure they have been exposed to more like gay people they would be the ones who
would already pretty much know. Just like my friends knew or my brothers knew and a lot of the people
in the church knew. So it wouldn’t be a big deal. Um, my like extended family like my aunts, and
grandparents, and uncles, um, they might be a lot harder to tell. I think when it gets to that point I
might just kind of be myself and let them think whatever they want to think. Um, I don’t really feel like
it’s necessary that I go and tell everyone, because if I just be myself they’re gonna know, and if they
don’t know, either way they’re family, and knowing my family, like they won’t disown me, like they’ll
accept me for who I am. So, I’d say eventually I’ll be out to my whole family, and at that point like, the
more out I am to the rest of my family, the more my parents are gonna be exposed to. So the more
they’re gonna have to get more comfortable with it.

Christina: How do you feel about the laws surrounding being gay? Such as gay marriage.

Jeffrey: Well, at some point I would like to be married, so obviously I want the laws to say that gay
people can get married. And I prefer to not have to move to different state in order to be married or go
to a different state to be married and then come back to my own state and not be recognized. Like if I'm
living in Michigan I want to be able to be married and live in Michigan and have that marriage be
recognized, or wherever I end up. And then, along those same lines, like most states don't allow for a
gay couple to adopt, even if they're allowed to be married, a lot of states don't allow for them to adopt
a child and being like two men or two women it's hard to have a child of your own so along those same
lines I think it shouldn't be harder for gay people to be able to adopt a kid because they can be just as
good parents as a strait couple.

Christina: What do you think its going to take for these laws to actually change?

Jeffrey: I think its just a matter of time. Slowly more and more states get added to the list of the ones
that allow gay marriage and the ones that don't allow gay marriage a lot of theme are allowing civil
unions and domestic partnerships, which aren't the same but at least its a step towards allowing gay
marriage. Eventually the other states are going to keep adding more and more to what they allow. As a
whole, society is becoming more accepting of people who are different in any way. So it's really just a
matter of time until enough people are accepting of it that when it comes to a vote people will vote for
gay marriage to be legalized and for gay adoption to be legalized. And eventually it will be pretty much
as easy to live a gay life as to live a strait life. There's still going to be some hardships for gay people but I

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�think its just a matter of time until it evens out as much as it's going to.

Christina: Going back to stereotypes, what do you feel and how do you think the stereotypes for a strait
man differ from a gay man?

Jeffrey: Stereotypes for a strait man is usually more masculine, plays sports, maybe more muscular
guys. And then even like a lot of times one stereotype is what they drink. More masculine men might
drink beer, where a gay person may drink a fruity drink. But then the stereotypes with gay people are
usually more flamboyant, they dress better. Strait people might wear clothing that doesn't look the
greatest or maybe a lot of athletic wear and gay people tend to wear the name brands like Express or
BKE and stuff like that, where as strait men don't want to spend the money like that. Even like kind of
with the way we act, strait men usually are more macho, try to be like the alpha male. Gay men can be
kind of like the same way, but we still want to be like in charge but we kind of have our own way of
doing it. We don't just try to just look intimidating and get our way by being big and muscular. But, I
would say gay people are generally thought to be more, maybe not smart, but conniving. We kind of
know how people think because obviously we are guys so we know how guys think for the most part but
we relate to girls so we kind of know how they think too, so we kind of have an edge on things and we
tend to have a better understanding of both groups, males and females.

Christina: How do you think our society stresses these stereotypes through the media and television and
movies?

Jeffrey: Well in a lot of TV shows and movies if there's a gay person in it they're usually pretty
flamboyant, they don't usually have the strait acting gay people because then you wouldn't really know
that they're gay. So generally when you see a gay person on the a TV or movie they're really gay and
flamboyant and they probably have a higher voice so I would say with strait people in the media theres a
lot of variation there, but when it comes to gay people they don't have a very big variation they mostly
just they're all flamboyant.

Christina: Do you think the media over exaggerates these qualities in gays and straights?

Jeffrey: I would say for the most part with strait people they don't over exaggerate because there's
enough variation and they show the variations with different strait people, but with gay people, like I
said they tend to show mostly the really flamboyant guys so there really isn't enough of a variation to go
away from enforcing the stereotype.

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�Christina: Do you think the media is slowing changing into showing more of these gays that are in sports
and gays who are in fraternities over how they use to show gays?

Jeffrey: I would say in general gay people are showing up in the media a little bit more so that kind of
overflows into showing more gay people in fraternities or gay people in sports, but I would say that
overall because they're showing more its just overflowing to all areas where its considered a more
masculine thing.

Christina: Okay, those are all of my question, do you guys have any?

Michael: I'm kind of curious because you reference masculinity a few times, and I know its a hard
question to kind of deal with it but how would you describe masculinity?

Jeffrey: I would say to me masculinity is more like the macho, involved in the things that are considered
more manly, like sports and being muscular. Where as femininity is when someone is more girly,
flamboyant, cares about their looks a little bit more, and dresses well.

Anthony: Was track the only sport you did in high school?

Jeffrey: Track was the only sport I did just because I was also involved in the band so during the other
seasons I would be doing stuff with the band so track was the only season I was available for.

Anthony: Is there any reasons besides track that you didn't do the other sports, I know like football and
basketball are stereotyped as more masculine or macho thing to do? Did that play a role?

Jeffrey: Well I didn't really like football so I don't really know if me being gay was the reason or not. I
just didn't like football. So thats why I wasn't in that. But then when it came to basketball season the jazz
band played during basketball games so thats why I wouldn't be involved in it so I actually like basketball
so I think if I wasn't so involved in the band I would probably have tried out for the basketball team. I
wouldn't have been that great but I would have at least tried out for the JV team.

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�Anthony: Did you say you were also in boy scouts?

Jeffrey: Yea, I was involved in boy scouts between like fifth grade and senior year.

Anthony: How far did you go with that? Did you stay with it pretty actively?

Jeffrey: For the most part as long as I was in it I was pretty active. Kind of the last couple years I was
involved in so much other stuff that it was hard for me to be really active in boy scouts but I went to as
much as I could.

Anthony: Did you, in boy scouts, were you like openly gay with them and the other scouts in the group
or with the adult leaders?

Jeffrey: Not with the adult leaders. Some of the scouts that were right around my age that were right
within a few grades of me knew, but by the time I was a junior or senior we had scouts who were in the
seventh or eight grade and I didn't feel like it was appropriate for me to be completely open in front of
them so they didn't know and then the leaders didn't know.

Michael: I'm kind of curious, you said that in, I think it was middle school you weren't really interested in
sports at all, or more in general in elementary school you weren't that interested in sports and you
considered that sort of a sign that you were gay. What changed your mind I guess because I'm kind of
curious what the evolution was between that and then high school wanting to possibly play basketball
and being in track?

Jeffrey: I would say in elementary school the big sport was football, no one really played basketball at
recess. People just went out to the field and played football and I wasn't a big contact sport type of
person so I would say it wasn't so much I wasn't interested in sports in general, but more I wasn't
interested in the sports being played at that time. So then in middle school, I had always been a good
runner, mostly because I was always running away from my brother but because I was such I good
runner I really began to enjoy running so therefore I enjoyed track and I became one of the fastest
runners so I was one of the people becoming in charge of the group so that’s why I was involved in track
an why I enjoyed it so much. And then with basketball, I'm not sure what really attracted me to

Page
15

�basketball but its not like a big contact sport so I think that was a big reason why I like basketball verses
football.

Anthony: I have one more, you said there are a lot of like adult leaders in your troop and your parents,
do you think that’s a generational thing where they're not as okay with it and do you think as America as
a whole becomes more okay with it is it older adults becoming okay with it or do you think it's just a lot
of younger people?

Jeffrey: I would say some adults are becoming more okay with it. The big thing is they didn't grow up
with it so it something that they have to adjust to after already kind of knowing how society works, it's
like its changing so they have to adjust to it. Which not everyone is totally okay with doing, But our
generation is growing up with gay people being in the media, and just knowing gay people, and seeing
gay people in public. So I think, and this might sound a little bit morbid, but as the older generations die
off and what’s left is the younger generations it will become more accepted as a whole.

Christina: Alright, thank you.
END OF INTERVIEW

Page
16

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: America “Mecca” Sorrentini
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 5/11/2012

Biography and Description
America Sorrentini was born in Puerto Rico. She moved first to Boston and then to Chicago, arriving in
the 1970s. Ms. Sorentini’s parents were prominent organizers and activists in the struggle for Puerto
Rican self-determination, working primarily in and around Santurce, Puerto Rico. Ms. Sorrentini, or
“Mecca” as she is known, began her own community activism in Boston working on a variety of issues
including housing. She became active with Movimiento Pro Independencia and FUPI (Federación
Universitaria Pro-Independencia), the student university equivalent, in the late 1960s. These groups that
was proactive in occupations and strikes especially at the Rio Piedras branch of the University of Puerto
Rico. By the time Ms. Sorrentini arrived in Chicago she was already aware of the work of the Young
Lords, as word of their actions in Chicago had spread throughout cities along the east coast and into
Puerto Rico. In Puerto Rico there were jealousies among some pro-independence groups but in Chicago
the movement was young and groups sought unity with each other. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez met with
her and she describes witnessing how the Young Lords developed and grew without minimal funds,
were constantly fighting city hall, and how they remained firm in their commitment to Latinos and the
poor, as well as to their principles. Ms. Sorrentini organized a Chicago branch of the Puerto Rican
Socialist Party. They joined up with Rev. Jorge Morales and Rev. María Lourdes Porrata of the West
Town Concerned Citizens Coalition and organized in Wicker Park and in Humboldt Park. One of their

�primary locations was San Lucas United Church of Christ that was across the street from Humboldt Park.
Ms. Sorrentini always remained in solid contact with the Young Lords. She, and the Chicago Puerto Rican
Socialist Party, assisted with the Jiménez aldermanic campaign and later the Harold Washington
campaign. When the Young Lords celebrated their official founding date, which is September 23rd the
same day as the Grito de Lares or Puerto Rican Independence Day, they selected Ms. Sorrentini to be
their keynote speaker. More recently, Ms. Sorrentini has fought with city inspectors who want to tear
down the house in Santurce, Puerto Rico where she and her parents grew up. She has converted it into a
museum that has continuous exhibitions by artists displaying their works. She lives in Puerto Rico but
continues to maintain contact with Chicago. In 2000, she was a featured speaking at the Lincoln Park
Camp in Lakeview, Michigan – a meeting organized to support the displaced Puerto Ricans and poor of
Lincoln Park, bring attention to the displacement of families from Humboldt Park, and in support of
protesters who wanted to evict the U.S. Navy from Vieques.

�Transcript

AMERICA SORRENTINI: -- Casa Sofia de Puerto Rico. This is in honor of my mother
because this is the house she left us. When my father died, she struggled to
keep the house. And as part of -JOSE JIMENEZ:

What was her name? Was her name Sofia? Was her name --

AS:

-- the old tradition, right. Sofia, yes.

JJ:

Sofia, okay. What was his name? What was his name?

AS:

Benigno, Benigno Sorrentini. He was the founder of the old Puerto Rico Socialist
Party which wanted Puerto Rico to be a socialist state of the United States.

JJ:

Okay, okay.

AS:

Of course, he was very romantic. He really thought that could be done. (laughs)
But that was the old Socialist Party of Puerto Rico had a pro-statehood platform.
So my mother --

JJ:

They were pro-statehood, the socialists.

AS:

Yes, yes.

JJ:

They wanted to become a state of the United States?

AS:

Right, right.

JJ:

But socialist.

AS:

But socialist, right.

JJ:

A socialist state of the United --

AS:

A socialist state, that’s right.

JJ:

Oh, okay. All right.

1

�AS:

With Santiago Iglesias [00:01:00] Pantín and my father and many other founded
the Puerto Rico Socialist Party so --

JJ:

And so when was his party? What years?

AS:

This is in the early 1930s.

JJ:

Nineteen thirties, okay.

AS:

Yes, uh-huh.

JJ:

That’s when they started? They started at that time?

AS:

That’s right, yes.

JJ:

And he started then? Before me.

AS:

Yes, yes. Uh-huh. I can give you a clipping --

JJ:

Okay. Okay, good.

AS:

-- and so on so you clip it for your records --

JJ:

We can put it on the interview, on the interview --

AS:

-- because I know -- yes. Okay.

JJ:

-- depending on what you want.

AS:

Right, so you can clip it. I also have a documentary which --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:01:35]? (laughs)

AS:

-- this is portrait. I don’t know about that. You’ll have to ask them.

JJ:

(laughs) For their permission.

AS:

This is for the University of Arizona.

JJ:

Oh, the University of -- oh.

AS:

It is [QUAD Productions?], okay?

JJ:

Okay. No, but if you put it in, we can put it as part of your (overlapping dialogue;

2

�inaudible) -AS:

Oh, okay. Right. Yes. Well, this is Puerto Rico balcón. The balcony is very
important. In all traditional households, the balcón [00:02:00] is very important
because it’s the part of the house that you interact with the people and you talk to
everybody and is the plaza de mercado. How would you call plaza de mercado?

JJ:

The center, center --

AS:

Market center?

JJ:

-- market center, market center.

AS:

Okay, the market center for fresh products and so on is right down there. And
the Puerto Rican tradition was that you would walk every day to the plaza de
mercado to get the --

JJ:

The farmers market, the farmers market.

AS:

-- fresh vegetables at the farmers market.

JJ:

Farmers market, yeah.

AS:

It’s more like a farmers market so the balcony is very important. And this side
entrance from the old house --

JJ:

So every day, every day, people walk to the farmers market?

AS:

Oh yes.

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

Uh-huh, yes.

JJ:

Fantastic. Get their fresh fruits and vegetables?

AS:

Fresh fruits and vegetables and all that.

JJ:

Because this is what we’re --

3

�AS:

Yeah.

JJ:

-- this is San Juan, Santurce where we’re at.

AS:

This is called Santurce which is like the new San Juan [00:03:00] area of the old,
old San Juan. So the Santurce only was established here by the cimarrónes.
The cimarrónes were the Puerto Rican slaves who escape slavery and then they
became on their own, the free --

JJ:

And they established Santurce?

AS:

-- free men and women. And they use all this area because this was not --

JJ:

Of Santurce.

AS:

-- was not settled yet. And then later on, it became a settlement. So really, that’s
why my mother was called cimarróna. She called herself a cimarróna. That’s
why I want to keep this house as part of the symbol of freedom. So that’s why
we’re still struggling to keep this house [00:04:00] as a free space center. But the
municipality of San Juan has made it impossible. As a matter of fact, this was
declared a estorbo público? How you call that? A, it’s --

JJ:

A public --

AS:

-- nuisance? How you say that in English? There is a special terminology that
says when a property has been abandon, you declare it public nuisance?

JJ:

Nuisance, public nuisance, yeah.

AS:

Public nuisance. And then you become part of that list. And then the
municipality -- so if you cannot show --

JJ:

So they declared that house a --

AS:

Yes because --

4

�JJ:

-- a public nuisance.

AS:

-- and if you cannot prove that you have the money to comply with the
municipality codes, then they take the house. See, I was in Chicago and I had to
fly over here. It’s because they to [00:05:00] remove the house.

JJ:

So that’s a way of trying to demoralize, demoralize people and they can --

AS:

Well, they are -- the thing is that you cannot --

JJ:

They’re going to take your house, they’re trying to take your house.

AS:

Right. If you cannot prove that you have the money to comply with the codes of
the municipio de San Juan, then they take the house.

JJ:

So you’re being harassed by the building inspectors and the city and --

AS:

All that stuff.

JJ:

-- people like that.

AS:

Yes, and we had to, I had to --

JJ:

They don’t call it harassment.

AS:

-- even I had to -- yes. I had to make compliance --

JJ:

Compliance.

AS:

-- compliance.

JJ:

Well, they call it compliance, exactly.

AS:

Right. So I had to make a loan, then I found out that they don’t give loans to
people who are over a certain age because you see, I’m 75 years old. So --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:05:50] teenager, (Spanish) [00:05:052] teenager.

AS:

Oh yeah, right.

JJ:

(laughs)

5

�AS:

But the municipality of San Juan didn’t accept my teenage --

JJ:

(inaudible) [00:06:00] (laughter) --

AS:

But so I had to come, I had to come and prove to them, I had to try to make a
loan. I couldn’t make it and then I’m on the family. We put in all the money in the
bank to say that we were able to comply with the codes because part of the code
was, for example, to remove the electric meter from there to here and that cost
us 20,000 dollars.

JJ:

So they just --

AS:

To move the meter like --

JJ:

From that part of the house to the other part of the house.

AS:

Right, because in the old times --

JJ:

But what was the reason?

AS:

-- people would go, would just go in and read the meter and we have the old
meter there. But in order to put it out there on the column outside so they
wouldn’t have to come in, it cost us close to 20,000 dollars because we had to do
it through the basement underground. It was a big, big thing. Like that, every
municipality code -- [00:07:00] as a matter of fact, we have put in now 250,000
dollars.

JJ:

But it sounds like what, 250,000 dollars?

AS:

Yes. So anyway, the balcón is very important.

JJ:

Okay, but let me -- before we --

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

-- get to the balcón, it sounds like you’re feeling that maybe there was a little

6

�harassment going on that -- because of your background.
AS:

Well, I think --

JJ:

I mean, you’re feeling that we can’t prove it but you’ve --

AS:

There are many different reasons. One is the age. There is an age
discrimination because if you cannot prove you cannot have the money in the
bank --

JJ:

Yes.

AS:

-- to comply with the municipality, you have to go to the public hearing in order to
show that you can’t comply with the violations they accuse your house [00:08:00]
in order for them to justify putting you in that list of estorbo público or the public
nuisance.

JJ:

Okay. Was the house abandoned? Did it look abandoned?

AS:

No, we just, I just didn’t have anybody living in the house.

JJ:

Okay, so it was just vacant.

AS:

Vacant, vacant.

JJ:

So it wasn’t abandoned, it was vacant.

AS:

Right. But the people around, they took care of it like in the old times. (laughs)
They would look out for it and so on. So we had to --

JJ:

So the neighbors, because you’re close to the neighbors.

AS:

Right.

JJ:

You’re close to the neighbors.

AS:

Yeah. Right in front and the other ones. These are people that we’ve known
forever. We moved here on 1944, (Spanish) [00:08:43].

7

�JJ:

(Spanish) [00:08:45].

AS:

(Spanish) [00:08:46]. And this is, this house has been in the old sociological
tradition of extended family in which my brother, his [00:09:00] wife, his kids live
here. My sister, her kid, like Jim--

JJ:

Yeah, Jim.

AS:

-- they also lived here. So these extended family and other people, other than
my mother (Spanish) [00:09:13]?

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:09:18].

AS:

How do you say that? (Spanish) [00:09:19].

JJ:

Stepchildren or --?

AS:

Not stepchildren. Is that you --

JJ:

Okay. Children you raise, yeah.

AS:

-- you bring them in your family and you raise them.

JJ:

Yeah, that’s a --

AS:

You call them foster? No.

JJ:

Foster child.

AS:

But they don’t pay -- you know.

JJ:

But they’re not foster, they’re --

AS:

You don’t -- you volunteer. They are not foster.

JJ:

Yeah, they’re not volunteer.

AS:

We call it crianza --

JJ:

That’s part of the extended, extended family.

AS:

-- extended family.

8

�JJ:

Extended family.

AS:

You know, it’s -- we had like --

JJ:

That you just kind of you raised. That’s just part of the culture.

AS:

-- 15 people here.

JJ:

It’s part of the culture to raise other --

AS:

Right, raise other kids.

JJ:

-- help people raise their children.

AS:

Yes, so we had the other children that living here, too.

JJ:

Okay, living in this house, okay.

AS:

So this house, [00:10:00] the old transportation system were coaches and that’s
why you have that big, huge step over there because the coach was high. And
then from the coach, you would just step out there.

JJ:

So the coche was what? Was a car?

AS:

Coche, the car? It was the car.

JJ:

Right, the car. Okay.

AS:

El carro de -- the old car.

JJ:

But it was the older type of cars that had the --

AS:

The older car --

JJ:

-- the thing on the side where you step on.

AS:

-- that were, yeah, by horses. (laughs)

JJ:

By horses.

AS:

Coche. (laughs)

JJ:

Oh, it was a coach run by horse.

9

�AS:

Sí, el coche.

JJ:

The car, oh the motor was a horse.

AS:

How you call a car --

JJ:

The motor was a horse.

AS:

-- run by horses? A coach?

JJ:

A coach, yeah. Stage coach.

AS:

Stage coach.

JJ:

Not a coach, it was a coach, it was a coach.

MALE SPEAKER 2: Horse-drawn carriage.
JJ:

Horse-drawn carriage.

AS:

He tells me the wrong word and I use it.

JJ:

I make a muck, I make a muck.

AS:

(laughs) Right, right.

JJ:

But horse-drawn carriage. That’s what it is, a horse-drawn carriage.

AS:

So then the coach would come out there but in the old tradition, the balcóns are
always important because many balcóns would go all around the house. So
here, [00:11:00] we have an entrance over there. It’s another entrance over here.
This is for this house, some little pictures and so on --

JJ:

You want to get some pictures over there?

AS:

-- of Casa de Puerto Rico --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:11:14].

AS:

-- in 1964. Yeah.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:11:17].

10

�AS:

Yeah, right. Yeah, okay. This another entrance.

JJ:

Do you want to take some pictures -- those pictures? Can you get that?

M2:

Yeah.

(b-roll; no dialogue) [00:11:26 - 00:12:16]
AS:

Okay. And these are, these are my father’s books.

M2:

Do you want to go ahead and repeat that real quick?

JJ:

Do you want to repeat that again?

AS:

What?

JJ:

What this is called?

AS:

Recibidor.

JJ:

Say that again?

AS:

This is a recibidor, a very important part of the house because this is --

JJ:

So people kind of come in the front here then this is --

AS:

-- this is the informal greeting of people who visit you. The formal greeting is the
salon.

JJ:

This is where you first make sure they don’t have any guns on them or anything?
(laughter)

AS:

Yeah.

M2:

Go ahead. Say that again.

AS:

So this is the recibidor. [00:13:00] This is part of the house, too. All this was in in
this house. We just have kept it. And these are my father’s books. My father is
a self-taught man. He just finish up the second grade and he kept on studying on
his own. These are his law books and then he was elected to the House of

11

�Representatives on two consecutive running for the Socialist Party of Puerto
Rico. And we’ve been very proud because he really was a self-taught man and
he had a lot of harassment from the, from the bourgeoisie, from the Puerto Rican
bourgeoisie. Of course -JJ:

Now where did, where did the Puerto Rican bourgeoisie live?

AS:

Well, they were Republicans.

JJ:

They were Republicans. (laughter) Okay, so they were always Republican the
majority?

AS:

The Puerto Rican [00:14:00] Republicans and he suffered a lot of harassment
and physical and abuse and all that. And they organized armed groups which
were called in Puerto Rico Turbas, t-u-r-b-a-s, Turbas, which were like I don’t
know how you call it. But these were organized with the machetes and so on to
counteract the Puerto Rican efforts to unionize.

JJ:

To unionize.

AS:

And the Socialist Party to --

JJ:

To unionize in factories or --?

AS:

-- who work with the, with the, with the American Federation of Labor.

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

And so they were, these were the Republicans who counteracted that.

JJ:

So the turbas were armed with machetes.

AS:

So the Turbas, yes. They were armed with -- yes, yes.

JJ:

[00:15:00] So they were killing people, they were killing people at that time.

AS:

Yes, they were really, they were really aggressive, let’s say.

12

�JJ:

They were very aggressive.

AS:

Uh-huh, putting it mildly.

JJ:

So they were like the Ku Klux Klan or something like that, like a little, like
something.

AS:

Very much so.

JJ:

Very much so.

AS:

So and so on, yes.

JJ:

And this is what year? Is it ‘30s or --?

AS:

This was early ‘30s. The Turbas were really organized even before that because
the, they also were against a Socialist Party being formed in Puerto Rico.

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

So if I’m talking too much --

JJ:

No, that’s okay.

AS:

-- you just ask me questions whatever you want to, okay?

JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

Pues, as part of this house, and this is very important because this, this is, this is
handmade and this is the, this is the very proud [00:16:00] statement of Puerto
Rican artist craft. Because this is 100 years old and it -- you just, you just refresh
it and keep it and it lasts forever. And this is made out of a very, very special
(inaudible), a very special formula of sand and oil that comes from the rabbit’s tail
which is the strongest oil there is. But it’s a lot of work. But still, it’s a very, it’s a
very good example of the ingenuity of in the tropics and being close to the sea,
how to be artistic as much as possible within the circumstances. So this is called

13

�argamasa.
JJ:

[00:17:00] Argamasa.

AS:

Argamasa. So we spend a lot of time restoring it. So we have a, an artist, a
contemporary artist called Celia Sanchez. She’s exhibiting in this part of the
house.

JJ:

So you’re using the house now and then for artists and --?

AS:

We’re trying to, yes. We’re using the house to facilitate to artists space so that
they can exhibit and so on. These are from Augusto Marín and so on. So we
have other areas. So basically, this -- (Spanish) [00:17:46] (laughs) --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:17:50]?

AS:

(Spanish) [00:17:51]. This one, this one.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:17:51]?

AS:

Yeah, these were there -- this was my father’s and [00:18:00] mother’s. If it
wasn’t open, you can see a different kind of life, right? Because this is, this was
my parents’ bedroom.

JJ:

Bedroom, this is the bedroom.

AS:

So that is -- so because they want, they like the entrance to the, to the balcón
and then --

JJ:

Okay, so they’ve got an entrance to the balcony.

AS:

Yeah, right. So Cha Cha, I wish you had time (inaudible) --

JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

(inaudible)

JJ:

(inaudible)

14

�AS:

Yeah. No, but I want you to see, to see the documentary [The Hidden Group?].
We go to (inaudible).

JJ:

[00:19:00] Oh, yeah.

AS:

We call it (inaudible) and so on.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:19:03 - 00:19:00] --

AS:

(Spanish) [00:19:10]?

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:19:10 - 00:19:16].

AS:

Okay, okay. All right. So --

JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

-- right. (Spanish) [00:19:21].

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:19:23].

AS:

That’s right. (inaudible) [00:19:32 - 00:19:40].

JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

Right.

M2:

No.

AS:

No. What is your name again?

M2:

Tim.

AS:

Tim?

M2:

Yeah.

AS:

Wow, that’s easy.

M2:

That is easy.

AS:

This is the bathroom.

JJ:

Why is there’s two of them?

15

�AS:

This is the bath.

JJ:

Why do you got two of them?

AS:

Oh, this is the bidet.

JJ:

[00:20:00] What’s that?

AS:

It’s a bidet. It --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:20:04].

AS:

It’s a hygiene for women.

JJ:

For women. Okay.

AS:

This water spreads up.

JJ:

Spreads up, okay.

AS:

Yeah.

JJ:

That’s more modern.

AS:

No, this has been here forever.

JJ:

Oh, it’s been here forever?

AS:

Yeah, yeah. This old, old bidet.

JJ:

So did you get it with the bidet?

AS:

Bidet, yeah.

JJ:

Did you get that, Tim? Have you ever seen these before or am I the only one
that --?

M1:

I’ve heard of them, yeah.

AS:

Yeah, right.

JJ:

Because they’ve had this for years, I guess, the --

AS:

Yeah, it’s probably 100 years old, the bidet. (inaudible)

16

�JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

It’s other room.

JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

Oh.

JJ:

A bidet or --?

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

Okay. We want to get this.

AS:

Ah.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:20:55]?

AS:

(Spanish) [00:20:57].

JJ:

Let’s get the light --

AS:

[00:21:00] Yeah.

JJ:

Okay, now closer. (inaudible) today. And then this (inaudible) [00:21:16 00:21:27]. (Spanish) [00:21:28 - 00:21:34].

AS:

(Spanish) [00:21:35].

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:21:36 - 00:21:58].

AS:

Sí.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:21:58 - 00:22:00]. (laughs)

AS:

(Spanish) [00:22:02 - 00:22:05].

JJ:

Sí.

AS:

(Spanish) [00:22:08 -- 00:22:13].

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:22:08] --

AS:

(Spanish) [00:22:14 -- 00:22:25].

17

�JJ:

Sí.

AS:

(Spanish) [00:22:26 - 00:22:31].

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:22:31].

AS:

(Spanish) [00:22:32 - 00:22:34].

JJ:

Sí.

AS:

(Spanish) [00:22:35].

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:22:37 - 00:22:41].

AS:

No.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:22:42 -- 00:22:45].

AS:

Sí.

JJ:

Sí.

AS:

Sí.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:22:48 - 00:22:52].

AS:

(Spanish) [00:22:53 - 00:22:56].

JJ:

There’s more rooms over here and stuff.

AS:

Yeah. Sorry. (inaudible). This [00:23:00] has been restored, this bathroom.

JJ:

Did you put on the restore. Is there a new fan in here?

AS:

Yeah, sí.

JJ:

A new light?

AS:

Yeah, there’s a light.

JJ:

(inaudible) the new part of your house. Is somebody here?

AS:

(laughs)

JJ:

(inaudible) (laughs) Crazy.

18

�(break in audio) [00:23:38]
JJ:

Okay.

(break in audio) [00:23:56]
JJ:

Yeah.

AS:

This, [00:24:00] can you take -- can you zoom in here? This is --

(break in audio) [00:24:11]
AS:

-- Professor Juan and Griffith. They made all of the efforts we have, we have
made here to restore this house as an example of economic development, how it
should not be done. Because economic development here like in many other
capitalist countries is development at the expense of displacing the (inaudible)
people. So there is a movement here, too, of displacement. So this
documentary takes the example [00:25:00] of the struggle we have had on order
to even get loans, the little monies, and so on to preserve this house as an
example of many other efforts that are being done. And it also takes the example
of Puerto Ricans in Chicago; Very small but it does it. So this documentary is an
effort of these professors that they were able to put it together for this like onehour documentary. And it was shown at the Interamerican University. We have a
copy and since Cha Cha is so important to the Puerto Rican liberation
movement, we make it available [00:26:00] as long as we give the recognition to
the professors, Dr. Juan and Dr. Griffith. They are professors at the university,
the State University of Arizona. They also did that with their very own resources
and so on and we admire the work they did. They really did a tremendous effort
because it’s not easy to convey and to be able to convey the message of the

19

�Puerto Rican diaspora, the problem of Puerto Ricans here and there. And the
uprootedness and so on and it’s not very easy to document that. It’s very easy to
talk about it. But in order to document [00:27:00] it visually, it’s, it took a lot of
efforts. Because they had to go and film over there and so on so that’s it.
(break in audio) [00:27:15]
JJ:

You just started with your full name, when you were born, where you were born.

AS:

Right.

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

Yes. Well, first of all, Cha Cha, my dearest friend that I admire so much, thank
you so much for this interview. My name is America, America Sorrentini, and
people call me Meca, M-e-c-a. I was born in a small, little town called Cabo
Rojo, a small, little town in the southwest coast of Puerto Rico. And on October
1937 I was born. [00:28:00] Cabo Rojo is a very traditional town of Puerto Rico
but still --

JJ:

Traditional meaning --

AS:

Traditional in the sense that really, Cabo Rojo is called the town of freedom
because Ramón Emeterio Betances, the father of the independence movement
of Puerto Rico, was born. And in that sense, it’s called -- am I right or something
is --

M2:

I was actually just hoping I could have you move forward and to your left just
slightly.

(break in audio) [00;28:47]
AS:

From Cabo Rojo, my father work, work [00:29:00] all his emotions into the

20

�Socialist Party of Puerto Rico. Like I was telling you when we were seeing the,
my mother’s house. We call it my mother’s house, Casa Sofia.
JJ:

If I can have you -- what about your grandparents, his parents? Were they
involved in the socialist movement or --?

AS:

Well, my grandparents on my father’s side came from Italy from Sorrento and
they were bricklayers. As a matter of fact, he built the, he built the farmers
market of Cabo Rojo. And then on my --

JJ:

What was his name? Do you remember?

AS:

[Cayetano?].

JJ:

Cayetano.

AS:

Cayetano. My father’s name is Benigno. He died in 1984 and on my mother’s
[00:30:00] side, she was mix of Spanish, African, and who knows what else.
(laughs) because Puerto Ricans, we are all very, very mixed and so on. So on
my mother’s side, she was, she had to work what we called [ajuste?] which is
that they would bring in American companies would bring in gloves and she
would, she would sew them by hand by a commission and they would pay her by
the dozen. And the gloves are, each one of the gloves, they were handmade and
so on.

JJ:

This was in Cabo Rojo.

AS:

This was in Cabo Rojo on the -- [00:31:00] and then she worked making the
handmade artisanal hats, very famous hats from Cabo Rojo. Los sombreros
[pra?] they were called. So my father got involved in political movement and he
founded the Puerto Rico Socialist --

21

�JJ:

Your grandfather was not involved in that.

AS:

Was not involved in that, no.

JJ:

So your bloodline --

AS:

Much, much later on, yes.

JJ:

In Cabo Rojo or somewhere else?

AS:

In Cabo Rojo, yes. As a matter of fact, he’s a self-taught man like I told you
before and he ran for the legislature. He won on two consecutive years and so
on but he had a lot of difficulties and was not very well accepted, let’s put it this
way. That he had a lot of [00:32:00] violent encounters with the Republican
Turbas which were armed Republican brigades I could say. And so when he
came to the Puerto Rico legislature here in the metropolitan area --

JJ:

Of Santurce.

AS:

-- of Santurce and San Juan, the capital of Puerto Rico is in old San Juan. So he
decided to move the family over here and then we rented and then we came to
live here at, here at Casa Sofia in Santurce. We lived, we rented in another
place because we bought this house like the old, traditional way which is by
handshake. [00:33:00] My father agreed with the owner of this house which was
also a self-taught man from the, from Mayagüez which is very, is a town, is a city
close to Cabo Rojo. This man had -- the dream of his life was that his daughter
would celebrate her 15th birthday in this house and so my father waited --

JJ:

Quinceañera (inaudible) --

AS:

Quinceañeras which is the equivalent of happy, sweet 16 in the United States.
So he waited for those. For two years, he waited in order to move into this

22

�house. I had a lot of difficulty as you can imagine because I came from, I came
from a slum in Cabo [00:34:00] Rojo which was called La Pileta. (laughs) And -JJ:

What was it like there?

AS:

La Pileta?

JJ:

What do you remember there? Because you said it was a slum.

AS:

Well, I have very fond memories of La Pileta.

JJ:

What are some, what are some of the memories? (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible) --

AS:

Well, there was a big, there was a water running through and because (laughs)
once then you grow older and so on. But we thought it was really neat and
(laughs) wonderful. Other people thought it was not nice at all.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

AS:

That you had water running in front of the house because this was open like in
the, in the water that running through the town would come through La Pileta.

JJ:

The sewer system or the river?

AS:

[00:35:00] Was like a river but it was --

JJ:

Okay, like a river.

AS:

-- it was not protected.

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

Yes. So from La Pileta --

JJ:

You said you had fond memories. What kind?

AS:

Fine memories --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

23

�AS:

A lot of bondage with the kids and so on and it was very open and you could
walk.

JJ:

You went to school there, you went to school there.

AS:

No because I was still four or five years old.

JJ:

Four -- okay. Okay, so now you said --

AS:

But I have these very fond memories, very romantic memories of La Pileta
because there was always a lot of rhythm and singing and sound, very wonderful
sounds of La Pileta.

JJ:

The people were singing all the time or --?

AS:

All the time, yes. Uh-huh.

JJ:

What type of music?

AS:

Oh, musica romantica, boleros.

JJ:

[00:36:00] Boleros.

AS:

Uh-huh, yes. Bomba, plena, because there has always been an argument
among the bomba and plena. Which is was it born in Ponce or la plena was born
in Mayagüez? The Cabo Rojo and Mayagüez people are very regional and they
say no, it was born in Mayagüez. So it was that big --

JJ:

Okay, so there was a little --

AS:

-- that little --

JJ:

-- competition (inaudible) --

AS:

-- that little competition, yes.

JJ:

And that bomba y plena.

AS:

Where was the bomba and plena born? So obviously, here, in, when I moved

24

�into this neighborhood which is, it was a very, very upscale neighborhood -- so I
had a, I had a -JJ:

So what, how was the, how was the, how was the --

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

-- because you were more living in a slum in Cabo Rojo and then now, you
moved to an upscale neighborhood. [00:37:00] (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)
--

AS:

Well, I move -- there was an intermediary because I move in Cabo Rojo in
another, in another [barriada?], in another barrio which is a little upscale than the
La Pileta.

JJ:

So in Cabo Rojo, (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) a little upscale neighborhood
in -- okay.

AS:

A little in regard to La Pileta.

JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

Don’t get confused. (laughs)

JJ:

No, I’m not trying to get confused --

AS:

It’s a little, a little upscale than La Pileta.

JJ:

I’m only, I was just, I’m just trying to understand the differences.

AS:

Yes, right.

JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

Yeah.

JJ:

I’m not trying to --

AS:

Yeah, so there, from there, I had a, I had a pet. I mention this because this

25

�brought me a lot of difficulties into this neighborhood because my pet was a goat.
JJ:

(laughs)

AS:

So it was not becoming at all to have a --

JJ:

A goat in a city.

AS:

-- a goat as a pet. [00:38:00] Then we were close to the farmers market and the
goat loved the farmers market. I would have to run up to Pepa to bring her in
from, in from the market.

JJ:

Oh, you did bring the goat there.

AS:

Yeah, I brought her in, yeah. No, my parents let me have a goat. There is no
way that as a pet, she can have her pet. And so but later on, the neighbors really
understood and they embrace and they all loved the Pepa.

JJ:

Pepa is the name.

AS:

Yes. So here we are in Santurce and I say that --

JJ:

What year was this? Do you know? What year?

AS:

This was from 1944 to 1948 was a period of Pepa.

JJ:

What was that like, ’44 to ’48? Because a lot of people [00:39:00] came to the
United States around that time. That was right after the war.

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

So what was it like here in Puerto Rico at that time?

AS:

Here. Well, very, very difficult times economically and that’s why my father
introduce a law in which the monies from the salt industry, salinas from Cabo
Rojo, so that it sent would be used for educational purposes and so on. Because
really, the economic situation was very, very difficult.

26

�JJ:

Was it a big area? A big town at that time in Santurce or was it a big section or -?

AS:

Santurce? Yeah, it was, yeah, it was beginning, it was beginning to the sprawl of
the urban development [00:40:00] was the beginning of taking place in this
because this street was very traditional. They didn’t have any of these buildings.

JJ:

It was still country like.

AS:

It was country like, like this house. They had a lot of big yards and so on. They
built this building over here and all these buildings and they were just houses and
so on.

JJ:

Wooden houses or --?

AS:

Wooden with sink and so on. This was --

JJ:

You (inaudible) fast. You got a sink --

AS:

Yes. This was one of the most modern houses that were built in the area, uhhuh. As a matter of fact, the number eight that is in front of the house, it was the
old Spanish demarcation of the house. [00:41:00] That’s why I still have the eight
over there. And the new demarcation is 264.

JJ:

Okay, and what about the policies? I mean, how was it at that time, I mean, in
the late ‘40s and that here considering or in Puerto Rico?

AS:

Yes. Well, here the Popular Democratic Party was really making a -- organizing
and making an appeal to the poor conditions of Puerto Ricans. The Popular
Democratic Party adopted the slogan of Pan, Tierra y Libertad.

JJ:

Mm-hmm. Libertad, what was that?

AS:

Bread, land, and liberty.

27

�JJ:

What was liberty?

AS:

Well, because the Popular Democratic Party [00:42:00] ran with the, with its
founder, Luis Muñoz Marín, promising the liberty for Puerto Rico, you see? The
Popular Democratic Party was going to be a transition --

JJ:

So when they say liberty --

AS:

-- was going to be a party that would bring in the liberty for Puerto Rico
independence party.

JJ:

Independence, so they actually were for independence.

AS:

They were for independence, yes.

JJ:

The Popular Democratic Party.

AS:

Yeah, the Popular Democratic Party.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

AS:

That’s why Pan, Tierra, and Libertad. So it had a tremendous appeal on the
political forces then had the Puerto Rican Independence Party. It was a very -- it
was a strong, a strong force.

JJ:

At that time.

AS:

[00:43:00] At that time, yes, uh-huh. Which was under the leadership of
Concepción de Gracia, Gilberto Concepción de Gracia which founded the Puerto
Rican Independence Party that still exist and still is an electoral party. And still is
inscribe and so on, (Spanish) [00:43:24]. Mm-hmm. So the --

JJ:

So they didn’t depend on -- this is before there --

AS:

I think --

JJ:

-- was a governor, though. This was before there was a governor.

28

�AS:

Before they was a Puerto Rican governor.

JJ:

And so who were the governors before? I mean --

AS:

Piñero.

JJ:

Piñero. That was like the first -- was he the first elected or first appointed?

AS:

The first appointed.

JJ:

Puerto Rican.

AS:

Yes, Puerto Rican but before we got Piñero.

JJ:

So before that, who do we have? Who do we have?

AS:

Oh, we had a lot of other governors appointed by the Congress [00:44:00] and
the president of the United States.

JJ:

But none of them were Puerto Rican.

AS:

None of them -- they were -- yeah.

JJ:

In fact, we had some generals.

AS:

Generals, yes. Since the 1898 and so on, we had General Miles, Tugwell, and
so on. But the Popular Democratic Party really had a, had many laws that would
appeal and they were really, they were really very avant-garde laws because for
example, one of the laws was that there was no child without a father. In other
words, that was that men had to recognize their offspring, give them names and
so on, because there were a lot of rich people that [00:45:00] would procreate.
Would have children, so on, and would not, would not leave their names to the
children. So this was (laughs) very -- at that time, it was a very advanced law
which would force the father to give the name to the children.

JJ:

And support --

29

�AS:

And family name, family name.

JJ:

Oh, family name.

AS:

Yes. Because they would support them but would not give the--

JJ:

Wouldn’t give them their --

AS:

-- their family name because the family name was very, very guarded by the
fathers.

JJ:

By the rich, by the rich -- okay.

AS:

Yeah, yes. So that was one of the law. The other one was the 500 acres law
which [00:46:00] is that the law would penalize if you would apply on more than
500 acres. If you would buy more than 500 acres of land and so on in order to
protect the agriculture. And to also abolish the tradition in Puerto Rico of having
hired help in which they would leave a new land and you have that hired help by
paying very meager salaries. Because you would provide, you would provide
them housing and so on. So it’s that kind of arrangement of the plantation
arrangement [00:47:00] as in dollars, plantain [sic] arrangement. There was a lot
of opposition to that, to the law of the quinientos acres, of the 500 acres of land,
the ownership of land and so on.

JJ:

Mm-hmm. So let me understand it. So people were -- there was a law that you
could not have more than 500 acres?

AS:

The Popular Democratic Party ran with that --

JJ:

Oh.

AS:

-- those advanced laws to abolish --

JJ:

To abolish that.

30

�AS:

-- to abolish that, yes. Then they would also offer the land which was the
parcelas to the campesinos, to the, or to the rural dwellers and so on.

JJ:

Whose land was this? The government has owned it?

AS:

Well, it was going to be [00:48:00] taken away by the law of the 500 acres.

JJ:

(phone rings) Okay. Hold on a second.

(break in audio) [00:48:03]
JJ:

So you said I made it out of the 500 acres.

AS:

Sí.

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

(Spanish) [00:48:10]?

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:48:13].

AS:

Uh-huh.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:48:15] the (inaudible), the time, the people (inaudible).

AS:

Sí, mm-hmm.

JJ:

Okay, (Spanish) [00:48:21 - 00:48:25]?

AS:

(Spanish) [00:48:26] this was -- we were on that, on the development of the
platform of the Popular Democratic Party. Why it really, it really grew and so on.
Remember that my father was in the Socialist Party and the Socialist Party
wanted, was for statehood, wanted Puerto Rico to be a state of the United
States. But we didn’t [00:49:00] -- the concept of a really, of a workers’, of a
workers’ state and so on. And my father initiated and with the labor movement
and so on, and the federation of labor and so on, had relationships, had
relationships with the United States. And the Popular Democratic Party felt that it

31

�had to -- there was no possibilities. That the Constitution of the United States
would allow a socialist state. That it was a really uphill battle in order to, in order
to make it. To make [00:50:00] it the proposal that the Congress of the United
States would embrace. So the Popular Democratic Party called for the, for
Puerto Rican election of a Puerto Rican governor with a platform of to end the
plantation system, for ownership of you land, for home ownership of the land in
which it developed the program of parcelas, which is very well-known in Puerto
Rico. Parcelas was a very small plot of land given to the rural communities and
so on. It is then franchised the (inaudible).
JJ:

So you’re related to the peasants, what they call peasants, los jibaros, the
campos.

AS:

Yes, los jibaros, the campos, yes. That [00:51:00] was the strongest base of the
Popular Democratic Pary was the rural areas --

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

-- of Puerto Rico, los jibaros. So the recognition of the, of abolition all the
(inaudible) benefits of a patriarchal, of a patriarchal heritage and so on in which
the father had to recognize other children. So all this, all this --

JJ:

So you’re taking the land, you’re taking the land with about 100 acres land law.
You would take the land from the rich?

AS:

No, because there were landowners with huge, huge amounts of land.

JJ:

So the government didn’t take their land.

AS:

The [00:52:00] government decided this was not possible in an island was, which
was 100 by 35.

32

�JJ:

But then there was protests --

AS:

For very few, for very few owners to own basically, own the land in Puerto Rico.
So --

JJ:

And at that time, they were owning a lot of land. It was very, very --

AS:

Yes. Very, yes. Uh-huh.

JJ:

So they didn’t (inaudible) resistance or --?

AS:

Oh yes, yes. It took the Popular Democratic Party a lot of organizing and to
develop, to develop the base. And so much so that really, they knocked out all
the other oppositions. The Popular Democratic Party became the predominant
force, the electoral politics.

JJ:

This was in the late ‘40s, it was in the late ‘40s.

AS:

[00:53:00] Yes, in the late ‘40s. Then in 1952, the Constitution, the Constitution
of the Puerto Rican Constitution is developed and so on.

JJ:

So why do you think that people were -- a lot of -- (Spanish) [00:37:16], from the
country, were moving then to Chicago and the Midwest and this was like that in
the late ‘40s. Was it after or before?

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

So some were being exposed to those areas but they were getting land here.
Why wouldn’t they stay?

AS:

Because they -- these were the laws. They weren’t being implemented because
they are not being passed yet. There still was opposition even by mention it.
They was not, it was not yet -- had not taken hold because there was [00:54:00]
the 500 acres law. But then they would, they would go around the law and then

33

�another relative and so on would buy another 500 acres and so on. So it wasn’t
a very straightforward victory because the ruling class of Puerto Rico, there is
such a thing which is an infamous because there is really not such a thing.
Because not only do we have ruling class, you have to have the political power to
make -JJ:

To control the (inaudible) --

AS:

-- self-determination for your own. But so within that concept of being
intermediaries of the capital from the United States and in Puerto Rico.
[00:55:00] Still, those forces were against the 500-acre law. So we have the
constitution of Puerto Rico which was under law 600 which still was opposed by
the independence forces, okay? So you have developing the what we now know
and identify as statehood forces, the estado libre asociado de --

JJ:

So you’re identifying them as statehood forces?

AS:

Status quo traditional forces --

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

-- which is the estado libre asociado [00:56:00] of the independent forces.
Different concepts but within the independence.

JJ:

So they were really part of the independence movement but they were -- had a
different concept is what you’re saying or --?

AS:

They were the Popular Democratic Party at the beginning runs for independence.
Yeah. But they change, they change and they say -- remember, this is when
Pedro Albizu Campos was struggling for the independence of Puerto Rico. And
he calls on the, on Puerto Ricans to arm themselves if the [00:57:00] -- your right

34

�to become free is opposed. So this was a very confrontation, a big confrontation.
And Muñoz Marín which was the first elected governor of Puerto Rico, he won by
at least -- tu sabes.
JJ:

Landslide, landslide, slam dunk. It was a slam dunk.

AS:

(Spanish) [00:57:27 - 00:57:32] so because he ran with a platform of everything.
Independence, freedom, social justice, you name it. So and he did a lot of work
and so on. But somehow, somewhere along [00:58:00] the line, he changes and
he says that that’s, that he doesn’t see it’s possible, that independence in Puerto
Rico. That we should put that aside and take care of the social justice issues.
And this is a very famous phrase that says que, “El estatus politico no es dying
issue,” you know? The political status is not an issue in his reasoning.

JJ:

Oh, okay. And his reasoning? What was his reasoning?

AS:

That we really have to take care first about our economic development and so on
and that the relationship with the United States could develop and then the
estado libre asociado which is the political status of Puerto Rico. Which by the
name itself is problematic because you cannot be three things at the same
[00:59:00] time (laughs) to be a state libre.

JJ:

And libre.

AS:

And free and then associated so estado libre asociado is the actual recognized
political status of Puerto Rico. But he promised his party, the Popular Democratic
Party, he promised that the estado libre asociado would be enhanced. There
would be more, that the Congress of the United States would give more powers
to Puerto Rico because right now, Puerto Rico is under the Congress of the

35

�United States and it’s a special clause. So that is called [01:00:00] is a territorial
clause so that Puerto Rico is not part of the United States. It’s a special clause.
You can -JJ:

Territory.

AS:

You can check it in the Congress of the United States, Puerto Rico territorial
clause which is that Puerto Rico is a territory of the United States.

JJ:

That it’s part of (inaudible) --

AS:

So that is because at the international, at the United Nations --

JJ:

It’s like (inaudible) or something. (laughter) Embassy.

AS:

No. What happens is that at international law, Puerto Rico instead of saying it’s a
colony because at international level, all colonies should have been abolished.
So 19- [01:01:00] -- the United States in 1963 decides then that Puerto Rico is a
territory so as not to be labeled is a colony. Because if you have a colonial
status, you have to submit to the United Nations a yearly improvement of the
economic status.

JJ:

Of the colony.

AS:

Of the colony. In order to abolish that, the United States said and won that
international let’s say struggle until later on, we were able to publish all the
independent forces. I forgot to tell you that I support independence for Puerto
Rico. I forgot to tell you that; I am so sorry.

JJ:

Oh, we know. We know it. We know it.

AS:

You notice it, (laughs) yes.

JJ:

(laughs) (inaudible) But okay, that’ll be the expression.

36

�AS:

So, we -- right. [01:02:00] But I think is the solution for Puerto Rico.

JJ:

And did you (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) like the decolonization, for
example.

AS:

The decolonization of Puerto Rico. Well --

JJ:

I mean, in terms of the United Nations.

AS:

The United Nations. Well, because I was just telling you the electoral forces you
were talking about because there were other non-electoral forces. The
Movimiento para Independencia and the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico who
didn’t agree with the electoral process then.

JJ:

Yeah, what was the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico doing then in (inaudible)?

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

When -- during the election.

AS:

During this, right. When all this is going on with the Popular Democratic Party,
the, [01:03:00] remember Albizu Campos was studying at Harvard University.
When he comes from Harvard University -- anyway, Albizu Campos, let me tell
you who was the first president of the Irish Student Movement to declare --

JJ:

I heard that they (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

AS:

-- to vote for the Irish, for the Irish, for the Irish, for one Ireland struggles.

JJ:

So he was president. He was president of the movement?

AS:

And the students name an honorary president because he really struggled for
the, for the freedom of the Irish and this was at Harvard University.

JJ:

Albizu Campos was a leader of the Nationalist Party then at the time.

AS:

He was not the president, no. Because [01:04:00] he finish his study. He was

37

�studying law at Harvard University. So when he comes back to Puerto Rico, the
Nationalist Party was participating in the electorate process in Puerto Rico. Yes.
(break in audio) [01:04:23]
JJ:

-- hold onto the Albizu Campos.

M2:

(inaudible)

AS:

Albizu Campos, right. Yes. So he becomes aware that although the Nationalist
Party was trying to deal with the whole electoral process in Puerto Rico. So
when he comes to Puerto Rico, he says that it was [01:05:00] impossible to be
able to gain in the public trust under the colonial educational system in which we
had to use the textbooks from the United States and everything that would be
free democratic elections. Therefore, he calls for abstention. He calls to
counteract that there was not possible and a democratic election process in
Puerto Rico without supervision of the United Nations and so on so --

JJ:

Now, how did, how does it do this? He comes from the United States and
university to Puerto Rico and then --

AS:

He comes --

JJ:

-- does he have a press conference in --

AS:

-- and he militates [sic], he militates [01:06:00] in the Nationalist Party of Puerto
Rico.

JJ:

So he’s --

AS:

And then he is elected president.

JJ:

So he militates, he -- all right. He is saying this at the rallies and the (overlapping
dialogue; inaudible) --

38

�AS:

And rallies and meetings and so on and he calls --

JJ:

And then they’re, are they having public meetings but I mean --

AS:

Public meetings, yes.

JJ:

-- the Nationalist Party, where they’re with him in media all the time or --?

AS:

Yes and they have the following and so on, a strong following and --

JJ:

They have a strong following. (overlapping dialogue; inaudible). So they were
on the news all the time.

AS:

Excuse me?

JJ:

They were on the news, in the news all the time.

AS:

Oh, yes. Of course, yes. Uh-huh, right. Because he is -- first, he --

JJ:

But he’s been in public places now.

AS:

First, he wasn’t really very prominent and even when he came to study at the, at
Harvard University, I remember that he graduated magna cum laude from
Harvard. And he also had several [01:07:00] titles. He not only of law, of
international law and so on. But he really studied; He was a brilliant student in
chemistry and so on. He was very (inaudible). So he had a lot of respect among
many different sectors. Even popularism and people in the Popular Democratic
Part were Albizuistas.

JJ:

Albizuistas?

AS:

Albizuistas meaning they were for Albizu.

JJ:

They were for Albizu.

AS:

That they really supported --

JJ:

So there was a (inaudible) --

39

�AS:

Yes, that there was --

JJ:

Then the Popular Democratic (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

Oh yes, and there were Albizuistas and so on. And Albizuistas would really
[01:08:00] -- people even from the Puerto Rican Independence Party would call
themselves Albizuistas. Meaning that --

JJ:

So you had him in all the parties. He was the well organizer. (overlapping
dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

Yes. Well-organize as though he was also in the Nationalist Party. But he had a
following also among many other organized sectors and within those organized
sectors, there were caucuses and so on. It was really very widespread the
sentiment of Albizu and calling yourself Albizuista meant that you really
supported and you self-determination for the Puerto Rican people. That’s really
the source of it. And he was able to, he was able to come through [01:09:00]
with this sentiment and for people to wear buttons and so on with Albizu. So --

JJ:

He was very dangerous to their government at that time. (inaudible) United
States and (inaudible) independence and --

AS:

Well, what happens is that he’s called by all means necessary was
misunderstood because he was following the liberation movement of all the
world. You see that you had the right, that this was the right, and that you had to
defend that right by all means. Well, what happens is that it’s not the same thing
to believe that when you are dealing with the United [01:10:00] States because
the United States is a very, very powerful country. So you might not think so
(laughs) but it’s so powerful that even though you are saying that you believe in

40

�self-determination meaning by all means necessary meaning that it’s a matter of
principle, then the United States takes it literally as if you are going to
immediately take a gun and start shooting. So what happens is that when Lolita
Lebrón goes to the Congress of the United States, since the American people -JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

-- don’t have the information of what’s going on in Puerto Rico, they think this is
something where [01:11:00] did it come from? It’s like now even the presidential
electoral process going on now in the United States, they don’t mention that the
United States has a colony or what is a colony or why are there has, there is a
need for a plebiscite because if you are organizing a plebiscite, it’s because it’s a
colony. But then they don’t want to accept it’s a colony. Do you see what I
mean? But then the American people don’t know nothing about this. So the
same thing with law 600 in Puerto Rico. Now, what is law 600? You could say,
“Well, Meca, why take time to explain the law 600?” But it’s important because
this explains that the United [01:12:00] States wanted to present to the United
Nations that it had abolished the colony, that it had been, it had been successful
with the economic development model of the estado libre asociado. And that this
was so successful that it became a law which is law 600 which is what allows the
status of Puerto Rico to be recognized by the United Nations according to the
United States. You see what I mean? So --

JJ:

Okay. So then now, it’s --

AS:

-- what happens is the Nationalist Party figures that we had to --

JJ:

So the United Nations is okay with that. It’s okay with it is what you’re saying, the

41

�law 600.
AS:

[01:13:00] According to the United States.

JJ:

According to the United States.

AS:

Right. So then the Nationalist Party feels it was, felt it was really a, had to do
something dramatic to bring to the people of the world that this was not so.

JJ:

So what did they do? What did they do? So (inaudible) --

AS:

People inspired by the Albizu like I was telling you that there were many
Albizuistas so in the Nationalist Party and other sectors. So Lolita Lebrón,
Cancel Miranda, and so on, they went to the Congress of the United States and
well, the United States do not accept that delegation because they themselves
went [01:14:00] over there to bring about, to bring about the case of Puerto Rico
to the world. And they did it with guns and shooting --

JJ:

So they went inside the warehouse? Was it the warehouse or the --?

AS:

They went to the Congress of the United States.

JJ:

To the Congress and they started shooting.

AS:

And they started shooting.

JJ:

Did anyone get injured or --?

AS:

There was one American --

JJ:

Congressmen (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

-- Congress people injured and so on.

JJ:

I understand that Lolita Lebrón was a threat or so?

AS:

And Lolita Lebrón ruptured herself in the -- first, they bought only one-way ticket
because they figure they would die over there.

42

�JJ:

So they knew that they would probably die.

AS:

Die over there.

JJ:

But they wanted -- it was a dramatic thing that --

AS:

It was a dramatic thing to --

JJ:

-- against this law 600.

AS:

-- against this law 600.

JJ:

Because they wanted to show they wanted independence?

AS:

That the United States [01:15:00] had not really solved the problem of the
political status of Puerto Rico and that still, Puerto Rico was a colony of the
United States. And that the Congress was on the jurisdiction of the Congress of
the United States because all the federal laws applied to Puerto Rico. In other
words, in other words, the coin, the migration, the Federal Communications
Commission. Everything, you see. Even the TV in Puerto Rico have to play the
American [indonacional Americano?].

JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

The American hymn and the Puerto Rican hymn and all the Federal
Communications Commissions, all the federal laws. We also have to use the
[01:16:00] United States marine trade and so on. We cannot do international
trade and so on although we are in terms of --

JJ:

You can only trade, you can only trade with the United States is what you’re
saying.

AS:

-- we are the seventh-largest market of US-produced goods because that’s what
we can, we have to, we buy. So it was a problem because when they do this

43

�shooting, since the American people didn’t have all the information, although
there were Americans that were members of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico
because Ruth Reynolds also was one of the pacifist, an American pacifist who
understood the struggle and so on. [01:17:00] And defended the Albizu -JJ:

So there were many Americans.

AS:

Yeah, Albizu Campos.

JJ:

Right there in the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party. What were you doing there?
Where were you at?

AS:

I hadn’t been born yet.

JJ:

Oh, you weren’t born yet.

AS:

Nineteen thirty-seven because I was born in 1977. Yes.

JJ:

No but when they went to Washington, it was in the ‘50s.

AS:

Oh, in the ‘50s.

JJ:

Yeah, so what were you doing then? I mean, how did you feel about it then?
How old were you then about?

AS:

I was like 9 years old, 9 or 10 years, yes.

JJ:

Okay, so you weren’t thinking (inaudible).

AS:

Yeah. Well, all I know is that we had to, we -- our father told us we have to hide.

JJ:

Your father said you have to hide?

AS:

Yeah, because he understood repression, first of all. (laughs) He knew what
repression was and so on.

JJ:

And there was a conflict so he understood it. [01:18:00] So you talked to him
about repression.

44

�AS:

Oh yes. He talked about repression and --

JJ:

What did he say? What did he say?

AS:

-- then he said, now, we are again going to have the Turbas like I told you before
so this was going on, the Turbas. And he said that we have to protect ourselves
and so on. Because you didn’t know how this was going to play in Puerto Rico
and so on and our friends that were arrested and so on in Puerto Rico and --

JJ:

They were your fathers’ friends?

AS:

My fathers’ friends die everywhere. You think -- you could not --

JJ:

So they were arresting people all throughout (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

Yes. Also out. Also out. You didn’t --

JJ:

Were there a lot of them?

AS:

You didn’t know who would, they would get arrested because the Nationalist
Party, for example, if you be wearing black and white [01:19:00] which was the
color of the Nationalist Party, you could get harassed and so on by the police and
given tickets and all that kind of stuff. A lot of big, huge harassment and so forth.

JJ:

So did that cause you to move? Or you stayed here, you stayed in this house
right here?

AS:

No, it didn’t cause us to move.

JJ:

Okay, but okay. They weren’t impacting (inaudible) your father’s side?

AS:

That’s right. Yes. (laughs)

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible). Okay, so we’re looking in the ‘50s. You’re like
nine years old and you’re living in Santurce?

AS:

In the ‘50s, I was already now like 13.

45

�JJ:

Thirteen.

AS:

Thirteen. Thirteen, 14.

JJ:

Okay, you were in school and that?

AS:

So uh-huh.

JJ:

Is your consciousness being [01:20:00] raised? Now you began to think more
like your father or --?

AS:

Dramatically. Yes, yes.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue) [01:20:04] so you were close to your father or --?

AS:

Yes, thinking that I was agreeing more with my siblings because they understood
that statehood and socialist was not possible. And this was --

JJ:

That’s right.

AS:

-- including the American within the United States Constitution, this was not going
to be an easy struggle to accept. To accept a state that would be Spanishspeaking and then socialist.

JJ:

And for the workers.

AS:

This was really uphill and that this was not possible.

JJ:

So your sib-

AS:

And [01:21:00] my siblings were --

JJ:

-- were older than you? Were older?

AS:

-- were older, much older. And they were for the, they decided for independence
and this was and then when the most --

JJ:

How many siblings did you have? We won’t even go into that.

AS:

The older ones were two. Two older siblings I had to make the decision of --

46

�JJ:

Boys? Girls? Hombre.

AS:

Uh-huh. Male and female, hombre y mujer, yeah.

JJ:

Male and female. Okay. And they were already with your father, or against your
father, changing (inaudible) --

AS:

They were for independence. They figured that that would be the best for Puerto
Rico were to become independent.

JJ:

Were they members? Were they members of the --

AS:

Of the Puerto Rican Independence Party, yes.

JJ:

Oh, so you were (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

AS:

Yes, uh-huh. Right. But when Muñoz Marín who was embracing independence
and calls for this [01:22:00] social justice platform and independence, then they
went with the Popular Democratic Party. And then I was forming my own opinion
and so on and I was leaning toward the movimiento para independencia forces,
the 1959 with Juan Mari Brás --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) Juan Mari Brás.

AS:

Yes, developed.

JJ:

And were you at school at that time? Is that why you were doing -- were they in
school? What was their base?

AS:

All over Puerto Rico. Yes, yes, uh-huh.

JJ:

So they were all over Puerto Rico. Okay, okay.

AS:

Although he initiated in Mayagüez.

JJ:

In Mayagüez.

AS:

Mayagüez.

47

�JJ:

Oh, that’s where (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

AS:

Uh-huh, with Eugenio María de Hostos and so on. Yes, in Mayagüez.

JJ:

Eugenio María de Hostos.

AS:

de Hostos, de Hostos.

JJ:

Oh, they all went at the same time?

AS:

Hostos, it’s a patriotic [01:23:00] feel or in Puerto Rico but --

JJ:

But he was alive at that time, he was alive at that time.

AS:

No, he was not alive.

JJ:

Oh no, but he -- he inspired.

AS:

But he was an inspire -- they were inspired by him, by yeah.

JJ:

(Spanish) [01:23:14].

AS:

Yeah, Betances, Hostos.

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

Yeah. And so the movimiento para --

JJ:

So what did you, what did you find out about it? I mean, you know.

AS:

Through everywhere you would come in because they, because they --

JJ:

So were okay with the movement.

AS:

-- they were, that they figure that what Puerto Rico needed was a movement
instead of a party. That was the (Spanish) [01:23:47 - 01:23:51].

JJ:

Why was that? Because were kind of -- the Young Lords went over the same
side of the movimiento [01:24:00] para independencia pero --

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

So why did, was did they look at it as more of a movement instead of a party at

48

�that time?
AS:

Yes, because the repressive forces, the contention of the MPI, of the movimiento
para independencia, was that you would gain strength by not being disciplined to
one specific party platform. And so the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico was, had
a very specific platform and also was anti-electorate who called for the abstention
of the elector, elections. The movimiento para independencia said that it would
embrace all forms of struggle, [01:25:00] even elections. And I’m struggle too.
So the fact that it had in its platform all forms of struggle as legitimate for Puerto
Ri-, for the liberation movement. That gave them a lot of broadness and it
captivated a lot of young forces. The FUPI, the Federacion Universitaria para
Independencia, the FUPI, it also embraced the movimiento para independencia.
So --

JJ:

It became a pretty broad base.

AS:

Very, very, very.

JJ:

Very all over the island, you said.

AS:

Yes, 1959.

JJ:

In the news all the time, in the media all the time.

AS:

In the media, uh-huh, in 1959 [01:26:00] and so on. Then it also organized in the
United States. Then --

JJ:

That’s right (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

-- the 1970s, right, yes.

JJ:

The stadium in New York and --

AS:

Yes. But remember that since I was, I -- in 1964, I leave Puerto Rico and I got to

49

�different countries in the Caribbean. So in 1966, I moved to Worcester,
Massachusetts, and there I (audio cuts out)) and I embrace, and I embrace the
organizing model of your people. (laughs)
JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

Yeah.

JJ:

But so now, you joined the movimiento para independencia when? When did
you join?

AS:

Well, [01:27:00] movimiento para independencia was 1960s.

JJ:

Wait is that -- did you join there?

AS:

It was at the -- because I was at the University of Puerto Rico which was the
FUPI.

JJ:

Right, so you were a member of FUPI first.

AS:

I was involved with the FUPI.

JJ:

Okay. And so this automatically (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) into them.

AS:

No, not automatically. Not automatically because after the FUPI, I graduate in
1950-, I graduate in 1959.

JJ:

No, but I mean you joined FUPI automatically when you got in there so because I
mean of your father’s background.

AS:

Not because of my father’s background because this was very controversial, my
father’s background was very controversial. Wherever I was, I had to explain it
over and over and over again. How would he think that United State, what was
he thinking? (laughs)

JJ:

Yeah, exactly. [01:28:00] The people you hung around with, you had to explain

50

�about your father.
AS:

Yes, uh-huh.

JJ:

How can you (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

AS:

But even though it was in the books and all, they say, “What was he thinking?
How could he believe --

JJ:

Absolutely.

AS:

-- that the United States would allow this?”

JJ:

I understand, yeah.

AS:

You know, what was in the -- what was -- were -- they pick that inspiration of the
federal, of the federate labor movement inspired them to think that the United
States would embrace Puerto Rico as a state, as a socialist state. So this was a
big, huge controversy because there are very --

JJ:

So he was one of those --

AS:

-- prominent figures like Santiago Iglesias, Santiago Iglesias Pantín and so on.
Other people [01:29:00] who really thought that the, that the, that the movement,
that the labor movement from the United States was moving toward embracing
more of a social democrat and from a social democrat to a socialist state that
they thought it was, it was feasible.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

But I had to, I had to really --

JJ:

Explain it.

AS:

-- really explain it and so on. But it was, it was positive because this was, we
were young, we were young idealist who wanted to embrace also the American,

51

�the American youth movement of equality [01:30:00] in the United States.
JJ:

For civil rights.

AS:

And we were for the civil rights.

JJ:

The civil rights movement at the time.

AS:

All of these positive --

JJ:

This is the civil rights era, this is the civil rights era.

AS:

Yeah, you see, all these positive things going on in the United States, we did
embrace it and we thought it was very heroic of the American people although --

JJ:

So against the war. This was about the time against the war in Vietnam and that
sort of --

AS:

Yes. So it was like two different, like conflicting messages of a movement and of
the American people making very vanguard statements and abolishing really
backward like slavery and all aspects, negative aspects [01:31:00] of slavery and
discrimination and rectifying historical blunders. We thought this was very, very
positive and we wanted to embrace and be part of that movement in the United
States.

JJ:

So the university was at, was the civil rights era, the Vietnam war, protesting.

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

So the university was having protests almost every day or --? Would you say
that or I mean, were there a lot --?

AS:

Protests? This was open confrontation. This was shooting.

JJ:

There were shooting.

AS:

Oh my God, these were -- yes. This was because the National Guard of Puerto

52

�Rico which is called National Guard of Puerto Rico but it follows [01:32:00] all the
structures of the -JJ:

United States.

AS:

-- United States military. They had recruiting and huge recruiting offices right
inside the university of Puerto Rico. Remember, this was, how you say, forced?
Forced recruitment.

JJ:

Right it was the beginning --

AS:

It was the time when there was --

JJ:

It was -- yeah, mandatory military. Mandatory military service.

AS:

(Spanish) [01:32:30].

JJ:

Yeah.

AS:

So we were against that. So there were real big, huge confrontations and really
open shootings and so on --

JJ:

At the university.

AS:

-- at the university and students -- [01:33:00] yes.

JJ:

Anybody got killed because of this?

AS:

Yes, yes. Students got killed and so on. So that on the early 1960s, I was going
to Santo Domingo and to Venezuela. I was doing some research about --

JJ:

For the university? Or for --

AS:

We were attached to a diplomatic core to the United Nations in which they were
studying the fertility of the nun and we were doing this research on a project in
the Dominican Republic [01:34:00] and in Venezuela in Guyana for the
Agriculture Department of the United Nations. So this was very interesting in

53

�order to, for those countries to develop their own agriculture. Because you have
to prove that your land is very fertile and so on and that it should be protected.
So since my husband was an expert on soils so we went to those countries for
that.
JJ:

And your husband’s name at that time was what?

AS:

James Blaut.

JJ:

James Blaut.

AS:

James Blaut. He did research. And then in, then in, later on, we went to
Venezuela because we [01:35:00] were involved with the project because he
was, he develop, with some grants, develop a project in which we would
counteract the Piaget [-lo?] of development, of child development. Because
Piaget says that there are developmental stages of children and that children
cannot be introduced to aerial photography until they are seven and eight years
old and so on. We got involved and very excited with that kind of research of
perception that children at that very age can read maps and when they are three
years old and so on. Since I was trained as a psychologist, I did the research
and so on to provide that the children can read maps at a very early age.
[01:36:00] So that took me to 19- -- we were at the College of the Virgin Islands
[sic] in 1964, 1960-, until 1966. Then I got to Worcester, Massachusetts.

JJ:

Did you go through work or right, straight to the Worcester?

AS:

Worcester.

JJ:

Worcester?

AS:

Worcester from the Virgin Islands.

54

�JJ:

And so that was a university, too, there or you went to the --?

AS:

From the -- excuse me?

JJ:

From the Virgin Islands you go to (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

From the Virgin Islands to Clark University --

JJ:

Clark University?

AS:

-- because they ask my husband, yeah. Then I, we decided to go to Worcester.

JJ:

Okay. And he was -- was he teach, was he teaching there or --?

AS:

He was a director of the research at the -- he was a professor. He was a director
of Caribbean research, yes. We have some encounters there with Rockefeller.
And [01:37:00] whenever you have encounters with Rockefeller, you basically
lose. (laughs)

JJ:

Okay, so which Rockefeller is it?

AS:

Nelson.

JJ:

Nelson Rockefeller. Okay, the direct confrontation.

AS:

Yes because he had a concept of conservation different than ours. He owns a lot
of land in the Virgin Islands and his concept of conservation, we didn’t agree with
it.

JJ:

What was his? What was yours?

AS:

His concept of conservation is you acquire the title of the property and then you
do the conservation. And we thought that it’s, it doesn’t work with us. The land
has to be owned by the people, it has to be public owned and the --

JJ:

Public domain, public land.

AS:

Yeah. Then [01:38:00] that --

55

�JJ:

I see, so he wants to make money (inaudible).

AS:

That public, the fact that you own the land, you should conserve it. It’s your land,
it’s your resources. But it’s a different concept of private ownership. It’s a very
difficult although he had some wonderful, beautiful ideas for the conservation, for
all the, for everything. But these are gigantic people have a lot of money and
resources. It was --

JJ:

So anyway, you said that when you were faced with Rockefeller, you’d lose.

AS:

Well, because you have to publish reports and then they force, they want your
reports to be private. My husband would not allow that.

JJ:

To gain way.

AS:

Because if you are an academic and you [01:39:00] do some research, let’s say
you do this and then you go to the university and they say that belongs to us,
that’s it. If you agree with it, you give it to them. But if you have the concept that
--

JJ:

Right. (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

-- no, no, no, this is my copyright, this is mine. And the people gave me this
information because they trusted me. It is the same thing. So then the report,
you make it public --

JJ:

Right, it should be public.

AS:

-- because you owe it to the public that gave you the information. It’s a different
concept. They figure that since they believe that the whole thing is private but
then you are like a slave to them --

JJ:

So we’re going to make sure that Grand Valley is not a Rockefeller. (laughs)

56

�Grand Valley State University, [01:40:00] technical university. (laughter)
AS:

It’s true, it becomes, it’s everywhere.

JJ:

We got to make sure, we got to make sure --

AS:

Some places, the more sophisticated than others and so on.

JJ:

That’s a good point.

AS:

So when I signed this, I signed it to Cha Cha because I’m giving this, all this
effort and information because Cha Cha has sacrificed himself and has given
everything to the people so I am giving it back. The little I have contributed, I’m
giving it back to you. So --

JJ:

That’s right, I got to make sure I keep it with the people.

AS:

(laughs)

JJ:

I appreciate it.

AS:

Right? It’s very humble but it’s all we can do.

JJ:

No, I appreciate that it’s your neck, it’s your neck. It’s your right.

AS:

Yes, right, so --

JJ:

I appreciate that. Making it clear.

AS:

(laughs) Just in case, right. So when you [01:41:00] have difficulties with them,
we ended up, we said, “Well, this is as far as -- we are taking the report. We are
publishing.”

JJ:

And I appreciate it because this is my first research project so I got to learn how it
goes. (inaudible)

AS:

Yes. Well, that’s how it really works and it really -- we had problems in the
Dominican Republic because they, the same thing. They wanted the reports to

57

�be private and we said no way, no way. Because you are using us to get
information from the people to trust us and the confidentiality and they are
trusting you something that you don’t know what is the use of that. Then later on,
we found out that we were doing this and that [01:42:00] the Heinz company that
produces, that they were producing the tomatoes, ketchup -JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

-- it’s wonderful. These are wonderful people, okay, but they have their own
agenda. Therefore, you have to from the beginning, you have to be honest about
it and straightforward. It’s public domain. It belongs to the people. Therefore,
you are an academician, you are this and you are that but hey. I’m the property
of the intellectual production of the people.

JJ:

Okay. Now, you said you went, you were looking into the Young Lords.

AS:

Right, Worcester.

JJ:

What got you into the Young Lords? I mean, how did you start?

AS:

Yes. Well, I [01:43:00] started organizing in Worcester. The Puerto Rican
community was very close to the Clark University and Clark University like most
urban American universities, they outgrow their main buildings and they outgrow
and they keep on growing and then they displace the neighborhood around them.
Usually, it’s poor people. And in this case, were Puerto Ricans they were
displacing at Clark University. I organized the Puerto Rican community. It didn’t
go well with Clark University (laughs) but I started organizing the Puerto Rican
community.

JJ:

Was it a housing question at that time? Well, [01:44:00] it was displacement at

58

�that time.
AS:

Well, the university wanted to acquire some buildings and so on and --

JJ:

And the community was fighting it?

AS:

-- and then the community was struggling to say not fighting it but struggling with
the university to with a new concept of interaction because we feel that if you’re
going to be talking about sociology, you don’t have to displace the people that
you are teaching your students to study. I mean, this is ridiculous. We think. We
think that if they, if Puerto Ricans were living among them, then the students can
learn why are Puerto Ricans coming here? I mean this is migration, this is
international law, this is all kinds and this is something that the students should
be interested. Why are there Puerto Ricans still coming here and they get from
the bus [01:45:00] and they can’t vote? The university should teach them and
say something is going on because these are people who speak a different
language and all that and they come in right away from the airport and they can’t
vote. Hey, something going on, right? So I organized the Puerto Rican
community and over there, I found some very wonderful organizers, women
organizers.

JJ:

Who were some of the women organizers?

AS:

Lydia, Lydia Reyes. She and her husband, Edwin Reyes, Edwin Reyes. Edwin
Reyes was, he still is, he is still organizing. He is the brother of Edwin Reyes and
Edwin Reyes, there is a documentary [01:46:00] about him, a tremendous poet
and organizer. He organized the people of Loíza. He was very, very well-known
organizing effort in Loíza because the government went with tractors and really

59

�wiped out the whole community and their houses and everything because these
were the, these were the -- oh, it was a, it was a village they built on the wrong
how do you call that?
JJ:

You mean a company village?

AS:

Like a little (Spanish) [01:46:50] they organized.

JJ:

A (Spanish) [01:46:51]. (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

AS:

They rescued the land and everything.

JJ:

Oh, yeah. [01:47:00]

AS:

Rescatadores they call it.

JJ:

Is that kind of set in --

AS:

Settlers? You say? Settlers?

JJ:

Settlers, yeah. Homestead or something. Homestead.

AS:

Settlers? Yes.

JJ:

They settled that area. They took it from the people.

AS:

These were settlers of land that hadn’t been used for 50 or 60 years and there
was a little community who settled there.

JJ:

They reclaimed the land, basically.

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

Okay. (inaudible)

AS:

They bulldozed, they bulldozed that area and so on so and Reyes was very
famous of that area, yeah.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

AS:

So Edwin Reyes --

60

�JJ:

Squatters, they were squatters.

AS:

Oh.

JJ:

They were squatters in the land and then they came and bulldozed it and took
them out.

AS:

We call it rescatadores.

JJ:

Rescatadores.

AS:

Which is better. (laughs)

JJ:

Rescatadores is better? It’s got a little ring to it.

AS:

Yeah, rescatadores, uh-huh. And so --

JJ:

So Edwin Reyes was part of it and he --

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

-- and he comes from --

AS:

-- from [01:48:00] Worcester. Yes. And the children of Lydia were, eran Lords.

JJ:

Oh, they were?

AS:

Lords, eran Lords, Young Lords.

JJ:

Young Lords. So then (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

They were, uh-huh, Young Lords. And --

JJ:

And we got in and then we were connected or husband and wife?

AS:

Yes. They were husband and wife.

JJ:

Okay, so this was the Young Lords.

AS:

Then we were, we were then organizing and they were, when they came in, they
really look like you, Cha Cha.

JJ:

Yeah.

61

�AS:

These kids. (laughs)

JJ:

Like me? Yeah, no, (inaudible.

AS:

Yeah, and everything.

JJ:

(laughs)

AS:

They said, “Well,” in a meeting, they said --

JJ:

(Spanish) [01:48:42] --

AS:

They said, they said, “Well,” in the meeting, they said --

JJ:

(Spanish) [01:48:42] --

AS:

They said, in the first meeting we were having, I am there. I am really from the
old school. [break in audio] And then when they see me and they see me,
[01:49:00] “Is this your organizer?” (laughter) They see me with blue eyes and
blond and all that and then they come here. But they were really, they were
really about to take the whole world. And then I come over there and then they
say, “Is that it? Is that it? Is she the one we’re going to talk to?” Yeah.
(Spanish) [01:49:32]. Yeah. It’s, “Well --” “Well, I recommend the first thing
we’re going to do is that we’re going to take over the building where your
husband work. You want to do it?” “Let’s do it.” And he says, “Not so bad at all,”
(laughs) and he said, “But we’re going to do it the way I say.” (laughs) So we
started there the story, [01:50:00] the Young Lords.

JJ:

Did you take over the building? Did you take over --

AS:

Oh, we took it over. Yes.

JJ:

This was a school building.

AS:

A school building.

62

�JJ:

Oh, so you took over a school building? Okay.

AS:

Yeah. But --

JJ:

You were taking the spirit of the Young Lords.

AS:

Oh, yes.

JJ:

(laughs)

AS:

We said, “Hey.”

JJ:

They were from Worcester, Worcester, Massachusetts.

AS:

Worcester, Massachusetts. You won’t believe the influence you had, you see?
Because when one is in the struggle, one doesn’t, one cannot figure out one,
how far --

JJ:

But we were getting, we were getting influenced by the movimiento para
independencia.

AS:

Para independencia, right.

JJ:

So we were getting influenced by each other.

AS:

By each other, right.

JJ:

So it was good.

AS:

But the tactics were very good because here in Puerto Rico, there are certain big
no-nos that you don’t do. But Young Lords had no no-nos. (laughter) You see
what I mean? They said no, no, no, no. And I said, “Well,” and I said, “Well,
[01:51:00] we go halfway, okay?” Said, “We go halfway.” First, we’re going to do
it this way. I love my husband. And nothing can happen to him. Do you
understand? We understand each other. But he can take care of himself. He is
6’-something. I said, “No, no, no. I don’t want anything to happen to him, but I

63

�don’t want anything to happen to anybody here. That’s impossible.” He said,
“No. We won’t go any farther unless we (inaudible).” And they say, “Whatever,
we are -- nothing happens to anybody.” I’ll tell you what, and then they would
come out. We have these, we have this structure and so on. And that’s how I
learn -JJ:

And that’s the spirit of the Young Lords. We’ve always done that.

AS:

That’s right.

JJ:

We never jumped on people.

AS:

That’s right. But you see, I will challenge them in public because if I don’t do
that, then the other people won’t come with me. Then they would listen
[01:52:00] to them, to the --

JJ:

So you were doing an insider job.

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

(laughs)

AS:

Because this was very young kids, very young. But they had been trampled,
they knew what discrimination was, they have been spitted up. They really knew
what repression was about, you see? They really knew how the American
system worked and they had the skills and hey had the know-how and they had
the special, the special flavor for the other youngsters. For the other Puerto
Rican youngsters that were coming. They were like the rich because I was very
formal. (inaudible) Cha Cha, [01:53:00] you see? (laughs) And my husband was
professor over there. I would come and tell him. I said, “Hey, we have to -- we’ll
go up to here.” But I’m going to do that make them believe. You do the rest.

64

�Okay. But who knows? You never see my embrace, all of us. And then they
would tell me, “You poor thing. You don’t know. I’ll teach you.” That these
people do not really believe that all people are really equal. I would say, “These
people are principled. These people in academia are principled. I’m going to
prove it to you.” They would tell me, “I will prove it to you that they are not.”
JJ:

At the university?

AS:

This [01:54:00] struggle, this struggle, and it took over the building. It was like
they said because we knew better, right? But it was like they said. But we still
gave the universities a space to correct themselves, to rectify. Correct, I don’t
know. That’s not the right word. To rectify. Because they said they didn’t
discriminated against Black or Latinos but then they didn’t want to make any
allowances in order to bring in and to open the enrollment. We call, it says,
“Well, we have to have open enrollment. No way.” So each issue, they proved
they were right. So and the [01:55:00] people, hey, the people said they know
what they’re talking about. The university, they took over the building and the
people were still inside and we would take food. Inside and all that and we put in
the demands that they had to take more Latinos and Blacks and so on and we
were against the Vietnam War and the right we had to protest. Everything. But
what happens? They called the police, the whole thing, the whole bit. What
happened? Even though my husband was the one that had published the most,
an academically outstanding scholar and all that, they finish his contract. He had
no tender. Then we would discuss this in the community and then the people,
[01:56:00] the Young Lords would say, “(Spanish) [01:56:02 - 01:56:06].”

65

�(laughter) Say yeah, he’s going to be kicked out. Did we say so? Did we say
that the university was so arrogant that they won’t allow for, they won’t allow for
the enrollment to change it? They would have a, they didn’t change the
admissions? It had to be straightforward by test? They didn’t even accept that
test were biased against gender and poor. They didn’t accept that. They didn’t
accept none [01:57:00] of those things. So this was, this was a real schooling
about what really academia is about. And that this was a very wonderful
experience for all of us. Still, we opened the university among the artists and so
on. The university open and embrace the community but this were sectors within
the university. The administration and all that -JJ:

Remained the same.

AS:

-- bureaucracy, they remained the same.

JJ:

They did open some sectors, right?

AS:

We did open. The theater open to the and we made the, we organized the
presentations and everything and the student really loved it and so on. So in
Worcester, then we came to, we came to [01:58:00] the University of Illinois
because my husband really think like Ivy school universities. Although he taught
in Yale and he did like it. He did like the Ivy school --

JJ:

The Ivy League, right.

AS:

-- the Ivy League schooling.

JJ:

Right.

AS:

So --

JJ:

And you went to the University of Illinois.

66

�AS:

We went to the University -- uh-huh, state university.

JJ:

Circle campus.

AS:

Circle campus.

JJ:

But you didn’t, you weren’t aware that that university had a, the Italian community
and the Mexican community.

AS:

We were.

JJ:

You were aware?

AS:

We were aware, yes.

JJ:

Oh, okay. All right.

AS:

Yes, we were aware and we immediately started organizing the minute we went
over there.

JJ:

So you hit the floor running --

AS:

Yeah. (laughter)

JJ:

-- like they say about it.

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

So you were aware. That’s pretty great. (inaudible)

AS:

Uh-huh, right.

JJ:

A lot of people there, we were trying to make people aware of that --

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

-- [01:59:00] and so that they learn, recognize.

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

But so he was teaching there? And what, he was teaching research studies or -?

67

�AS:

He was geography and anthropology.

JJ:

Geography and --

AS:

He had a PhD in geography and anthropology from Louisianna State University.

JJ:

But then you started working in the community, too, there, right?

AS:

Right, yes.

JJ:

As a Puerto Rican Socialist Party or no?

AS:

Well, we -- I found, yeah, I was one of the founding members --

JJ:

In Chicago.

AS:

-- in Chicago.

JJ:

Connected to Puerto Rico?

AS:

Yes. Uh-huh, yes.

JJ:

Okay. Were you a member in Puerto Rico? Well, that’s --

AS:

No because I was in Worcester. I was organizing in Worcester.

JJ:

But you decided to do the Socialist Party but this time, it wasn’t like your father’s
or --?

AS:

Puerto Rican Socialist Party is --

JJ:

Is different?

AS:

-- pro-independence.

JJ:

Is pro-independence.

AS:

Independence, yes.

JJ:

But was it similar to your father’s or no?

AS:

In terms of social justice, yes.

JJ:

Okay, but it wasn’t the same party, it wasn’t the same --

68

�AS:

No, no, not at all.

JJ:

So it was another party.

AS:

Yes. Uh-huh.

JJ:

Because I remember you had --

AS:

The Puerto Rican Socialist Party [02:00:00] is a, the movimiento para
independencia --

JJ:

Oh, turn --

AS:

-- decides, decides that it should become a --

JJ:

A smaller bank area.

AS:

-- a Marxist/Leninist party.

JJ:

Right, at that time. At that time.

AS:

Then in 1970s, in 1971, it’s the Puerto Rican Socialist Party adopts --

JJ:

So okay, so it wasn’t the movimiento para independencia first and then --

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

-- in 1971.

AS:

Yes. Then the movimiento para independencia keeps on organizing. In 1959 in
Puerto Rico. Then in the ‘70s, they start a -- they got influenced by the
internationalist movement and then --

JJ:

They become more Marxist/Leninist?

AS:

-- then yes.

JJ:

[02:01:00] Publicly, publicly.

AS:

Yes. That was --

JJ:

Everyone was kind of reading those things at the same time.

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�AS:

Yes. (laughs)

JJ:

But publicly, they didn’t (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

But publicly then they, yes, it becomes with the whole structure of the
Marxist/Leninist party. And then --

JJ:

But not, not, all of a sudden, but it was a little different because it was --

AS:

Independent, we had independent --

JJ:

The Young Lords came, the Young Lords looked at Mao Zedong or --

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

-- and you were a little bit more what?

AS:

An independent. We had an independent --

JJ:

An independent --

AS:

-- international line.

JJ:

Independence (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

Independent and not (inaudible), not Maoist and so on.

JJ:

I don’t remember the independent. Okay, so it was more, more --

AS:

Yes, because the Cold Wars that in a colonial --

JJ:

And actually, we became (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

-- that in a colonial --

JJ:

But we didn’t go that deep into it.

AS:

Yeah.

JJ:

Except our leaders. Some leaders that belonged to it.

AS:

Yeah, uh-huh. Yeah, no, the movimiento para independencia studied, [02:02:00]
studied the --

70

�JJ:

We were more, we were more --

AS:

-- movement and so on and MPI really visited the China and Vietnam and many
other places as someone who was --

JJ:

So they were more abroad than --

AS:

It was studied and so on and that. Then on the ‘70s, and then it’s founded that --

JJ:

Because everybody kind of divided in different ways and it was better to.
Because MPI was better at (inaudible). Because it was abroad. It didn’t go
everywhere.

AS:

Everywhere, yes.

JJ:

Whereas (inaudible) every time.

AS:

Because in Puerto Rico, it was decided it was the best because it was also an
anti-colonial movement. Because we had to gain the independence of Puerto
Rico.

JJ:

Well, that’s what we have now, it’s anti-colonial.

AS:

Yes.

JJ:

It’s anti-colonial (inaudible).

AS:

Yes, uh-huh and we are --

JJ:

Not that I’m a (inaudible), I’m not (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

AS:

Yeah.

JJ:

(laughs)

AS:

Yeah, [02:03:00] we got involved with the American Left because the American
Left had, was influenced highly by a traditional Marxist/Leninist party and --

JJ:

It was from the ‘30s kind of. It was like a fight against the ‘30s, wasn’t it, in some

71

�way.
AS:

Well, because they followed the line that liberation movement was anti-worker
and that it was more important the workers’ movement versus the liberation
movement. We thought that it was wrong first to put it that way that there was no
such thing as one thing or the other because we did research and we did publish
why [02:04:00] you would be in the best interest of workers, of Puerto Rican
workers, to gain the political status first.

JJ:

Because what I remember is there was a lot of flags and stuff I remember. Red
flags. Was it red flags or --?

AS:

Yeah.

JJ:

But they had a lot of rallies in Chicago at that time and that’s when we started
working together. (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) to be closer to that because
we just felt that anybody that was for independence was (inaudible) so we
wanted to work with them there.

AS:

Well, what happened is because I came from the Young Lords --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

-- in Worcester how --

JJ:

-- (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

-- it helped us a lot to understand what we were going through.

JJ:

Chicago was a new area for the Puerto Ricans.

AS:

Right.

JJ:

It was a new -- we weren’t -- we weren’t active as a people. That was the first -[02:05:00] we were in a gang before. You know what I mean? So we were just

72

�becoming activists and so the movement was small. We made less compared to
the West Coast and East Coast. It grew, it grew -AS:

But it’s important, it’s important because what you did in Chicago, you really had
tremendous repercussions in Chicago. What happens is that the anti-liberation
forces in the United States was always bringing in the wrong information because
you don’t control the news communication system. So although there were
many, there [02:06:00] were a lot of Americans who would support the anticolonial movement of Puerto Rico as a matter of principle, the news media was
never able to project that. But the fact that you put in the, in your demands
independence for Puerto Rico and you tie it in with the social justice for Puerto
Ricans in the United States and the liberation of the Puerto Rican political
prisoners, believe me, this was very, very important. It was so important that the
Congress of the United States, Congress of the United States allotted 37
different lines in the budget to counteract it. [02:07:00] Imagine if it was
important.

JJ:

Thirty-seven different lines. I didn’t look into that. That’s pretty good.

AS:

Yes, it’s pretty good, you see what I mean?

JJ:

(laughs)

AS:

Why is that? Why is that? Because this is very powerful. For Puerto Ricans in
the United States to adopt the fact that part of their civil rights struggle is the
liberation of their homeland, this is powerful and the United States government
knows that. (laughs) So at any cost, they had to eliminate --

JJ:

I don’t know if I should be content or worried (laughs) that they had 37 pieces of

73

�their budget. I don’t know if I should be happy or worried by that -AS:

You should be happy and worried.

JJ:

(laughs) At the same time. [02:08:00] (laughter)

AS:

Happy and worried. But not worried but concerned, the fact that it’s -- you have
to figure out that something is going on where there is so much struggle going on
in Puerto Rico and nothing is mentioned. As a matter of fact --

JJ:

I think it was because we were hanging out with Meca and we were --

AS:

(laughter) Obama, as a matter of fact, even Obama, he let in all those people
come over here. And the electoral process in the United States doesn’t get
mentioned at all basically, you know? So it’s amazing. So this powerful formula
when you people call for that, there were a lot of forces trying to interfere so
[02:09:00] that you and our forces would not get together at all cost, Cha Cha, at
all cost. They placed agents in, at the PSP headquarters, they placed agents,
you name it. I mean, this was amazing. They killed one of our comrades,
Cintrón, Cintrón Ortiz. Not only knew how but he --

JJ:

What year was this?

AS:

-- was a professor at the University of Illinois, Rafael Cintrón Ortiz. What did the
political forces and the police say when he was killed? They said, “Oh, this is a
faction between the PSP. One that support struggles and the other one that
doesn’t support struggles within the PSP.” Imagine how. [02:10:00] The
American students don’t have an idea, Cha Cha. They don’t have idea that this
things are going on. They just go to school and they go along with the books
they assign to them and reading. But they don’t have, they don’t have access

74

�and these are public documents. You can read them. They can access it. They
can go to the internet and access all these intelligence community politics. You’ll
see those intelligence, the intelligence police other things. You read and they tell
you this day is a Puerto Rican commemoration day. Everybody on the lookout,
“Hey, you’re a student. You’re brilliant. You know what that means, right?”
[02:11:00] (laughs) If you give to all the police departments a memo and they say
Puerto Rican [break in audio] pro-independence holidays, “Hey, what’s that? Is
that love? What’s that?” That has a meaning, you see what I mean? So Rafael
Cintrón Ortiz was a very unitary figure and was giving on a volunteer basis and
through the university and independent courses about the Puerto Rican family
and importance of the Puerto Rican family to be able to decide the political status
of Puerto Rico. He was finishing writing the thesis for New York University. I
mean, and he was found [02:12:00] bound with an electric cable on his
apartment. The director of the Latin American Studies program, when he didn’t
show up, he went over there and found him with another colleague of his, found
him dead there. The police, what was the police, Chicago police, saying? You
perhaps are not aware of the Chicago police. Are you aware of how the Chicago
police works? I’m going to tell you.
JJ:

A little bit, a little understanding. (laughs)

AS:

A little bit? I’ll tell you. We, Cha Cha, had to, we had to hide ourselves. We
have to what it’s called sumergirse, how would you say that? We had to
submerge?

JJ:

You went underground.

75

�AS:

I mean, we had to because this was a guy who had been killed and then the
police was saying --

JJ:

You went underground in Chicago. You were not with the group.

AS:

Everywhere we went.

JJ:

I mean [02:13:00] you went underground.

AS:

We, yes.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

AS:

We have to sumergirno, we had to submerge, yes.

JJ:

The Young Lords went underground, too.

AS:

Yes, because it was impossible. We didn’t know what was going on and with
this, with this announcement, radio announcements, of a sector of the PSP being
for arms struggle and this was --

JJ:

That they were treating you, asking people.

AS:

It was an inside, it was an inside job. The one was killing the other, you know?

JJ:

Yeah, right. Yeah, they were asking people with (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible), yeah.

AS:

So this was --

JJ:

So they were creating divisions (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) also like --

AS:

Sure, claro.

JJ:

-- (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) between the Chicago Young Lords and the
New York Young Lords.

AS:

Right, and they were successful.

JJ:

And the Panthers, the (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

76

�AS:

And the Panthers.

JJ:

-- Panthers and the New York Panthers.

AS:

Same tactic.

JJ:

Same tactic.

AS:

Same tactic.

JJ:

SDS was divided --

AS:

Divided.

JJ:

The Yippies were divided. The Yippies were divided.

AS:

Divided, right.

JJ:

So they’d infiltrate [02:14:00] the housing. That was their tool.

AS:

Yeah. What happened then to us here? The same thing so --

JJ:

So it wasn’t their intent to --

AS:

Yes, right. Now, of course, one can always keep on organizing. What we did is
we said, “Hey, we are going to,” when we found out what was happening, then
we came and gave our statements and so on. But what happens is that the
parents, Puerto Rican parents are very traditional. If something happens to you,
they go to your mother. Your poor mother, what is she going to say? The mother
of Rafael Cintrón Ortiz, they went to her and the poor, then they told her that he
was homosexual. That then, that’s what happened. Then they changed.

JJ:

And (inaudible), and [02:15:00] that was a part of the discreditation campaign
anyway. And that they were trying -- and that homosexuality is a -- it sounds like
they’re being more concerned that they’re straight but they’re trying to find out
ways to discredit and then gay was used.

77

�AS:

Right. First it was like announced like a struggle between --

JJ:

Two forces.

AS:

-- two forces between the PSP. But then --

JJ:

But now they’re homosexual and maybe he’s into drugs or something else.

AS:

Then is that the, he was hanging around with the wrong crowd and this were a
passion, a passion crime. Then the poor, the -- she accepted that she wasn’t
going to do anything. She wasn’t going to do research. You know, let’s say that
you haven’t done your papers and say, let’s say you haven’t written anything in
your papers, all right? Well, then if your legal wife is the [02:16:00] one that
decides for you. That’s why you should write down what, if anything happens to
you, what you should do. You should give it to somebody that you trust and you
should leave it in writing what to do. What happened with her? Since he didn’t
write that down, he didn’t write anything down. So when the mother comes, she
decided. She decided not to have any investigation because she was suffering
so much and she accepted the version of the police.

JJ:

Right. We’re having the same, we had the same problem with Reverend I think it
was Johnson, when he was murdered. The family, they respected the family.
They didn’t want to do anything about it. They just wanted to forget about it and
that was it.

AS:

That was it.

JJ:

Here, he was stabbed 17 times and his wife 9 times. He’s the [02:17:00]
reverend of the United Methodist Church and so it’s a similar situation.

AS:

Similar, yes.

78

�JJ:

Because other people were not political and don’t understand the repression,
that’s what happened.

AS:

Do you have your written statement?

JJ:

(laughs)

AS:

Huh?

JJ:

(inaudible) I’m going to have to write it down.

AS:

Write it down because one has to write it down. I always say because --

JJ:

We’ll we’re writing it down now.

AS:

-- with this experience, with this experience, believe me. Then later on, the
police, they apprehended two kids: one adult and then a youngster. The adult,
they said he was crazy and the youngster was a youngster. He could not testify.
That’s how they dealt with a crime. You know Chicago police, right? That’s how
they dealt with a crime. So it’s the repression [02:18:00] is there.

JJ:

So they still haven’t found out what happened to him.

AS:

No. Nothing but then --

JJ:

They said they would throw sentences --

AS:

-- with the adult, with the adult, he was crazy.

JJ:

They were saying he was crazy.

AS:

And the youngster were, he couldn’t testify. He was young and so --

JJ:

What other forms of repression were they using at that time with movimiento para
independencia of Puerto Rico? You said that they infiltrated, they infiltrated the --

AS:

All kinds. Shootings through the Claridad, they went to Claridad, they bomb the
newspaper Claridad and they went, the director Figeroa, Domingo Figeroa, who

79

�was there, he even had to defend himself and he was shooting at them and they
put bombs under his car. I mean, all kinds of repression. They killed [02:19:00]
other the leadership in the labor movement that were the, for independence.
They bombed the, a little school, Montessori school we had for kids. I mean,
they really went all out on a very, on a repression at all levels. They visited the
work, workplace of militants of the movimiento para independencia y, and PSP
and -JJ:

Puerto Rican Socialist Party.

AS:

Sí, Puerto Rican Socialist Party and so on. We then embrace, the Puerto Rican
Socialist Party [02:20:00] embraces the electoral and participates in the electoral
process. We registered the top leadership that Juan Mari Brás will run as
governor and so on. We did that in order to open up another, another space. It
was really very confrontational and so but we were able to move to register the
party and all that. It was a very, it was a very good experience and so on. But
like the organizations, we had a lot of Cubans anti-revolutionary forces. Cuba
said their name because the Department of [02:21:00] State that moves in Puerto
Rico. The United States Department of State decides who gets visas, who
comes in Puerto Rico. (laughs)

JJ:

They’re using immigration now as a tool.

AS:

So they have always used it. Then they, and then there were all of a sudden, in
Puerto Rico were thousands and thousands and thousands of anti-revolutionary
forces. At the same time that we were the organizing the MRCCS party and this
was, it was a big confrontation. They had the, the Cuban forces had here very

80

�well organized, very well organized people. [02:22:00] With right wing to the -- I
mean, they were the Alpha here, the Omega. I mean, they were here planting
bombs and everything so it was a big, huge, big, big, big confrontation so -JJ:

Bombs against the independence movement?

AS:

Well, they said there were, they were against communist takeover of Puerto Rico
you could say.

JJ:

Even though they were Cuban and this was a Puerto Rican movement.

AS:

Yes, uh-huh. That they have come a long way here to embrace the American
system and they weren’t going [02:23:00] to allow this to be independent.
(laughs) So it’s, so they had to struggle a lot to come to a place where they would
have United States citizenship.

JJ:

It’s interesting. The government is using displacement and they’re using
manipulation and they’re using a lot of these things to destroy aggressive
movement. Is that what they’re saying? Or --

AS:

What happens is --

JJ:

-- I don’t want to put words in your mouth. (laughs)

AS:

Yes. Uh-huh. No, you have a way of phrasing things very simple,
straightforward and I go around, right. (laughter) Well, these are well-organized,
right-wing Cuban forces who anyway really came here because they wanted the
American dream and they wanted [02:24:00] the American citizenship. This is a
country that has US citizenship and speaks Spanish. It allows them a privilege
status which is the status Cubans have which is political. So the fact that they
have this status of a people, a people looking for political freedom, they have a

81

�special status. That special status allows them to get welfare and work at the
same time. That political status allows them to get scholarships and work at the
same time. That political status brings a lot of benefits. That’s why they still want
it. [02:25:00] They don’t want the economic status like other immigrants have;
They want the -- then they are escaping a dictatorial regime that their life is at
stake. Therefore, they’re given that privilege of political status but that privilege
means a lot of money because if you are getting welfare, let’s say, for six years, a
decent time. You’re taking (inaudible) aid and all those benefits at the same time,
you can also work making a lot, making incomes and monies. It’s really very
beneficial for that community so that’s why there are other communities fighting
for that status, too. They [02:26:00] haven’t got it but they are still struggling to
be. The American student is really up in the air. They don’t understand what’s
going on. They think they are being very nice. Do you see what I mean? They
feel that wow, we have all these Cubans still in here, we have all these Latinos
except they don’t differentiate. (laughs) Do you see what I mean? They say,
“Oh, wow, we have these Latinos who are living in all these scholarships. Wow.”
They figure they are doing the right thing. But they don’t on the other hand what
it is that they are doing.
JJ:

I just want to finish it up more or less but I want to make sure that we get this
because you did some work with the Young Lords in Chicago [02:27:00] and you
also, I didn’t go into Lincoln Park camp. But you also, before that, that did you go
to some of the demonstrations? And also if you can talk a little bit about
Westtown Concerned Citizens, the work that you told me earlier. Then which of it

82

�is ours?
AS:

Well, in Chicago, Chicago is a very, very, very exciting city in the United States
and it’s really has brought about changes all over the world starting from the
Haymarket. So that we admire Chicago long before we (laughs) went over there
and we really celebrate the heroic stand of the eight hours. I don’t know why isn’t
[02:28:00] studied more in Chicago because this was truly heroic stand and that
the workers all over the world commemorate May 1st, Dia de Trabajador, and the
United States have a way of putting things. I don’t understand it. El Dia de
Trabajador, Workers’ Day, and then they come in and put Labor Day.

JJ:

Labor Day is the workers’ day, yeah. It changes. It changes.

AS:

It changes from workers’ day to Labor Day. (Spanish) [02:28:34], I said oh my
God, this is amazing but they managed to do it. So when we went there, we
organized the community. The first thing I did was to counteract the census
[02:29:00] terminology. The United States Census classified Puerto Ricans as
stock and when I saw that --

JJ:

Stock?

AS:

Stock. In other words, when you would choose the denominations and then for
Puerto Ricans, they had Puerto Rican stock and you could --

JJ:

Oh, we’re stock?

AS:

Stock.

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

You can check this through the US Census and different forms they have and so
on. So this was the first thing that stuck (laughter) when I went over there.

83

�Because we always studied the census because it gives you an idea, right? Of
the census, what the population is and so on. So I got the form and immediately
that I got this form, I said, “What? Jesus.” I thought Worcester [02:30:00] was
backwards (laughs) but Chicago, that was -JJ:

It was very bad. (inaudible) (laughs) --

AS:

That was something else. So we developed there with other Puerto Ricans a
first census, a first census. Yeah, I got involved with that and so on. From there,
when we, we decided that we had to develop our own grassroots, communitybased grassroots organization of empowerment and we created the Westtown
Concerned Citizens Coalition. Other organizations reach out which is for housing
and so on. I founded many other organizations like the freedom [02:31:00] of the
Nicaraguan people and El Salvador and solidarity with other Latin Americans.

JJ:

So you were part of that development or --?

AS:

Yes, uh-huh. We organize with the Chicanos, the Casa, la El Mandal General de
Trabajadores with the undocumented workers. With Casa, with Julio Sano and
so on.

JJ:

Julio Sano.

AS:

Yes, yes. So it was very, it was, it was very, very good organizing but we were
not able to bring in the Young Lords as an organization. We didn’t understand
what was happening. We were never able to understand it. There was
(inaudible) and there was the uptown people’s clinic and law center and
[02:32:00] obviously (inaudible) and so on. So we made the decision, perhaps it
was the wrong decision, that we would, we only had resources for Westtown.

84

�We said, “Well, maybe we can just be effective here in Westtown and we should
not organize.” All the other ones, we would give solidarity and so on. But it was
so overwhelming in Chicago. It was so, and it was so difficult to organize in
Chicago because it’s so segregated, Chicago. It was amazing. We had to fight
the federal laws of housing. We were [02:33:00] involved in laws right and left,
Cha Cha. This is something that community organizing, well, I think it’s a tactic
also of sectors, of the right wing because they always [break in audio] us. Then
they want to impose their federal guidelines so this was the problem for Puerto
Ricans. Because they wanted to, they wanted to impose the laws that say, that
might work for team. See? Then they want to approach those laws to us and
they said, “You have to have Blacks.” Then there is me with blue eyes and then
you know, next to me is [Landor?] who is more Black than Obama and he’s a
Puerto Rican. Then [02:34:00] so these federal guidelines were very difficult for
implementation. But it took a lot of energy for us to counteract and with the
public housing. We charged them and they would discriminate and they would
not take Puerto Ricans into public housing. It was a real big, huge mess to drain
us out of a lot of energy. But we did march in your marches and in the whole
thing, I was taking the park. We really said, “Well, we’re going to do something
here. I want to do something.” But what happens is that we had a base that was
a little bit more bourgeoisie would you say, [02:35:00] Cha Cha?
JJ:

A little more bourgeoisie?

AS:

Yeah.

JJ:

You got a page?

85

�AS:

A base, our base.

JJ:

Our base was a little --

AS:

We adopted some tactic (Spanish) [02:35:11] how we said.

JJ:

You’re saying Westtown Coalition or is it another coalition?

AS:

Westtown Coalition.

JJ:

Okay.

AS:

It said.

JJ:

It was a different, it was a different role. You did play a different role than me.

AS:

See, the -- yeah. This is good. So that space, they have it, they want it, let’s
leave it out there. We’re going to do something else.

JJ:

No, that --

AS:

That’s from me and we would complement each other. And that’s, we talked
about it and we said what is the way we are going to do it? Do you see the
building? I want to take it over. We are going to go with the proposal already
how to rehab the building. You see, right?

JJ:

[02:36:00] Oh, I see what you’re saying.

AS:

You see? Then there was this building, it has like 40 units right there on
Potomac and we took over this. We got architects, engineers, the whole bit, and
thing and we got the people to do the planning. Then we said, then we went too
far, he said. “This building we’re taking over. Will you give it to us or this going to
be bloody?” “It’s going to be bloody.” He said, “Well, wow, give me a second.” I
will use the word, Cha Cha, like you won’t believe it. I said, “Well, I just talked to
Cha Cha,” and I hadn’t talked to you in years. (laughter)

86

�JJ:

Threatening, threatening.

AS:

Just [02:37:00] talked to the Cha Cha people because I’m careful about that. I
talked to the Cha Cha people and they said that the best way to really have this
building is for us to own it. For us to own it, you cannot own it so that’s it. Then
we will get the thing running and he took the building so that was --

JJ:

That was [Antwon’s?], that was [Antwon’s?].

AS:

It was -- no, it was this a question of force, of force.

JJ:

Okay. So it was a united front.

AS:

Of course. This environment, said hey --

JJ:

It’s a united front.

AS:

So we agree in the same thing, we offer the same. They have to go in this
extreme because in this neighborhood, the right is at this level. We’re going to
try this. We cannot. [02:38:00] If we can get the building by just doing this
minimum, that’s what we’ll do. But if we have to go to the extreme, we will do it,
too. But if not, we’ll go up to this level.

JJ:

(inaudible)

AS:

And that’s it.

JJ:

(inaudible) if that was wrong, you know, got some skills from (inaudible).

AS:

Yeah, sure.

JJ:

So that was good, it was (inaudible) --

AS:

Sure. Mm-hmm. That’s how we were able to get the Harold Washington and
base and all that.

JJ:

Right, you’re a Harold Washington campaign, you’re, you guys wanted an office,

87

�the members had another office and we would main Puerto Rican culture and
were organizing for Harold Washington at that time. Then we did the rally in
Humboldt Park at that time. There were a bunch of others. We were right here
in our focus together.
AS:

Yes, we do it. Right.

JJ:

In fact, our (inaudible), they would give out at Humboldt Park at breaking the
chains which was probably PSP and the Young Lords together. So it was part of
it --

AS:

They change --

JJ:

-- was Young Lords and part of it was PSP. [02:39:00]

AS:

PSP, that’s right.

JJ:

So that was great. We gave 45, 30,000 buttons.

AS:

It was --

JJ:

There was 100,000 people.

AS:

Yes. It was very, very good. Very.

JJ:

Then we opened a lot of doors because of the fall.

AS:

That’s right. Yes, uh-huh.

JJ:

We (inaudible) Rudy Lozano was killed two days later.

AS:

Right.

JJ:

I won’t forget that. He was murdered two days later.

AS:

Cha Cha, it was, it was so powerful.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue) two days later --

AS:

Unity is very powerful. You can see how this, how these things are so powerful

88

�that when one is involved in it, one doesn’t notice it but it is powerful. This gave
the base for the Obama because these are the same forces that were -JJ:

They elected Obama later.

AS:

-- that was elected Obama later.

JJ:

They just (inaudible). Any final thoughts? [02:40:00] Any final thoughts?

AS:

I hope that the independentistas and the Puerto Rican Liberation Movement is
able to embrace Puerto Ricans in the United States as one movement and that
the American people would really join in solidarity and consider the
independence of Puerto Rico is also a responsibility they have. Because when
they invaded Puerto Rico in 1898, they came here with guns. They didn’t come.
They didn’t come here with ballots. They came here [02:41:00] with guns. That
has consequences. You have to correct your mistakes. I think this is an
opportunity for the American people to embrace the Puerto Rican liberation
forces in a movement that will benefit both the Puerto Ricans but also the
American people because the American people are subsidizing their -- I’m trying
to say this in the nicest way possible. The fraud, the corruption of Puerto Rican
governments, [02:42:00] they are subsidizing with the taxes all those, all those
frauds that are occurring in Puerto Rico because they are embracing the forces
of the negative forces that want to continue dependency instead of an
independent Puerto Rico. So I hope we are joined together in this beautiful
movement of people to people for freedom. Thank you.

JJ:

Thank you.

AS:

Thank you, Cha Cha.

89

�JJ:

No, no, thank you.

AS:

Muchas gracias.

JJ:

(Spanish) [02:42:45 - 02:42:49] --

(b-roll; no dialogue) [02:42:49 - 02:44:56]

END OF VIDEO FILE

90

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                    <text>THE FIRST PEOPLES INTERNATIONAL
INDIAN FAIR
AND TRADE EXPOSITION
POW WOW LOCATION/REGISTRATION DATES

2nd ANNUAL FIRST PEOPLES
CONTEST POW WOW

JUNE 8, 9, AND 10, 1990
CAMP ROTARY PARK

International Dancers and
Drummers - Team Dancers
Jingle and Grass Dancers
Categories

29 Mile Road - east of
Van Dyke - Ray Township
North of Detroit

****
NO ALCOHOLIC BEVERAGES
OR DRUGS PERMITTED ON
THE GROUNDS

CASH PRIZES AWARDED
ALL CATEGORIES

****

CALL (313) 756-1350
for Camping Details

GRAND ENTRY: Saturday
1:00 p.m. &amp; 7:00 p.m.

Sunday: 1:00 p.m.
No exceptions - Point
System will be used.

HOST DRUM: Blue Lake Singers
Head Man Dancer: Dennis Shanaqit
Head Woman Dancer: Kathy Gibson
Head Veteran: Truman White
MC: Thurman Bear
Head Judge: Allard Teeple
Head Judge: Bucko Teeple
Arena Director: Bud White Eye
Contact: Patrick Naganashe 543-8037

DANCE REGISTRATION:

Opens on Friday,
June 8th at 6:00 p.m.
and closes June 9th
at 12:30 p.m.
DONATIONS: Pre-Sale Tickets
$5.00 Adults - $2.00 Seniors
$1.00 youths 6 • 12

POW WOW CALLS ONLY
POW WOW CHAIRMAN: Patrick Naganashe

Gate Prices: $6.00 adults- $3.00 Seniors &amp;
&amp; $2.00 youths 6 • 12
WEEKEND PASSES: $8.00
TRADERS

Traders Registration Deadline: June 1, 1990
Cheryl Borton· Trader Chairperson@ (313) 773-7148
Native American Indian Traders ONLY • Indian Food Booths
SPECIAL EVENTS
5-K RUN (Keep Ahead of the Wind) HORSESHOE TOURNAMENT.. PRINCESS PAGEANT•. ARCHERY TOURNAMENT ..
LACROSSE THROW .. ELDERS LEGENDS AND CHILDREN'S GAMES .. MICHIGAN WILDLIFE DISPLAY
GATES OPEN AT 9:00 a.m. TO PUBLIC - SATURDAY· SUNDAY
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CALL
"Camp Rowy . 3 Mile•
Southeastern Michigan Indians, Inc. in Warren, Michigan
Supported by
N East ol Van Dykl ~-......__*-t(313) 756-1350 or 756-1351

PUBLIC WELCOME

Supported by:

~~~L 4'[0

q~~~~
~
c~~~

a------1
1'-~N'S

M-59

20 l.fde Rd

Camp Rotary

PROCEEDS

s

TO CHARITY

�</text>
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The Michigan Indian Day Social
Saturday September 29, 1990.
g ~

~

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..:
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School

umpter Rd.

outh Middle School Gym ·
Owens St. Belleville
open at noon
.grand entry at 1:00 p.m.

w

DANCERS AND TRADERS INVITED
OPEN DRUM POW WOW
non competitive dancing
traveltime compensation
697-2660 mornings

sample traditional
Indian food
free corn soup
and frybread
OPEN TO THE PUBLIC . .
ADULT ADMISSION $1.50
STUDENTS $ .75

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                    <text>❖ SE~CC

SOUTHEAST

MICHIGAN

CENSUS

COUNCIL

2000 Census Population Counts
by Race/Ethnicity and Age
in Southeast Michigan

April 2001

�2000 Census Population Counts by Race/Ethnicity and Age
in Southeast Michigan
The tables presented in this report have been prepared from the 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting file.
Several points should be noted:

and Some Other Race. Approximately two percent of
southeast Michigan residents marked more than one category. For more information on the way race and Hispanic
Origin information was collected in the 2000 census, access the internet at &lt;http://www.census.gov/
population/www/cen2000/brief. html&gt; to see the Census
Brief, Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin (C2KBR/01-

Geography. The geographic units presented here are
those used by the Southeast Michigan Council of Governments (SEMCOG) in its planning work. (Genesee County
is not part of the SEMCOG region; the same principles for
geographic units apply.) The major difference from census
reports is that, in cases where townships include villages,
the village data have been subtracted from the township.
Thus, the complete list of cities, townships, and villages
adds to the totals for each county. In standard census
presentations, data presented for townships include the
villages.

1).
In this report, the overall percentage of Black, Asian, and
. Hispanic population in each geographic area includes all
persons marking that category, regardless of whether they
also marked another race category (including Some Other
Race).
Undercount Adjustment. In February, 2000, the Census
Bureau's Executive Steering Committee for Adjustment
Policy (ESCAP) recommend that the 2000 census not be
adjusted for undercount at this time. The ESCAP report
can be downloaded from &lt;www.census.gov&gt;. As of this
date, it is unknown whether adjusted population counts will
be released at a later date.

Exceptions are made for the following:
Novi township is not separated from the city of Novi
Unincorporated Southfield township population is
added to Beverly Hills
The portion of the city of Richmond located in Casco
township is not shown separately.
Race/Ethnicity. The standard for collection of race data
has been changed significantly since 1990. Census respondents were asked to mark one or more categories
among a list of six. These are White, Black or African
American, American Indian or Alaskan Native (AIAN),
Asian, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander (NHOPI),
i

�I

Officers and Board

Southeast Michigan Census Council

President:

The Southeast Michigan Census Council (SEMCC) is a
non-profit (501(c)3) organization whose mission is to promote access to and use of demographic and related statistics in southeast Michigan. Membership is open to any
interested party residing in the state of Michigan.

Marlys Vickers, Oakland County Planning
and Economic Development

Vice-President: Kurt R. Metzger. Center for Urban Studies,
Wayne State University

For more information, see the SEMCC web site at
&lt;www.semcc.org&gt;.

Secretary:

Ronald Ropke, United Way Community
Services

This report was prepared by Kurt Metzger and Patricia
Becker.

Treasurer:

Gary Petroni, Southeastern Michigan
Health Association

Board
Members
at Large:

Amy Juntunen, SPEC Associates
Sally Lawler, School of Social Work,
University of Michigan
Ellen McCarthy, Michigan Department of
Civil Rights
Frank Nagy, Monroe County Planning
James Rogers, Southeast Michigan
Council of Governments

Executive
Director:

Patricia C. Becker

To Contact SEMCC
28300 Franklin Road, Southfield, Ml 48034
248/354-6520
FAX 248/354-6645
info@semcc.org www.semcc.org

ii

�~

i.e .

•

--

--- 4

~

-'""'-2000 Census Population Counts: Summary by County
Livingston
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Macomb
County

Monroe
County

Oakland
County

St. Clair
County

Washtenaw
County

Wayne
County

Detroit

115,645
156,951
36%

717,400
788,149
10%

133,600
145,945
9%

1,083,592
1,194,156
10%

145,607
164,235
13%

282,937
322,895
14%

2,111,687
2,061,162
-2%

1,027,974
951,270
-7%

1%
1%
1%

3%
3%
2%

2%
1%
2%

11%
5%
2%

3%
1%
2%

13%
7%
3%

43%
2%
4%

83%
1%
5%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

155,288
152,439
722
682
896
503

774,201
730,270
21,326
2,478
16,843
3,106

144,034
139,264
2,766
405
679
907

1,171,945
988,194
120,720
3,270
49,402
10,064

161,976
155,962
3,451
829
650
1,052

314,602
249,916
39,697
1,161
20,338
3,364

2,009,893
1,065,607
868,992
7,627
35,141
32,020

929,229
116,599
775,772
3,140
9,268
24,199

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

1,663
132
1,531

13,948
2,003
11,945

1,911
425
1,486

22,211
3,564
18,647

2,259
570
1,689

8,293
1,988
6,305

51,269
7,833
43,436

22,041
4,532
17,509

45,125
111,826
29%

189,784
598,365
24%

39,993
105,952
27%

300,760
893,396
25%

43,971
120,264
27%

71,288
251,607
22%

577,680
1,483,482
28%

295,709
655,561
31%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under 18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories are marked as well.
Prepared by the Southeast Michigan Census Council; source: 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

County Summary, page 1

�I

2000 Census Population Counts: Summary by County
Wayne Co.
outside
Detroit
Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination
Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

~

Genesee
County

Lapeer
County

1,083,713
1,109,892
2%

4,590,468
4,833,493
5%

430,459
436,141
1%

74,768
87,904
18%

8%
2%
3%

23%
3%
3%

21%
1%
2%

1%
1%
3%

1,080,664
949,008
93,220
4,487
25,873
7,821

4,731,939
3,481,652
1,057,674
16,452
123,949
51,016

426,622
328,350
88,843
2,414
3,515
3,408

86,888
84,541
720
337
339
943

29,228
3,301
25,927

101,554
16,515
85,039

9,519
2,193
7,326

1,016
85
931

281,971
827,921
25%

1,268,601
3,564,892
26%

119,601
316,540
27%

24,601
63,303
28%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic
Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

SEMCOG
Region

Lenawee
County

Detroit
CMSA

91,476 5,187,171
98,890 5,456,428
8%
5%

3%
1%
7%

22%
3%
3%

97,417 5,342,866
91,484 3,986,027
2,094 1,149,331
19,611
408
450
128,253
2,974
58,341
1,473
317
1,156

113,562
19,110
94,452

25,658 1,438,461
73,232 4,017,967
26%
26%

*Includes a\l persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories are marked as well.

---

Prepared by the Southeast Michigan Census Council; source: 2000 Censu~ ~L94-171 _Redistricting f::ile

-

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arv!l@_jif"" 2 ,.

�Livingston County

CONWAY

DEERFIELD

COHOCTAH

Fowle~
HOWELL

TYRONE

OCEOLA

HARTLAND

GENOA

BRIGHTON

HANDY

LL

/OSCO

UNADILLA

MARION

PUTNAM
Pinckney

HAMBURG

GREEN OAK

�2000 Census Population Counts
Livingston
County
Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Brighton

Brighton
twp.

Cohoctah
twp.

Conway
twp.

Deerfield
twp.

Fowlerville

Genoa
twp.

Green Oak
twp.

115,645
156,951
36%

5,686
6,701
18%

14,815
17,673
19%

2,693
3,394
26%

1,818
2,732
50%

3,000
4,087
36%

2,648
2,972
12%

10,820
15,901
47%

11,604
15,618
35%

1%
1%
1%

0%
2%
1%

1%
1%
1%

0%
0%
1%

0%
0%
1%

0%
0%
1%

0%
0%
2%

0%
1%
1%

2%
1%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

155,288
152,439
722
682
896
503

6,639
6,474
23
28
88
26

17,530
17,194
76
52
146
55

3,366
3,323
2
16
9
13

2,687
2,622
7
39
4
15

4,047
4,017
0
21
5
4

2,928
2,862
5
40
9
11

15,719
15,472
30
67
113
35

15,412
14,981
247
73
77
32

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

1,663
132
1,531

62
4
58

143
13
130

28

0

45
3

28

42

40
2
38

44
1
43

182
18
164

206
29
177

45,125
111,826
29%

1,451
5,250
22%

5,307
12,366
30%

985
2,409
29%

855
1,877
31%

1,220
2,867
30%

882
2,090
30%

4,323
11,578
27%

4,564
11,054
29%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Livingston County, page 1

�2000 Census Population Counts
Livingston
County
Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Hamburg
twp.

Handy
twp.

Hartland
twp.

Howell

Howell
twp.

Iosco
twp.

Marion
twp.

Oceola
twp.

115,645
156,951
36%

13,083
20,627
58%

2,840
4,032
42%

6,860
10,996
60%

8,184
9,232
13%

4,298
5,679
32%

1,567
3,039
94%

4,918
6,757
37%

4,825
8,362
73%

1%
1%
1%

1%
1%
1%

0%
0%
1%

0%
1%
1%

0%
1%
2%

0%
0%
1%

0%
1%
4%

0%
1%
1%

0%
1%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

155,288
152,439
722
682
896
503

20,458
20,054
211
57
90
40

3,993
3,935
8
28
15
7

10,901
10,769
30
33
41
28

9,143
8,860
29
56
114
67

5,610
5,551
10
17
14
17

3,005
2,882
2
15
18
88

6,664
6,607
2
28
18
8

8,244
8,121
10
39
53
19

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

1,663
132
1,531

169
14
155

39
4
35

95
13
82

89
8
81

69
4
65

34
0
34

93
2
91

118
3
115

45,125
111,826
29%

6,107
14,520
30%

1,285
2,747
32%

3,340
7,656
30%

2,228
7,004
24%

1,588
4,091
28%

990
2,049
33%

1,978
4,779
29%

2,681
5,681
32%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Livingston County, page 2

�2000 Census Population Counts
Livingston
County
Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Pinckney

Putnam
twp.

Tyrone
twp.

Unadilla
twp.

115,645
156,951
36%

1,603
2,141
34%

4,580
5,359
17%

6,854
8,459
23%

2,949
3,190
8%

1%
1%
1%

0%
1%
1%

0%
1%
1%

0%
1%
1%

1%
0%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

155,288
152,439
722
682
896
503

2,115
2,094
3
7
3
8

5,296
5,242
10
18
15
7

8,386
8,274
5
34
52
21

3,145
3,105
12
14
12
2

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

1,663
132
1,531

26
3
23

63
1
62

73
4
69

45
6
39

45,125
111,826
29%

701
1,440
33%

1,380

2,432

828

3,979

6,027

2,362

26%

29%

26%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under 18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Livingston County, page 3

�Macomb County
ARMADA
BRUCE

Arma~

RICHMOND

Bl

WASHINGTON

SHELBY

UT

STERLING
HEIGHTS

WARREN

CE~LINE

RAY

MACOMB

LENOX

CHESTERFIELD

�.. ..

-

·---

2000 Census Population Counts
Macomb
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Armada
twp.

Armada

Centerline

Bruce
twp.

Chesterfield
twp.

Clinton
twp.

Eastpointe

Fraser

717,400
788,149
10%

2,943
3,673
25%

1,548
1,573
2%

6,012
8,158
36%

9,026
8,531
-5%

25,905
37,405
44%

85,866
95,648
11%

35,283
34,077
-3%

13,899
15,297
10%

3%
3%
2%

0%
0%
2%

0%
0%
2%

2%
1%
2%

4%
1%
2%

4%
1%
3%

5%
2%
2%

5%
1%
1%

1%
1%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

774,201
730,270
21,326
2,478
16,843
3,106

3,637
3,607
3
6
4
17

1,555
1,537
3
9
2
3

8,071
7,822
146
30
33
35

8,397
8,004
264
21
86
22

36,821
34,948
1,110
149
284
324

93,898
87,151
4,461
276
1,605
391

33,530
31,395
1,601
143
296
93

15,142
14,787
139
40
142
32

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

13,948
2,003
11,945

36
1
35

18
0
18

87
13
74

134
41
93

584
154
430

1,750
357
1,393

547
109
438

155
31
124

189,784
598,365
24%

1,063
2,610
29%

459
1,114
29%

2,371
5,787
29%

1,856
6,675
22%

11,150
26,255
30%

21,382
74,266
22%

8,333
25,744
24%

3,705
11,592
24%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under 18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Macomb County, page 1

�2000 Census Population Counts
Macomb
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Grosse
Pointe
Shores (pt)

Harrison
twp.

Macomb
twp.

Lenox
twp.

Memphis
(pt.)

Mt.
Clemens

New
Baltimore

New
Haven

717,400
788,149
10%

105
80
-24%

24,685
24,461
-1%

3,069
5,362
75%

22,714
50,478
122%

896
807
-10%

18,405
17,312
-6%

5,798
7,405
28%

2,331
3,071
32%

3%
3%
2%

1%
8%
0%

3%
1%
1%

18%
1%
3%

1%
2%
1%

1%
1%
0%

21%
1%
2%

1%
1%
1%

22%
0%
4%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

774,201
730,270
21,326
2,478
16,843
3,106

80
71
1
2
6
0

24,081
23,123
604
94
141
109

5,263
4,363
813
40
19

27

49,913
48,518
426
95
713
157

798
788
1
3
6
0

16,863
13,121
3,395
127
85
132

7,311
7,175
39
27
35
34

2,936
2,299
582
22
3
30

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

13,948
2,003
11,945

0
0
0

380
65
315

99
16
83

565
79
486

9
0
9

449
163
286

94
13
81

135
60
75

189,784
598,365
24%

5
75
6%

5,352
19,109
22%

1,100
4,262
21%

15,256
35,222
30%

208
599
26%

3,737
13,575
22%

1,884
5,521
25%

991
2,080
32%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Macomb County, page 2

�7'1111!1)

,a

2000 Census Population Counts
Macomb
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Ray
twp.

Richmond

Richmond
twp.

Romeo

Roseville

St. Clair
Shores

Shelby
Twp.

Sterling
Heights

717,400
788,149
10%

3,230
3,740
16%

4,141
4,896
18%

2,528
3,416
35%

3,520
3,721
6%

51,412
48,129
-6%

68,107
63,096
-7%

48,655
65,159
34%

117,810
124,471
6%

3%
3%
2%

0%
1%
1%

1%
1%
5%

1%
1%
1%

5%
1%
3%

3%
2%
2%

1%
1%
1%

1%
2%
2%

2%
5%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

774,201
730,270
21,326
2,478
16,843
3,106

3,705
3,657
6
11
14
17

4,839
4,672
12
15
40
91

3,369
3,311
33
13
6
6

3,660
3,448
162
6
15
25

47,375
44,968
1,252
201
785
154

62,401
61,135
435
175
531
111

64,258
61,870
553
158
1,374
291

121,359
112,899
1,614
260
6,123
418

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

13,948
2,003
11,945

35
3
32

57
9
48

47
1
46

61
26
35

754
140
614

695
61
634

901
67
834

3,112
168
2,944

189,784
598,365
24%

963
2,777
26%

1,186
3,710
24%

958
2,458
28%

971
2,750
26%

11,137
36,992
23%

12,740
50,356
20%

16,219
48,940
25%

29,965
94,506
24%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Macomb County, page 3

�--~-----

.........

-

________.

__

2000 Census Population Counts
Macomb
County

Warren

Utica

Washington

twp.
Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

717,400
788,149
10%

5,081
4,577
-10%

144,864
138,247
-5%

13,087
19,080
46%

3%
3%
2%

1%
3%
2%

3%
4%
1%

1%
1%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

774,201
730,270
21,326
2,478
16,843
3,106

4,502
4,292
42
17
117
34

135,168
126,205
3,697
494
4,275
467

18,929
18,552
94
50
118
111

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

13,948
2,003
11,945

75
8
67

3,079
408
2,671

151
36
115

189,784
598,365
24%

961
3,616
21%

31,723
106,524
23%

5,080
14,000
27%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under 18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Macomb County, page 4

�.

Monroe County

S. Rockwood

MILAN

LONDON

EXETER

@rteton
ASH

ybee

tJ
FRENCHTOWN

DUNDEE ~ e e

RAISINVILLE

PET~BUAG
SUMMERFIELD

WHITEFORD

FRENCHTOWN

/DA

BEDFORD

ERIE

�2000 Census Population Counts
Monroe
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Bedford
twp.

Ash
twp.

Berlin
twp.

Carleton

Dundee

Dundee
twp.

Erie
twp.

Estral
Beach

133,600
145,945
9%

4,710
5,048
7%

23,748
28,606
20%

4,635
5,154
11%

2,770
2,562
-8%

2,712
2,819
4%

2,664
3,522
32%

4,492
4,850
8%

430
486
13%

2%
1%
2%

1%
1%
2%

0%
1%
2%

1%
0%
1%

0%
0%
2%

1%
1%
1%

1%
0%
1%

1%
1%
4%

1%
0%
3%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

144,034
139,264
2,766
405
679
907

4,975
4,910
23
13
11
17

28,344
27,907
114

2,504
2,478
1
11
6
8

2,795
2,760
8
8
19

3,472
3,413
23
14
14
8

4,780
4,623
49

147
118

5,105
5,019
25
19
4
37

10
69

461
452
6
1
0
2

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

1,911
425
1,486

73
8
65

262
26
236

49
5
44

58
6
52

24
5
19

50
17
33

70
5
65

25
0
25

39,993
105,952
27%

1,366
3,682
27%

8,028
20,578
28%

1,380
3,774
27%

728
1,834
28%

769
2,050
27%

1,017
2,505
29%

1,312
3,538
27%

122
364
25%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

56

0

29

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Monroe County, page 1

�2000 Census Population Counts
Monroe
County

Exeter

twp.

Frenchtown

Ida

twp.

LaSalle

London

twp.

twp.

Luna Pier

Milan

Maybee

twp.

twp.
Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

133,600
145,945
9%

2,753
3,222
17%

18,210
20,777
14%

4,554
4,949
9%

4,985
5,001
0%

2,915
3,024
4%

1,507
1,483
-2%

500
505
1%

1,659
1,670
1%

2%
1%
2%

7%
0%
1%

2%
1%
2%

0%
0%
1%

0%
0%
2%

14%
0%
1%

0%
0%
3%

0%
0%
2%

1%
0%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

144,034
139,264
2,766
405
679
907

3,189
2,925
227
11
14
12

20,468
19,845
331
85
110
94

4,924
4,874
8
10
25

4,964
4,899
18
20
13
14

2,980
2,569
391
13
1
6

1,448
1,416
3
15
0
14

503
497
2
0
0
3

1,659
1,640
6
6
1
6

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

1,911
425
1,486

33
16
17

309
47
262

25
6
19

37
3
34

44
11
33

35
0
35

2
0
2

11
3
8

39,993
105,952
27%

876
2,346
27%

5,714
15,063
28%

1,458
3,491
29%

1,272
3,729
25%

895
2,129
30%

433
1,050
29%

157
348
31%

417
1,253
25%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

7

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Monroe County, page 2

�2000 Census Population Counts
Monroe
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Milan
(pt.)

Monroe

Monroe
twp.

Petersburg Raisinville
South Summerfielc Whiteford
Rockwood
twp.
twp.
twp.

74%

22,902
22,076
-4%

11,909
13,491
13%

1,201
1,157
-4%

4,634
4,896
6%

1,221
1,284
5%

3,076
3,233
5%

4,433
4,420
0%

2%
1%
2%

3%
1%
3%

6%
1%
3%

2%
1%
2%

1%
1%
1%

1%
0%
1%

1%
0%
1%

0%
0%
3%

2%
0%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

144,034
139,264
2,766
405
679
907

1,681
1,614
34
4
8
21

21,622
20,060
1,120
53
186
199

13,303
12,807
252
25
111
107

1,134
1,120
4
5
1
4

4,854
4,795
24
8
12
15

1,261
1,253
3
3
1
1

3,226
3,171
8
3
2
42

4,382
4,217
87
3
9
66

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

1,911
425
1,486

29
13
16

454
160
294

188
66
122

23
3
20

42
3
39

23
5
18

7
2
5

38
15
23

39,993
105,952
27%

538
1,172
31%

5,941
16,135
27%

3,537
9,954
26%

353
804
31%

1,301
3,595
27%

342
942
27%

878
2,355
27%

1,159
3,261
26%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

133,600
145,945
9%

980
1,710

-

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Monroe County, page 3

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2000 Census Population Counts
Oakland
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Addison
twp.

Auburn
Hills

Berkley

Beverly
Hills

Bingham
Farms

Birmingham

Bloomfield Bloomfield
twp.
Hills

1,083,592
1,194,156
10%

4,785
6,107
28%

17,076
19,837
16%

16,960
15,531
-8%

10,628
10,463
-2%

1,001
1,030
3%

19,997
19,291
-4%

42,473
43,023
1%

4,288
3,940
-8%

11%
5%
2%

1%
0%
2%

14%
7%
4%

1%
1%
1%

3%
2%
1%

6%
2%
0%

1%
2%
1%

5%
7%
1%

2%
7%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

1,171,945
988,194
120,720
3,270
49,402
10,064

6,046
5,939
56
20
13
17

19,320
15,061
2,623
64
1,255
309

15,293
14,923
108
38
160
62

10,312
9,753
318
16
193
30

1,015
942
56
0
15
2

19,081
18,545
175
28
290
36

42,547
37,732
1,849
35
2,783
125

3,911
3,573
65
4
259
10

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

22,211
3,564
18,647

61
7
54

517
107
410

238
30
208

151
22
129

15
1
14

210
28
182

476
59
417

29
1
28

300,760
893,396
25%

1,793
4,314

4,051
15,786

3,542
11,989

2,570
7,893

29%

20%

23%

25%

164
866
16%

4,094
15,197
21%

10,242
32,781
24%

775
3,165
20%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Oakland County, page 1

�2000 Census Population Counts
Oakland
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Brandon
twp.

Clawson

Commerce Farmington Farmington
Hills
twp.

Ferndale

Franklin

Groveland
twp.

1,083,592
1,194,156
10%

10,799
13,230
23%

13,874
12,732
-8%

22,228
30,349
37%

10,132
10,423
3%

74,652
82,111
10%

25,084
22,105
-12%

2,626
2,937
12%

4,705
6,150
31%

11%
5%
2%

1%
1%
2%

1%
2%
1%

1%
2%
1%

3%
10%
1%

7%
8%
1%

4%
2%
2%

5%
4%
1%

1%
1%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

1,171,945
988,194
120,720
3,270
49,402
10,064

13,086
12,900
58
28
47
51

12,580
12,235
102
43
168
32

30,056
29,310
157
61
428
99

10,315
8,929
285
19
1,051
29

80,527
68,107
5,699
142
6,188
376

21,534
20,218
757
121
292
141

2,904
2,637
149
3
105
10

6,079
5,947
52
19
33
28

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

22,211
3,564
18,647

144
25
119

152
18
134

293
30
263

108
9
99

1,584
216
1,368

571
129
442

33
5
28

71
7
64

300,760
893,396
25%

4,025
9,205
30%

2,621
10,111
21%

9,118
21,231
30%

2,088
8,335
20%

18,942
63,169
23%

4,504
17,601
20%

830
2,107
28%

1,699
4,451
28%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Oakland County, page 2

�-~- ... - - --I -- ... - ..; ... __,

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...

2000 Census Population Counts
Oakland
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Hazel
Park

Highland
twp.

Holly

Holly
twp.

Huntington
Woods

lndependence
twp.

Keego
Harbor

Lake
Angelus

1,083,592
1,194,156
10%

20,051
18,963
-5%

17,941
19,169
7%

3,257
3,902
20%

5,595
6,135
10%

6,419
6,151
-4%

24,722
32,581
32%

2,932
2,769
-6%

328
326
-1%

11%
5%
2%

2%
2%
2%

0%
1%
1%

3%
1%
3%

2%
1%
3%

1%
2%
1%

1%
2%
3%

1%
2%
4%

1%
3%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

1,171,945
988,194
120,720
3,270
49,402
10,064

18,312
17,374
308
170
344
112

18,944
18,675
58
89
71
48

3,851
3,649
142
19
17
21

6,031
5,837
79
27
25
62

6,112
5,964
42
3
87
16

32,176
31,226
274
79
396
198

2,718
2,605
17
32
29
35

326
314
3
0
9
0

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

22,211
3,564
18,647

651
117
534

225
26
199

51
4
47

104
24
80

39
12
27

405
63
342

51
8
43

0
0
0

300,760
893,396
25%

5,245
13,718
28%

5,562
13,607
29%

1,013
2,889
26%

1,659
4,476
27%

1,634
4,517
27%

9,017
23,564
28¾

689
2,080
25%

66
260
20%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Oakland County, page 3

�2000 Census Population Counts
Oakland
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Lathrup
Village

Lake
Orion

Madison
Heights

Lyon
twp.

Leonard

Milford
twp.

Milford

Northville
(pt.)

1,083,592
1,194,156
10%

3,057
2,715
-11%

4,329
4,236
-2%

357
332
-7%

9,450
11,041
17%

32,196
31,101
-3%

6,610
8,999
36%

5,511
6,272
14%

3,367
3,352
0%

11%
5%
2%

0%
1%
2%

52%
1%
1%

5%
1%
6%

1%
1%
1%

2%
6%
2%

1%
1%
1%

0%
1%
1%

1%
3%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

1,171,945
988,194
120,720
3,270
49,402
10,064

2,683
2,655
7
9
8
3

4,141
1,992
2,110
4
26
9

329
313
13
1
2
0

10,926
10,721
39
45
67
50

30,268
27,866
567
138
1,547
142

8,912
8,778
55
18
39
22

6,193
6,106
10
24
31
22

3,327
3,209
14
6
81
12

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

22,211
3,564
18,647

32
2
30

95
53
42

3
3
0

115
18
97

833
55
778

87
6
81

79
11
68

25
2
23

300,760
893,396
25%

552
2,163
20%

1,042
3,194
25%

87
245
26%

3,182
7,859
29%

6,867
24,234
22%

2,563
6,436
28%

1,793
4,479
29%

877
2,475
26%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Oakland County, page 4

�- - . . . - : - - I - • -I-

11111:.

..

·--1- •.... ..; .. -

2000 Census Population Counts
Oakland
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Novi

Oakland
twp.

Oak
Park

Orchard
Lake

Orion
twp.

Oxford
twp.

Ortonville

Oxford

1,083,592
1,194,156
10%

34,448
47,579
44%

8,227
13,071
59%

30,462
29,793
-2%

2,286
2,215
-3%

21,019
30,748
46%

1,252
1,535
23%

9,004
12,485
39%

2,929
3,540
21%

11%
5%
2%

2%
9%
2%

2%
3%
1%

47%
3%
1%

4%
3%
1%

1%
2%
3%

0%
1%
2%

1%
1%
2%

1%
1%
3%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

1,171,945
988,194
120,720
3,270
49,402
10,064

46,874
41,532
908
90
4,113
223

12,946
12,305
262
12
342
25

28,563
13,989
13,690
52
648
179

2,184
2,035
85
3
59
2

30,367
29,276
416
80
388
200

1,529
1,508
1
7
6
7

12,312
12,075
51
32
62
89

3,503
3,442
21
10
19
11

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

22,211
3,564
18,647

705
91
614

125
13
112

1,230
202
1,028

31
8
23

381
40
341

6
0
6

173
14
159

37
3
34

300,760
893,396
25%

13,127
34,452
28%

3,992
9,079
31%

8,391
21,402
28%

595
1,620
27%

8,979
21,769
29%

497
1,038
32%

3,688
8,797
30%

997
2,543
28%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Oakland County, page 5

�...,

2000 Census Population Counts
Oakland
County

Pleasant
Ridge

Pontiac

Rochester Rochester
Hills

Royal
Oak

Rose

twp.

Royal
Oak

Southfield

twp.
Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change
Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic
Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination
Population by Age
Under 18
18 and older
Percent under 18

1,083,592
1,194,156
10%

2,775
2,594
-7%

71,166
66,337
-7%

7,130
10,467
47%

61,766
68,825
11%

4,926
6,210
26%

65,410
60,062
-8%

5,011
5,446
9%

75,728
78,296
3%

11%
5%
2%

1%
1%
2%

50%
3%
13%

2%
4%
2%

3%
7%
2%

1%
0%
2%

2%
2%
1%

73%
2%
1%

56%
4%
1%

1,171,945
988,194
120,720
3,270
49,402
10,064

2,572
2,505
22
11
23
10

64,015
25,934
31,791
382
1,591
4,291

10,342
9,670
234
26
386
25

67,884
61,084
1,667
139
4,652
322

6,147
6,032
55
14
16
30

59,224
56,941
927
157
939
228

5,264
1,238
3,894
12
79
39

75,955
30,406
42,454
157
2,416
498

22,211
3,564
18,647

22
4
18

2,322
777
1,545

125
16
109

941
119
822

63
12
51

838
96
742

182
49
133

2,341
539
1,802

300,760
893,396
25%

570
2,024
22%

20,320
46,017
31%

2,417
8,050
23%

17,874
50,951
26%

1,647
4,563
27%

10,695
49,367
18%

1,362
4,084
25%

16,876
61,420
22%

...

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Oakland County, page 6

�-·

-

---·· --- ..................!-2000 Census Population Counts
Oakland
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

South
Lyon

Springfield
twp.

Sylvan
Lake

Troy

Village of
Clarkston

Walled
Lake

Waterford
twp.

West
Bloomfield

1,083,592
1,194,156
10%

5,857
10,036
71%

9,927
13,338
34%

1,884
1,735
-8%

72,884
80,959
11%

1,005
962
-4%

6,278
6,713
7%

66,692
73,150
10%

54,516
64,860
19%

11%
5%
2%

1%
1%
2%

1%
1%
2%

2%
2%
1%

2%
14%
1%

1%
0%
1%

1%
2%
2%

3%
2%
4%

5%
8%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

1,171,945
988,194
120,720
3,270
49,402
10,064

9,920
9,703
39
17
109
40

13,214
12,897
146
62
73
35

1,698
1,655
21
8
14
0

79,486
66,627
1,694
125
10,730
292

941
931
3
1
4
1

6,617
6,400
49
21
114
33

71,914
67,777
2,114
259
926
829

63,402
54,644
3,360
78
5,063
246

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

22,211
3,564
18,647

116
12
104

124
15
109

37
4
33

1,473
96
1,377

21
7
14

96
7
89

1,236
176
1,060

1,458
95
1,363

300,760
893,396
25%

2,491
7,545
25%

3,846
9,492
29%

312
1,423
18%

21,218
59,741
26%

247
715
26%

1,431
5,282
21%

16,957
56,193
23%

17,093
47,767
26%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Oakland County, page 7

�2000 Census Population Counts
Oakland
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

White Lake
twp.

Wixom

Wolverine
Lake

1,083,592
1,194,156
10%

22,608
28,219
25%

8,550
13,263
55%

4,727
4,415
-7%

11%
5%
2%

1%
1%
2%

3%
3%
3%

0%
1%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

1,171,945
988,194
120,720
3,270
49,402
10,064

27,859
27,247
219
137
167
83

12,979
11,990
332
68
378

206

4,379
4,316
18
5
26
11

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

22,211
3,564
18,647

360
43
317

284
27
257

36
1
35

300,760
893,396
25%

7,807
20,412
28%

3,300
9,963
25%

1,125
3,290
25%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Oakland County, page 8

�--~-

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---·---

----

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GREENWOOD

-

GRANT

BROCKWAY

MUSSEY

EMMETT

KENOCKEE

CLYDE

c,~
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BERLIN

St. Clair County

RILEY

WALES

KIMBALL

COLUMBUS

ST. CLAIR

CASCO

CHINA

--

�2000 Census Population Counts
St. Clair
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Algonac

Brockway
twp.

Berlin
twp.

Burtchville
twp.

Capac

China
twp.

Casco
twp.

Clay
twp.

145,607
164,235
13%

4,551
4,613
1%

2,407
3,162
31%

1,609
1,900
18%

3,559
3,956
11%

1,583
1,775
12%

4,552
4,747
4%

2,644
3,340
26%

8,862
9,822
11%

3%
1%
2%

0%
0%
1%

1%
0%
3%

0%
0%
2%

1%
0%
2%

1%
0%
16%

1%
1%
1%

0%
1%
1%

0%
0%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

161,976
155,962
3,451
829
650
1,052

4,560
4,491
7
44
9
8

3,133
3,073
28
6
7
18

1,882
1,841
7
6
6
22

3,901
3,853
12
16
12
7

1,739
1,624
7
19
0
89

4,640
4,584
24
12
8
8

3,315
3,280
11
11
8
4

9,737
9,618
20
67
11
21

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

2,259
570
1,689

53
5
48

29
10
19

18
1
17

55
8
47

36
0
36

107
16
91

25
2
23

85
8
77

43,971
120,264
27%

1,178
3,435
26%

912
2,250
29%

545
1,355
29%

967
2,989
24%

590
1,185
33%

1,346
3,401
28%

982
2,358
29%

2,221
7,601
23%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

~

-·

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

St. Clair County, page 1

�2000 Census Population Counts
St. Clair
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Clyde
twp.

Columbus
twp.

Cottrellville
twp.

Emmett
twp.

East
China
twp.

Fort
Gratiot
twp.

Emmett

Grant
twp.

145,607
164,235
13%

5,052
5,523
9%

3,235
4,615
43%

3,301
3,814
16%

1,816
2,506
38%

1,519
2,255
48%

297
251
-15%

8,968
10,691
19%

1,210
1,667
38%

3%
1%
2%

1%
0%
1%

0%
1%
2%

0%
0%
1%

0%
0%
1%

0%
0%
1%

0%
0%
0%

2%
2%
2%

0%
0%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

161,976
155,962
3,451
829
650
1,052

5,475
5,398
16
19
21
19

4,557
4,477
4
26
17
32

3,780
3,764
3
4
6
0

2,496
2,462
6
3
7
16

2,245
2,212
6
2
7
16

251
250
0
1
0
0

10,586
10,202
156
28
143
56

1,655
1,637
2
2
2
12

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

2,259
570
1,689

48
13
35

58
11
47

34
2
32

10
2
8

10
2
8

0
0
0

105
20
85

12
1
11

43,971
120,264
27%

1,466
4,057
27%

1,417
3,198
31%

1,049
2,765
28%

767
1,739
31%

691
1,564
31%

76
175
30%

2,645
8,046
25%

490
1,177
29%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under 18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

St. Clair County, page 2

�2000 Census Population Counts
St. Clair
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Greenwood
twp.

Ira
twp.

Kenockee
twp.

Kimball
twp.

Marine
City

Lynn
twp.

Marysville

Memphis
(pt.)

145,607
164,235
13%

1,037
1,373
32%

5,587
6,966
25%

1,854
2,423
31%

7,247
8,628
19%

921
1,187
29%

4,556
4,652
2%

8,515
9,684
14%

325
322
-1%

3%
1%
2%

1%
0%
1%

1%
0%
1%

0%
0%
1%

1%
0%
2%

2%
0%
3%

0%
0%
1%

0%
1%
1%

2%
0%
3%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

161,976
155,962
3,451
829
650
1,052

1,351
1,319
13
7
5
7

6,892
6,748
57
44
18
22

2,410
2,379
5
12
1
12

8,516
8,352
77
34
13
38

1,179
1,151
19
5
0
4

4,608
4,526
4
26
12
40

9,629
9,508
17
29
42
32

320
310
7
3
0
0

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

2,259
570
1,689

22
2
20

74
24
50

13
0
13

112
22
90

8
0
8

44
8
36

55
9
46

2
0
2

43,971
120,264
27%

405
968
29%

1,938
5,028
28%

677
1,746
28%

2,289
6,339
27%

365
822
31%

1,284
3,368
28%

2,360
7,324
24%

87
235
27%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

~

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

St. Clair County, page 3

�1

2000 Census Population Counts
St. Clair
County

Total Population
1990

Mussey
twp.

Port Huron Port Huron
twp.

St. Clair

Riley
twp.

St. Clair
twp.

Yale

Wales
twp.

145,607
164,235
13%

1,530
1,965
28%

33,694
32,338
-4%

7,621
8,615
13%

2,154
3,046
41%

5,116
5,802
13%

4,614
6,423
39%

2,294
2,986
30%

1,977
2,063
4%

3%
1%
2%

0%
0%
10%

9%
1%
4%

4%
0%
2%

1%
0%
2%

0%
1%
1%

0%
0%
1%

3%
0%
1%

0%
0%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

161,976
155,962
3,451
829
650
1,052

1,953
1,887
0
8
10
48

31,430
28,034
2,504
281
179
428

8,502
8,066
298
53
30
53

3,005
2,970
15
3
5
12

5,728
5,649
7
14
50
8

6,374
6,306
17
15
19
17

2,972
2,859
97
10
2
4

2,044
2,015
3
12
0
13

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

2,259
570
1,689

12
0
12

908
346
562

113
36
77

41
4
37

74
10
64

49
9
40

14
0
14

19
0
19

43,971
120,264
27%

588
1,377
30%

8,729
23,609
27%

2,224
6,391
26%

889
2,157
29%

1,583
4,219
27%

1,782
4,641
28%

841
2,145
28%

610
1,453
30%

2000
Percent change
Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

St Clair County, page 4

�Washtenaw County

LYNDON

DEXTER

WEBSTER

NORTHFIELD

SALEM

SUPERIOR
SYLVAN

LIMA

SCIO

NTI

SHARON

FREEDOM

LODI

PITTSFIELD

YPSILANTI

SALINE

YORK

AUGUSTA

Mancheo
MANCHESTER

BRIDGEWATER

..... --- ---

.....

�-

-

..

-

-

· ..

-

~

-

-

'WII

..

-

-

-

2000 Census Population Counts
Washtenaw Ann Arbor Ann Arbor
twp.
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Augusta
twp.

Barton Hills Bridgewate1
twp.

Chelsea

Dexter
twp.

Dexter

282,937
322,895
14%

109,592
114,024
4%

3,473
4,385
26%

4,415
4,813
9%

320
335
5%

1,304
1,646
26%

3,772
4,398
17%

4,407
5,248
19%

1,497
2,338
56%

13%
7%
3%

10%
13%
3%

3%
14%
2%

6%
1%
1%

1%
7%
1%

0%
0%
0%

1%
1%
1%

1%
1%
1%

1%
1%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

314,602
249,916
39,697
1,161
20,338
3,364

110,544
85,151
10,070
332
13,566
1,384

4,309
3,535
101
8
624
39

4,749
4,458
254
16
10
8

322
298
5
0
17
1

1,637
1,632
2
2
1
0

4,356
4,272
31
12
21
17

5,192
5,118
20
15
32
4

2,305
2,258
10
7
24
6

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

8,293
1,988
6,305

3,480
766
2,714

76
6
70

64
15
49

13
0
13

9
0
9

42
3
39

56
4
52

33
5
28

71,288
251,607
22%

19,109
94,915
17%

934
3,451
21%

1,199
3,614
25%

63
272
19%

414
1,232
25%

1,040
3,358
24%

1,495
3,753
28%

618
1,720
26%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Washtenaw County, page 1

�2000 Census Population Counts
Washtenaw
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Freedom
twp.

Lyndon
twp.

Lodi
twp.

Lima
twp.

Manchester
twp.

Northfield
twp.

Milan
(pt.)

Manchester

282,937
322,895
14%

1,486
1,562
5%

2,585
3,224
25%

3,902
5,710
46%

2,228
2,728
22%

1,739
1,942
12%

1,753
2,160
23%

3,060
3,065
0%

6,732
8,252
23%

13%
7%
3%

0%
0%
9%

1%
1%
1%

3%
2%
1%

7%
1%
2%

0%
0%
1%

1%
0%
1%

2%
1%
4%

1%
1%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

314,602
249,916
39,697
1,161
20,338
3,364

1,548
1,455
0
4
6
83

3,190
3,145
12
7
19
7

5,627
5,381
130
18
80
15

2,694
2,451
167
32
9
35

1,925
1,904
7
9
3
2

2,153
2,122
8
10
4
9

3,038
2,889
49
13
25
61

8,135
7,933
88
38
47
19

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

8,293
1,988
6,305

14
2
12

34
6
28

83
15
68

34
7
27

17
0
17

7
2
5

27
3
24

117
12
105

71,288
251,607
22%

412
1,150
26%

864
2,360
27%

1,677
4,033
29%

643
2,085
24%

502
1,440
26%

576
1,584
27%

779
2,286
25%

2,110
6,142
26%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

___

Washtenaw County, page 2

.........

____ _

....._

�-

- -·.. - .. -------·--2000 Census Population Counts
Washtenaw
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Pittsfield
twp.

Salem
twp.

Saline
twp.

Saline

Sharon
twp.

Scio
twp.

Superior
twp.

Sylvan
twp.

282,937
322,895
14%

17,668
30,167
71%

3,734
5,562
49%

6,660
8,034
21%

1,276
1,302
2%

9,580
13,421
40%

1,366
1,678
23%

8,720
10,740
23%

2,055
2,027
-1%

13%
7%
3%

15%
11%
4%

2%
1%
1%

1%
2%
2%

1%
1%
0%

5%
4%
2%

1%
0%
3%

32%
3%
2%

1%
1%
1%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

314,602
249,916
39,697
1,161
20,338
3,364

29,198
21,229
4,311
132
3,005
507

5,480
74
10
38
20

7,945
7,688
45
26
156
26

1,290
1,272
9
0
9
0

13,149
11,851
641
36
559
57

1,663
1,622
7
3
2
28

10,453
6,767
3,309
51
247
76

2,003
1,971
12
8
12
0

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

8,293
1,988
6,305

969
188
781

82
25
57

89
13
76

12
0
12

272
69
203

15
3
12

287
92
195

24
3
21

71,288
251,607
22%

7,228
22,939
24%

1,503
4,059
27%

2,297
5,737
29%

335
967
26%

3,661
9,760
27%

436
1,242
26%

3,106
7,634
29%

544
1,483
27%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

5,338

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Washtenaw County, page 3

�2000 Census Population Counts
Washtenaw
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Webster
twp.

York
twp.

Ypsilanti

Ypsilanti
twp.

282,937
322,895
14%

3,235
5,198
61%

6,225
7,392
19%

24,846
22,362
-10%

45,307
49,182
9%

13%
7%
3%

1%
1%
1%

13%
1%
4%

33%
4%
2%

27%
3%
3%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

314,602
249,916
39,697
1,161
20,338
3,364

5,158
5,052
32
16
45
13

7,290
6,191
940
19
77
62

21,689
13,731
6,838
98
712
295

47,560
33,202
12,525
239
988
590

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

8,293
1,988
6,305

40
7
33

102
4
98

673
241
432

1,622
497
1,125

71,288
251,607
22%

1,586
3,612
31%

1,666
5,726
23%

3,558
18,804
16%

12,933
36,249
26%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Washtenaw County, page 4

l

�Wayne County
SE PT. WOODS.
rosse Pt. Shores

NORTHVILLE
LIVONIA
PLYMOUTH

HIGHLAND P A ~

DETROIT

~MTRAMCK

PLYMout}
WESTLAND

~
CANTON

WAYNE

VANBUREN
ROMULUS
BELl~.LE

SUMPTER

HURON

-

�2000 Census Population Counts
Wayne
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Allen Park

Belleville

Brownstown
twp.

Canton
twp.

Dearborn

Dearborn
Heights

Detroit

Ecorse

2,111,687
2,061,162
-2%

31,092
29,376
-6%

3,270
3,997
22%

18,811
22,989
22%

57,040
76,366
34%

89,286
97,775
10%

60,838
58,264
-4%

1,027,974
951,270
-7%

12,180
11,229
-8%

43%
2%
4%

1%
1%
5%

9%
2%
3%

4%
4%
. 4%

5%
10%
2%

1%
3%
3%

2%
3%
3%

83%
1%
5%

42%
0%
9%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

2,009,893
1,065,607
868,992
7,627
35,141
32,020

29,002
28,083
214
106
238
354

3,915
3,499
315
16
47
38

22,540
20,464
878
121
880
197

74,905
64,045
3,466
224
6,664
489

88,602
84,931
1,248
258
1,441
710

56,627
53,395
1,236
216
1,306
470

929,229
116,599
775,772
3,140
9,268
24,199

10,887
5,859
4,555
73
21
377

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

51,269
7,833
43,436

374
22
352

82
23
59

449
78
371

1,461
231
1,230

9,173
123
9,050

1,637
83
1,554

22,041
4,532
17,509

342
64
278

577,680
1,483,482
28%

6,509
22,867
22%

877
3,120
22%

6,594
16,395
29%

22,170
54,196
29%

27,209
70,566
28%

13,130
45,134
23%

295,709
655,561
31%

3,125
8,104
28%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Wayne County, page 1

�2000 Census Population Counts
Wayne
County

Flat Rock

Garden
City

Gibraltar

Grosse
lie

Grosse
Pointe

twp.
Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Grosse
Pointe
Farms

Grosse
Pointe
Park

Grosse
Pointe
Shores

2,111,687
2,061,162
-2%

7,290
8,488
16%

31,846
30,047
-6%

4,297
4,264
-1%

9,781
10,894
11%

5,681
5,670
0%

10,092
9,764
-3%

12,857
12,443
-3%

2,850
2,743
-4%

43%
2%
4%

2%
1%
3%

1%
1%
2%

1%
1%
2%

0%
3%
2%

1%
1%
1%

1%
1%
1%

4%
2%
2%

1%
4%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

2,009,893
1,065,607
868,992
7,627
35,141
32,020

8,348
8,091
121
42
40
54

29,664
28,904
332
120
215
91

4,203
4,125
22
14
17
25

10,785
10,374
39
37
299
32

5,636
5,510
45
4
59
17

9,723
9,528
63
11
110
11

12,197
11,507
367
44
226
49

2,719
2,577
16
5
109
12

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

51,269
7,833
43,436

140
13
127

383
39
344

61
3
58

109
4
105

34
1
33

41
4
37

246
47
199

24
0
24

577,680
1,483,482
28%

2,483
6,005
29%

7,549
22,498
25%

1,001
3,263
23%

2,711
8,183
25%

1,439
4,231
25%

2,587
7,177
26%

3,420
9,023
27%

636
2,107
23%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Wayne County, page 2

�2000 Census Population Counts
Wayne
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Grosse
Pointe
Woods

Hamtramck

Harper
Woods

Highland
Park

Huron
twp.

Inkster

Lincoln
Park

Livonia

2,111,687
2,061,162
-2%

17,715
17,080
-4%

18,372
22,976
25%

14,903
14,254
-4%

20,121
16,746
-17%

10,447
13,737
31%

30,772
30,115
-2%

41,832
40,008
-4%

100,850
100,545
0%

43%
2%
4%

1%
2%
1%

16%
13%
1%

11%
2%
2%

95%
0%
1%

1%
1%
3%

70%
4%
2%

2%
1%
6%

1%
2%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

2,009,893
1,065,607
868,992
7,627
35,141
32,020

16,941
16,448
108
11
355
19

20,245
14,007
3,473
98
2,382
262

14,056
12,247
1,460
48
243
57

16,467
688
15,648
45
41
42

13,540
13,182
148
88
49
72

29,283
7,571
20,330
124
1,031
224

39,283
37,312
824
213
204
728

99,432
95,975
951
223
1,951
318

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

51,269
7,833
43,436

139
15
124

2,731
118
2,613

198
52
146

279
74
205

197
18
179

832
317
515

725
97
628

1,113
119
994

577,680
1,483,482
28%

4,460
12,620
26%

6,376
16,600
28%

3,193
11,061
22%

4,867
11,879
29%

3,905
9,832
28%

8,986
9,732
21,129 .
30,276
24%
30% - _..,,

23,958
76,587
24%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Wayne County, page 3

�II --

-

2000 Census Population Counts
Wayne
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Melvindale

Northville
(pt.)

Northville
twp.

Plymouth

Plymouth
twp.

Redford
twp.

River
Rouge

Riverview

2,111,687
2,061,162
-2%

11,216
10,735
-4%

2,859
3,107
9%

17,313
21,036
22%

9,560
9,022
-6%

23,648
27,798
18%

54,387
51,622
-5%

11,314
9,917
-12%

13,894
13,272
-4%

43%
2%
4%

6%
2%
9%

0%
2%
2%

5%
5%
2%

1%
1%
1%

3%
3%
2%

9%
1%
2%

43%
0%
5%

2%
2%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

2,009,893
1,065,607
868,992
7,627
35,141
32,020

10,426
9,382
565
80
138
257

3,082
2,999
11
6
39
26

20,772
18,787
923
58
905
92

8,910
8,699
51
32
95
27

27,451
25,680
822
76
759
110

50,747
45,418
4,410
222
392
295

9,639
5,214
4,166
77
16
162

13,123
12,497
276
57
249
42

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

51,269
7,833
43,436

309
35
274

25
2
23

264
32
232

112
7
105

347
38
309

875
199
676

278
88
190

149
28
121

577,680
1,483,482
28%

2,621
8,114
24%

661
2,446
21%

4,499
16,537
21%

1,690
7,332
19%

6,295
21,503
23%

13,078
38,544
25%

3,094
6,823
31%

2,833
10,439
21%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Wayne County, page 4

�2000 Census Population Counts
Wayne
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Rockwood

Romulus

Southgate

Sumpter
twp.

Taylor

Trenton

Van Buren
twp.

Wayne

-2%

3,141
3,442
10%

22,897
22,979
0%

30,771
30,136
-2%

10,891
11,856
9%

70,811
65,868
-7%

20,586
19,584
-5%

21,010
23,559
12%

19,899
19,051
-4%

43%
2%
4%

1%
1%
3%

32%
1%
2%

2%
2%
4%

13%
0%
2%

10%
2%
3%

1%
1%
2%

13%
2%
2%

12%
2%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

2,009,893
1,065,607
868,992
7,627
35,141
32,020

3,402
3,292
22
34
21
33

22,374
15,019
6,891
124
135
185

29,781
28,224
635
151
502
256

11,644
10,040
1,462
62
21
59

64,527
56,731
5,763
448
1,072
492

19,337
18,981
73
81
152
45

23,002
19,468
2,835
128
440
121

18,705
16,072
2,151
117
275
82

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

51,269
7,833
43,436

40
5
35

605
230
375

355
46
309

212
54
158

1,341
323
1,018

247
27
220

557
165
392

346
70
276

577,680
1,483,482
28%

850
2,592
25%

6,711
16,268
29%

6,484
23,652
22%

3,528
8,328
30%

17,910
47,958
27%

4,559
15,025
23%

5,633
17,926
24%

5,028
14,023
26%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

2,111,687
2,061,162

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Wayne County, page 5

�===============-,

2000 Census Population Counts
Wayne
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Westland Woodhaven Wyandotte

2,111,687
2,061,162
-2%

84,724
86,602
2%

11,631
12,530
8%

30,938
28,006
-9%

43%
2%
4%

7%
3%
2%

3%
2%
3%

1%
1%
3%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

2,009,893
1,065,607
868,992
7,627
35,141
32,020

84,837
75,527
5,867
396
2,437
582

12,345
11,680
292
61
205
105

27,560
26,976
146
136
92
202

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

51,269
7,833
43,436

1,765
335
1,430

185
20
165

446
52
394

577,680
1,483,482
28%

20,157
66,445
23%

3,080
9,450
25%

6,343
21,663
23%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of whether other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by Southeast Michigan Census Council; source 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Wayne County, page 6

�Q

Montrose

City

Montro1e Twp

Fluahlng Twp

I

Cllo

co

I

Thetford Twp

I

Forest Twp

Gene11N Twp

I

Rlchfleld Twp

I

Vienna Twp

Mount Morrl1
City

I

-,

Mount Morris Twp

[J~

Flint City
Clayton Twp

Davison Twp

Onnllllnc~

Gaines Twp

Mundy Twp

City

~

Atlaa Twp

Grand Blanc Twp

Fenton Twp
Argentine Twp

~

Genesee County
Ftnton
City

~

-

- -~

___._

112

..

...

�----

- - - - - - - - - -----2000 Census Population Counts

Genesee
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

11111

Argentine
twp.

Goodrich Burton city

Atlas
twp.

Clayton
twp.

Davison

Clio

Davison
twp.

Fenton

430,459
436,141
1%

4,651
6,521
40%

4,635
5,904
27%

916
1,353
48%

27,617
30,308
10%

7,368
7,546
2%

2,629
2,483
-6%

5,693
5,536
-3%

14,671
17,722
21%

8,444
10,582
25%

21%
1%
2%

0%
1%
1%

0%
1%
1%

0%
1%
1%

4%
1%
2%

1%
1%
2%

1%
0%
2%

1%
0%
2%

3%
1%
2%

1%
1%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

426,622
328,350
88,843
2,414
3,515
3,408

6,442
6,339
15
55
12
16

5,844
5,747
21
21
29
17

1,347
1,333
3
2
8
1

29,691
27,910
1,075
230
224
244

7,422
7,198
85
38
58
43

2,423
2,371
12
15
4
20

5,445
5,340
28
32
20
24

17,387
16,712
364
65
155
90

10,459
10,185
63
41
100
70

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

9,519
2,193
7,326

79
5
74

60
7
53

6
1
5

617
110
507

124
16
108

60
6
54

91
16
75

335
57
278

123
22
101

119,601
316,540
27%

1,937
4,584
30%

1,754
4,150
30%

400
953
30%

8,307
22,001
27%

2,013
5,533
27%

602
1,881
24%

1,350
4,186
24%

4,321
13,401
24%

2,685
7,897
25%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under 18
18 and older
Percent under 18

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of wheter other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by the Southeast Michigan Census Council; source: 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Genesee County, page 1

�I
2000 Census Population Counts
Genesee
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Fenton
twp.

Flint

Flint
twp.

Flushing

Flushing
twp.

Forest
twp.

Otisville

Gaines
twp.

Gaines

430,459
436,141
1%

10,055
12,968
29%

140,761
124,943
-11%

34,081
33,691
-1%

8,542
8,348
-2%

9,223
10,230
11%

3,685
3,856
5%

724
882
22%

5,391
6,491
20%

427
366
-14%

21%
1%
2%

0%
1%
1%

55%
1%
3%

17%
3%
2%

1%
1%
2%

1%
1%
2%

1%
0%
1%

1%
0%
2%

1%
1%
1%

3%
1%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

426,622
328,350
88,843
2,414
3,515
3,408

12,819
12,582
36
53
100
44

121,018
51,710
66,560
798
547
1,384

32,833
26,200
5,430
205
740
252

8,243
8,096
53
27
33
31

10,101
9,813
112
47
59
60

3,812
3,761
8
12
10
21

867
848
9
4
0
5

6,394
6,291
22
26
23
31

357
343

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

9,519
2,193
7,326

149
16
133

3,925
1,221
2,704

858
163
695

105
11
94

129
19
110

44
11
33

15
0
15

97
10
87

9
3
6

119,601
316,540
27%

3,264
9,704
25%

38,241
86,702
31%

8,230
25,461
24%

1,920
6,428
23%

2,740
7,490
27%

961
2,895
25%

242
640
27%

1,717
4,774
26%

103
263
28%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

7
0
2
5

"

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of wheter other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by the Southeast Michigan Census Council; source: 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File
--

. Genesee_C_ounty. oa~e 2

.-

·1111111

11111ft

1111111

_

�- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ........ ....._ 2000 Census Population Counts

Genesee
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Genesee
twp.

Grand
Blanc

Grand
Blanc
twp.

Linden city Montrose

Montrose
twp.

Mount
Morris

Mount
Morris
twp.

Mundy
twp.

430,459
436,141
1%

24,093
24,125
0%

7,760
8,242
6%

25,392
29,827
17%

2,415
2,861
18%

1,811
1,619
-11%

5,809
5,970
3%

3,292
3,194
-3%

25,198
23,725
-6%

11,511
12,191
6%

21%
1%
2%

9%
0%
3%

6%
4%
2%

7%
3%
2%

0%
1%
1%

0%
0%
2%

2%
0%
2%

3%
1%
2%

42%
0%
3%

2%
1%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

426,622
328,350
88,843
2,414
3,515
3,408

23,613
21,206
1,973
161
72
198

8,097
7,349
413
22
265
48

29,336
26,285
1,998
115
749
182

2,838
2,799
2
14
13

1,595
1,576
2
10
2
5

5,910
5,723
105
50
1
31

22,982
12,940
9,526
148
61
298

12,062
11,708
172
27
100
54

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

9,519
2,193
7,326

512
98
414

145
22
123

491
87
404

23
1
22

24
2
22

60
7
53

68
7
61

743
203
540

129
12
117

119,601
316,540
27%

6,697
17,428
28%

2,027
6,215
25%

7,611
22,216
26%

714
2,147
25%

447
1,172
28%

1,741
4,229
29%

892
2,302
28%

7,140
16,585
30%

2,769
9,422
23%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

10

3,126
2,975
98
19
13
20 .

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless of wheter other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by the Southeast Michigan Census Council; source: 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

Genesee County, page 3

�2000 Census Population Counts
Genesee
County

Total Population
1990
2000
Percent change

Richfield

twp.

Swartz
Creek

Thetford

Vienna

twp.

twp.

430,459
436,141
1%

7,271
8,170
12%

4,851
5,102
5%

8,333
8,277
-1%

13,210
13,108
-1%

21%
1%
2%

3%
1%
2%

1%
1%
2%

3%
0%
2%

1%
1%
2%

Count of Population by Race
One Race Category Checked
White
Black
American Indian
Asian
Some other race

426,622
328,350
88,843
2,414
3,515
3,408

8,015
7,723
201
39
17
35

5,024
'4,889
62
18
32
22

8,175
7,815
241
57
20
42

12,945
12,583
147
67
45
102

Two-Six Categories Checked
White and Black
Other combination

9,519
2,193
7,326

155
13
142

78
9
69

102
14
88

163
24
139

119,601
316,540
27%

2,164
6,006
26%

1,137
3,965
22%

2,223
6,054
27%

3,252
9,856
25%

Major Race/Ethnic Groups*
Percent Black
Percent Asian
Percent Hispanic

Population by Age
Under18
18 and older
Percent under 18

- - - - .... ~--- ___ - -

*Includes all persons marking this category, regardless ofwheter other categories were marked as well.
Prepared by the Southeast Michigan Census Council; source: 2000 Census PL94-171 Redistricting File

_...

-

r,t:11nt:11coo ,--,.., , ... , .. - - - -

~

�-~~--,_.,_.,_.,_.,-.,a.,-.

~~,.

Printed by:
Oakland County Planning and Economic Development Services
1200 N. Telegraph Road
Pontiac Ml 48341
(248) 858-0720
www.co.oakland.mi.us

�</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
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                <elementText elementTextId="998780">
                  <text>Wyckoff Planning and Zoning Collection</text>
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                  <text>Planning &amp; Zoning Center (Lansing, Mich.) (Organization)</text>
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                  <text>Wyckoff, Mark A.</text>
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                  <text>Municipal master plans and zoning ordinances from across the state of Michigan, spanning from the 1960s to the early 2020s. The bulk of the collection was compiled by urban planner Mark Wyckoff over the course of his career as the founder and principal planner of the Planning and Zoning Center in Lansing, Michigan. Some additions have been made to the collection by municipalities since it was transferred to Grand Valley State University.</text>
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                  <text>Michigan</text>
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              <name>Date</name>
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                  <text>1960/2023</text>
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              <name>Subject</name>
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                    <text>1990 Census
Subcommunity Profiles
for the City of Detroit
October 1993

Southeast Michigan Census Council, Inc.
Michigan Metropolitan Information Center, Center for Urhan Studies, Wayne State University
United Community Services of Metropolitan Detroit

�$15.00

1990 Census Subcommunity Profiles
For the City of Detroit
October 1993

Southeast Michigan Census Council, Inc.
17321 Telegraph Road, Suite 204
Detroit, MI 48219-3143
(313) 535-2077
Michigan Metropolitan Information Center
Center for Urban Studies
Wayne State University
Detroit, MI 48202
(313) 577-8359
United Community Services
of Metropolitan Detroit
J212 Griswold
Detroit, MI 48226-1899
(313) 226-9409

I
I

Project funded by NBD Bank, N.A.
WSU/CUSIMIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

SUBCOMMUNITY PROF1LES

I

�CONTENTS

t

F~"\
PI c:. .. ..

,,.j

•

::-:· .... :1. - ~~ .'OF
c: _!~ L :--, !nc.
•

•

-- . . .

1 • __

Page
PREFACE

................................................................................................ iv

TABLE 1

GENERAL POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS ................ 1

TABLE2

SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS .............................................. 7

TABLE3

INCOME AND POVERTY CHARACTERISTICS .............. 13

TABLE4

LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS ................................ 19

TABLES

GENERAL HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS ..................... 25

TABLE6

SELECTED HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS .................... 31

APPENDIX

................................................................................................ 37

GLOSSARY

............................................................................................... 01

SUBCOMMUNITIES IN THE CITY OF DETROIT: 1990 MAP

WSU/CUS/MIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

SUBCOMMUNITY PROFILES

�PREFACE
This report, presenting 1990 census data for UCS Subcommunities in the City of Detroit, has been prepared cooperatively by the
Southeast Michigan Census Council (SEMCC), Wayne State University/Center for Urban Studies/Michigan Metropolitan Information
Center (MIMIC), and United Community Services of Metropolitan Detroit (UCS). It should be noted that data percentages may not
add to 100 percent due to rounding.
Funding for creating the report was provided by NBD Bank, N.A.
For further information on the UCS subcommunity system, see United Community Services of Metropolitan Detroit,
"Subcommunities in the City of Detroit, 1990," 1992. Copies are available from the UCS Resource Center (313-226-9409).
In addition to the UCS Subcommunity data presented in these pages, similar data can also be prepared for any geographic area aggregated from census tracts, zip codes, or minor civil divisions. For further information on obtaining a custom geographic area profile,
contact the Southeast Michigan Census Council (313-535-2077) or MIMIC (313-577-8359).

i

J

I
WSU/CUSIMIMIC-SEMCC-UCS
iv

SUBCOMMUNITY PROFILES

I
I

�TABLE 1. GENERAL POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS
SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

Total Population
White, non-Hispanic
Black, non-Hispanic
Other, non-Hispanic

CITY OF
DETROIT

AIRPORT

BAGLEY

1,027,974
212,278
774,529
12,694

18,418
1,946
16,102
266

21,045
333
20,519
88

..Hispanic .................................................................................................................................. 28,473... .. ..............!.~...
% Black
76%
88%
3%
1%
% Hispanic

% 17 Years and ymmger
% 60 Years and older
% 65 Years and older
Median Age

FAMILY AND:HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS

29%
16%
12%
30

.Jt:·· .. ··. =:-::;=:::nt

Total Families
Total Househol~ · ··· ..... ·
% Househo)ds with head 65 years+
% Households with 1 or more persons 65 years+

:::,: . . . .··

244,327
374,057
22%
25%

4,203
5,769
19%
22%

10,032
112
9,823
36

BRIGHTMOOR

BROOKS

19,042
6,134
12,406
262

35,643
8,133
26,741
208

BURBANK

27,520
13,392
13,359
487

CENTRAL

20,784
1,140
19,372
150

................!Q~.... ...................~!.... ................?.19......................~~!.... ................?.!!.?.....................!.~~....

35%
12%
9%
26
I:,: :::.:·· . . •.•·,t·

BOYNTON

98%
0%

98%
1%

65%
1%

75%
2%

49%
1%

94%
1%

23%
20%
14%
36

23%
·28%
20%
36

37%
8%
6%
24

33%
12%
9%

35%
13%
10%
26

22%
24%
19%
36

·•.·. /::·\: :}}{ : ::,:.·. :.: ·\

f)F:'tt=)·::·:. ·:./:·.·

¥{\:\:: .·..;.;;..·,··. \t :·r):·:•:•:•.:r·•::,··::,:,:.

E:::: ..

5,485
7,152
23%
28%

2,632
3,634
39%
43%

4,665
6,633
11 %
13%

27
:f)/' .·

8,804
12,363
16%
19%

6,790
9,365
20%
23%

4,145
9,09T ..
29%
33%

.. %.Households with. 1 .or.more persons 60 years+ ..............................................................33% .................. 30% .................. 39% .................. 55% .................. 19% .................. 25% .................. 28% .................. 4~:!.~
% of population in group quarters
2%
1%
2%
1%
0%
1%
0%
3%

. _._,.,.,.•.• · -· · &gt;=·;::iiir:r . ,., , : :- ,. •= :-,-, ftt .. : •. _.,. -. : ·'={\fa, :: ,.
% Living with two parents
% Living with one parent
% Living in other household type
HOUSEHOLD TYPE AND RELATIONSHIP(% distribution).
Married Couple Household
With Child(ren)
No Children
Family, Femai~ "ii~~;h~lder
WithChild(ren)
No Children
Other Househ~id.;ith.2 or more persons
One Person Household

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

32%
50
18

..:•: :,,:-:

__

:·,· ..·.

22%
57
22

39%
34
27

28%
40
32

29%
61
11

32%
54
14

36%
52
12

17%
56
27

25%
13%
12%
41 %
32%
9%
11 %
23%

43%
18%
25%
29%
17%
12%
9%
20%

37%
13%
24%
29%
18%
11 %

27%
16%
11%
37%
31%
6%
12%
24%

32%
17%
15%
35%
27%
8%
9%
25%

36%
19%
17%
30%
24%
6%
11
23%

14%
5%
9%

.'/}'.:.,, ...:
30%
15%
15%
30%
22%
8%
11 %
30%

9%

25%

················26q;
17%
9%

ti; ..................°i"3%
47%

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 1. GENERAL POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS
CENTRAL CERVENY
BUS. DIST.

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
POPULATION, RACE AND HISPANIC ORIGIN

.. ·-:•: ..

•: .. •: ··:•:

CHADSEY
1·•::,:·

:

CHENE

.•&gt;&gt;.:: ·•...•:··•:::···

·::

':'.• ..;_..

. -~ ...

CLARK
PARK

CODY
.. ··::: ....

CONNER

CONDON

•:•: •:.••:'·.

-- ..,

•'.'·

...:

.,;-·

8,146
21,950
36,758
22,230
15,208
17,630
24,545
11 ,699
2,314
869
3,319
14,912
1,647
6,969
6,594
2,750
5,539
20,904
2,923
13,354
32,578
2,466
17,195
7,641
147
83
330
649
116
408
429
157
146
94
212
91
327
.. Hispanic .................................................................................................................... ........................... ........................... ............ 4,065 ___ ··························· .............7,787 ... ........................... ............ .1 ,151.... ···························
68%
96%
% Black
14%
89%
88%
15%
70%
66%
2%
0%
% Hispanic
18%
1%
1%
44%
1%
10%
Total Population
White, non-Hispanic
Black, non-Hispanic
Other, non-Hispanic

AGE.CHARACTERISTICS .

:•· &lt;:

.::·-·•
'.··'.•'.••••.•.··.::.+x(·'
·
:•:•_·::·:··: ::C: ,.
,:
·::,::::

..·

:·•?:::\:_?'

\. ?:':':'=?? :-· .. '.,:: &gt;

···:·-·--··

6%
17%
12%
37

% 17 Years and younger
% 60 Years and older
% 65 Years and older
Median Age

FAMILY:-AND HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS ·:.J:l•L\/ :::/?
Total Families .............................................................................................................
Total Households
% Households with head 65 years+
% Households with 1 or more persons 65 years+

.:::::
•.-:•:•

•:;:•:

...

....:·· &gt;:·:.:;::::

31%
10%
7%
29
-.·.

. .
•

'

.

•:;•:

Married Couple Household
With Child(ren)
No Children
.........................................................................................................................................
Family, Female Householder
With Child(ren)
No Children
...........................................................................................................................................
Other Household with 2 or more persons
One Person Household

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

:=-::;:::::::::•.,:',

·,:-:-:

···:

·:

31%
20%
16%
30

:., .. tr'••:•· . \

1t=';'":-/\ ,::..·- _.·.•:,.

30%
14%
10%
29
.·,::•
'.

·.•

32%
10%
8%

,:,:'·-·

•.•.

40%
7%
5%
23

29%
22%
17%
32

27

..,:,::•·· !(\:/";•..·.;.:• .

.··-:

..•:-:,:

...

.:,·:,::.::·:=·•::::•··.

··::

8,122
10,888
5,330
6,087
4,328
8,999
25%
10%
29%
33%
19%
14%
28%
13%
33%
37%
22%
16%
35%
18%
41%
31% .........................
46%
21%~.
...........................
··························· ···························
··························· ···························
0%
0%
3%
0%
4%
0%

-:;/\:'.:::.

HOUSEHOLD TYPE AND RELATIONSHIP(% distributionf /··

.·

31%
17%
13%
29

.

::;::;::,.:._.

% Living with two parents
% Living with one parent
% Living in other household type

.. •::•

•

. :-::-:

967
5,428 ............. 3,334_ .. ............ 3 ,729 ... ............. 6,124 ... .. .......... 2,620 ...
8,388
·······•··················· ............. 5,401 ... ········•··················
···························
4,527
7,226

19%
11%
20%
15%
27%
21%
.. % _Households_ with_ l _or _more _persons. 60_ye~~:+..........................................
··························· ···························
23%
% of population in group quarters
1%

UVING ARRANGEMENTS OF '.CHILDREN ::;:::,'('.{(]/:

··:-::&lt;/

'•

.· .·

25%
49
25

"}\-::::,:, -:::·

39%
42
19
-:•·

·:

12%
36%
2%
21%
10%
15%
········•·················· ···························
6%
33%
3%
24%
3%
9%
............................ ··•························
9%
9%
72%
22%

2

42%
47
11

::."·;::('

..

..

•,••

.•.·,;.

'· .

..
.•

.··••'••··

14%
59
27

44%
43
13
'::,
,:

.•,

·:.. ··•••:t?:

42%
46
12

34%
16%
31%
35%
17%
7%
18%
20%
17% ..................... 9'1o
13%
15%
........................... ··•························
···························
27%
39%
23%
28%
20%
28%
17%
22%
7% ...................11%
6%
.................... 6% ...........................
···························
12%
14%
13%
10%
28%
32%
32%
27%

·.·

27%
57
16

22%
55
23
.-;•,•·.:

21%
9%
12%
···························
32%
22%
10%
...........................
13%
34%

27%
17%
10%
44%
37%
7%
10%
19~

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

I
I
I

'I
I

�TABLE 1. GENERAL POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS
DAVISON

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
..

POPULATION~RACE AND HISPANIC ORIGIN

.......·
::.:' :::,:.

:

..

.•·.

DELRAY/
SPRNGWLS
,

DENBY

DURFEE

EVERGREEN

EAST
RIVERSIDE

FINNEY

GRANDMONT
·····

.

•·.

•·

19,660
28,743
22,349
29,470
10,443
35,470
31,196
24,445
6,754
18,160
10,925
1,617
4,100
380
16,144
1,078
12,234
3,022
28,904
8,649
30,891
10,853
14,305
23,128
478
587
90
267
316
86
402
133
194
255
96
91
212
345
106
.. Hispanic ..................................................................................................................... ........................... ............. 6,974 ... ........................... ........................... ··························· ........................... ··························· ···························
62%
11%
% Black
49%
83%
87%
46%
98%
95%
1%
24%
1%
0%
1%
1%
% Hispanic
1%
0%
Total Population
White, non-Hispanic
Black, non-Hispanic
Other, non-Hispanic

AGE CHARACTERISTICS

I•·:'.:'.'"=\;:;::t::.:;\

:I/i .:"":::://,

H?(

:',/:\.

-====rm=·-=·
•··-•::

,••·::.:::

FAMILY.AND HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS

·-·

32%
15%
11%
28

: : ·:::,::: \i':":: 1:/_.;t=::
'.::::.:,._._. •·-·'.

••

1

.·

:

..,.

:-.-:-:-:-::-·-·.

30%
15%
12%
29
·-··

❖'·

·-·-

26%
22%
17%
33

-:-::-

:

..

·-:

...:

32%
18%
14%
29

% 17 Years and younger
% 60 Years and older
% 65 Years and older
Median Age

•.

.•.

❖•

34%
13%
9%
27
I

···=-:
...

33%
11%
8%
28

. ..·.

.··.

•:

:;·

...

29%
16%
13%
30
..

....

..

34%
8%
5%
27
...

:

Total Faniilies ............................................................................................................. ............ 4,757 ... ............. 6,806 ... .. .......... 5,526 ... ............. 7,074 ... ............ 2,458 ... ............. 8,781 ... .............7,597 ... ............. 5,942 ...
6,849
10,471
8,312
Total Households
11,837
3,615
11,638
11,389
7,693
27%
21%
22%
28%
18%
13%
% Households with head 65 years+
21%
11%
31%
24%
25%
32%
21%
15%
% Households with 1 or more persons 65 years+
24%
14%
32%
38%
30%
40%
21%
29%
29%
21%
.. % .Households. with. 1. or more persons. 60years+..........................................
··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ···························
0%
0%
0%
1%
0%
% of population in group quarters
2%
1%
0%

LIVING ARRANGEMENTS OF CffiLDREN

: -=

&gt;t &gt;::.,/tr.,.,. ·=&gt;t

•. ::. ·=

,..

,•::,:-:,:

29%
54
17

% Living with two parents
% Living with one parent
% Living in other household type

HOUSEHOLD TYPE AND RELATIONSHIP(% distrlbutlon)

.·.

::,:;::,, . ::•.-:-::-:• •. ·-··=

43%
46
11
..•.•·

52%
36
12
:

:

·:

17%
59
24

3

.. .· ..·. ...

·

...

=··.······•:•.

·.•

21%
58
21

-:

.·'

·-

...

·:: ..

·:•

39%
46
15

48%
40
12

32%
50
19

·.

..

..

28%
32%
40%
20%
Married Couple Household
13%
18%
22%
With Child(ren)
7%
15%
14%
18%
13%
.. No Children .............................................................................................................. ........................... ........................... ........................... ...........................
35%
27%
21%
Faniily, Female Householder
34%
26%
20%
15%
With Child(ren)
24%
9% ...........................
7% ...........................
6% ...........................
10%
.. No Children .............................................................................................................. ...........................
12%
12%
11%
Other Household with 2 or more persons
10%
25%
30%
28%
36%
One Person Household

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

·= ·~'-:-

.-,:.-.·

24%
36%
39%
33%
12%
22%
21%
20%
12%
14%
18%
...........................
··························· ··························· ...................13%
33%
39%
22%
37%
30%
26%
16%
29%
7%
9% ...........................
6% ..................... 8%
...........................
···························
11%
10%
12%
10%
27%
21%
27%
19%

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 1. GENERAL POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS
GRANT

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
.·.

POPULATION, RACE AND HISPANIC ORIGIN :

,.

.... ,.: .•.

GREENFIELD

HARMONY
VILLAGE
,:-:

. '.· ..

INDIAN
VILLAGE

.·,:•

..

..

JEFFRIES

KETTRNG/
BUTZEL
:-•.

..·.

LAFAYETTE
..

•;-

:•:-~ ·:•

MACK
.

:•'.•.

·,::

,:

12,427
28,801
35,193
5,439
9,183
31,261
8,514
22,598
3,456
1,559
587
2,333
1,705
1,838
1,268
1,195
8,644
26,871
34,326
2,957
6,942
29,303
7,142
21,150
201
201
115
80
127
117
90
87
126
170
165
69
276
90
136 ...........................
90 ...........................
.. Hispanic ..................................................................................................................... ··························· ··························· ........................... ·························•·
··························· ···························
70%
94%
98%
% Black
55%
76%
94%
94%
84%
1%
1%
0%
% Hispanic
1%
3%
0%
0%
1%
Total Population
White, non-Hispanic
Black, non-Hispanic
Other, non-Hispanic

AGE CHARACTERISTICS . .

·"·.··.·.-: · • ·.·:::/:\{.//{
.,
\? &gt;Ai........ .•&gt;:
;.;:

;.·

•:

.;:

...·.·-:

·••,•:

:
:,:.•:•.,.·.::-·

,·:'.

;.:

·'.

32%
14%
11%
28

% 17 Years and younger
% 60 Years and older
% 65 Years and older
Median Age

.·

•:

30%
13%
9%
30

1:·r:t . .

30%
14%
9%
29

·=··-..

10%
40%
33%
49

,;. : .&lt;:::::::· ,;.:;:,-·:,:-:-:-:
..
.. ·.-:, ... ·:._
FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS::.":::(:/·.·...: .-. :.).• ·.•:- .. '\.-...
.. }
3,052
7,218
Total Families
8,603
999
···································································································•·····•···•··························· ...........................
··························· ··························· ···························
4,341
9,699
Total Households
11,550
•: --

:,:

,; -_

:

:

20%
17%
24%
20%
30%
27%
.. % Households_ with. 1. or more persons_ 60_ye;~.~±..........................................
··························· ···························
0%
% of population in group quarters
2%
·•:

.. ,,.

·.·,·

. ,:

Married Couple Household
With Child(ren)
No
Children
...........................................................................................................................................
Family, Female Householder
With Child(ren)
No
Children
.........................................................................................................................................
Other Household with 2 or more persons
One Person Household

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

25%
26%
20%
34

36%
10%
7%

18%
31%
25%
42

.:.

3,241
17%
40%
21%
42%
30%
50%
··························· ···························
1%
4%

I

25

·,

............ _l,834 ... ............. 6,750 ... ............ _l,827 ... ............. 5,021 ...
7,649
4,307
10,937
4,850
14%
33%
33%
36%
17%
36%
37%
38%
24%
45% ............................
46%
46%
············· ..............
·············••+.••·······
1%
3%
7%
2%

-:•

:•.

•,•,

:•:

36%
48
15

:::

24%
26%
20%
35

I

•• •:❖

·.•

::

·•··:

% Living with two parents
% Living with one parent
% Living in other household type

HOUSEHOLD TYPE AND RELATIONSHIP.(%::distrlbµtion)

-

-

% Households with head 65 years+
% Households with 1 or more persons 65 years+

LIVING ARRANGEMENTS O'fi\ CHILDREN ; /{tf?tit:\:.::

,:

·'.

:

37%
44
19

24%
51
26

·.··.

.

,'.•.•····

43%
36
21

··::):-:,::

;:

34%
36%
29%
20%
18%
20%
14%
5%
16%
16%
15%
15%
...........................
··························· ··························· ···························
29%
33%
39%
9%
22%
24%
28%
4%
7% ..........................
9% .................. 11 o/'o ..................... 5%
···························
11%
9%
10%
8%
25%
22%
22%
63%

4

:

20%
61
20
:·'•

..

...

...

15%
55
29

21%
61
18

,.· .. :,

17%
63
20

·•.:

12%
21%
6%
8%
6%
13%
............................ ····················•······
26%
35%
18%
24%
8%
11%
···························
···························
11%
12%
51%
33%

18%
15%
10%
4%
8%
11%
···························
···························
42%
20%
34%
13%
8%
7%
··············••*••········ ···························
10%
6%
30%
58%

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

I

'
"
"
Ill

�TABLE 1. GENERAL POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS
MACKENZIE

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

MCNICHOLS

MOUNT
OLIVET

NOLAN

PALMER
PARK

PEMBROKE

PERSHING

_,:

--•

POPULATION, RACE AND HISPANIC ORIGIN

.. Hispanic .....................................................................................................................
% Black
% Hispanic
.:::
•,•,•:

··-·

:

41,781
1,267
40,135
169
210

Total Population
White, non-Hispanic
Black, non-Hispanic
Other, non-Hispanic

AGE CHARACTERISTICS

REDFORD

··························· ···························
96%
1%

..

I•

29,650
12,586
15,305
1,382
377
...........................

97%
0%

1: .•,·•:,•

•.•

-:

-•:

12,777
223
12,403
95
56

52%
1%
...·,:

·- •:·=•-::•·•:.•.
:

,·

23,841
2,022
21,425
187
207

21,870
386
21,286
81
117

12,237
2,078
9,812
188
159

22,476
3,223
18,997
110
146

23,443
12,718
9,935
445
345

··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ···························
81%
1%

90%
1%

I

•.•:•.

98%
1%

85%
1%

43%
1%

-.-.
--

% 17 Years and younger
% 60 Years and older
% 65 Years and older

30%
15%
10%

27%
21%
15%

32%
15%
12%

30%
17%
13%

21%
12%
8%

22%
21%
15%

28%
20%
15%

26%
14%

Median Age

29

32

28

30

34

37

32

31

FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS

,·

.

11%

·--· 1 .'
·-

'

Total Fainilies ............................................................................................................. .......... 10,293 ... ............. 3,174 ___ .............7,252.... ............. 5,994 ___ .. .......... 2,941.... ............. 5,938 ___ .. .......... 5,732____ ········--···5,748 ___
14,125
4,722
8,121
10,471
8,163
5,005
7,807
Total Households
9,523
18%
28%
21%
25%
11%
26%
27%
% Households with head 65 years+
18%
22%
32%
30%
24%
15%
29%
31%
% Households with 1 or more persons 65 years+
20%
.. % _Households. with. 1_ or _more persons. 60y_e,~-~±..........................................
% of population in group quarters

30%
42%
30%
22%
40%
38%
39%
25%
··························· ........................... ··························· ··························· ........................... ··························· ··························· ···························
1%
1%
0%
0%

0%

0%

2%

1%

36%
37
26

35%
45
20

54%
35
11

40%
15%
19%
25%
22% ...........................
···························
27%
14%

36%
16%
20%
...........................

38%

..·

•

LIVING ARRANGEMENTS OF CHILDREN
% Living with two parents
% Living with one parent
% Living in other household type

23%

21%

46%

55
23

51
28

41
13

26%
54
20

61%
26
13

38%
32%
20%
14%
18%
18%
··························· ···························
26%
36%
19%
26%
7% ...........................
10%
···························
11%
9%
26%
23%

41%

HOUSEHOLD TYPE AND RELATIONSHIP(% distribution)
29%
26%
13%
10%
16%
16%
........................... ...........................
38%
35%
28%
24%
10% ...........................
11%
.. No Children............................................................................................................... ...........................
10%
10%
Other Household with 2 or more persons
23%
28%
One Person Household

Married Couple Household
With Child(ren)
No Children
........................................................................................................................................
Fainily, Female Householder
With Child(ren)

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

5

19%
19%
···························
31%
18%
9%
16%
21%
12%
11%
5%
10%
6%
··························· ........................... ........................... ···························
11%
9%
9%
12%
35%
24%
23%
33%

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�-

TABLE 1. GENERAL POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS
SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

ROSA
PARKS
POPULATION, RACE AND HISPANIC ORIGIN&lt;,_.: · ·:•.: \. :: _-'.:'.'':&gt;() ·::' -·-:-::'
Total Population
28,986
White, non-Hispanic
662
Black, non-Hispanic
27,795
Other.non-Hispanic
293

ROSEDALE
PARK

ROUGE

..

·::,:::.,:· ..•·.

·.

19,985
3,937
15,658
213

ST.JEAN
·•·

·-·•:

STATE
FAIR

.-..

TIREMAN

UNIVERSITY

:-.

.•.

:

:=:~

24,731
18,698
4,735
376

23,265
662
22,471
55

WINTERHALTER

11,812
5,273
5,980
301

26,325
344
25,770
84

16,692
4,318
10,684
1,451

22,261
218
21,895
71

.. Hispanic ..................................................................................................................... ................ 236 ... .................177... ................ 922....................... 77 ... ................ 258 ... .................127 ...................239 ...................... 77 .. .
%Black
96%
79%
19%
97%
51%
98%
64%
99%
1%
% Hispanic
1%
4%
0%
2%
0%
0%
1%
...-.-:·:.·..

AGE CHARACTERISTICS ',,,:
26%
24%
18%
33

% 17 Years and younger
% 60 Years and older
% 65 Years and older
Median Age

FAMILYANDHOUSEHOLDCHARACTERISTIC:S\•'=(··.:::{J /-:

32%
9%
6%
30

.•.. •'.·•· -: ,&lt;· .. ;.:,::,.·

..(

·••.•:--:-:

;:;-:

:

. :-:-.

I····

.-.

-::-

26%
20%
16%
32

t·•:

:::- ....,

':'·.

:-::-::

29%
20%
15%
31

..

36%
12%
9%
26

:fL.·::,: .• ... ·•.•· .. · :

:-

·.•

:-:

29%
21%
16%
31

.-.•.·

27%
21%
15%
32

12%
25%
20%

38
I ·&lt; ..

-:.

..

•· ..

Total Families
6,654
5,136
6,589
5,257
2,584
6 569
2 065
5 441
Total. Household; .. ····................................................................................................. ...........j 1,686 ... ············· 6,546 ... ............ 9,587 ................ 8,280 ... ............ 3,856 ··· ............. 9:709... ············ 9:578 ................ 8:986···
% Households with head 65 years+
% Households with 1 or more persons 65 years+

31 %
35%

11 %
14%

...% Households. with. 1. or more persons. 60.years+............................................................ ~}%. ................. )?..'!.~
% of population in group quarters
1%
0%

LIVING ARRANGEMENTS OF CHILDREN .·_.;.;:.} :'

? { .. &gt;:}· i.::

28%
31 %

26%
30%

19%
22%

28%
29%

0%

3%

I%

·. :.:':

1%

.·
.·•

:

:;&gt;:

.·

11 %

I%

··-.,:

% Living with one parent
% Livin~ in other household type
HOUSEHOLD TYPEAND RELATIONSHIP (% .distribution) ::

16%
60
24
,

61%
27
12
·:,,: .· ._

59%
31
10

16%
59
26

42%
47
11

18%
59
23

25%
55
19
)/ ,:;:..

Married Couple Household
With Child(ren)

18%
7%

51 %
32%

46%
21 %

20%
8%

30%
19%

24%
9%

8%
3%

% Living with two parents

24%
28%

................. }?.~~ ................. )9% .................. 30% .................. 42% .................. 36% ................. )7%

...

}

30%
34%

16
62
22

. •.•
22%
8%

F~ft}t:1!:i~•H•~~~h~i•d~~••••••••••••••••••••••••"••••••••••••••••••••••••••••n••••••••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••••••••••••½~:: ••••••• .. ••••••••••ti: ••••••••••••••••••}~: ••••••••• .. •••• . ••ll;; . .•••••••••••••••½li ••••••• .. ••••••••••jl;; ••••••••••••••••••iii •••••••••••••••••••jt::
With Child(ren)

25%

27%

7%

ttfNt:::~1d·;·ith·2·;;·~~;~·~~~~~··········................................................. ··················-1·ii ..................... I: ..................iii··············..···~~: ..................

iii ···················i·i·: ...................i.1i

24%

One Person Household

28%

28%

68%

35%

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

23%

15%

38%

18%

6

11 %

26%

27%

31%

16:

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

"

�TABLE 2. SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS
CITY OF
DETROIT

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
.

PLACE OF BIRTH (% distribution)

·•:

..

..

...

·••:.

BAGLEY
:·_::·

--

BOYNTON

BRIGHTMOOR

66%
31
3
..;,:, .....
·-·

.•.

•.••-••.•

.·

·'-

·,

;

•

. ..---:=.·

.: ·.-.·.·

LANGUAGE SPOKEN IN HOME BY AGE ·(% distribution)

.

::·-:.::.:b::_..,..,.-:

51%
14
6
28
382
':'

•::-::•:

··=.

55%
45
1

61%
38
1

70%
28
3

77%
18
4

-:•: ::

. .:

:?

·-·-·_-

56%
43
1

:

10%
23
15
53
229

-:•:,:.-:•·•:_ ...

CENTRAL

.,.

74%
24
2

·o::=:::_:::r·:.·:

::·:::':::

37%
21
9
33
34,490

1980 or later
1970 to 1979
1960 to 1969
Before 1960
Total Foreign Born

BURBANK

:,

65%
33
2
·-:-·-·

BROOKS

1-•• -.

:,;

Michigan
Other Native Born
Foreign Born

YEAR OF ENTRY:(% of Foreign Born) ·,.

AIRPORT

·=·

47%
12
6
35
346

6%
55
8
31
65

33%
17
7
43
948

·=·
-:-:

25%
19
7
50
1,225

30%
30
6
34
282

•:
.

.-

-

.•.

.

·--·•

,:

IAge 5 lo 17 years
Speak only English
Other language, Speak English well

94%
96%
96%
96%
98%
96%
95%
95%
4
5
2
3
3
3
5
5
1
0
1
0
1
1
0
0
..Do.Not_Speak_English well ................................................................................... .......................... ··························· ........................... ··························· ........................... ··························· ........................... ···························
!Age 18 years and older
92%
96%
92%
97%
98%
95%
92%
Speak only English
96%
7
7
4
2
1
5
8
Other language, Speak English well
4
1
0
I
1
1
0
1
Do Not Speak English well
0
....

..

.

..

SCHOOL ENROLLMENT:(Persoos·3 years and older)

:

Preprimary school
Elementary or high school
% in private school
College

18,223
206,424
13%
65,720

431
4,591
5%
727

12%
26
28
HiJ!.h. school .~raduate_or GED ................................................................................ ............................
25
1 to 3 years of college
10
College graduate

17%
39
27
···························
16
2

•.·

YEARS OF SCHOOL COMPLETED ( % of persons 25 yrs. +)

of-persons 5 years and older)

Same house
Elsewhere in Michigan
Outside Michigan

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

•.

..

·,; -

175
1,676
6%
483

283
3,558
17%
1,979

425
4,429
8%
1,188

561
7,933
12%
2,099

562
6,260
18%
1,356

... .·.

8 years or less
1 to 3 years of high school

RESIDENCE IN ·198S (%

.
•·

,:

··= ..-··=:::;::·••:;•.:-:.&lt;·..··
·•--:•.·.·•·::_:-::,·.

•.·

,·•.·

.•

···········••.,

.

8%
10%
5%
17%
10%
15%
24
28
25
18
26
26
25 ...........................
33 ...........................
33 ...........................
29 ...........................
35
25
...........................
················'"••········
25
27
35
25
24
24
7
16
5
5
6
10

•.:;\:'=j- . { .-.·•.•:-:--.-:-

-

60%
36
4

64%
33
3

7

205
3,286
8%
1,351

75%
23
2

:·:·:::::,•·.•.·•..

·.-

:::_.;:_

79%
19
2

39%
55
7

-.~::::.::·:·-•.::._•·:··:-::-:-.-..:·_-:

.. .... -

..

.··•::,

57%
39
4

.

":::

48%
48
4

56%
41
3

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 2. SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS
CENTRAL
BUS. DIST.

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
.-:

PLACE OF BIRTH (% distribution)
Michigan
Other Native Born
Foreign Born
YEAR OF ENTRY(%ofForeign Born)
1980 or later
1970 to 1979
1960 to 1969
Before 1960
Total Foreign Born

·-··

CERVENY

CHENE

..

:-.

CODY

CLARK
PARK
..

..

::: ,·

.·....

31%
22
12
35
437

.::.. :.\./::_;'. f:·::t:=},&lt;

Speak only English
Other language, Speak English well

67%

66%
32
2

12

34%
16
18
32
370

96%
4

97%
2

.
·····,··=·

50%
18
7
25
2,742

. ·•=

72%
24
3

59%
24
15

.-.

\ 1/?}·:··_

t·: ;_ :)\i ___ ?·} (

64%
33
3

20

.·--- .• •.-:: :•

34%
29
13
25
493

11

..

92%
7

: :

:.. ',;

..

65%
33

.--:
.-:

50%
21
9
19
763

29%
6
7
58
308

:=t --:

,;:-:-:•··::•:

•.··
·:

72%
26
2
-:

·:\_

31%
20
9
40
694

: :: .

72%
21

·.•

27
2,659

:,•;

61%
35
3

-: -:·-·:

36%
26

1,

:
·...

_,;:_

59%
36
5

CONNER

CONDON

,:

:-:

•:,:

LANGUAGE SPOKEN IN HOME BY AGE"{% distribution)
!Age 5 to 17 years

CHADSEY

-.•. -'.:-:"":·•·: -:
••••

.·

,_.•::•._•;,,,:,:'.c"'.:,•:::•,

96%
3

91 %
8

::

...

Preprimary school
Elementary or high school
% in private school
College
YEARS OF SCHOOL COMPLETED".(%_ persons 2S yrs.+)
8 years or less
1 to 3 years of high school

of

--

-.·-.·-·-:•:
·.·

.... :'

:-:

.-.

60
340
11%
722

323
4,870
15%
1,883

.

·-

386
4,308
17%
954

:-: :-:

-.-

278
3,096
6%
592

.:-·::-

::·-,

I

95%

5

.. Do Not.S_peak .English well .......................................................................................................Q..........................~.........................?. ......................... 1........................ 2......................... 0 ........................ 2 ................................~ . ...
Age 18 years and older
Speak only English
92%
96%
69%
93%
59%
93%
88%
96%
Other language, Speak English well
7
3
24
6
28
6
9
3
Do Not Speak English well
1
1
6
2
13
1
3
1

SCHOOL ENROLLMENT (Persons-J years and older)

'I
'

•,

._.··

322
3,759
9%
784

415
5,286
16%
1,893

227
2,315
9%
508

898
10,105
8%
1,706

23%
34

9%
30

··-

:-

-,_:-:-·.· -.

-·-

9%
17

7%
21

20%
30

23%
35

25%
30

6%
20

Hi~h.schoolgraduate . or. GED .......................................................................................................................~. ?........................f.~....................... ~.~ ......................... 22 ......................... 25 .......................34 ....................... 25 ...........................f.~.... .
1 to 3 years of college
23
36
15
15
12
30
15
27
College graduate
32
9
4
4
8
1O
3
5

RESIDENCE IN 198S (1/ hf persons;'S ye=
ars=-and olde=
r) .
Same house
Elsewhere in Michigan
Outside Michigan

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

·- &gt;&lt; .: -b -:-: -· \l= ,(-· --. ., _//_ ' : : '
28%
62
10

68%
29
3

8

56%
36
8

./-/\,/}{': :···,•.·.·&lt;::-··
-:,::-.,·.·

58%
39
3

53%
37
10

54%
42
4

.:)
63%
32

5

53%
43
3

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

"

�TABLE 2. SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS
DAVISON

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

PLACE OF BIRTH (% distribution) .

DELRAY/
SPRNGWLS

DENBY

DURFEE

EAST
RIVERSIDE

EVERGREEN

FINNEY

GRANDMONT

•·,;

67%
23
10

Michigan
Other Native Born
Foreign Born

YEAR OF ENTRY (% '. of Foreign Born) .
1980 or later
1970 to 1979
1960 to 1969
Before 1960

66%
24
9

77%
19
3

67%
32
1

59%
40
1

76%
20

67%
32

2

4

1

22%
18

12%
14

23%
29
26

,;

'•

Total Foreign Born

69%
28

51%
16
7
26
1,890

29%
25
12
34
2,450

12%
10
15
64
767

15%
36
6
43
232

21%
26
11
41
123

51
839

88%
10

77%
21

95%
4

97%
3

98%
2

97%
2

8

7

67
1,222

22

306

LANGUAGE SPOKEN IN HOME BY AGE (% distribution)
IAge 5 to 17 years
Speak only English
Other language, Speak English well

96%
4

97%
2

.. Do Not.Speak .English well .......................................................................................................~ ......................... ~......................... ~.......................... Q.........................Q..........................~ .........................Q..........................~ ... .
IAge 18 years and older
Speak only English
80%
76%
94%
97%
95%
95%
92%
96%
Other language, Speak English well
16
19
6
3
4
4
8
3
Do Not Speak English well
4
5
0
0
1
1
1
1
...

SCHOOL/ ENROLLMENT (Persons 3 years and older)
Preprimary school
Elementary or high school
% in private school
College

.

·-

'

• 1:
·-· :~

'

'

,•.

746
5,556
13%
1,121

448
4,338
26%
1,366

511
5,334
9%
1,671

201
2,545
8%
614

565
8,530
13%
2,580

727
5,738
30%
2,042

536
5 ,738
11%
1,828

16%
32

23%
33

6%
20

13%
29

15%
30

6%
20

7%
19

7%
23

YEARS OF SCHOOL COMPLETED (% of persons 25 yrs. +)
8 years or less
1 to 3 years of high school

High.schoolgraduate.or GED .................................................................................................. ?:?........................~? .....................~)........................~~...................... ~} ......................}Q _
1 to 3 years of college
17
14
31
24
23
32
College graduate
6
3
11
8
9
12

RESIDENCE IN198S (% of persons 5 years and older)
Same house
Elsewhere in Michigan
Outside Michigan

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

.:

391
4,275
13%
998

. ·.·..•,·. ·. ~- ·-.
. ... ::·::

.-..;

:-:-·•:

;-

59%
37

40

53%

4

7

9

52%
44
4

59%
38
3

30
16

'

: ~:'.:..

,:::-•:•:-

32
9

.

:-:-··.,·:

-·

• ..-

.................. ~.?. .......................29 .. .

59%
37
4

61%
36
3

53%
43
4

64%
33
3

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 2. SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS

GRANT

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
PLACE OF BIRTH (% distribution)

GREENFIELD

HARMONY
VILLAGE

INDIAN
VILLAGE

.--:.
,:

.

,;

,;

'•'•·

-:•&gt;

...

••.

..,···

.':..

•

:•

.....

:-

....

LANGUAGE SPOKEN IN HOME BY AGE (% distribution) ,. 0:: :=_.
!Age 5 to 17 years
Speak only English
Other language, Speak English well

1

:c:.·.... _,.;:-- .. :-.-

.·

23%
42
6
28
542

33%
32
9
26
630

1980 or later
1970 lo 1979
1960 to 1969
Before 1960
Total Foreign Born

13%
19
3
65
238

56%
41
2

69%
30

12%
25
17
47
211

33%
20

0

.:·:.-:-•,

··=.··
-:-:•:

19%
30
22
30
226

61%
39
1

61%
37
2
•'•

49%
21
5
25
177
..

96%
4

87%
11
2

and older)

..·.

,,·. .

::-;.-:

;:

0%
6
11
84
176

.

0

47
85

:· [ •:··

.. Do Not.Speak: _En~lish well ...................................................................................................... }..........................

SCHOOL ENROLLMENT(Persons 3 years

55%
40
4
le"

··:·t

87%
12

!Age 18 years and older
Speak only English
Other language, Speak English well
Do Not Speak English well

63%
36
1

·-·

•.

_:,;

65%
33
2

MACK
:,

..

70%
24
5
: .-::;"••'"•:·.

LAFAYETTE

,:

·.•

Michigan
Other Native Born
Foreign Born

YEAR OF ENTRY(% ofForei2n Born)

KETTRNG/
BUTZEL

JEFFRIES

97%
3

::

95%
5

.. ·.·.·

:

92%
6

,·•

97%
2

94%
6

99%
1

g.........................Q......................... g........................ 2......................... 0 ....................... o.........................0 ...

96%
4
0

97%
3
1

95%
4
1

94%
6
1

97%
3
0

95%
4
1

97%
3
0

· .·

·-·

Preprimary school
Elementary or high school
% in private school
College

.;

126
2,493
11%
621

.

578
6,359
16%
2,438

602
7,298
9%
2,363

54
415
27%
534

203
1,388
4%
586

501
5,317
5%
1,498

124
1,019
13%
689

385
5,577
5%
1,174

8%
19

9%
29

6%
14

23%
27

19%
32

12%
14

13%
40

:

YEARS OF SCHOOL COMPLETED(% of persons 2S vrs. +)

.

8 years or less
1 to 3 years of high school

12%
27

•,·

Hi~h.school~r~duate.or.GED .................................................................................................. ~.?. ....................... ?.g.......................~.~ ....................... ~.~...................... ~.?. .......................~?....................... }.~.......................~~····
1 to 3 years of college
25
32
26
28
17
19
28
18
College graduate
7
12
6
35
9
4
27
3

.. : : I'\}(:_-,._::: -:/·

RESIDENCE IN 1985 (o/,,:'Jfpersons S years and oldel'.).:: :- ,. . ,.::){::;.,:
Same house
Elsewhere in Michigan
Outside Michigan

WSU/CUS/MIMIC -SEMCC - UCS

57%
39

69%
28

4

3

10

68%
30
2

54%
40
6

59%
37
4

65%
33
3

55%
41
4

59%
38
2

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

I
I
I

'I
'
'

�TABLE 2. SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS
MACKENZIE

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
PLACE OF BIRTH (%distribution)" . :-

..

··.: .

Michigan
Other Native Born
Foreign Born

YEAR OF ·ENTRY (% of Foreign Born)

:::::·
.-

:: :·. :,·
...

•.•.

•

.·

·--:-_•:.--:•.::,

'•?-:=: :;:•::'
:;:_:= . -·:::•,•.

.. ..

·::···-·-

····=·····

_,::_./

..
.

MCNICHOLS

...

64%
35
1

.

:

•:

63%
35
2

._.

__

,·

REDFORD

.

•.•

57%
41
1

68%
30
1

72%
22
4

30%
27
14
29
293

5%
14
6
75
278

29%
13
16
42
1,039

:

;::,:,:

--

11

43
471

.

.

37%
7
29
27
143

V'::·'::\:}.,,'·-'.::·: . ·::·

PERSHING
.·

..

65%
32
3

',_,

..

PEMBROKE

.

73%
21
6

59%
40
1

PALMER
PARK

•,••.

:

33%
13

::•:::--:

NOLAN

..

•'

1980 or later
1970 to I 979
1960 to 1969
Before 1960
Total Foreign Born

LANGUAGE SPOKEN IN HOME BY AGE (% distribution)

MOUNT
OLIVET

•. •~- ,:a:

·-

31%
28
5
36
1,693
·-··

·.•.,:

..

46%
15
9
30
466
...•.•- ::•·· ·- ·--~=··· ···:: ·. ,•.

:

:--

. ..

....

40%
3
16
40
369

.. ·.·

';::::. ·-::·-

. ::· .. ·--· .·-·

.--.-

..

.

'

-:

:Age 5 to 17 years
Speak only English
Other language, Speak English well

97%
96%
91%
97%
96%
97%
98%
95%
3
4
8
2
3
3
2
3
1
1 ...........................
1 ...........................
1 ...........................
0 ...........................
0
0
1
...[)o Not.S_peak Enslish well .................................................................................. ...........................
···························
··························· ···························
Age 18 years and older
97%
88%
96%
97%
95%
94%
94%
Speak only English
93%
3
3
10
4
2
6
6
Other language, Speak English well
6
0
1
2
1
0
0
1
[)o Not Speak English well
1
.. . .

SCHOOL ENROLLMENT {Persons 3 years and older)

..

: I

..

602
8,884
10%
2,873

Preprimary school
Elementary or high school
% in private school
College

YEARS OF SCHOOL COMPLETED(% of persons 25 yrs.+)

563
6,209
15%
1,471

272

2,451
11%
678

459
4,920
8%
1,328

230
1,992
35%
1,595

225
3,508
15%
2,029

353
4,691
11%
1,379

431
3,673
24%
1,741

·=·

..

·.·

·-·

·-·

,·•·._.

11%
12%
11%
13%
2%
8%
12%
6%
26
27
24
27
6
20
25
19
30
22
34
13
25
31
32
33
Hi~h.schoolgr~d~.~~~.!?~.GED ................................................................................ ...........................
··························· ........................... ........................... ........................... ........................... ··························· ···························
27
28
24
30
32
25
25
1 to 3 years of college
30
7
11
6
49
15
4
College graduate
6
12
8 years or less
1 to 3 years of high school

RESIDENCE IN 1985 (% of persons S years and older)
Same house
Elsewhere in Michigan
Outside Michigan

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

.·,.

//\.::=, __ :· ::_:: {;'.,,:;._(:·-"•'

••·,:.••=

.-.·

I ·

..

"

66%
31
3

65%
31
3

11

54%
41
5

67%
30
4

60%
35
5

74%
23
3

71%
27
2

55%
39
6

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 2. SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS
ROSA
PARKS

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
PLACE OF BIRTH ( % distribution)::

_:}':\(}'· \ff:,-: •:

•:::::

..

r.,::_:::_··:= _; _ _/_·:n/:.::--::·=:

--

::·:·=:. :

-;•

ST.JEAN

...

69%
27
3

,

63%
37
0

71%
16
0
13

11
20

442

665

34%

}

...

....

15%

-:

--

54%
20
26

61%
38
1
:-:

9
66

68

.·

20%
25
20
35

3,056

133

/t .-. .•_:;.
- .- .- :._.-::)}'{
.. \' :.:i'.:'::_.;\t ,; ::;: .1:•::::'
·•·.·

.·.

60%
39
1

49%
40
11
-·.

:-:-··

53%
35
6
5

10

1,338

..

WINTER·
HALTER

.

19%
16
15
50

34

,:
.•.

..

UNIVER·
SITY

:

.

.

.

.-.

··:\:%: t{. ):)!:{;( ::, :•: .

.·.

.··•:•··

79%
15
5

.....

TIREMAN

STATE
FAIR

..

.

..

1980 or later
1970 to 1979
1960 to 1969
Before 1960
Total Foreign Born

LANGUAGE SPOKEN INHOMEBY:AGE .(%dlstributl\'&gt;n)

ROUGE

&lt;:: :-:"·
:::•,::-:-:-:

59%
39
2

Michigan
Other Native Born
Foreign Born

YEAR OF ENTRY(% ofForeign Bornf

ROSEDALE
PARK

1,808

171

3

. ..

.

-;•

..

.::.'

___

14

68%
5
0
26

72%
10

:

..

·,-·,

-.

Age 5 to 17 years
97%
96%
3
4
0
0
...Do Not. _peak _English_wen .................................................................................. ...........................
···························
Age 18 years and older
96%
94%
Speak only English
4
5
Other language, Speak English well
0
l
Do Not Speak English well
Speak only English
Other language, Speak English well

s

SCHOOL.ENROLLMENT (Persons·J years and .older)?

86%
13
2

..
532
5,362

500
4,653

6%

25%

1,912
_:-:

YEARS OF SCHOOL COMPLETED(.% of persons 25 yrs.+)- . ·.,-

_:

1,972

96%
3
0

·.•.

._.::::::,..

488
3,721

-:·

••:•.•.•

·.::-:-:

36%

1,568

···························

98%
2
0

10
•·.

:;"}'._:

367
4,695
8%

377
5,356

4%

5%

723

1,364

;:;:-:

=_: /{.}\:(_'' . '.\L. /

..

t·

7

3

&gt;.:.\)

-:·-:-;-

61%
36
3

63%
33
4

59%
37
4

12

··-

·:.\. ,.:::tt.· ::{=:{{:
63%

24
14
31
32
22
28
···························
···························
16
22
7
4
::/

\

97%
3
0

86%
13
l

·:,::::::.::\.

-::::: :-:-:::::

34

54%
40

3

6

259
4,294

80
1,487

8%

4%

1,169

2,395

..

.·

10%
18
24
35
35
27
··························· ···························
24
18

96%
89%
3
10
1
1 ...........................
···························

..

236
2,796

1,175

:,,:.-.-:

16%
3%
31
9
25
20
High_school_graduate_or_GED ................................................................................ ...........................
···························
21
36
1 to 3 years of college
7
32
College graduate

RESIDENCE -IN.1985 (~t of'hersons'"s y~ats aia'&lt;f=
older)/=t/

98%
1
0

65%
25

·'.•:

8 years or less
1 to 3 years of high school

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC · UCS

99%
63%
1
35
0 ............................
0 ............................
2
...........................

4

,-

-·

Preprimary school
Elementary or high school
% in private school
College

Same house
Elsewhere in Michigan
Outside Michigan

96%

10
30
28
20
............................
···························
24
19
8
19
15
28

·.·
.::0/ •.i,:}&gt; ·. ··:.::t.}'.i{')?' .''\ :

. .-:
:-:

·c-•

66%
31
3

40%
48
12

::-

::::·
63%

·.•:-: ..

34
3

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 3. INCOME AND POVERTY CHARACTERISTICS
SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

AIRPORT

CITY OF
DETROIT
-:---··-

-: -:···

HOUSEHOLD INCOME(% of households)

,:,;. . ·-·

,:,

BAGLEY
:,

Under $5,000
$5,000 to $9,999
$10,000 to $14,999
$15,000 to $24,999

16%
23%
16
22
11
13
14
16
13 ...........................
10
$25,000_to_$34,999 .................................................................................................... ............................
14
10
$35,000 to $49,999
10
$50,000 to $74,999
6
2
$75,000 to $99,999
3
1
0
$100,000 or more
$18,740
$11,860
Median Household Income
$12,460

$22,565

Median Family Income
% OF HOUSEHOLDS WITH INCOME FROM ....
Earnings
Social Security
Public Assistance
,: . ......

AVERAGE INCOME BY TYPE ·=·=·-•.·&gt; . .

:.{"

.. ::·::··- :---,.-,• .-,:-._·.·.•: ·,·

: -:-:

All persons
Persons 65 years of age and older
Persons 17 years of age and yowiger

.....

..

·.•

•

..·.

BURBANK
.

CENTRAL

.

7%
13%
14%
13%
19%
24%
17
16
6
16
14
21
8
12
11
11
11
16
18
16
18
20
17
14
12 ...........................
15 ...........................
11 ...........................
14 ...........................
14
8
···························
···························
14
14
23
13
16
9
17
6
10
9
11
5
8
4
1
2
2
2
3
1
0
1
1
1
$35,515
$20,367
$19,352
$16,010
$21,727
$11,387
$39,275

$25,050

$15,260

$21,482

70%
19%
30%

71%
24%
27%

$24,272

$16,590

·.•:

55%
29%
41%

80%
31%
16%

58%
49%
22%

·•

$30,001
$7,363
$4,350

$24,007
$6,723
$4,693

$39,289
$8,194
$4,483

$29,004
$8,209
$3,912
..

:
- -;•,•-

. •.

BROOKS

•:

•.•.•

:

Earnings
Social Security
Public Assistance

,.

BRIGHTMOOR

:

66%
29%
26%

•.,,.:. ·-. ·::::::'c::·· ,:,,:,:-::::,:_\:::. :-·:··
::. ..
•· &lt;·=·=··=

POVERTY(% of persons. households and families)

.

BOYNTON

,:,

···-

•.

..

69%
26%
24%

55%
34%
30%

-··

$23,507
$7,137
$4,730

$28,518
$7,102
$4,511

$30,819
$8,230
$4,916

$24,089
$6,849
$3,963

32%
13%
47%

39%
27%
52%

.•.

.·

32%
20%
47%

48%
21%
66%

13%
8%
20%

24%
18%
32%

44%
20%
60%

34%
15%
49%

.......................... ........................... ........................... ··························· .......................... ........................... ···························
····················•··················································································································· ····························
31%
46%
38%
31%

All households
Households with householder 65 years +

22%

24%

13%
10%

25%
21%

22%

17%

28%
16%

40%
31%

........................... ........................... ........................... ........................... ··························· ···························
···························
········································································································································· ............................
29%
47%
11%
43%
32%
19%
29%

All families
Female-headed families with child(ren)

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

57%

72%

13

28%

35%

77%

61%

66%

34%
63%

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�-

TABLE 3. INCOME AND POVERTY CHARACTERISTICS
CENTRAL
BUS. DIST.

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

HOUSEHOLD INCOME(% of households)Under $5,000
$5,000to$9,999
$10,000 to $14,999
$15,000 to $24,999
$25,000to$34,999
$35,000.to $49,999 ...
$50,000 to $74,999
$75,000 to $99,999
$100,000 or more
Median Household Income

.·-: .·. ,,::

CERVENY
..

,.}h'.1&lt;:} .... · _ ·.' :,
16%
13
8
13
11
10
7
5
$24,770

9%
10
9
14
16
19
16
5
1
$30,317

$40,815

$33,240

17

Median Family Income

,:,: .. :-·:-:

CHADSEY
....

:.,•:/

CHENE

CLARK

CODY

CONDON

CONNER

PARK

..

._ ..;,

·:,··•.;:- :::,

..;.;._

,

17%
19
12
18
11
7
2
1
$16,040

24%
26
16
17
8
6
3
1
0
$10,012

$17,905

$11,832

13

•_:\:.

·:

..

•:

,·,· -:•_,:··•: .-.-., ....:•: ·.· ::•: ";:-: /":/' ' .::" •:&gt;-·-:,

.

_::-:-•.

22%
17
14
17
10
7
1
1
$13,680

10%
12
8
18
17
19
11
3
1
$25,392

4
2
1
$11,632

18%
20
11
15
13
12
8
2
1
$15,602

$15,975

$27,400

$14,957

$15,502

11

20%
25
13
15
9
IO

r= :\ :.:,:;: :· : ·_: : /. :-:

% OF HOUSEHOLDS WITll'INCOME"FROl\t£f': :,..
Earnings

Social Security
Public Assistance
AVERAGE INCOME BY TYPE :(:::;.,:\::::::· :=:

·.·.··.·,·

-:;:, .-.-·,•:•.•,•.•.·

All households

Households with householder 65 years+

.-.· /·

:-::-:,:_.

1·

82%
20%
18%

62%
33%
25%

,:

.·.···.

$43,534
$6,527
$4,259

Earnings

Social Security
Public Assistance
POVERTY(% of persons, householdsand
All persons
Persons 65 years of age and older
Persons 17 years of age and younger

68%
25%
16%

$35,696
$7,052
$4,063

families) ..\\f

.•

19%
28%
23%

·:·

59%
29%
36%

78%
20%
17%

$18,461
$7,206
$4,435

$24,781
$7,270
$4,320

$31,459
$7,201
$4,432

·.

$25,636
$7,662
$4,718
. :-·..

47%
38%
45%

..

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

$23,372
$7,343
$4,703

$26,865
$7,251
$5,147

:,

·.·

":-:-

;.:

_:: ;.::•:

:"'·_

21%
20%
29%

37%
15%
55%

51%
29%
68%

44%
22%
61%

25%
18%
34%

21 %

19%

33%

·50·% ·

41 %

23%

30%

20%

17%

31 %

19%

17%

33%

25%

40%

23%

42%

44.%

76%

47%

75%

67%

Aii..r~i1i;~····· ............................................................................................................. .....................6r~ ..................'is·i-io .................. 3.sr~ . . . . . . . . . .41'i-io ..
Female-headed families with child(ren)

67%
18%
40%

51%
39%
39%

18%

40%

14

74%

72%

46%
33%
65%

44%
25%
58%

•U••·············«'f~ .... ._ .............43·;;;

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 3. INCOME AND POVERTY CHARACTERISTICS
DAVISON

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
HOUSEHOLD INCOME(% of households)

::··

..-: ·:,•-

. ',

.

·.

:

DELRAY/
SPRNGWLS

:-,-···

DENBY
·.:: :• ::·::=••'.•.•:':•····

·•

-:-

DURFEE

-:·::12··.

-...

·-,;·;.

EAST
RIVERSIDE
:

EVERGREEN

FINNEY
..·.-.

..

GRANDMONT

-:

23%
17%
21%
5%
24%
9%
8%
12%
16
11
21
20
11
18
10
13
7
13
13
10
13
13
9
8
14
16
18
16
16
19
19
17
12 ...........................
12 ...........................
19
11
16
11
15
13
$25,000_to .$34,999.................................................................................................... ···························
··························· ........................... ··························· ··························· ...........................
10
11
19
11
19
10
18
$35,000 to $49,999
16
16
6
6
13
7
8
14
$50,000 to $74,999
14
1
0
4
2
2
5
4
$75,000 to $99,999
5
0
1
1
2
2
1
2
$100,000 or more
2
$14,457
$13,520
$30,090
$29,135
$13,057
$14,235
$27,187
Median Household Income
$24,995
Under $5,000
$5,000 to $9,999
$10,000 to $14,999
$15,000 to $24,999

$16,295

Median Family Income

AVERAGE INCOME BY TYPE

---:-·-

. .Jtt .fj}/f
::::
:•:

$17,000

$31,325

..

61%
34%
30%

..

.

..

-:·

•.

60%
31%
34%

.....

77%
26%
12%

$31,192
••❖

$23,495
$7,502
$4,574
-: .,:-•:

58%
35%
30%
-·-·

$27,485
.·.··:•:·•·

·=

•.

81%
19%
19%

63%
24%
36%

76%
26%
14%

·-··

·•.··

...·.

78%
18%
24%

.·

..

Earnings
Social Security
Public Assistance

All persons
Persons 65 years of age and older
Persons 17 years of age and yowiger

$17,002

•.•

•. ::=... :, .·

POVERTY(% of person~ households and families)

$32,225

•:

% OF HOUSEHOLDS WITH INCOME FROM._

Earnings
Social Security
Public Assistance

$17,352

$22,734
$6,954
$4,209

$34,181
$8,114
$4,789

$23,334
$7,413
$3,870

$31,228
$6,652
$4,468

$36,463
$7,203
$4,621

..:

:

t:\.•:

$35,632
$7,946
$4,523
·---:-:·-·

$33,721
$6,865
$4,461
..

.

41%
21%
60%

38%
16%
52%

16%
9%
27%

39%
23%
57%

43%
26%
58%

22%
17%
31%

20%
9%
31%

28%
18%
38%

·························· ........................... ··························· ··························· ........................... ··························· ···························
·······················································································•················································· ...........................
37%
38%
13%
41%
20%
40%
All households
16%
Households with householder 65 years +

24%

19%

11%

25%

29%

18%

9%

26%
18%

........................... ........................... ........................... ··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ···························
·········································································································································
38%
35%
14%
41%
20%
35%
All families
17%
Female-headed families with child(ren)

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

74%

76%

15

39%

65%

68%

44%

51%

25%
50%

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�I

TABLE 3. INCOME AND POVERTY CHARACTERISTICS
GRANT

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
....

HOUSEHOLD INCOME(% of households)

...,•.•. :••;,..

:

GREENFIELD

JEFFRIES

.

10%
11%
14
10
9
9
20
15
15 ... ...........................
17
$25,000_to_$34,999.................................................................................................... .......................
18
19
$35,000 to $49,999
10
15
$50,000 to $74,999
4
4
$75,000 to $99,999
1
1
$100,000 or more
$23,537
$28,565
Median Household Income
-

$26,785

Median Family Income
.:;:.;:

·.::

•:
,:

_.::::'.•:·::

KETTRNG/
BUTZEL

LAFAYETTE

MACK

'

15%
8%
14
16
10
12
18
13
15
14
··························· ···························
13
13

.

'

2
1
$20,432

23%
21
13
11
15
7
10
............................ ...........................
7
9
10
5
6
5
0
1
7
0
0
$25,045
$7,172
$11,992

$22,285

$46,457

11

$31,307
•:

31%
30
8

$11,017

:

29%
22
12
15
11
9
··························· ···························
8
13
5
10
1
3
0
3
$9,512
$17,897
13%
23
10
14

$15,240
•:

78%
23%
20%

70%
26%
28%

66%
40%
8%

45%
34%
37%

$11,420

$32,090

54%
39%
36%

.

.••.

••.

,:

72%
29%
21%

··, .··•:

.·.

54%
22%
47%

59%
40%
15%

·•:-.

'.

POVERTY (% of persons, oouseholds and "families).
All persons
Persons 65 years of age and older
Persons 17 years of age and younger

INDIAN
VILLAGE

:

Under $5,000
$5,000 to $9,999
$10,000 to $14,999
$15,000 to $24,999

% OF HOUSEHOLDS WITH INCOME FROM.- .
Earnings
Social Security
Public Assistance
..
..
AVERA GE INCOME u·v TYPK: \:::,:
Earnings
Social Security
Public Assistance

HARMONY
VILLAGE

::•

$31,979
$7,432
$4,252

$35,267
$7,360
$4,125
•.

·~· .....

$29,110
$7,796
$4,580
•:

$51,037
$7,371
$4,418

$21,583
$5,713
$3,853

$21,894
$7,068
$3,964

$35,392
$6,509
$3,872

$20,394
$6,023
$4,397

-:•,

,:

26%
10%
41%

22%
15%
32%

30%
18%
44%

13%
17%
23%

51%
50%
65%

42%
28%
59%

24%
31%
37%

54%
33%
66%

··························· ··························· ······················"••·· ··························· ··························· ........................... ···························
···························•············································································································ ····················•······
24%
21%
All households
29%
52%
13%
Households with householder 65 years +

11%

17%

20%

19%

53%
53%

41%
29%

25%
34%

.......................................................................................................................................... ··················•········ ........................... ··························· ··························· ···························
·····················--·····
···························
24%
20%
All families
28%
7%
18%
47%
37%
Female-headed families with child(ren)

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

60%

43%

16

53%

40%

68%

63%

40%

35%
51%
74%

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 3. INCOME AND POVERTY CHARACTERISTICS
MACKEN- MCNICHZIE
OLS
.-...
.-.

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
HOUSEHOLDINCOME(%·ofhouseholdsf::·· •. . . ,__ ::\··_·:·:'·:·:\::-:,
Under $5,000
$5,000 to $9,999
$10,000 to $14,999
$15,000 to $24,999

16%
16
10
15

19%
18
9
20

$25,000. to .$34,999.................................................................................................... ...................~.?. ...................... }.~....
$35,000to$49,999
14
11
$50,000 to $74,999
11
9
$75,000 to $99,999
3
2
$100,000 or more
O
1
Median Household Income
$19,925
$16,372
$22,345

Median Family Income
% OF HOUSEHOLDS WITH INCOME FROM...
Earnings
Social Security
Public Assistance
.. ·::
AVERAGE INCOME BY TYPE
Earnings
Social Security
Public Assistance

POVERTY(% of persons. households and families)

-.

··.= .. _.: :- ·•

::

·'.•:

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

10%
13
12
18

16%
18
11
19

2%
5
7
16

PERSHING

-:

.. ·.c:•-·= : .....-..

7%
8
9
18

10%
14
9
18

7%
10
10
19

17
10
3
0
$23,372

12
8
2
1
$17,222

14
18
11
13
$41,017

19
15
6
2
$30,375

17
12
3
1
$23,570

1
$27,300

$26,100

$19,202

$57,890

$35,017

$26,657

$33,667

71%
27%
18%
$30,245
$7,889
$4,884
•.

..

65%
35%
28%
$26,046
$7,466
$4,152
·•·

34%
22%
53%

26%
14%
40%

34%
17%
52%

31 %

35%

22%

17%

26%

14%

30%

33%

60%

65%

21
12
4

..: ..
.

92%
16%
6%

..

$52,068
$7,973
$4,356
.··-··

...

78%
34%
14%
. .

$37,943
$8,030
$4,564

70%
36%
20%
$31,207
$7,854
$4,311

80%
22%
11%
$32,557
$8,048
$4,811

..
:

,.

17

REDFORD

.. .................!.?........................ ~~···· ...................!.1....................... ~~···· ...................~.?. ....................... 16 ...

----

All households...........

Female-headed families with child(ren)

$27,332
$7,515
$3,872
·=•:

:

33%
17%
49%

All famili~s· ..........................

62%
37%
28%

69%
26%
28%

All persons
Persons 65 years of age and older
Persons 17 years of age and younger

Households with householder 65 years +

. ·.··.::·

PEMBROKE
____

:: 1

$27,978
$7,212
$4,276

,.,:

PALMER
PARK
.-·..

:-.·

·::: ·-: -. ·=··=--··.

...

NOLAN

:-

,:Jt· ··=:::·.,

: ..

$18,787

MOUNT
OLIVET

7%
4%
10%

15%
11%
25%

24%
12%
40%

16%
14%
24%

32'1~·

6%

14%

22%

··········i"4·;;~

18%

4%

11%

13%

16%

24%

32%

4%

13%

21 %

·············\2·q~

56%

63%

18%

40%

51 %

39%

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 3. INCOME AND POVERTY CHARACTERISTICS
ROSA
PARKS

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

ROUGE

ROSEDALE
PARK

..

HOUSEHOLD INCOME(% of households)

·:·.:•.,..::.;\:&gt; ..

•.-·\.

..

25%
20

3%
4
13
5
16
9
14
11
$25,000_to _$34,999.................................................................................................... ···························
···························
22
9
$35,000 to $49,999
5
26
$50,000 to $74,999
1
11
$75,000 to $99,999
0
5
$100,000 or more
$11,432
$43,327
Median Household Income
$14,332

Median Family Income
% OF HOUSEHOLDS WITH INCOME F·RoM~~~/:;:}:

Earnings
Social Security
Public Assistance

AVERA GE INCOME BY TYPE

:-:-.

·.•.·

_:: ' ,.;;··-·-·-· .. -.
·.•.:•·•'. •.•.•;•·.•;•~•.•··

..

·.·.·•.&lt;.·,••.:, .

··-·-·

52%
38%
37%

-·

?)

90%
18%
8%
-.

$21,801
$7,379
$3,886
..

$47,514
$8,613
$4,820

-.-:•

$30,670
--

..

...

POVERTY(% of persoris. househol°ds'lld·families))(():·,,

$47,390

:.-.

t/::-

:

·.··

UNIVERSITY

WINTERHALTER

,,:-·
:-

23%
24%
23
24
12
15
16
15
10
9
........................... ···························
7
10
5
5
2
1
0
1
$11,427
$10,860
$11,477

$13,632

54%
34%
40%

59%
23%
40%

$16,025

$13,795

:-.·--·-:-:::,:-: -::·,,:,_
:-: -:-::•: _::::·:::-,:::-·

..

-:•:

22%
32%
27
19
13
13
12
18
7
9
··························· ···························
11
5
6
2
2
1
1
1
$13,245
$7,397

54%
36%
35%

46%
32%
30%

:-:-

:/'

$31,836
$8,215
$5,069

$20,538
$6,999
$4,190
.. :,·,

I

8%
8%
12%

TIREMAN

I·-&lt;&lt;·-

$13,950

72%
34%
12%

..

44%
24%
63%

-.••:•

6%
25%
12
23
8
13
20
16
18 ...........................
10
·····················•·····
18
8
14
4
3
1
0
1
$26,700
$10,917

.

.(Jf.: _..:: ❖_.:_--., :

Earnings
Social Security
Public Assistance

All persons
Persons 65 years of age and older
Persons 17 years of age and younger

.

•:

Under $5,000
$5,000 to $9,999
$10,000 to $14,999
$15,000 to $24,999

STATE
FAIR

ST.JEAN

14%
7%
21%

:•:•:

58%
32%
32%

:-'

::

$21,428
$7,029
$4,672

$21,742
$7,447
$4,297

\.
47%
28%
62%

..

..

$24,528
$7,142
$3,967

$19,739
$6,047
$3,509
··-: :::~-•:•

..

. ·-·,::-::::

.-·'

52%
37%
68%

46%
21%
65%

53%
45%
60%

39%
20%
59%

··························· ........................... ........................... ........................... ........................... ··························· ···························
·······················································•·························································•······················· ···························
43%
7%
13%
All households
39%
Households with householder 65 years +

27%

9%

9%

46%
29%

49%
39%

44%
24%

51%
45%

21%

··························· ··························· ........................... ····•······················ ··························· ··························· ···························
·················································•························•························•·•··································· ·•·························
39%
6%
12%
36%
All families
42%
Female-headed families with child(ren)

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

70%

22%

18

44%

68%

50%
68%

42%
71%

38%
67%

66%

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

I
I

-

�TABLE 4. LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS
CITY OF
DETROIT

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
..

·. ·.•
..

LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS

760,623
417,795
335,462
82,333
843
341,985
20%

Total persons 16 years and older
Total Civilian labor force
Employed
Unemployed
In Armed Forces
Not in labor force
April, 1990 Unemployment rate (in%)

LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES

..

.: _.._._.•. ·=

..

BAGLEY

-:·.-.• ·-·

...

12,506
5,800
3,995
1,805
7
6,699
31%

-.-_-

,:

OCCUPATION (% of employed)

... ·= .. ,;
.- •:
-·=·· :• -·=·- ·=

·::

--

•:

...

.

Detroit city
Other Detroit PMSA
Outside Detroit PMSA

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

.

.·

:

•.·

BURBANK

CENTRAL

18,707
10,687
8,862
1,825
15
8,005
17%

16,679
7,704
5,715
1,989
27
8,948
26%

57%
51%
53%

46%
40%
47%

=·

16,934
10,353
8,913
1,440
18
6,563
14%

8,024
3,545
2,922
623
0
4,479
18%

12,656
7,423
5,780
1,643
4
5,229
22%

25,137
14,924
12,003
2,921
36
10.177
20%
·-

•.

-_-'.:

.

61%
56%
74%

..

.-

44%
39%
67%

60%
53%
59%

59%
50%
49%

..•...··

10%
24%
12%
4
4
3
25
32
27
1
0
0
...........................
··························· ...........................
24
18
25
8
7
IO
16
9
11
7
13
12

15%
12%
4
3
31
29
0
1 ...........................
...........................
19
19
12
9
10
13
11
11

23%
3
2
23
4
...........................
14
22
5
4
14%

21%
22%
4
6
3
3
23
22
8
6
...........................
···························
12
13
18
19
6
6
5
3
16%
16%

14%
23%
2
2
32
28
0
l
··························· ···························
19
23
12
6
12
11
8
6

,•:

21%
5
3
19
6
f.~.~~9.?. . ~!:1;5.~ance. and. real ~~.~~-~.......................................................................... ..............................
11
Business, personal &amp; entertainment services
25
Professional services
8
Public administration
4
Other
20%
% of workers employed in public sector
Manufacturing
Transportation
Communication and utilities
Wholesale and retail trade

--

46%
40%
45%

BROOKS

:

Il'l&gt;USTRY (% of employed) ·

..

BRIGHTMOOR

.... =,::=

19%
3
28
1
Farmin~, _forestry_and.fishing ............................................................................... .............................
20
Services
9
Precision production, craft and repair
12
Machine operators, assemblers and inspectors
9
Laborers

PLACE OF WORK (% of workers)

.

..

Managers and professionals
Technicians
Sales and Administrative support

.

.

.·: •. ·=.,_{_.. :

55%
49%
57%

All persons 16 years and older
All females 16 years and older
Females with child(ren)

BOYNTON

:-·

•·•

. -.-•••

AIRPORT

19%
23%
4
6
4
5
14
15
6 ...........................
7
...........................
11
15
31
21
11
6
2
3
27%
19%

..

:

56%
42
1

61%
39
0

19

61%
37
2

:

21%
4

15%
3
3
3
24
15
7
6
··························· ···························
10
14
20
31
7
8
5
4
16%
24%

:

..

:,.:·

·-····· .

44%
53
3

41%
58
1

46%
53
2

49%
50
1

69%
30
1

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�l

TABLE 4. LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS

CENTRAL
BUS. DIST.

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

CERVENY

.,.

1-:

LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS . ;:f : /~::
Total persons 16 years and older
Total Civilian labor force
Employed
Unemployed
In Armed Forces
Not in labor force
April, 1990 Unemployment rate (in%)
LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES ... ,-&lt;f\}k/,;/:.··
All persons 16 years and older
All fem ales 16 years and older
Females with child(ren)

1:

CHADSEY
...

·,-:

CHENE

16,285
10,612
8,761
1,851
17
5,656
17%

.

51%
64%

75%

16,052
8,156
6,754
1,402
11
7,885
17%
:::

...

65%
60%
66%

51%
43%
42%

,:.

10,961
3,967
2,540
1,427

12,802
6,197
4,722
1,475
15
6,590
24%

7

6,987
36%
:•·
=:.r. ·... ·.
36%
32%
40%

47%
4
25

18%
4
30

CONNER
.•

8,883
3,870
2,818
1,052
7

5,006
27%
.·..

49%
39%
34%

65%
59%
66%
.

14%
3
26

15%
4
20

•:

:;,::C

44%
39%
42%
::·'.-:

.i

..

11%
1
28

17,379
11,206
9,771
1,435
39
6,134
13%

..

..
.•:

Managers and professionals
Technicians
Sales and Administrative support

CONDON

........

·,:,;

:

.-,•

7,740
3,927
3,607
320
37
3,776
8%

CODY

..

..·

•·

CLARK
PARK

•·.·

15%
4
29

·••.. - f -.

13%
1
28

23,604
13,347
9,581
3,766
52
10,205
28%

c··· ..-.

.

·•:

..

57%
51%
54%

. :::.,/?:
16%
3
25

Fanning, .forestry and .fishing,.................................................................................................... o......................... 1.........................1......................... 0 ........................ 1.......................... 0 ....................... o......................... 1.. ..
Services
13
18
18
22
17
21
22
22
Precision production, craft and repair
5
9
13
8
11
8
11
9
Machine operators, assemblers and inspectors
4
11
16
15
19
13
11
15
Laborers
2
10
12
11
13
8
12
10
...
.. ... .
···,::INDUSTRY (% of employed) .:\ : ..f).,&lt;,J\t-\?L:_:{ - ,i}.
. ..
:-.
:,::-:
··- ·,·. . .
Manufacturing
16%
23%
27%
22%
23%
22%
21%
2610
Transportation
3
6
4
2
5
4
5
5
4
Communication and utilities
3
4
2
2
2
2
4
Wholesale and retail trade
14
17
26
22
21
17
19
21
Finance, insurance and real estate
7
8
5
4
3
7
6
5
Business·. personal·&amp; e~tertainme~t·;~~i~;~··--······························ .. ···· ................................. 'g' ........................9.....................'j"3 ... ··
10
11
10
14
9
•,•.,·•-

Professional services
Public administration
Other
% of workers employed in public sector
.;

..

Detroit city
Other Detroit PMSA
Outside Detroit PMSA

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

·:..

·.

~:•. .

34
12
3
24%

22
8
4
19%

16
3
5
9%

26
8
4
19%

20
6
6
13%

23
lO
3
21%

25
6
3
18%

23
8
3
21%

71%
27
2

54%
44
2

51%
48
2

74%
25
1

65%
33

46%
52

1

2

68%
32
0

61%
39
1

:

20

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

I

�TABLE 4. LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS
DAVISON

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS

•.

:

.:·

.

..

'
"

.

..

:: ·::

r _._

•• ·.···,·••••

,-•:.-:::

20,430
10,253
7,701
2,552
0
10,177

••,•=

,:

•
II
II
II

II

16,473
10,708
9,412
1,296
29
5,736
12%

7,318
3,964
2,795
1,169
4
3,350

22,610
10,659
7,826
2,833
15
11,936
27%

50%
39%
41%

65%
58%
65%

47%
42%
49%

54%
49%
54%

Detroit city
Other Detroit PMSA
Outside Detroit PMSA

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

~-. ::•;:

55%
44
1

55%
45
1

21

12

5,800

13%

20%

64%
56%
65%

66%
63%
69%

..

21%
21%
5
3
24
29
1 ...........................
0
...........................
18
22
9
9
9
11
9
9

25%
18%
4
3
27
30
1
0
··························· ···························
19
20
9
8
7
12
8
9

:

..

20%

.

'\t_=:

.·.

17,231
11,419
9,085
2,334

','

20%
16%
4
3
28
30
1 ...........................
0
...........................
18
24
7
11
12
9
8
9

19%
5
5
4
3
19
15
7 ...........................
6
............................
8
13
22
29
5
7
9
6
5
3
12%
19%
23%
..

5

·.

65%
61%
69%
,·

4
14%
·.·.

..

,;

,•,

PLACE OF WORK (% of workers)

..

'.

11%
10%
3
2
25
25
1
1
Farmin~, forestry and .fishing ............................................................................... ···························
···························
24
19
Services
10
13
Precision production, craft and repair
16
14
Machine operators, assemblers and inspectors
10
16
Laborers
..
' ' •.
:
:··.:-::·
:
:
INDUSTRY (% of employed)
-··=••.
25%
25%
Manufacturing
4
6
Transportation
1
1
Communication and utilities
22
25
Wholesale and retail trade
6 ...........................
4
Finance, insurance and real estate
...........................
12
12
Business, ~~~~~~·&amp;°·~~t~rt·;~~nt services
21
15
Profess1onal services
Public administration
Other
% of workers employed in public sector

GRANDMONT

23,081
14,689
12,831
1,858
38
8,354

14%

29%

.::=··::.:

...·._ ..

:

25,390
16,558
14,262
2,296
18
8,814

·= .

·.· .

49%
40%
44%

-.--

·.·•·

25%
•·.

...

FINNEY
;

···::::·:::

· =·,~ ,·

:

EVERGREEN

EAST
RIVERSIDE

·--:

Managers and professionals
Technicians
Sales and Administrative support

II

DURFEE

,;

·-· .· .· --~:,:,••.

.·

DENBY

. .•:·:•

25%

..

LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES

OCCUPATION :·(% of employed)

;,

13,886
6,837
5,122
1,715
0
7,049

Total persons 16 years and older
Total Civilian labor force
Employed
Unemployed
In Armed Forces
Not in labor force
April, 1990 Unemployment rate (in % )
All persons 16 years and older
All females 16 years and older
Females with child(ren)

•:::.

DELRAY/
SPRNGWLS

55%
43
1

65%

34
1

.· .•.

17%

22%

5

5

17%
22%
3
4
4
4
3
4
14
17
19
21
6
6
6
7
...........................
··························· ··························· ···························
8
9
9
8
27
33
28
24
7
7
10
8
6
3
5
3
23%
21%
21%
18%
..
•.·•

·-·-·-·.

:

··--·•..·

70%
29
1

52%
47
2

57%
41
1

52%
46
2

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 4. LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS
GRANT

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS

:· .,::

.•,,·

HARMONY
VILLAGE
.•:

....

8,981
5,376
4,588
788
16
3,589
15%

Total persons 16 years and older
Total Civilian labor force
Employed
Unemployed
In Armed Forces
Not in labor force
April, 1990 Unemployment rate (in%)
All persons 16 years and older
All females 16 years and older
Females with child(ren)
:-:.
.

21,233
13,300
11 ,161
2,139
42
7,891
16%

JEFFRIES

63%
60%
69%

4,958
2,828
2,639
189
0
2,130
7%

56%
52%
62%

...-.

Managers and professionals
Technicians
Sales and Administrative support

14%
2
28

19%
4
31

LAFAYETTE

MACK
. • .-;~!.:

7,289
2,953
2,233
720
29
4,307
24%

24,232
10,194
7,049
3,145
21
14,017
31%

15,327
7,421
4,772
2,649

7,328
4,008
3,575
433
0
3,320
11%

7

7,899
36%

41%
35%
47%

14%
3
27

46%
5
32

42%
37%
51%

:•:

:::

48%
42%
46%

55%
51%
71%
·..

22%
6
21

14%
2
27

Farmins, .forestry and .fishing .................................................................................................... o......................... 0 ........................ 1.... ..................... 0 ... .................... 2 ........................ ..1....
Services
17
17
24
8
23
26
Precision production, craft and repair
12
8
7
7
9
6
Machine operators, assemblers and inspectors
19
12
14
2
10
13
Laborers
7
8
9
2
8
11

INDUSTRY ( % of employed)

.

·•

·:~ . ·;:

.

·.. •.

·.
•.·_.

57%
48%
59%

·,••,

..··:-·

KETTRNG/
BUTZEL

:,·

... ',:'· ·• :f}}t&lt; .: : ....
60%
50%
57%

.

INDIAN
VILLAGE

26,292
14,716
11,148
3,568
6
11,570
24%

..

LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES -,\ ,_.t ::::::.&lt;\

OCCUPATION (% of employed) .

GREENFIELD

44%
3
30

12%
2
23

.................... o......................... 0 ...
13
3
3
4

27
11
13
12

:,

Manufacturing
28%
21%
23%
Transportation
4
6
4
Communication and utilities
3
4
3
Wholesale and retail trade
21
17
17
Finance, insurance and real estate
5
7
5
Business, personal·&amp; e~tertainme~·t·~~~i~~·;······ .. ······....................................... .....................~/·· ····················"g"··· ···········........i'i""... .................

12%
5
5
14
7
5

14%
3
2
18
5
13

20%
4
2
18
4
13

12%
4
5
10
7
9

19%
6
2
17
4
13

Professional services
Public administration

40
8

36
7

27
7

39
14

26
8

22
7

Other
% of workers employed in public sector

PLACE OF WORK(% ofworkers)_'}'\)}
Detroit city
Other Detroit PMSA
Outside Detroit PMSA

WS U/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

'':}\:\ ...

·-··•..

,•,
,·❖

-.·.- ..

. ;:: .•
.-·.-.-.-

28
7

26
8

1

3

2

4

2

0

5

16%

20%

20%

24%

20%

20%

33%

21%

72%
26
2

67%
32
1

74%
25

&lt;&gt;&lt;tt.
51%
46
2

51%
48
2

22

.3

,:··.·

;;._.;:: :;:~.

60%

38
2

·-·-·.

70%
27
2

.::

•,·

1

72%
28
0

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

'
'
'

�TABLE 4. LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS
MACKENZIE

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
..

,:-

MCNICHOLS

MOUNT
OLIVET

NOLAN

PALMER
PARK

PEMBROKE

PERSHING

REDFORD

16,920
9,284
7,756
1,528
8
7,628
16%

17,822
11,933
10,861
1,072
6
5,883
9%

:,:

LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS
30,853
17,709
13,772
3,937
51
13,093
22%

Total persons 16 years and older
Total Civilian labor force
Employed
Unemployed
In Armed Forces
Not in labor force
April, 1990 Unemployment rate (in %)

LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES
All persons 16 years and older
All females 16 years and older
Females with child(ren)
OCCUPATION (% of employed)
Managers and professionals
Technicians
Sales and Administrative support

.. •:_.•:••
.. ·-:··. :·•-_.•. ._.•:•:
__

9,693
4,923
3,885
1,038
6
4,764
21%
·=.••.

·.•,::

•. ·_-.-.,~. :..

-·--

·-·-·

-- ·.-.-

:·,

-~= -: .

:,

58%
52%
60%
·-•

..

'

::;:::-:-:•.

.. -.-

-.-

21,211
12,535
10,895
1,640
57
8,619
13%
..

17,437
9,139
7,005
2,134
32
8,266
23%

9,959
7,602
7,123
479
49
2,308
6%

17,671
10,667
9,253
1,414
13
6,991
13%
·-:-.

:

•.•.

... _,•.

:--:.

51%
46%
58%

59%
52%
62%

53%
48%
56%

77%
73%
87%

60%
57%
71%

55%
49%
63%

67%
59%
65%

17%
4
30

13%
4
27

13%
3
28

48%
4
23

25%
3
30

16%
3
29

17%
4
31

·--:·-,'.- •:

•:•.__ •... ·=·

16%
3
29

Farmins, .forestry and .fishing ................................................................................................... 0......................... 0 ........................1......................... 0 ....................... o......................... 0 ....................... o......................... 1... .
Services
24
19
19
25
13
16
18
18
Precision production, craft and repair
7
9
11
7
5
7
9
12
Machine operators, assemblers and inspectors
11
13
15
15
4
12
14
9
Laborers
10
9
10
9
3
6
10
8
:
INDUSTRY (% of employed)
•·
Manufacturing
19%
17%
28%
24%
12%
20%
25%
19%
Transportation
5
5
5
4
3
5
5
4
Communication and utilities
4
6
3
2
4
3
3
3
Wholesale and retail trade
18
14
19
18
14
16
20
22
Finance, insurance and real estate
7
5
7
7
8
7
5
7
Business, personal &amp; entertainment services
11
11
8
11
9
8
10
1O ·
Professional services
25
30
20
24
37
28
22
21
Public administration
8
8
7
8
11
11
7
8
Otha
2
4
3
3
2
2
2
4
21%
25%
% of workers employed in public sector
17%
27%
21%
25%
17%
17%
,,;;:
·. ·.•,:-·
.· _:,:- . -··..
•:;;;:
:::;. -••.,:
. .
PLACE OF WORK . (% of workers)
.•.
57%
66%
Detroit city
48%
55%
65%
54%
52%
38%
42
33
51
Other Detroit PMSA
43
33
44
48
61
2
0
1
Outside Detroit PMSA
1
2
1
0
1
•.•.

;._

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

·.• .•

23

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 4. LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS
ROSA
PARKS

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
LABOR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS .

.

.=:::

·..

::··t:t'.: ._::.:&lt;:{·::i:.\.:.. ~:~. :_.··· (/'\:

LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES ,::

,r·::::tt&amp;t ::/.,: ·;:-· ·:: ..'.:\(...

·

14,508
10,770
9,800
970
29
3,709

26%

&lt;:::it: .

:•: ./

·• ..

-::_:·::t:J

17%
3
26
1 ..
Farmin~. _forestry and _fishin&amp; ................................................................................. ..... ..... .. .. ... .. .·····
28
Services
7
Precision production, craft and repair
9
Machine operators, assemblers and inspectors
11
Laborers
.•:

···,:·

:\\::.:::.:,:.

·-·· ::
······

Detroit city
Other Detroit PMSA
Outside Detroit PMSA

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

18,959
11,429
10,289
1,140

....

STATE
FAIR

20
7,510
10%

·-

7,931
3,593
2,606
987
0
4,338

34%
.

60%
52%
65%

WINTERHALTER

15,267
6,745
4,986
1,759
JO
8,512

16,817
8,235
6,238
1,997
8
8,574

..

.

19,473
8,766
6,166
2,600
6
10,701

27%
·..

30%

26%

42%
36%
43%

45%
42%
53%

44%
39%
48%

..

'

45%
36%
40%

13%
2
27
1
25 ..
5
14
12

...
.·. ·. ::.

'

24%
49%
44%
51%

.:,·.

..

19%
12%
3
3
28
27
0 ............................
0
............................
19
25
9
8
8
14
14
11

.•:

..

.

·•

34%
15%
4
4
25
31
0 ............................
1
...........................
14
19
8
12
8
9
6
8

UNIVERSITY

.•:

.·.

74%
70%
79%

TIREMAN

:j

17,513
7,334
4,821
2,513
19
10,160

.

·.

16%
35%
3
6
26
25
0
0
··························· ···························
23
16
10
6
14
6
7
5

_c.·

Manufacturing
Transportation
Communication and uti.li ties
Wholesale and retail trade
Finance, insurance and real estate
.......................................................................................................................................
Business, personal &amp; entertainment services
Professional services
Public administration
Other
% of workers employed in public sector
··/ ·:,/:})/{/ :;
PLACE OF WORK ·('~/ of
..

workers) :

.,

·...

Managers and professionals
Technicians
Sales and Administrative support

INDUSTRY ( % of employed)

:::;-:,,.•:

9%

43%
38%
50%

-: .: 1/: ·::::::;.:\:::-::::=::::::::: •. ·'.····:·:·:.

ST.JEAN

:

All persons 16 years and older
All females 16 years and older
Females with child(ren)
&lt;;.

ROUGE

-:••

22,181
9,530
7,063
2,467
0
12,651

Total persons 16 years and older
Total Civilian labor force
Employed
Unemployed
In Armed Forces
Not in labor force
April, 1990 Unemployment rate (in%)

OCCUPATION (% of employe"cl)

ROSEDALE
PARK

17%
19%
19%
4
4
6
3
5
3
15
13
23
6
7
··························· ··························· .....................6....
15
8
12
30
29
18
6
12
8
3
3
5
18%
26%
15%

l\t.&lt;.

.•.

.

-:'.·,

:-:

·..

:-::::

::

1\/ .. ··_;:;'
.·&gt;:::i-:::: .·.··.

70%
29
1

53%
44

2

24

.··. ·,•
..
.. .-.·..•::-:-._.:::•

20%
5

18%
19%
2
5
2
1
3
19
36
17
5
7
··························· ...........................
13
8
13
26
21
27
6
5
6
4
3
3
20%
15%
22%

..................... s....

:.: ·:c@t:nt ·\:\?Ht t ·: : : : : . )\\ :::::-/):?):. :-:

36%
62
2

10%
3
3
16
5

·······················•··· ..............
11

.

73%
26
1

54%
46
0

7
2
21%
••,•:•.-·-··

:·::::·.. ·-

60%
39
1

'II

27

44
4
4
23%

..

21%
5
2
16
5
13

I

·:, : . ,.,d

77%
21

63%
36

2

1

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

'-

�TABLES. GENERAL HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
SU BCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
-

CITY OF
DETROIT

.

-..

HOUSING UNITS AND TENURE

AIRPORT
..

;:

:.-

·.

- . . .-.

BAGLEY
i

.

.-.

-

--·,;-

_. __ ._-_

BROOKS

:

_,:

.·

BRIGHTMOOR

BOYNTON

••:

BURBANK
•:,•

CENTRAL

'

-·

Total Housing units
410,027
6,336
3 ,801
7,201
13,812
9,936
7.381
10,616
% Vacant
3%
4% ...........................
9% ...........................
9%
8% ...........................
10%
6%
14%
··························· ···························
········································································································································· ····························
··························· ···························
374,057
5 ,769
7,152
3 ,634
6,633
12,363
Total Occupied housing units
9,365
9,091
197,929
2,981
5,508
2,692
2,743
6,866
Owner-occupied housing units
5,973
2,860
176,128
2 ,788
1,644
942
3 ,890
5,497
Renter-occupied housing units
3.392
6,231
53%
52%
77%
74%
41%
56%
% Owner-occupied
64%
31%
..
·- ..
·-· ..
·- ·-·
: ..•.·•.·•.·
:
:
-·
.
,_.:·;i_.::/L
·--:POPULATION PER HOUSEHOLD
·.· ,··.··
·-·-·-··-· ·--·
2.7
All Households
3.2
2.9
2.7
2.9
2.9
2.9
2.2
2.9
3.1
3.0
2.8
2.6
2.8
Owner households
2.8
2.7
2.5
3.3
2.6
Renter households
2.6
3.0
2.9
3.2
2.0
...
-.··- VALUE ( % of specified owner.occupied units) ·:: .. -·..·.:·-··- ······20%
44%
2%
44%
Under $15,000
14%
16%
13%
32%
28
30
$15,000 to $24,999
10
31
29
39
30
27
26
15
$25,000 to $34,999
27
31
17
34
38
14
16
7 ...........................
43 ...........................
17
8
9
17
8
$35,000_to.$49,?99..................................................................................................... ............................
···························
··························· ··························· ··························· ···························
7
3
6
$50,000 to $74,999
16
1
2
2
10
2
1
$75,000 to $99,999
2
1
0
0
0
6
1
0
0
$100,000 or more
0
0
0
0
4
$25,600
$16,750
$38,055
$26,600
$16,670
$23,760
Median Value
$26,675
$21,430
.

.

·.

·.

.

MONTHLY CONTRACT RENT(% of specified renter units)

2 to 4 unit structure
5 to 9 uni t structure
10 to 49 unit structure
50 units or more structure
Mobile home or other structure type

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

.---

--:

4%
1%
2%
6%
5%
5%
0%
5%
18
28
4
25
4
13
5
30
43
62
25
49
31
33
44
50
............................
··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ··········-················
25
10
57
18
52
42
40
11
6
0
7
11
1
6
10
2
3
0
2
0
1
1
1
1
$265
$231
$330
$241
$316
$297
$301
$224

Less than $1 00
$100 to $199
$200 to $299
$300 to $399
$400 to $499
$500 or more
Median Rent

STR UCTURE TYPE (% of housing units)
Single family home

-

•.•.

.

:.\.::

--

---=··::::• .. ,

-- ..

60%
22
2
8
6
2

68%
24
1
1
0
5

25

75%
21
0
2
0
1

83%
9
0
0
5
3

·-·· ..

84%

8
4
3
0
1

·-:-:·-:

:,::,::

·.··.-·.·

:

74%
13
4
8
1
1

80%
15
1
2
0
1

29%
28
6
20
14
2

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 5. GENERAL HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

CENTRAL
BUS. DIST.

CERVENY

CHADSEY

CHENE

CLARK
PARK

CODY

CONDON

CONNER
--

HOUSING UNITS AND TENURE
Total Housing units
% Vacant
............................................................................................................................................
Total Occupied housing units
Owner-occupied housing units
Renter-occupied housing units
% Owner-occupied
.-

POPULATION PER HOUSEHOLD
All Households
Owner households
Renter households
VALUE (% of specified owner-occupied units)
Under $15,000
$15,000 to $24,999
$25,000 to $34,999

6,092
7,521
9,085
6,053
6,968
9,541
11,734
4,894
26%
4% ...........................
11% ............................
12%
7%
13%
6%
12%
··························· ···························
··························· ··························· ··························· ···························
4,527
7,226
8,122
5,330
6,087
8,999
10,888
4,328
342
4,970
4,523
1,908
2,403
5,060
5,238
2,019
4,185
2,256
3,599
3,422
3,684
5,650
3,939
2,309
8%
69%
56%
36%
39%
48%
56%
47%
---

-

,.,•:

,••.

.... · .. · ,•:

-

:-. --

1.4
1.5
1.4

3.0
3.2
2.7

·.••&lt;·· :,

2.7
2.7
2.8

2.8
2.6
2.8

.·. ·-:,·

. ,•,

2.8
3.0
2.7

·:.:

...•.•,

,,.·,·,

..•

2.7
2.9
2.5

2.7
2.7
2.7

3.4
3.4
3.3

10%
4%
57%
65%
20%
55%
10%
72%
8
20
33
22
37
29
29
18
2
42
8
8
27
37
9
6
2 .... .... .. .. ..... ...27
2
2
4
12
20
2
$35,000_to.$49,999 ................................................................................................... ...........................
... .. . ···························
··························· ··························· ·····················--·····
··························· ···························
7
$50,000 to $74,999
6
0
1
2
3
3
1
0
$75,000 to $99,999
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
71
$100,000 or more
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
$159,400
$31,230
Median Value
$13,184
$11,474
$13,604
$23,460
$27,850
$10,394

.

--

MONTHLY CONTRACT RENT(% of specified renter units)
Less than $100
$100 to $199
$200 to $299
··············································•··························································································
$300 to $399
$400 to $499
$500 or more
Median Rent
STRUCTURE TYPE (% of housin2 units) ·
Single family home
2 to 4 unit structure
5 to 9 unit structure
10 to 49 unit structure
50 units or more structure
Mobile home or other structure type

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

): ,:\\/

-'-'.-:

.·

: .

.·

-:

7%
1%
1%
8%
0%
2%
3%
3%
10
3
19
43
6
25
5
41
12 ...........................
28
61
41
66
55
51
18
···········•···············
··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ··························· ···························
21
58
17
6
35
6
56
s
13
8
1
1
3
1
17
0
37
2
0
1
1
0
1
2
$400
$322
$250
$197
$284
$226
$209
$341
..

.&gt;t::::r:::::::::' '?: :::::.)&lt;(

.....
·.·.

1%
4
4
18
73
2

78%
11
1
9
0
1

26

56%
40
1
1
0
3

37%
54
3
2
2
3

.-•

:::::[\(}

... ·:=:::~:?.. ·.·

40%
37
4
12
5
2

·······

74%
8
3
10
3
2

53%
36
2
3
4
3

68%
23
2
5
0
2

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

I

�TABLE S. GENERAL HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
DAVISON

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

HOUS~G UNITS AND TENURE. ..

·.•.

·-···

DENBY

DURFEE

EAST
RIVERSIDE

EVERGREEN

FINNEY

GRANDMONT

:: ..

:-

·;:•/

DELRAY/
SPRNGWLS

Total Housing units
7,387
11,540
8,708
13,196
4,236
12,184
11,985
8,196
% Vacant
7%
9%
5%
10%
15%
4%
5%
6%
........................................................................................................................................ ······················································ ······················································ ······················································ ························-·····························
Total Occupied housing units
6,849
10,471
8,312
11,837
3,615
11,638
11,389
7,693
Owner-occupied housing units
4,054
4,731
6,154
4,604
1,740
7,869
7,834
4,667
Renter-occupied housing units
2,795
5,740
2,158
7,233
1,875
3,769
3,555
3,026
% Owner-occupied
59%
45%
74%
39%
48%
68%
69%
61 %
·-•-•.•

POPULATION PER HOUSEHOLD

: ••:• ._..·

•,•

:.

..

: -:-.

..

•·•··

•.•,•-

...·.....·

All Households
Owner households
Renter households

VALUE (% of specified owner-occupied units)

2.9
2.7
3.2

:&lt; :.\:.-./ : ... ..::. ·.... ·: :::.;: .. · ·

Under $15,000
$15,000 to $24,999
$25,000 to $34,999
$35,000 to $49,999
$50,000 to $74,999
$75,000 to $99,999
$100,000ormore
Median Value

2.7
2.9
2.6

2.7
2.8
2.5

2.5
2.7
2.3

··
52%
33

4
1
0
O
$14,309

4%
24
51
18
2
0
O
$28,875

2%
23
53
19

2%
24
64
9

1%
3
22
53

19%
30
21
15
11

3
1
$25,465

MONTHLY CONTRACT RENT(% of specified renter units)

$400 to $499
$500 or more
Median Rent

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

2
O
$252
..

:-· :-: .•:

.. ::}

.·..

:

.

23%
28
21
15
9
2
2
$24,635

6%
24
34
26
9
1
0
$30,845

,••: :•·

,,:

._.;.. ::.

::

0
0
$229

18
4
$344

3%
21
65
11
1
O
$235

....

·.-..·

:

2.7
2.7
2.8

3.2
3.3
3.0

..

,: .... -:.

. Less than $100
$100 to $199
$200 to $299
$300 to $399······························..

STRUCTURE TYPE (% of housing units)
Single family home
2 to 4 unit structure
5 to 9 unit structure
10 to 49 unit structure
50 units or more structure
Mobile home or other structure type

3.0
3.0
2.9

::.•:
58%
34
6
1
0
0
O
$12,809

10

2.9
2.9
2.9

7%
18
31
28
14
1
0
$32,610

10%
27
29
22
10 ..
1
0
$29,480

0%
4
29
42

1%
4
43

. -::/\/ .

6%
26
49
15

3%
7
20
52

3
1
$232

17
3
$339

19
5
$336

·· ·······43····
7
2
$302

.

·:-· .. ·'•···· ·-·· •,••·:•:

.
:,

78%
18
1
0
0
2

52%
33
2
8
3
2

27

82%
9
3
6
0
1

30%
44
3
20
1

47%
39

2

6

2

6
0

86%
5
3
4
2
1

77%
20
0
2
0
1

73%
19
1

5
0
1

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 5. GENERAL HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
GRANT

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
HOUSING UNITS AND TENURE

.

.

.· ,,

...

·•:•·

GREENFIELD

HARMONY
VILLAGE

INDIAN
VILLAGE

JEFFRIES

KETTRNG/
BUTZEL

LAFAYETTE

MACK

..·._•:

4,590
5%
4,341
2,856
1,485
66%

10,128
4%
9,699
6,664
3,035
69%

12,399
7%
11,550
6,916
4,634
60%

2.9
2.9
2.8

2.9
3.0
2.8

3.0
3.1
2.9

1.6
2.1
1.4

Under $15,000
$15,000 to $24,999
$25,000 to $34,999
$35,000to$49,999
$50,000 to $74,999

18%
35
31
13
3

5%
23
36
25
9 ..

16%
36
30
13
4

7%
51 %
49%
2%
39%
5
21
29
6
34
2
10
11
14
18
3
10
6
32
7
15 ········ .............8......................... 3 ··· .................. 23···· ..................... 2 ·

$75,000 to $99,999
$100,000 or more
Median Value

0
O
$24,230

Total Housing units
% Vacant
Total Occupied housing units
Owner-occupied housing units
Renter-occupied housing units
% Owner-occupied

POPULATION PER HOUSEHOLD
All Households
Owner households
Renter households
VALUE (% of specified owner-occupied units)

....

}.,., ., . ,

,,,., .. ·

....· ,•.•· .

:.

/

1

O
$31,015

1%
5
35
45

$400to$499
$500 or more
Median Rent

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

12,059
9%
10,937
4,750
6,187
43%

2.1
2.6
1.9

2.7
2.9
2.5

5,307
9%
4,850 ·
992
3,858
20%

9,192
17%
7,649
2,638
5,011
34%

13
2
$321
'':?. •:..

:,,:,:.,...

·=·:":':/·
•'•.·

.·.·.·

1
O
$24,405

24
43
$92,575

1.7
2.0
1.7

2.9
3.2
2.8

··

1
O
$14,789

1
1
$15,215

16
7
$47,255

0
0
$17,890

·.•,;

Less than$100
$100 to $199
$200 to $299
s3oo to $399

2 to 4 unit structure
5 to 9 unit structure
10 to 49 wiit structure
50 units or more structure
Mobile home or other structure type

6,046
29%
4,307
878
3,429
20%

·-••:

MONTHLY CONTRACT RENT(% of specified renter units)

STRUCTURE TYPE (% of housing units)
Single family home

3,539
8%
3,241
1,006
2,235
31 %

6%
9
24
45
13
2
$320

1%
2%
21%
6%
15%
2%
10
11
37
36
19
27
53
20
24
47
13
59
32···· ................... 19 ..................... io·· ....................... s" ..................... ii.........................i'i' .. .
3
1
$279

:,:::....

·•

- .,.._

5

11
37
$380

3

2
2

$179

$214
·.•

85%
6
1
4
4
1

11

0

3
5
1

28

70%
24
1
2
0
2

15%
3
13
66

17%
24
9
20
28

2

2

1

O
O
$228

..

·•··

.

78%

12
21
$315

-.-.:-:

•:

43%
37
2
9

6
3

1%
30
7
16
43
3

41%
31
4

19
3
2

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

Ill

�TABLE 5. GENERAL HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
.,..

HOUSING UNITS AND TENURE
Total Housing units
% Vacant
Total Occupied housing units
Owner-occupied housing units
Renter-occupied housing units
% Owner-occupied
POPULATION PER HOUSEHOLD

MACKENZIE

·.•.·. ·: .•:· •,·: -: ·--:.·:'·:.· t ....

All Households
Owner households
Renter households
VALUE . (% of specified owner--occupied units)
Under $15,000
$15,000 to $24,999
$25,000 to $34,999
$35,000 to $49,999
$50,000 to $74,999
$75,000 to $99,999
$100,000 or more
Median Value

STRUCTURE TYPE (% of housing units)
Single family home
2 to 4 unit structure
5 to 9 unit structure
10 to 49 unit structure
50 units or more structure
Mobile home or other structure type

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

,:

15,058
6%
14,125
8,051
6,074
57%
...... ·-}::._:· ..·

:. · :. :. : .Y&lt;

··

MONTHLY CONTRACT RENT(% of specified renter units)
Less than $100
$100to$199
$200 to $299
$300 to $399

$400 to $499
$500 or more
Median Rent

MCNICHOLS

\\:\ ,.

MOUNT
OLIVET

NOLAN

11,080
5%
10,471
7,216
3,255
69%

..):. .

8,673
6%
8,163
5,174
2,989
63%
..

2.7
2. 7
2.7

17%
35
24
16
6
1

2.9
2.8
3.1

28%
31
17
14
8
1

10%
38
37
12
2
0

29%
40
19
8
3
1

O

O

O

O

$24,275

$21,445

$25,335

$19,735

·

1%
8
55
33
2
O
$278

1%
16
58
21
4
1
$257

0%
4
35
48
11
2
$317

69%
21

59%
31

2
6
0

2

2

7

5

0
2

2

29

2.4
3.1
1.6

.,., . . .

1%
14
57
25
2
1
$268
····••:-:••.

2

5,321
6%
5,005
2,813
2,192
56%
}'/'.: ·::

2.8
2.8
2.8

.'.: .. •:

PEMBROKE

PERSHING

REDFORD

8,109
4%
7,807
5,746
2,061
74%

10,014
5%
9,523
5,440
4,083
57%

I&lt;

5,168
9%
4,722
2,653
2,069
56%

2.9
3.0
2.9

PALMER
PARK

80%
10

1

84%
12
0
2
2
1

8,365
3%
8,121
6,157
1,964
76%
t\·./,.
2.7
2.8
2.5

,,-:, (..,..,
5%
18
28
32
14 ··
2
1
$34,675

0%
1
16
57

1%
11
37
33

···\,.:" . t··•:··--·
54%
9
2
29
6
1

::

.-.•

17%
39
28
12
4
0
0
$23,700

9%
20
32
27
· ····· 10 ···

..

82%
12
1
4
0
1

1
O

$31,660

6%
1%
9
4
39
11
40···· ···················s"i····

15
2
$301
. ... :: .•.

2.4
2. 7
2.1

,

0%
1
3
9
33
26
27
$77,725

20
6
$354

2.8
2.8
3.0

5
1
$291

28
5
$372

·.·
:

90%
5
1
3
0
1

69%
4
2
15
10
1

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 5. GENERAL HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
ROSA
PARKS

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
.

HOUSING UNITS AND TENL'RE

ROSEDALE
PARK

ROUGE

ST.JEAN

..

·.

13,087

TIREMAN

UNIVERSITY

WINTERHALTER

1:

:•:-:

Total Housing units

STATE
FAIR

6,801

9,928
9,221
4,356
10,769
9,991
12,423
3%
10% ...........................
11%
10%
10%
23%
··························· ···························
··························· ··························· ···························
6,546
9,587
8,280
3,856
9,709
8,986
9,578
5,625
7,341
3,496
1,369
4,807
3,517
236
921
2,246
4,784
2,487
4,902
9,342
5,469
86%
77%
42%
36%
50%
39%
2%
::
..
--~
)( :.:..
...
'· ........
. .. ·•·
..·.·- ..,,
3.0
2.6
2.7
3.0
2.7
2.4
1.6
3.1
2.5
2.9
3.1
2.7
2.7
2.3
2.7
2.8
2.6
3.0
2.7
2.3
1.5
.- ·.-

4%
11% ...........................
.... %.Vacant .................................................................................................................. ...........................

11,686
3,849
7,837
33%

Total Occupied housing units
Owner-occupied housing units
Renter-occupied housing units
% Owner-occupied

POPULATION PER HOUSEHOLD
All Households
Owner households
Renter households
VALUE (% of specified owner-occupied units)
Under $15,000
$15,000 to $24,999
$25,000 to $34,999

-:•:'.

.~;-.

-:

..

•.•

• -:=::) :::.;; -

•.

2.4
2.7
2.3

..

.j\j

..

,.

32%
1%
11%
53%
53%
43%
23%
18%
39
6
37
28
28
29
36
17
15
18
36
10
9
13
21
13
9
33
14
5
4
17
5
12
$35,000_to $49,999 ................................................................................................... ........................... ··························· ··························· ···························
··························· ··························· ·························-· ··•························
4
33
$50,000 to $74,999
3
2
3
9
2
31
1
7
$75,000 to $99,999
0
1
2
1
0
8
1
2
$100,000 or more
0
1
1
1
0
2
$19,145
$45,385
Median Value
$25,595
$14,069
$14,234
$24,690
$16,590
$37,500
I

MONTHLY CONTRACT RENT(% ofspecified renter units)

I

-: ·=

.'.

6%
1%
Less than $100
1%
3%
2%
1%
2%
9%
29
$100 to $199
2
4
31
17
21
31
25
51
$200 to $299
19
16
57
61
64
57
39
··························· ........................... ···························
······················································•·················································································· ···························
··························· ........................... ··························· ···························
10
46
$300 to $399
49
7
12
18
17
9
2
$400 to $499
20
27
I
1
3
0
6
2
$500 or more
12
3
1
0
1
0
3
$224
Median Rent
$356
$366
$222
$238
$258
$226
$229

STRUCTURE TYPE (% of housinJ.t units)
Single family home
2 to 4 unit structure
5 to 9 unit structure
10 to 49 unit structure
50 units or more structure
Mobile home or other structure type

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

·)}{

··.·.

•2.•

..
··•-:

.

. •.·.··

:-:-:

•.

.·,•.·

:

,:

26%
46
3

93%
3
1
3
0
1

13
10
3

30

93%
4
0
2
1
1

45%
35
1
14
3
2

58%
30
1

5
4
2

.·

..,

..

54%
38
2
4
0
2

.·

2%
10
9
34
43
2

34%
49
2
11
2
2

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 6. SELECTED HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
CITY OF
DETROIT

ISUBCOMMUNITIE OF DETROIT

AIRPORT

BAGLEY

BOYNTO

BRIGHTMOOR

BROOKS

BURBANK

CENTRAL

YEAR MOVED INTO UNIT (% OF HOUSEHOLDS)
18%
25
14
20
12
11

1989 to March 1990
1985 to 1988
1980 to 1984
1970 to 1979
1960 LO 1969
1959 or earlier
Median year moved into unit
.

.

17%
20
14
24
18
7

1982

8%
12
10
13
23

9%
16
11

23
38
3

1980

.

-

VEHICLES AV AI LAB LE (% of households)

.

34

1973

18%
27
15
24
6
10

29%
35
12
10
6
8

1983

1986

1963

22%
33
13
13
6
12

22%
26
17
11
10
14

1985

1984
..

33%
39
21
7

None
One
Two
lnree or more

46%
35
15
5

15%
42
30
14

26%
40
23
11

30%
41
22
8

29%
46
19
5

27%
38
26
9

52%
33
11
4

12%
41
40
7

10%
32
47
12

35%
21
21
22

;.

:'\UMBER OF BEDROOMS(% of housing units)

-

INone or One
Two
lnree
Four or more

17%
32
39
12

9%
37
38
16

2%
25
57
15

9%
31
50
10

12%

1%
1%
8%

1%
0%
15%

0%
0%
1%

1%
0%
4%

1%
1%
9%

2%
1%
7%

1%
1%
6%

2%
1%
12%

61%
17
22

52%
16
32

62%
17
21

57%
18
26

62%
17
21

63%
17
20

64%
16
20

52%
19
30

14%
9
26
41
10

1%
16
22
43
18

16%
38
25
17
4

..

:

18%
13

26%
18

69

56

44

39
5

HOUSING U1'ITS WITH SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS
% of units without complete plumbing
% of units that are condominiums
% of households reporting no telephone

SELECTED MONTHLY OWNER COSTS AS A % OF
HOLSEHOLD INCOME IN 1989 (% of owners)
Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

-

.

-

GROSS RENT, INCLUDING UTILITIES(% of renters)
10%
20
27
33
8

Less than $200
$200 to $299
$300 to $399
$400 to $599
S600 or more

GROSS RENT AS A% OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME
..
IN 1989 (% of renters)
Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

4%
24
33

34
6

0%
5
24
57
14

5%
6
25
56
8

16%
19
30
29
5
..

·•:··

•.•···

I,:

26%
18
56

18%
11
71

31

37%
24
38

24%
24
52

25%
13
61

.
·.-::-;.;

,·•,:

•.

29%
20
51

-...
_

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 6. SELECTED HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS

YEAR MOVED INTO UNIT (% OF HOUSEHOLDS)

·.-

~-.

.

..·-: ----~- .•:-

•._._ .• ;.

·,:

..
:::,;•,

..

Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

, ..

•.·

.. ::&gt;::::.

&lt;·

..
·.
·-:,·,;

•,,·

.

it : :

1985

17

1985

58%
29
10
2

42%
36
15
6

16%
48
27
9
.•. •.·:·-·'

:-

10%
26
53
11

7%
34
41
18

·..·

:,:·,

48%
34
13
5

38%
36
19
7

12%
33
34
22

12%
33
40
15

2%
0%
15%

1%
0%
10%

·,••.

12%
36
34
19

24%
24
31
22

2%
1%
18%

2%
1%
20%

15%
34
46
4

. .

,;

1%
0%
3%

0%
0%
10%

0%
1%
5%

·,•:

'II

I

.·,:

0%
33
67

62%
16
22

65%
15
20

54%
15
31

68%
13
20

0%
6
30
49
15

5%
25
37
30
4

18%
29
27
20
6

10%
36
30
21
3

.•

63%
16
21

64%
15
20

58%
17
24

5%

16%
28
27
24
6

2%
15
27
46
10

·.

-: :f))\[:t::::
-.•

1985

1981

•.•

.·

..
.

:.

'

.

..·.

19%
14
16
17
35
..

11

1982

26%
30
20
19
2
4

16%
24
13
16
12
20

17
5
9

:

Less than $200
$200 to $299
$300 to $399
$400 to $599
$600 or more
...
..

19

20%
32

i ..·.•

·--·

·-

.-.-:.•:•.·

..-

I

.::=··:·

27%
25
15
14
8

11

CONNER

CONDON

··•.•:•·

..

GROSS RENT, INCLUDING UTILITIES.(% of renters).

CODY

.·

.. •:

1:·
..

30%
43
21
6

.-.- .

.•, 1:

18%
24
15
13

•.
,•

2%
5%
13%

SELECTED MONTHLY OWNER COSTS AS A .%·Of ,.,
HOUSEHOLD INCOME IN 1989 (% of owners) . ::::·'.::·:..:_

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

20%
39
29
12

:-:

% of units without complete plumbing
% of units that are condominiwns
% of households reporting no telephone

Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

CLARK
PARK

,:-:

73%
19
6
2

HOUSING UNITS WITH SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS :-,

IN 1989 (% of renters)

,···

-

._.-.-

None or One
Two
Three
Four or more

1982

..:

42%
41
15
1

NUMBER OF BEDROOMS (% of housing units) .

21%
24
13
15
8
20

1980

·:::.···

:-·

None
One
Two
lnree or more

GROS$ _RENT AS A % OF HOUSEIIOLD lNCOM.E t

CHENE

.- -~_.;,

15%
22
14
40
7
2

1986

:.-:. .·-~ .::

CHADSEY

·:::

31%
36
20
10
2
1

1989 to March 1990
1985 to 1988
1980 to 1984
1970 to 1979
1960 to 1969
1959 or earlier
Median year moved into unit

VEmCLES AVAILABLE ( % of households)

CERVENY

CENTRAL
BUS. DIST.

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

.·.·.·

=:i;

,ii!ltt' ..,

37%
25
38

.·

33%
19
48

32

..

· .. •:::::.,

1::

:-::::

.·-:::.:··

,.

31%
12
57.

.·

,::::::: ;:'.::

20%
15
65

5
26
52
12

:r:=·:::::'
:- ,·
·--: . :r::::,··
,:••. :1:.:;:J\::.::•

.

.

:::::.:-

21%
12
67

~-

?:llti: .: ):: , ltt::. ·&lt;.
1

.

33%

..

•,·,

. ·.·,

.

20%

24

14

43

66

•.•.

19%
12
69

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

I

"

�TABLE 6. SELECTED HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
DAVISON

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT
,;,;-

YEAR MOVED INTO UNIT (% ·oF HOUSEHOLDS)

·-

17%
26
14
14
12
18
•,•,•-

.-:-··.

,:

1985

NUMBER OF BEDROOMS(% of housin2 units)

.· ····:...

·:,:,

. -:--:

•.

·..
•..·.

.,

EAST
RIVERSIDE

•'.•:·--········
. .

EVERGREEN
-..

·:-.·-

22%
22
11
13
13
18

1985

..

GRANDMONT

. . ..

.-..

..
.

15%
27
17
34
3
5

1982

1982

FINNEY

,:

18%
26
14
24
10
8
·-·

18%
30
14
18
7
13

1982

15%
44
30
11

•· ..

....

16%
23
15
37
6
3

1984

1981

•.•

::;:

..

39%
38
18
5

39%
40
16
5

•'•·

DURFEE

18%
32
14
18
6
11

:

None
One
Two
Three or more

•:·-··••:·•

25%
28
12
13
10
13

1982

...

.-

,.:

DENBY
...

·.

.•.·-·•-•,

1989 to March 1990
1985 to 1988
1980 Lo 1984
1970 to 1979
1960 to 1969
1959 or earlier
Median year moved into unit

VE HICLES AVAILABLE (% of households)

DELRAY/
SPRNGWLS

44%
38
13
5

42%
35
19
5

18%
41
29
12

16%
43
31
11

25%
38
26
10

22%
26
39
13

11%
38
37
14

7%
27
59
7

5%
35
48
12

9%
27
50
14

:,-:•,:

.- ..

5%
43
39
14

None or One
Two
Three
Four or more

16%
35
34
15

11%
33
47
10
-:

HOUSING UNITS WITH SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS
1%
0%
9%

% of units without complete plumbing
% of units that are condominiums
% of households reporting no telephone

1%
0%
18%
·-·-·

SELECTED MONTHLY OWNER COSTS AS A ~ OF
HOUSEHOLD INCOME.IN 1989 (% of owners) •.•.•-·--··-··
Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

..

.

...

,;,

:

0%
1%
2%

1%
0%
12%

0%
0%
11%

1%
1%
2%

0%
1%
4%

1%
0%
3%

61%
14
25

67%
15
18

64%
18
18

59%
15
26

56%
17
27

61%
18
20

61%
18
21

60%
15
26

13%
18
26
37
6

9%
35
31
23
2

1%
6
36
46
12

7%
38
31
21
3

8%
26
28
32
6

5%
5
18
52
20

2%
7
26
51
15

1%
7
34
45
13

GROSS RENT, INCLUDING . UTILITIES (% of renters)

"

Less than $200
$200 Lo $299
$300 Lo $399
$400 lo $599
$600 or more

GROSS RENT AS A% OF HOUSEHOLD.INCOME .,._
I N 1989 (%
renters) .. : . . ..
. . .. . .
.: ...:1/=L,

of

Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

:.

..

·•· l e: -:

'':
...

22%
13
65

24%
13
63

33

..

..·::·::·- .. :··:·

,_":'.:?= .•'. -: .-:== .• __

26%
16
58

,:·-

•.-:·-:·-•.

-.,

...

24%
13
63

-::'./

:,•:•

;::,:::-

:

: __;;: ....

. ...

:

24%
13
63

23%
20
56

❖

:-:=· -:

·..

~= ,:

29%
27
44

30%
20
50

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

~~

--

�TABLE 6. SELECTED HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
GRANT

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

GREEN-

FIELD

YEAR MOVED INTO UNIT (% OF HOUSEHOLDS)
1989 to March 1990
1985 to 1988
1980 to 1984
1970 to 1979
1960 to 1969
1959 or earlier

HARMONY
VILLAGE

INDIAN
VILLAGE

JEFFRIES

KETTRNG/
BUTZEL
:•

12%
22

18%

27

Median year moved into unit

16%

16%

22%

19
10

33

23

20
20
5
6

19
19
10
8

1984

1983

17
17
7
14

17
38
8

24
30

4

2

1983

1980

1977

LAFAYETTE

MACK

,_.

,:

16%
22
13
14
18

21%

21%

30

25

21
21

18
26
7

6

17

3

1
1985

1980

. ::

VEHICLES AVAILABLE (% of households)

25%

None
One
Two
Three or more

19%
43
28
11

41

24
10

30%
42

57%

48%

37%

54%

37

8

4

1

3

46
16
1

29

20

33
9

NUMBER OF BEDROOMS(% of housing units)

,:.. ·,.

12

........

.....

10%

9%
33

36

50
8

44

10

.

27%

,·.

None or One
Two
Three
Four or more

1984

53
17

11

.

8%
34
40

52%

26%

17%

52%

28
13

30
32
22

31

18

45
18
10

8

4

:"•,

23%
36
31

14

2

10

HOUSING UNITS WITH SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS
% of units without complete plumbing
% of units that are condominiums
% of households reporting no telephone

0%

1%

1%

1%

1%

1%

1%

1%

0%
12%

1%

1%

4%

0%

18%

1%

5%

3%

6%

1%

17%

12%

3%

17%

66%
21
13

51%
13
36

29%
14

15%
31
27
23

SELECTED MONTHLY OWNER COSTS AS A % OF
HOUSEHOLDINCOME IN 1989 (% of owners) .
Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more
GROSS RENT~ INCLUDING UTILITIES(% of renters}
Less than $200
$200 to $299
$300 to $399
$400 to $599
$600 or more

GROSS RENT ASA % OF HOY.S~HOLD1NCO¥E
IN 1989 (% of renterS) ···

.·. ,~;

Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

63%
16

60%

55%

58%

55%

58%

20

16

26

17

21

20

29

16

29

15
27

11 %

42%
22

25

17
14

26

17

27

4

6

24
16

1%

12%

8

6

30
57

16
52
13

6

2%

15

13
30
43
12

27

21
25

16%

4
..

:,:

.

-.-

.- .

..

·-· .

•:

: ::...

32%
16
52

24%
25
52

34

25%
16

30%

21%

23%

29

59

42

25
54

19
58

31%
31
38

'

19%
17

64

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

'I
II

�TABLE 6. SELECTED HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
MACKENZIE

SUBCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

MCNICHOLS

MOUNT
OLIVET

PALMER
PARK

NOLAN

PEMBROKE

PERSHING

REDFORD

YEAR MOVED INTO UNIT (% OF HOUSEHOLDS) ·
17%
18

1989 to March 1990
1985 to 1988
1980 to 1984
1970 to 1979
1960 to 1969
1959 or earlier
Median year moved into unit

11%
20

23
32

22

18
14

12
25
10
3

1978

1984

1974

18%

14%

33
13

22
4

16
21
19

21
12
21

6
15

1979

1976

1985

13
26

16

20%
29

9%
16
11

13%

22
9

9

13
15
19

1977

23%
27
14
20
7
9

1985

VEHICLES AVAILABLE (% of households)
None
One
Two
Three or more

NUMBER OF BEDROOMS (% of housing units)

33%

32%

36
22
9

41
21
6

12%

12%

13%

42
30
16

42
33
12

8%
36
41
14

27%
18

31

35

56
9

50
10

1%

1%

0%
4%

0%

0%
0%
2%

0%
2%

0%
1%

2%

4%

2%
4%

62%
20
19

62%

65%

67%

17

16

21

20

17
16

7%
10
27
47
8

4%
3
31
53
9

38%
18

25

44

41

21%
45

30%
40

25

23

9

6

9%
39
41
10

12%
29
49
10

1%
0%
5%

1%
0%
7%

6%

57%
17

59%
18

63%

62%
13

26

24

17
20

22%
43

26
8

13%
43
30
13

,:

None or One
Two
Three
Four or more

34
42

12

4%

21
34

5%

23%
27
43
8

HOUSING UNITS WITH SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS
% of units without complete plumbing
% of units that are condominiums
% of households reporting no telephone

0%

SELECTED MONTHLY OWNER COSTS AS A % OF
HOUSEHOLD INCOME IN 1989 (% of owners)
Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

GROSS RENT, INCLUDING UTILITIES(% of renters)

..;·.:,:

.

2%

Less than $200
$200 to $299
$300 to $399
$400 to $599
$600 or more

GROSS RENT AS A .% OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME".:)&lt; ...
IN 1989 (% of renters)
..
..
: "'.:.: ·
Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

WS U/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

25

18

31
42
6
::
.-. •

·..:

3%
20
29
39

37
41

5%
14
28
45

9

10

9

1%

11

0%

_:;•:•❖'

,••

12
26
51
9

46
38
6
1:-

•:·

2%

9

· .. --._.-::

{\ L ..

•.

25%

23%
14
63

15

60

35

26%
19

18%
15

55

67

45%
24
31

45%
16
39

34%

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

�TABLE 6. SELECTED HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS

s

ROSA
PARKS

BCOMMUNITIES OF DETROIT

YEAR MOVED INTO UNIT (% OF HOUSEHOLDS)

1982

13%
28

,.·

STATE
FAIR

TIREMAN

UNIVERSITY

WINTERHALTER

17
32
5
5

1982

..

16%
25
9
15
21
14

1980

28%
28
18
16
3
6

1980

1985

17%
20

20%
23
12
15
20
10

29%
34
17
14
4
2

11

12
18
22

1978

1986

1981

-

·;&lt;···•
::

•.

50%
36
11
3

None
One
Two
Three or more

NUMBER OF BEDROOMS (% of housing units) ·

14%
25
11
13
10
26
,•

•.•

ST.JEAN

.·
19%
22
15
14
14
15

1989 to March 1990
1985 to 1988
1980 to 1984
1970 lO 1979
1960 to 1969
1959 or earlier
Median year moved into unit

VEHICLES AVAILABLE (% '·ofhousebolds)

ROUGE

ROSEDALE
PARK

7%
37
41
15

13%
42
33
12

53%
32
11
4

44%
39

6%
33
56
5
0%
0%
3%

..

-:·-?'
·-:-,

:-·.

None or One
Two
Three
Four or more

20%
32
36
11

3%
17
62
18

1%
2%
12%

0%
0%
2%

HOUSING UNITS WITH SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS

5

44%
35
17
5

65%
30
4
1

46%
36
14
5

19%
31
34
16

21%
36
29
14

8%
35
43
14

69%
21
7
3

21%
34
37
8

2%
1%
16%

1%
1%
11%

1%
0%
10%

3%
2%
24%

1%
1%
10%

12

'••.
•.

-~-.

.·

% of units without complete plwnbing

% of units that are condominiwns
% of households reporting no telephone

SELECTED MONTHLY OWNER COSTS AS A % OF
HOUSEHOLD INCOME IN 1989 (% of owners)
.·---~-

..

Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

. .
•..·

"

58%
15
28

65%
21
15

68%
16
15

53%
19
28

52%
21
27

54%
14
31

83%
0
18

56%
14
29

17%
27
28
23
4

2%
2
26
42
28

1%
4
18
61
16

10%
33
27
26
4

12%
18
31
34
6

6%
26
30
32
6

32%

7%
33
31
25
4

GROSS RENT, INCLUDING UTILITIES(% of renters)
Less than $200
$200 to $299
$300 to $399
$400 to $599
$600 or more

GROSS RENTAS A %_OF HOUSEHOLJ.)JNC9ME
L~ 1989 (% of renters) .. -·-·--· ... -· ..
.
••.•-•.•

Less than 20 percent
20 to 29 percent
30 percent or more

WSU/CUS/MIMIC - SEMCC - UCS

}?\:(:
,·.

--~:-:

..
.

-••: .. .. ·.•.·

•'·

.

,::

..

\,:/:/':•:

.

34

,•·•:•·

;.

20
12
1
,,: '

,: : }t/t :

·::::::-;.

26%
17
57

36

33%
25

32%
21

41

47

'I
'I

.

18%
15
67

18%
15
68

18%
11
72

25%
21
55

.•.:::.·

..

'I
'I
I

:: \]

.

.

.

24%
17
59

DETROIT SUBCOMMUNITIES

II

�GLOSSARY

II

ABILITY TO SPEAK ENGLISH - Represents the person's own
perception about his or her ability to speak English or, because
census questionnaires are usually completed by one household
member, the response may represent the perception of another
household member. (For more information, see "Language Spoken
At Home.")

(2) an academic program primarily in the arts and sciences, and the
course work is transferable to a bachelor's degree. Some examples
of professional degrees include medicine, dentistry, chiropractic,
optometry, osteopathic medicine, pharmacy, podiatry, veterinary
medicine, law, and theology, but specifically exclude barber school,
cosmetology, or other training for a specific trade.

AGE -The age classification is based on the age of the person in
completed years as of April 1, 1990. Data on age are used to
determine the applicability of other questions for a person and to
classify other characteristics in census tabulations. Age data are
needed to interpret most social and economic characteristics used to
plan and examine many programs and policies. (Review of detailed
1990 information shows that a number of respondents tended to
provide their age as of the date of their completing the questionnaire,
not their age as of April 1, 1990. It is likely that approximately 10
percent of persons in most age groups are actual! y 1 year younger.)

EMPLOYED - All civilians 16 years old and over who were either
(1) "at work" - those who did any work at all during the reference
week as paid employees, worked in their own business or profession, worked on their own farm, or worked 15 hours or more as
unpaid workers on a family farm or in a family business; or (2) were
"with a job but not at work"-those who did not work during the
reference week but had jobs or businesses from which they were
temporarily absent. The reference week is the calendar week
preceding the date on which the respondents completed the questionnaire or were interviewed by enumerators. (For more information, see "Labor Force Status" and "Unemployed.")

BEDROOMS-The count of rooms designed to be used as bedrooms. That is, the number of rooms that would be listed as
bedrooms if the house or apartment were on the market for sale or
rent. Included are all rooms intended to be used as bedrooms even
if they are currently being used for some other purpose.
EDUCATIONALATTAINMENT(YearsofSchoolCompleted)The highest level of school completed or the highest degree received. The category, "Associate degree" includes persons whose
highest degree is an associate degree either in (1) an occupational
program that prepares them for a specific occupation, and the course
work may or may not be creditable toward a bachelor's degree, or

WSU/CUS/MIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

FAMILY HOUSEHOLDS (FAMILIES)- Consist of a householder and one or more other persons living in the same household
who are related to the householder by birth, marriage or adoption.
All persons in a household who are related to the householder are
regarded as members of his or her family. A household can contain
only one family for census purposes. The number of family
households always equals the number of families; however, a
family household may also include non-relatives living with the
family. Families are classified by type as either a married-couple
family or other family, which is further classified into "male
householder" (a family with a male householder and no wife

G-1

SUBCOMMUNITY PROFILES

�GLOSSARY
present) or "female householder" (a family with a female householder and no wife present).

from the count of occupied housing units as a result of the weighting
process.

GROSS RENT - Monthly contract rent plus the estimated average
monthly cost of utilities and fuels, if these are paid by the renter.
Gross rent is intended to eliminate differences which result from
varying practices with respect to the inclusion of utilities and fuels
as part of the rental payment. Renter units occupied without
payment of cash rent are shown separately as "No cash rent" in the
tabulations.

HOUSING UNIT- Includes a house, an apartment, a mobile
home, a group of rooms, or a single room that is occupied (or, if
vacant, is intended for occupancy) as separate living quarters.
Separate living quarters are those in which the occupants live and eat
separately from any other persons in the building and which have
direct access from outside the building or through a common hall.

GROSS RENT AS A PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME IN 1989 - A computed ratio of monthly gross rent to
monthly household income. Units for which no cash rent is paid and
units occupied by households that reported no income or a net loss
in 1989 comprise the category "Not computed."
HISPANIC ORIGIN-Persons of Hispanic origin are those who
classified themselves in one of the Hispanic origin categories listed
on the questionnaire-"Mexican," "Puerto Rican," or "Cuban"as well as those who indicated that they were of "other Spanish/
Hispanic" origin. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race.
HOUSEHOLD- Includes all the persons who occupy a housing
unit. Persons not living in households are classified as living in
group quarters. The occupants may be a single family, one person
living alone, two or more families living together, or any other
group of related or unrelated persons who share living arrangements. In sample tabulations, the count of households may differ
WSU/CUS/MIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

INCOME IN 1989 - Information on money income received in the
calendar year 1989 was requested from persons 15 years and over.
"Total income" is the algebraic sum of the amounts reported
separately for wage or salary income; net nonfarm self-employment
income; net farm self-employment income; interest, dividend, net
rental or royalty income; Social Security or railroad retirement
income; public assistance or welfare income; retirement or disability income; and all other income. "Earnings" is defined as the
algebraic sum of wage or salary income and net income from farm
and nonfarm self-employment. Receipts from the following sources
are not included as income: money received from the sale of
property (un,ess the recipient was engaged in the business of selling
such property); the value of income "in kind" from food stamps,
public housing subsidies, medical care, employer contributions for
persons, etc.; withdrawal of bank deposits; money borrowed; tax
refunds; exchange of money between relatives in the same household; gifts and lump-sum inheritances, insurance payments, and
other types of lump-sum receipts. (For more information, see.
"Public Assistance Income," and "Social Security Income.")
Income ofHouseholds - includes the income of the householder and

G-2

SUBCOMMUNITY PROFILES

I

'
I'
I

'

�GLOSSARY

-II
II

-

all other persons 15 years old and over in the household, whether
related to the householder or not. Because many households consist
of only one person, average household income is usually less than
average family income.
Income of Families - includes the income of all members 15 years
old and over in each family summed and treated as a single amount.
INDUSTRY - The industry classification system developed for the
1990 census consists of 236 categories for employed persons,
classified into 13 major industry groups. The classification was
developed from the 1987 Standard Industrial Classification (SIC)
Manual published by the Office of Management and Budget,
Executive Office of the President. Census data, collected from
households, differ in detail and nature from those obtained from
establishment surveys. Therefore, the census classification system,
while defined in SIC terms, cannot reflect the full detail in all
categories.
LABOR FORCE (EMPLOYMENT) STATUS - All persons
classified in the civilian labor force plus members of the U.S. Armed
Forces (persons on active duty with the United States Army, Air
Force, Navy, Marine Corps, or Coast Guard.) (For more information, see "Employed" and "Unemployed.")
LANGUAGE SPOKEN AT HOME - Persons who spoke a
language other than English includes only those who sometimes or
always spoke a language other than English at home. It does not
include those who spoke a language other than English only at
school or limited to only a few expressions or slang. (For more
information, see "Ability to Speak English.")

WSU/CUS/MIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

MORTGAGE ST A TUS - "Mortgage" refers to all forms of debt
where the property is pledged as security for repayment of the debt,
including deeds of trust, trust deed, contracts to purchase, land
contracts, junior mortgages and home equity loans. A mortgage is
considered a first mortgage if it has prior claim over any other
mortgage or it is the only mortgage on the property. All other
mortgages (second, third, etc.) are considered junior mortgages. A
home equity loan is generally a junior mortgage. (For more
information, see "Selected Monthly Owner Costs.")
NATIVITY - Information on place of birth and citizenship were
used to classify the population into two major categories: native and
foreign born. Native includes persons born in the United States,
Puerto Rico, or an outlying area of the United States. The Native
population is classified in the following groups: persons born in the
state in which they resided at the time of the census; persons born
in a different state, by region; persons born in Puerto Rico or an
outlying area of the U.S.; and persons born abroad with at least one
American parent. Foreign born includes persons not classified as
"Native."
NONF AMIL Y HOUSEHOLD- Inctudes a householder living
alone or with non-relatives only.
OCCUPATION - The occupational classification system developed for the 1990 census consists of 501 specific occupational
categories for employed persons arranged into 6 summary and 13
major occupational groups. The classification was developed to be
consistent with the Standard Occupational Classification (SOC)
Manual: 1980, published by the Office of Federal Statistical Policy

G-3

SUBCOMMUNITY PROFILES

�-

GLOSSARY
and Standards, U.S. Department of Commerce.

OCCUPIED HOUSING UNIT - A housing unit is classified as
occupied if it is the usual place of residence of the person or group
of persons living in it at the time of enumeration, or if the occupants
are only temporarily absent; that is, away on vacation or business.
OWN CHILD-A never-married child under 18 years who is a son
or daughter by birth, a stepchild, or an adopted child of the
householder. "Related children" in a family include own children
and all other persons under 18 years of age in the household,
regardless of marital status, who are related to the householder,
except the spouse of the householder.
OWNER-OCCUPIED HOUSING UNIT - A housing unit is
owner-occupied if the owner or co-owner lives in the unit even if it
is mortgaged or not fully paid for.
PER CAPITA INCOME - The mean income computed for every
man, woman, and child in a particular group. It is derived by
dividing the total income of a particular group by the total population of that group.
PLACE OF BIRTH - Respondents were asked to report the U.S.
state, commonwealth or territory, or the foreign country where they
were born. Persons born outside the United States were asked to
report their place of birth according to current international boundaries.
POVERTY STATUS IN 1989 - Poverty status was determined for
WSU/CUS/MIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

all persons except institutionalized persons, persons in military
group quarters and in college dormitories, and unrelated individuals
under 15 years old. These groups were excluded from the numerator
when calculating poverty rates.
Poverty statistics were based on a definition originated by the
Social Security Administration in 1964 and modified by federal
interagency committees in 1969 and 1980 and prescribed by the
Office of Management and Budget. The income cutoffs used by the
Census Bureau to determine the poverty status of families and
unrelated individuals included a set of 48 thresholds arranged in a
two-dimensional matrix consisting of family size cross-classified
by presence and number of family members under 18 years old. The
average poverty threshold for a family of four persons was $12,674
in 1989.

PUBLIC ASSISTANCE INCOME - Includes: ( 1) supplemental
security income payments made by Federal or State welfare agencies to low income persons who are aged (65 years old or over),
blind, or disabled; (2) aid to families with dependent children; and
(3) general assistance. Separate payments received for hospital or
other medical care (vendor payments) are excluded from this item.
RACE-The concept of race as used by the Census Bureau reflects
self-identification; it does not denote any clear-cut scientific definition of biological stock. The data for race represent self-classification by people according to the race with which they most closely
identify. Furthermore, it is recognized that the categories of the race
item include both racial and national origin or socio-cultural groups.
The Census Bureau recognizes that there are persons who do not
identify with a specific racial group, and thus the 1990 race question
G-4

SUBCOMMUNITY PROFILES

I

�GLOSSARY
included an "Other race" category with provisions for a write-in
entry.

of enumeration. The question included instructions to "include only
nursery school, kindergarten, elementary school or a college degree" as regular school. Persons indicated they were enrolled by
marking one of the questionnaire categories for either "public
school, public college" or "private school, private college." A
public school is defined as "any school or college controlled and
supported by alocal,county, State or Federal Government." Schools
supported and controlled primarily by religious organizations or
other private groups are defined as private.
Persons who were enrolled in school were classified as enrolled
in "preprimary school," "elementary or high school," or "college"
according to their response to question 12 (years of school completed or highest degree received).

RE FEREN CE WEEK- The data on labor force status were related
to the reference week; that is, the calendar week preceding the date
on which the respondents completed their questionnaires or were
interviewed by enumerators. The week is not the same for all
respondents since the enumeration was not completed in one week.
The occurrence of holidays during the enumeration period could
affect the data on actual hours worked during the reference week,
but probably had no effect on overall measurement of employment
status.

RENTER-OCCUPIED HOUSING UNIT - All occupied housing
units which are not owner-occupied, whether they are rented for
cash rent or occupied without payment of cash rent, are classified as
renter-occupied.

RESIDENCE IN 1985 - The questionnaire asked for the state (or

SELECTED MONTHLY OWNER COSTS - The sum of payments for mortgages, deeds of trust, contracts to purchase, or similar
debts on the property; real estate taxes; fire, hazard, and flood
insurance on the property; utilities; and fuels. It also includes,
where appropriate, the monthly condominium fees or mobile home
costs. (For more information, see "Mortgage Status.")

foreign country), county, and place of residence on April 1, 1985,
for those persons reporting that on that date they lived in a different
house than their current residence. Residence in 1985 is used in
conjunction with location of current residence to determine the
extent of residential mobility of the population and then resulting
redistribution of the population across the various states, metropolitan areas, and regions of the country.

of selected monthly owner costs to monthly household income in
1989. The data are tabulated separately for specified owneroccupied units, condominiums and mobile homes.

SCHOOL ENROLLMENT-Persons were classified as enrolled

SOCIAL SECURITY INCOME - Includes Social Security pen-

in school if they reported attending a "regular" public or private
school or college at any time between February 1, 1990, and the time

sions and survivors benefits and permanent disability insurance
payments made by the Social Security Administration prior to

WSU/CUS/MIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

SELECTED MONTHLY OWNER COSTS AS A PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLD INCOME IN 1989-Thecomputedratio

G-5

SUBCOMMUNITY PROFILES

�-Ill
Ill

GLOSSARY
housing units, both occupied and vacant, are counted. Stores and
office space are excluded.
I -Unit, Detached - a one-unit structure detached from any other
house; that is, with open spaces on all four sides.
Mobile Home or Trailer - both occupied and vacant mobile homes,
to which no permanent rooms have been added, are counted in this
category. Mobile homes or trailers used only for business purposes
or for extra sleeping space and mobile homes or trailers for sale on
a dealer's lot, at the factory, or in storage are not counted in the
housing inventory.

deductions for medical insurance, and railroad retirement insurance
checks from the U.S. Government. Medicare reimbursements are
not included.

SPECIFIED OWNER-OCCUPIED HOUSING UNITS- Includes only one-family houses on less than 10 acres without a
business or medical office on the property. The data for "specified"
units exclude mobile homes, houses with a business or medical
office, houses on 10 or more acres, and housing units in multi-unit
buildings. (For more information, see "Value.")
SPECIFIED RENTER-OCCUPIED HOUSING UNITS PAYING CASH RENT- Includes all renter-occupied housing units
except one-family houses on 10 or more acres. Housing units that
are renter-occupied without payment of cash rent are excluded. (For
more information, see "Contract Rent.")

UTILITIES - The questionnaire asked for the yearly cost of utilities
(electricity, gas, water) and other fuels (oil, coal, wood, kerosene,
etc.). These yearly amounts are divided by 12 to derive the average
monthly cost and are then included in the computations of "gross
rent" and "monthly owner cost." Costs are recorded if paid by or
billed to occupants, a welfare agency, relatives, or friends. Costs
that are paid by landlords, included in the rent payment, or included
in condominium or cooperative fees are excluded.

UNEMPLOYED- Civilians 16 years old and over are classified as
unemployed if they (1) were neither "at work" nor "with a job but
not at work" during the reference week, and (2) were looking for
work during the last four weeks, and (3) were available to accept a
job. Also included as unemployed are civilians who did not work
at all during the reference week and were waiting to be called back
to a job from which they had been laid off. (For more information,
see "Employed" and "Labor Force Status.")

VALUE- Value is the respondent's estimate of how much the
property (house and lot, mobile home and lot, or condominium unit)
would sell for if it were for sale. The lowest value category collected
was "less than $15,000." When the median value for an area falls
within this category it is reported as $14,999. (For more information, see "Specified Owner-Occupied Housing Units.")

UNITS IN STRUCTURE (Structure Type) - A structure is a
separate building that either has open spaces on all sides or is
separated from other structures by dividing walls that extend from
ground to roof. In determining the number of units in a structure, all
WSU/CUS/MIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

VEHICLES AVAILABLE - The number of passenger cars, vans,
and pick-up or panel trucks of one-ton capacity or less kept at home
and available for the use of household members. Vehicles kept at

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SUBCOMMUNITY PROFILES

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a person 16 years old or over who had served (even for a short time)
but is not now serving on active duty in the U.S. Army, Navy, Air
Force, Marine Corps, or the Coast Guard, or who served as a
Merchant Marine seaman during World War II. Persons who served
in the National Guard or military Reserves are classified as veterans
only if they were ever called or ordered to active duty not counting
the 4-6 months for initial training or yearly summer camps. All
other civilians 16 years old and over are classified as nonveterans.

I

YEAR HOUSEHOLDER MOVED INTO UNIT - Refers to the
year of the latest move of the householder. If a householder moved

•
•

back into a housing unit he or she previously occupied, the year of
the latest move was reported. The intent is to establish the year the
present occupancy by the householder began. The year that the
householder moved in is not necessarily the same year other
members of the household moved, although in the great majority of
cases an entire household moves at the same time.

II
II
II
II
II

GLOSSARY
floors were in place used.

home but used only for business purposes are excluded.

the category "1989 or March 1990" was

VETERAN STATUS-Forcensus purposes, a "civilian veteran"is

YEAR OF ENTRY - Derived from the question, "When did this
person come to the United States to stay?" which was asked of all
persons who indicated in the question on citizenship that they were
not born in the United States.

YEAR STRUCTURE BUILT- Refers to when the building was

DERIVED MEASURES
MEAN-This measure represents an arithmetic average of a set of
values. It is derived by dividing the sum of a group of numerical
items (or aggregate) by the total number of items. Aggregates are
used in computing mean values.
MEDIAN-This measure represents the middle value in a distribution. The median divides the total frequency into two equal parts:
one-half of the cases fall below the median and one-half of the cases
exceed the median.

PERCENT - This measure has been used extensively in this report
because it allows the user to easily make comparisons between
areas. In some cases the universe is included (i.e., foreign born) so
that raw numbers can be calculated from the percentages. In other
cas~s (i.e., years of school completed) they are not. fPublication
users may obtain raw numbers by contacting MIMIC.] Percentages
have been rounded to whole numbers in all cases. Whenever a
percent ended in .5, or higher, it was rounded up (i.e., 8.5 percent
becomes 9 percent). Whenever it was less than .5, it was rounded
down (i.e., 0.4 percent becomes O percent). Due to this rounding,
totals may not add up to 100 percent.

first constructed, not when it was remodeled, added to, or converted.
For housing units under construction that met the h~using unit
definition _ that is, all exterior windows, doors, and fmal usable
WSU/CUS/MIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

G-7

SUBCOMMUNITY PROFILES

�GLOSSARY

DATA CONFIDENTIALITY
In order to maintain confidentiality required by law (Title 13,
United States Code), the Bureau of the Census applies a confidentiality edit to assure published data do not disclose information
about specific individuals, households, and housing units. The
result is that a small amount of uncertainty is introduced into some
of the census characteristics to prevent identification. The edit is
controlled so that counts of total persons, totals by race and American Indian tribe, Hispanic origin, and age 18 years and over are not
affected by the confidentiality edit and are published as collected. In
addition, total counts for housing units by tenure are not affected by
this edit.
The confidentiality edit is conducted by selecting a sample of
households from the 100 percent internal census files and interchanging its data with other households that have identical characteristics on a set of selected key variables but are in different
geographic locations within the same state. To provide more
protection for "small areas," a higher sampling rate was used for
these areas. The net result of this procedure is that the data user's
ability to obtain census data, particularly for small a.-eas and
subpopulation groups, has been significantly enhanced. There will
be no suppressed data cells in 1990, as there were in 1980.

WSU/CUS/MIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

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�Southeast Michigan Census Council. The Southeast Michigan
Census Council (SEMCC) is a non-profit 501(c) (3) corporation
organized for the purpose of promoting access to demographic
and related statistics. Its members represent governments,
private non-profit organizations, educational institutions, and
businesses in the ten-county southeast Michigan area and beyond. SEMCC publishes a monthly newsletter for members,
creates and sells products such as the Census Tract Coding
Guides and the Advance Census Tract Report, and represents the
interests of southeast Michigan data users to data producers in
the federal government.

Michigan Metropolitan Information Center. Michigan Metropolitan Information Center's (MIMIC) mission is to document
and investigate trends in urban population and housing. MIMIC
conducts a variety of research, education, and service programs
designed to improve our understanding of the patterns of population and housing in Detroit and urban America. MIMIC specializes in the use of census data, the computer processing of large
public data sets, and computer mapping as tools in the investigation of urban population and housing.
In its role as a coordinating agency of the Census Bureau's State
Data Center Program in Michigan, MIMIC provides information
services to the general public. MIMIC conducts training programs, publishes statistical profiles, and acts as the official
processing center for machine-readable census data in Michigan.

WSU/CUS/MIMIC-SEMCC-UCS

As part of the Center for Urban Studies and the College of Urban
Labor, and Metropolitan Affairs, MIMIC strives to further the
urban mission of Wayne State University and to promote research and discussion of urban population and housing trends.

United Community Services of Metropolitan Detroit. For 76
years, United Community Services of Metropolitan Detroit has
been the leading citizen-based, volunteer-driven, problemsolving organization in metropolitan Detroit and the UCS Research and Information Services Division has been a critical
component in establishing that tradition. Division volunteers and
staff collaborate to conduct social and economic studies and
surveys; prepare and analyze data; assess community problems,
issues, and needs; and provide information, technical assistance,
and consultation on community issues.
Through LINK (Linking INformation with Knowledge), a
computerized service, the Research Division also provides
subject-related data and human service information to agencies
and organizations. LINK features data and information on
Wayne, Oakland, and Macomb counties and the City of Detroit,
as well as state and national data.
UCS' 800 committed volunteers and more than 100 staff also
collaborate in the areas of community planning, coalition-building, public advocacy, referral, and volunteer recruitment, training, and placement. UCS is funded by the United Way for
Southeastern Michigan, foundation and government grants, and
private donations.
SUBCOMMUNITY PROFILES

�</text>
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                  <text>Municipal master plans and zoning ordinances from across the state of Michigan, spanning from the 1960s to the early 2020s. The bulk of the collection was compiled by urban planner Mark Wyckoff over the course of his career as the founder and principal planner of the Planning and Zoning Center in Lansing, Michigan. Some additions have been made to the collection by municipalities since it was transferred to Grand Valley State University.</text>
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                    <text>FR~M THE LIBRAHY OF
Planning &amp; Zoning Center· lnc
l -

Ii

The "Business as Usual"
Trend Future:
The Data Base

~!!l!ilill~ll!l!!llll·

!!!!l!llll!!!!!!!lll!ll

ii

SSfCOG ... Planning For The Future Today
Southeast Michigan Council of Governments
( ) Printed at SEMCOG on recycled paper

�The "Business as Usual"
Trend Future:
The Data Base

Prepared for Regional Development Initiative
Oversight Committee
January, 1991

by
SEMCOG, Southeast Michigan Council of Governments
Preparation of this document was financed in part through grants from the U.S.
Department of Transportation Urban Mass Transportation Administration; the U.S.
Department of Transportation Federal Highway Administration through the Michigan
Department of Transportation; the State of Michigan through the Michigan Regional
Grant Program; and local membership contributions.

/_

-

-

-

-

--

------

- --~-~ -

-

- -----

�Table of Contents
Page
Preface ...............................................................................................v
Executive Summary ........................................................................... ix
Economy ............................................................................................ 1
Population and Society .................................................................... 19
Social Impacts ................................................................................. 35
Transportation .................................................................................. 61
Environment ..................................................................................... 89
Land Use ....................................................................................... 117
Public Finance ............................................................................... 131
Management and Governance ...... ................................................ 145
References ..................................................................................... 155

iii

�Preface
This report forms the data base for SEMCOG's examination of Southeast Michigan's
"business as usual" trend future- if no significant changes are made in public policies
and/or private practices affecting growth and development in this region.
The data base assembles a series of 51 projections about that future, along with
accompanying data. It is also the foundation for a year-long project, the Regional
Development Initiative, that will both examine the likely future and consider public
policies that, if implemented, might change that future.
The following answers to a series of questions should help the reader better
understand the year-long initiative.

1. What are the problems that this project will address?
SEMCOG's decision to move ahead on the Regional Development Initiative was
driven by a concern among SEMCOG's leadership and advisory councils about "urban
sprawl" and its consequences -consequences both in the fringe areas consumed by
sprawl and those older areas left largely abandoned by sprawling development.
The three most specific concerns within the sprawl dynamic are traffic congestion,
environment and the cycle of growth/decline that results from sprawl.

2. Why Is SEMCOG concerned with these Issues?
The problems identified- traffic congestion, the environment, growth/decline-are
exactly the sort of areawide problems that this regional planning agency was created
to examine.
Transportation and environmental planning are two of SEMCOG's most important
planning responsibilities. Understanding the interplay of sprawl causes and effects is
critical to doing sound regional planning in both transportation and environment, as well
as other SEMCOG planning activities.
As for the growth/decline cycle, SEMCOG is an association of more than 140 local
governments, most of which are impacted byeitherthe growth or the decline dynamics.
A major responsibility of SEMCOG is helping member governments understand the
problems as well as potential solutions in such areawide matters as urban sprawl."
11

3. Why study regional development now?
First, SEMCOG has been studying regional development issues for more than 20
years {plus another 20-30 years for its predecessor organizations).
But, past growth and development was generally viewed as a win/win proposition local communities aggressively seeking development as a means of increasing tax
base . In more recent years, there has developed a greater understanding of the more
realistic win/lose and even lose/lose realities as development squeezes resources and
drains other communities.
V

�Much of that growing concern crystallized in the last two years or so. A number of
factors helped:
• dramatic increases in traffic problems in growth areas;
• proposed development of the Auburn Mills megamall and its potential
effects on communities in the region;
• concerns about loss of "quality of life" raised by citizens in a number of
rapidly growing communities;
• a clearer view by local officials of what a sprawl-driven future might look
like, resulting from completion of SEMCOG's work updating the Sewer
Service Area Map and the Regional Development Forecast of
population, households and jobs between now and the year 2010.

4. Why do the ROI and this report?
The confluence of those issues identified above motivated SEMCOG's leadership
to con sider the possibility that significant changes might be needed in the organization's
planning policies, the sort of changes that would provide a "better" regional future.
But, they also realized that consideration of such policy changes would require a
solid understanding of where the region is right now, how it got to this point, and, where
it would likely be in 20 years if no changes are made in policies that affect Southeast
Michigan.
This report is the data base for that process. It weaves together the past, the present
and the likely future - as a basis for later policy considerations.

5. How are the Issues and concerns related?
One of the difficult realities of examining sprawl is the interrelatedness of the various
elements - some are causes, others are effects and still others may be both.
On the one hand, growth and development - the positive" description of what
others call urban sprawl" - is driven by market forces; that is, the development
market meeting the desire of individual citizens and families to seek a quality of life
where they want it. For many, the "American dream" is simply that-living where they
wish, in the type of housing they can afford, in areas well away from the perceived
problems and dangers of urban living.
11

11

Al~ng with that series of individual decisions to move ever outward in pursuit of life
quality comes a parallel market force to provide the goods and services needed by
those indivi~uals and. families -businesses supplying hardware, food, entertainment, sundries, cl~aning, etc. In addition, as industry modernizes and business
head~uarters_ fun.~t1?ns expand, corporations frequently are drawn outward as they
seek green field sites or they relocate closer to their employee base.
vi

�Most local communities actively promote that residential growth and business
development. They seek such growth and economic development by zoning decisions
(defining, for example, the lot sizes permitted in residential areas) as well as the tax
dollar expenditures for support infrastructure - roads, water lines, sewer facilities,
parks, new schools, additional police and fire personnel.
On the other hand, there are downsides to that same growth and development
dynamic: building of that support infrastructure with scarce tax dollars eventually robs
other parts of a community's budget; congestion increases on roads too small to
accommodate surging growth; open space and farmland are gobbled up; older
communities are abandoned, along with their existing roads, sewers, water lines,
schools.
Enough people individually seeking "quality of life" eventually collectively destroy the
very qualities each sought.

6. What are the potential solutlons?
First, the ADI is designed to examine development and determine, through workshop
discussions and public participation, whether there is consensus that "urban sprawl"
as we know it in Greater Detroit is, in fact, a problem. If it is, is that problem sufficiently
severe that actions to change the future course are warranted?
Basically, there are two types of change that could occur-mandates by government
or p_
rovision of incentives to drive voluntary changes. The traditions of local home rule
and the free market economy of this nation would seem to favor the incentives
approach, although some voices have been heard recently calling for a stronger
governmental involvement at the regional scale.
Whether mandated or incentive driven, there are several key areas where changes
would make a significant difference:
• achieving some measure of equity in school finance - to lessen the impact
of education as a locational decision dynamic;
• limiting infrastructure extensions - there already exists enough infrastructure (roads, water lines, sewers) within the urbanized area to handle all
population and household growth over the next 20 years;
• some degree of regional planning that could promote more concentrated
development and the re-development of virtually abandoned areas in the
older cities;
• a better balance in jobs and housing, both to reduce commuting traffic
congestion and to address the problem of unfilled jobs that are far from the
concentrations of unemployed persons.

7. What are Impediments to action?
There are several, starting with the question of whether or not the problems are serious
enough to make change both desirable and acceptable in the public as well as the
private sector.

vii

�Funding is a serious impediment. Federal and state governments have substantially
reduced or eliminated funding support to local governments for the big cost itemssuch as roads, water/sewer infrastructure, education, health care costs, environmental
protection. While solutions to the problems will require local governmental action,
resources to fund such actions are scarce or non-existent.
At the same time, the strong tradition of local home rule in Michigan and Greater
Detroit is a likely impediment - surrendering control of land use decisions to regional,
state or federal authority is an unlikely step - even though local communities are
increasingly hard-pressed to handle the growing costs of confronting environmental,
transportation and infrastructure problems.
Again, the interrelatedness of the problems is evident - zoning for large lot
development means no affordable housing in the outlying communities for persons who
might work in support businesses; the freedom to move to outlying areas will be traded
for serious lack of vehicle mobility on jammed roads in communities unable to increase
road capacity through construction; protection of woodlands and wetlands in already
urbanized areas may simply drive development to the fringe areas, gobbling up more
land out there at an even greater rate; etc.

8. What wlll the ROI project accomplish?
First, an examination of the future, both the trend future and possible alternative
futures, as well as the issues that drive the region toward its "business as usual" future.
Second, discussion and debate about a series of possible public policies that could
change the region's direction from that business as usual" future toward a more
balanced development.
0

Third, increased understanding by local officials and citizens of the issues involved,
of the possible solutions, of the trade-offs that are ever present in those issues and
solutions.
I~ short. the ROI should make it possible for the citizens of Southeast Michigan, and
their elected leaders, to decide what the region's future ought to be as well as how to
move toward that future.

viii

�Executive Summary
Economy
Southeast Michigan's economy will provide a growing base to support the region's
populace. However, growth in jobs will be very uneven both in terms of types of jobs
as well as job location. Diversification of the regional economy continues as new service
and office-type jobs are being created, even as manufacturing production jobs
continue to be lost. The new jobs are generally being created in different locations than
where the production jobs are being lost.
Emerging patterns:
• A strong overall regional economy will generate 18% more jobs by 2010.
• The economy will continue to diversify as we gain service jobs, but lose
manufacturing production jobs.
• Older parts of the region will continue losing employment while the biggest
gains will be in Oakland County and outlying areas.
• Personal income is barely keeping up with inflation and income distribution
within the region is growing more unequal.
• The workforce is becoming almost evenly split between men and women,
with minorities an increasingly large part of the total.

Population and Society
Over the next 20 years, the region's slow population growth will not limit the continued
outward spread of people and households. Characteristics of the population will also
change, in terms of age structure, family types and ethnic composition.
In general, these changes are a continuation of patterns that have been evolving for
several decades. The exception is the projected end of net out-migration of people from
Greater Detroit. Population projections for the region include the assumption that the
economy will be strong and diversified enough to provide the jobs needed for a growing
population.
Emerging patterns:
• The region's overall population growth will be 6~·x, over the next 20 years as
net out-migration ends.
• Households will be smaller, especially as a result of more single-person and
one-parent households.
• Growth in numbers of households will be very strong in the northern and
western urbanizing fringes of the region, while major losses will continue in
several older communities, particularly Detroit.
ix

�• As the "baby boomer" generation ages, the region will have more "empty
nest" households and the school age population will stabilize.
• Minority populations will increase, due to higher birthrates, less outmigration and more in-migration.

Social Impacts
Social issues are certainly major factors influencing the locational decisions that have
produced Southeast Michigan s spread out development pattern. This chapter
examines the three issues that are believed to have the most significant locational
impact on the region's development pattern: crime, race, education.
1

Each of these issues is cited near the top of the list of public concerns -in public
opinion surveys, by business leaders, and by community officials. Crime affects most
severely the region's older, economically disadvantaged communities, but many other
parts of the region also experience substantial levels of crime. Residential areas in our
region are among the most racially segregated in the nation and racial polarization
affects schools, relationships between communities, and locational choices. The
quality of education is of great concern, especially when the districts that have students
with the greatest needs are lowest in funding resources.
Emerging patterns:
• Crime rates in older, poorer communities are 5-1 O times higher than in
communities with the lowest crime areas a pattern that will continue.
1

• Minority group populations in the region are increasing due to higher
birthrates and immigration.
• Racially-segregated housing patterns will persist into the future, with
limited exceptions.
• Equity in e~ucational financing and K-12 school quality will be areas of
change, with the next 20 years bringing improvements in school financing
as well as restructuring of the K-12 educational process.

Transportation
The person~! mobility that our society has come to take for granted is threatened_by
fur th er sprawling out of urban development in our auto-dominated region. Continuation
of steady !ncreases in auto~obile travel and the shifting of jobs and house~o!ds
outward will_ lead to very serious congestion problems. At the same time, existing
roa~way_s will c?nsume most available funding for maintenance and reconstruction,
leaving little - if any - funding for new roadway construction.

X

Greater Detroit is very dependent on its network of major freeways for commuting to
work and for personal travel. The completion of 1-696 was the last link in the planned
freeway syste~ of S~utheast Michigan. Linking fast-growing parts of Oakland and
Macomb countie~, th is freeway already carries more traffic than was projected fort~e
year 2ooo. Most importantly, there is no "next 1-696" on the drawing boards -nor, 15

d

�there funding to relieve the projected serious increases in traffic congestion.
Emerging patterns:
• As job and household locations become more suburban, commuting
patterns are shifting away from freeway corridors to more easVwest, suburbto-suburb travel.
• The private vehicle is ever more dominant as the region's preferred means
of transportation - particularly, the single occupant vehicle.
• Increases in travel will far outpace both population and job growth, with
additional travel miles producing more congestion and slower travel.
• As traffic congestion increases, available funds will not allow us to build our
way out of the problem because available funding will be needed for
maintenance of existing road infrastructure.
• Air transportation increases will require expanded facilities.

Environment
Environmental protection encompasses a diverse set of concerns about the effect of
present trends on the region's quality of life. Air and water quality are heavily influenced
by human activities. Urbanization alters the landscape irreversibly. Disposal of wastes
and byproducts generated by households and businesses must be managed. Costs
of protecting the environment and cleaning up past pollution affect society's capacity
for meeting other needs.
Emerging patterns:
• Air quality problems due to car and truck emissions will increase because
of increased travel, cutting into recent gains in air quality because of stricter
standards.
• Correction of unresolved sewage overflow problems along with provision of
new sewer lines will be expensive. Surface water pollution concerns will
focus more on stormwater runoff and the effects ~f toxic pollutants.
• Wetland protection efforts will be largely successful, but wildlife habitat willl
suffer from urban development.
• Solid waste costs will rise and recycling will flourish as landfills become
fewer and more expensive.
·
• Funds to clean up past contamination sites will be inadequate.
• New strategies for environmental management will be needed to better
balance risks and available resources.
xi

�• Pollution "control" will increasingly consist of strategies to prevent the
original generation of pollutants.

Land Use
Over the 30 year period 1980-2010, the region will experien_ce continued acceleration
in the sprawling out of urbanization. Despite a slow population growth of only 5% over
those 30 years, some 40% additional land will be used for development to accommodate that 5% population growth. That disparity will be caused by a 27% growth in
households, continued movement away from the urbanized core and lower density
development in the fringe areas.
Emerging patterns:
• Sprawling urbanization will continue to consume proportionally greater
amounts of land to serve a moderately growing population.
• Urbanization will take more productive farmland out of production, but not
at the rates of loss of previous decades.
• Traditional planning and zoning will be inadequate to meet individual
community needs for coping with growth, nor will it address areawide
concerns.

Public Finance
It is uncertain whether local governments will be able to respond to future needs of
their citizens. Many factors contribute to that growing concern about local governments'
financial resources for meeting not only immediate needs but future obligations as well.
In both Lansing and Washington, legislators increasingly withhold funding from local
governments in order to balance state and federal budgets - even while additional
mandates are issued to local government by both federal and state officials, mandates
not usually accompanied by additional resources.
Reliance on the property tax is a central fact of life for cities, villages, townships,
counties_ and school districts. While the property tax base continues to grow in many
developing parts of the region, older communities face the same or increasing needs
for services with stagnant tax bases.
Emerging patterns:
• Th~re wi_ll ~e further cuts in federal and state aid to local governments,
which will increase competition for remaining grants and exacerbate
pressure to attract development that would strengthen the tax base.

xii

• V~riations in local financial capability are substantial across the region.
High~r t~ rates in some older communities may be causing further
detenorati?n of the tax base as businesses move to lower tax communities
-where, in turn, tax rates will be driven up by problems resulting from
growth.

�Management and Governance
Challenged by the need to provide better services, local governments are increasingly participating in a variety of cooperative ventures with neighboring communities.
The search continues for effective methods of dealing with areawide problems and for
providing services most efficiently- while preserving ·cherished local autonomy.
Emerging patterns:
• The tradition of home rule and local control will persist, making it difficult to
address areawide problems.
• School district consolidation is likely to be an area of limited change, despite
its potential for providing better services and reducing funding differentials.
• The great variety of cooperative arrangements and organizations is an
indicator of the need to deal with problems that go beyond individual
community boundaries.
• It will be difficult to change the continued pattern of sprawling development
at the urban fringe, coupled with losses in older areas, without changes in
the degree of cooperation among governments in Greater Detroit.

xiii

�Projections
Economy
Projection #1

Southeast Michigan will experience strong growth in total employm~~t over the next
20 years, which will mean significant changes in work force compos1t1on.

Projection #2

The region's economy will continue to diversify as service. employment strongly
expands while manufacturing decreases. As a result, the regional economy should
be less sensitive to a fluctuating business cycle.

Projection #3

Employment growth will be strong in a number of the outlying suburban areas, but jobs
will decline in central city locations.

Projection #4

Personal income in the region will continue to increase but at a slower rate than
experienced in the last 17 years. Income growth will continue to vary significantly
across the region.

Projection #5

The region's labor force will grow older, with minority and female representation in the
labor force increasing.

Population and Society
Projection #6

The region's population will grow slowly over the next 20 years, with local community
''growth" resulting from intra-regional population re-location.

Projection #7

The number of additional households in the region will continue to rise sharply as
household size declines, helping drive a residential building effort.

Projection #8

The biggest gains in households will occur on the fringes of the region. In contrast,
household losses will continue in older, central cities, although rates of Joss will slow.

Projection #9

The demographic bulge of "baby boomers" will move into the 45 to 64 age group by the
year 2010.

Projection #1 o

School-age population will remain relatively stable over the next 20 years for the region
as. a whole. ~owever, local school populations will shift as younger families with
children move mto developing communities while older "empty nest" households will
predominate in mature urban school districts.

Projection #11

The nu~ber of non-family households in the region will be an increasingly larger
proport1~~ of total households. Family households will be smaller and more varied in
composItIon.

Projection #12

Varied h.ousehold patterns will increasingly mean alternative housing types and
ownership arrangements to suit changing lifestyles.
·

xiv

�Social Impacts
The region will experience moderate crime increases over the next decade based on
several factors - the number of people in the high crime ages, the worsening of social
conditions and pervasive drug-related problems.

Projection #13

The higher crime rates associated with many of the region's older communities are
expected to continue over the next 20 years due to a variety of social, economic and,
to some extent, geographic factors.

Projection #14

Minority populations w/11 increase in the next 20 years.

Projection #15

Housing patterns in Southeast Michigan will continue to be among the most racially
segregated in the United States.

Projection #16

Racial polarization in Southeast Michigan will continue, as indicated by Black-White
differentials in employment, income, housing and education.

Projection #17

Reliance on local property taxes for basic school funding, coupled with the lack of
funding equity for public K-12 schools will continue to be major fragmenting dynamics
in the region's development patterns until state government is able to create a more
balanced and equitable system of school finance.

Projection #18

Perceived differences in public school quality will continue to have a push-pull effect
on locational decision-making for households and_ businesses.

Projection #19

The K-12 student population will continue to grow culturally more diverse.

Projection #20

K-12 education will look very different by the year 2010, in both structure and in
outcomes.

Projection #21

Transportation
Worker commuting patterns and other travel will continue to shift over the next 20
years.

Projection #22

The private vehicle is, and will continue to be, the dominant transportation choice in the
future, including continued preference for SOV's, single occupant vehicles.

Projection #23

Large increases in both miles and hours of travel will significantly increase regional
roadway congestion.

Projection #24

Traffic congestion will increase significantly, with a continued deterioration of the
transportation system's operating efficiency.

Projection #25

Car and vanpooling will not have a major impact on commuting patterns without a
significant increase In support from local units of government.

Projection #26

xv

�Projection #27

Funding of transportation improvements will fall well short offuture roadway and transit
needs in the region.

Projection #28

Demand for air transportation, both commercial and general, will continue to increase,
requiring additional airport capacity.

Environment
Projection #29

Air pollution from stationary (non-vehicle) sources will continue to decline as a result
of compliance with stricter regulations.

Projection #30

Emission rates from mobile sources (cars and trucks) will decline at a slower ratein fact, emissions will eventually begin to rise because of a continued growth in vehicle
miles of travel.

Projection #31

Protection of surface water will continue to be a major environmental concern, with
increased emphasis on urban stormwater and control of toxic pollutants.

Projection #32

Continued development at the urbanizing fringe of the region will have serious impacts
on water quality in both the developing areas and in the already urbanized areas.

Projection #33

Over the next several decades, costs for wastewater infrastructure will increase
overall, with conflict developing between urban and suburban areas over the allocation
of funds for new sewer extensions as opposed to repair and maintenance of existing
sewers and wastewater treatment facilities.

Projection #34

The goal of no net loss of wetlands will be achieved through continued state
implementation of the Wetlands Act, and because many local units of government in
developing areas will adopt local wetlands ordinances to supplement state and federal
wetlands programs.

Projection #35

Wildlife and wildlife habitat will be destroyed or negatively altered as a result of
continued urban sprawl.

Projection #36

The number of solid waste landfills will continue to decline, as will available space in
existing landfills.

Projection #37

Incineration will continue to be a major component of solid waste management for the
foreseeable future.

Projection #38

Costs for solid waste management, particularly landfilling and incineration, will continue
to grow, for both local governments and for individual households.

Projection #39

Alter~ative methods of ~oli~ _waste m~nagement- reduction, composting and recycling
will become a more s1gmflcant portion of the overall solid waste management process.

Projection #40

xvi

So~thea~t Mich~gan's identified needs for cleanup of sites of environmental contamination wJI/ contmue to outpace the funds available, limiting the likelihood of site
redevelopment.

�Increased costs to local governments, to citizens and to businesses for management
of the environment will force re-examination of the ways we approach environmental
protection, particularly focusing on broader evaluation processes that encompass
cross- media impacts as well as better risk management tools.

Projection #41

Land Use
Urban development will continue to sprawl outward.

Projection #42

The trend toward scattered, low-density suburbanization will continue through the year

Projection #43

2010.

Productive farmland will continue to be lost as urbanized areas continue to sprawl
outward and the ln-fl/1/ng of sparsely built-up suburbs drives out remaining farms
currently interspersed with development.

Projection #44

Traditional long-range community planning and zoning will continue to be the primary
tools for local governments in managing land use; but, those tools will not be sufficient
to handle rapid growth nor to address areawide concerns, as communities find that
diminishing financial resources limit their capacities for constructing urban infrastructure even while there are growing sentiments to limit growth while protecting the
environment.

Projection #45

Public Finance
Federal and state assistance to local governments will continue to decline, reducing
discretionary spending and forcing greater competition for remaining funds.

Projection #46

As a result of many factors, including cuts in federal and state aid, local governments
will need to raise more revenue and/or shift spending priorities. If services are reduced
and taxes increased, it will only worsen the fiscal situation of many local units of
government by accelerating the flight of middle and upper income taxpayers from their
jurisdictions.

Projection #47

Local financial capacities will continue to vary greatly within Southeast Michigan,
causing local governments to push for economic development and to search for
alternative revenue sources.

Projection #48

Management and Governance
The fragmented and sometimes inefficient system of local government will persist, due
to Michigan's strong tradition of home rule and local control.

Projection #49

xvii

�Projection #50

There will be limited further consolidation of school districts, as some districts seek to
improve weak programs and provide broader programs.

Projection #51

There will be Increasing interest in intergovernmental groupings and other forms of
cooperation as local governments seek to cope with areawide issues as well as more
efficiently use limited resources.

xviii

�Economy

�Economy
Introduction
Southeast Michigan's economy will provide a growing base to support the region's
populace. However, growth in jobs will be very uneven in terms of type of industry as
well as job location. Diversification of the economy continues, as new service and
office-type jobs are being created even as production manufacturing jobs are lost. The
new jobs are generally being created in different locations from where the production
jobs are being lost.
General patterns:
•

A strong overall economy will generate 18% more jobs by 201 O.

•

The economy will continue to diversify as we gain service jobs, but lose
manufacturing production jobs.

•

Older parts of the region will continue losing employment while the
biggest gains will be in Oakland County and outlying areas.

•

Personal income is barely keeping up with inflation and income
distribution within the region is growing more unequal.

•

The workforce is becoming almost evenly split between men and
women, with minorities an increasingly large part of the total.

3

�Employment Growth in Southeast Michigan

Figure 1

1970-2010
Ratio to 1970 Base

2.0 - r - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 7

1.9 ········································•························································ . ···········································································
1.8

U.S.

1.7
1.6

Region

1.5
1.4
1.3

1.2
1.1
1.0 --r='-------.--------.-----,----,----------.------,----.--------,
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2010
2005
--- United States

-+-

Michigan

~ Region

Note: 1970 = 1.00

Source: Woods &amp; Poole, 1989 and SEMCOG, RDF v'89.

4

�Job Growth
Southeast Michigan w/11 experience strong
growth In total employment over the next 20 years,
which w/11 mean significant changes In work force composition.
Based on SEMCOG 's Regional Development Forecast, Southeast Michigan's
economy will continue to generate new
jobs at a steady pace. Growth in total
employment in the region has been strong
since the recession of the early 1980s
(Figure 1). That job growth in the region
lagged the U.S. but paralleled Michigan's
overall job growth, except for the early
part of the decade. Over the next 20
years, the region's employment growth
rate will be less than that of the United
States, but more than that of Michigan.
During this period an estimated 398,000
jobs will be added to the region's total
employment, an 18.3% increase over the
1990 employment estimate of 2, 178,000.
. The projected employment increase reflects SEMCOG 's moderately optimistic
assumptions of continued diversification

Projection #1

of the economy and overall economic
growth of the region.
Within that projected job growth will be
a significantly different work force composition than currently exists. The 201 O
employment totals anticipate an 84 % rate
of job-holding by the working age population (20-64 years of age). That contrasts
with a current rate of 79%. In addition,
women will continue to increase their share
of the labor force, as will several racial and
ethnic minorities. Nationally, white males
are expected to become a minority of the
total working force by the year 2010, with
the region's workforce composed along
similar lines. Finally, there will also be
more part-time workers, some with more
than one job.

5

�Manufacturing Jobs in Southeast Michigan
Figure 2

1970-2010
Thousands

700
600
500
...... ············ ···········•· ·· ·········•·· ············· ..........

400

·····•···

.. ··••····························

·········· •······

.,

...... ....... ·················

300
200

·-··•

.. ····················· ··········--········································•······•···•···•····· .....

•• · ••

100
0

'70

'95

'75 '77 '80 '82 '85 '87 '90

'05

'00

'10

- - Manufacturing jobs
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census of Manufactures,
1972-1987 and SEMCOG, RDF v'80 &amp;v'89.

Production Jobs as a Component of
Manufacturing Jobs in Southeast Michigan

Figure 3

1970-2010
Thousands

700 r - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i

600
500

• Manufacturing

400
300
Production

200
100
0 ._____ _. . _______ _

1970

1975

___L__ _--L.__

1980

---- Total manuf. jobs

1985

___J__

_ _.L__ __ j __ ______L_ ______J

1990

-+- Production jobs

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census of Manufactures,
1972-1987 and SEMCOG, RDF v'80 &amp; v'89.

6

1995

2000

2005

2010

�Industry Types
The region's economy w/11 continue to diversify as service employment
strongly expands while manufacturing decreases. As a result, the regional
economy should be less sensitive to a fluctuating business cycle. ·
Employment in manufacturing, traditionally the mainstay of our region's
economy, did not recover from the recession of the early 1980s. A continued loss
of manufacturing jobs is projected for the
next 20 years (Figure 2). That loss of
manufacturing jobs began in the 1970s,
with the greatest drop occurring from
1979to 1982. Some 115,000manufacturing jobs have been lost since 1970, the
result of the combined effects of the
recession's devastation of the auto industry, increased automation, and the enhanced foreign competition in the manufacturing arena.
Of particular significance is the loss,
within that manufacturing category, of
production jobs-the blue collar, assembly and production jobs (Figure 3). A
majority of the lost manufacturing jobs
were in those production areas.

Projection #2

The older cities in Wayne County, including the city of Detroit, were significantly affected by the loss of production
jobs (Figure 4 ). The estimated number of
manufacturing production jobs in the city
of Detroit was 36,200 in 1990, a 72% loss
of production jobs since 1970. Over that
same period, Wayne County's loss of production jobs was 54 % . Due to the loss of
production jobs in Detroit and the balance qt Wayne County, old manufacturing facilities will have to be "recycled" and
the workforce retrained. Results were
mixed in the other counties. Oakland,
Macomb and Washtenaw counties experienced increases in production jobs, while
Monroe, St. Clair and Livingston counties
remained relatively stable during that period. The significant decrease in production jobs in that 1970-1990 period is expected to continue into the future, but at a
decreasing rate. In 1965, the manufactur-

Production Jobs
by County and City of Detroit

Figure 4

1970-1990
Thousands

160 - - . . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - .
140
120
100
80
60

-y--~c.=.....:.~.:...:_~=----

40

~~~~~~~~==~~======~~======:=j

20 r------c--:----¥--0

1970

Out-Wayne

1975
-+-

Detroit

··

··

St. Clair, M nroe, Livingston

1980
-+-

1985

Oakland

1990

-e- Macomb

-)(- Washtenaw
~ Monroe
-A- Livingston
x
St. Clair
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census of Manufactures, 1972-1987 and SEMCOG, RDF,v'SO &amp; v'89.

7

�Top Four Industries in Southeast Michigan
as Percent of Total Employment

Figure 5

50

1965-2010
__!P~e~rc~ent.!!...of~Tot~al~Jo~bs~- - - - - - - - - - - - --- - - - - - 7

40 .... · ············•······ · ..... •·· · ··················· . ·•···· ·············

30

-· ···········•· .... ·········· ...... · ·

0 -+------r-------,--~----.------r------.------r----.-----i
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
-a- Services
~ Manuf-auto
-+- Retail
-+- Manuf-other
Source: SEMCOG, RDF v'80 &amp; v'89.

Office Development in Southeast Michigan
by Decade, 1960s to 1980s

Figure 6

Gross Square Feet in Millions

50 , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,

43.9
40 ··············································

30

24.9
20 · · · .....
11.9
10

o- 196Os

197Os

Note: Prior to 1960, region's total was 35,232,488 sq. ft.
Source: SEMCOG Office Building Database, 1990.

8

1980S

�ing sector's share of this region's total
employment was 40% (Figure 5). That
share dropped to 24% in 1990, with a
further drop to 17% expected by 2010.
Nonetheless, even that smaller percentage will still represent some 442,000 jobs
for the region. One consequence of this
shift is that the region's economy should
be less sensitive to the business cycle.
Purchases of automobiles and other durable goods have been heavily affected
by past economic downturns. With less
production in the region in the future, our
·economy will have more balanced performance, like the overall U.S. economy
during a recession .
On the positive side, the non-manufacturing sectors of the region's economy
grew during the 1980s and will continue to
grow into the future . The key growth
industries of the non-manufacturing sector will remain the service and retail industries. Employment in the service sector
will continue to expand much faster than
any other industry. The service sector's
share of the region's total employment
was 18% in 1975, grew to 35% in 1990,
and is expected to consist of 43% of the
total employment in 2010. Some experts
suggest that much of the shift in the early
1980s to the service sector was due to
out-sourcing of non-manufacturing activities within the automotive industry; for
example, of data processing services.
The retail industry share of the total
employment picture will remain stable,
around 18%, over the next 20 years, as
retail jobs grow by 77,000. Underneath
that overall stability, the retail sector will
undergo continued restructuring. In the

past several decades, regional malls drew
shoppers away from traditional downtowns. Now large scale discount malls
and local strip malls are changing retailing. The shape of further changes is yet
to be determined.
In terms of types of occupations, rather
than types of industry, future jobs are
expected to be in the areas that underscore the region's shift to a more serviceoriented and knowledge-intensive
economy. Growth will be concentrated in
professional/technical areas requiring
college education or specialized postsecondary technical training. The greatest number of new jobs is expected to
occur in marketing/sales and management or management-related occupations.1
Given the past and future employment
growth in the non-manufacturing sectors,
the increased construction of office space
is reflective of the increases in these jobs.
More than 43 million square feet of office
space was constructed during the 1980s,
which represents 54 .4 % of the total off ice
space developed since 1960 (Figure 6).
With overall employment projected to grow
18% by 2010, including 325,000 service
jobs, the building of additional office space
and the renovating of existing older buildings will be necessary to handle the future
employment growth. Current concerns
about building vacancies are likely to be
short term, unless over-building occurs in
the future . The growth in service jobs
alone could require over 70 million square
feet of additional office space over the
next 20 years.

9

�r
Detroit and Counties Proportion
of Total Employment

Figure 7

1965-2010
Percent of Total_Jobs
50 ~=:~:....::..:..:_:
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _---i

40
30
20
10
St. Clair, Monroe, Livingston

0

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ====~ ==t====~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ===~ :::::::=f

1965

1970

1975

-+-

Detroit

1980

~

Washtenaw
---+- Monroe
Source: SEMCOG, RDF v'S0 &amp; v'89.

Figure 8

1985

Out-Wayne

1990

1995

_.._ Oakland
-A-

2000

2005

2010

-e- Macomb

St. Clair

~

Livingston

Top 10 Communities in Southeast Michigan
with New Office Construction in the 1980 s

Southfield

8.6

Troy
Farmington Hills
Livonia
Dearborn
Ann Arbor
Detroit
Bloomfield Hills
Novi
Bingham Farms
0
10

2

4

6

Millions of Square Feet
Source: SEMCOG Office Building Database, 19 _
90

8

10

�Job Location
Employment growth w/11 be strong In a number of the
outlying suburban areas, but Jobs w/11 decline In central city locations.
In 1965, 68% of Southeast Michigan's
total employment was located in Wayne
County, with roughly two-thirds of those
jobs in the city of Detroit, about 46% of the
region's total employment (Figure 7).
Oakland County accounted for only 11 %
of the region's employment then. Fifteen
years later, in 1980, Detroit's share of the
region's total employment had dropped
to26%, whileOut-WayneCountyremained
around 24%. Meanwhile, Oakland
County's share had risen to 24%. During
the next 1O years, Detroit's share of the
region's total employment again decreased, by 8 percentage points, a loss of
104,000 jobs. Oakland County's share of
the region's employment increased to
30%, as it gained 178,000 additional jobs.
Macomb and Washtenaw counties also
showed increases in their shares of the
region's employment in the 1980s.
Such changes in the employment shares
will continue into the future, with Oakland,
Out-Wayne and Macomb counties gaining, and the city of Detroit losing an additional 53,000 jobs by the year 2010. These
significant changes in job locations are
due in part to the region's economy shifting
from manufacturing to non-manufacturing jobs, as well as an overall loss of
manufacturing jobs. The large losses of
manufacturing jobs in Detroit were not
offset by parallel growth in service jobs,
while the suburban areas experienced
growth in both manufacturing and service
jobs.
Also important are the number of addi-

Projection #3

tional jobs forecast for Washtenaw, Monroe, St. Clair, and Livingston counties.
The aggregated employment for these
four counties, whichwas317,400in 1990,
will grow to 413,400 by 2010, a gain of
30%. In short, future employment opportunities and jobs will increasingly be located in the suburban communities of the
region.
Employment growth in the suburbs has
been accompanied by massive construction of new office space. During the
1980s, over 42 million square feet of office
space was constructed to accommodate
employment growth in the suburban communities. Six of the top 10 communities
with new office construction during the
1980s were communities within Oakland
County (Figure 8). Other top 1Ocommunities were in Wayne County, where Livonia
and Dearborn accounted for approximately 5.8 million square feet of office
space. In Washtenaw County, Ann Arbor
had 2.3 million square feet of space constructed. About 2 million square feet of
the total office space constructed during
the 1980s was located in the city of Detroit. In 1990, the region's total office
space inventory was 120.1 million square
feet of space.
One important side effect - since the
jobs are becoming more suburban, the
development that comes along with it
steadily sprawls outward to "green field"
locations, leaving much unused land and
infrastructure behind to deteriorate and
fuel the spread of urban blight.

11

�Per Capita Income in Southeast Michigan

Figure 9.

1969-1987
(1987 Dollars)

$16,000
$14,000

-

················· .... ········ ··· ........................ .

.. . .. .. . ... .. .... .... . . ..... . . .. ·s·1
·.·2· ·, 9· a·. 2· ... .... ...... .

$12,731
,

$12,000
$10,000
$8,000
$6,000
$4,000
$2,000
$0 _,____

1987

1979

1969

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Report.

Figure 10

Percent Change in Per Capita Income
1969-79 and 1979-87
Percent Change

30 . - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i

-5 -'----r-----i----~--.----..------~---,------r
Livingston

Macomb

~ 1969-1979

Monroe

-

Oakland

St. Clair

1979-1987

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Report.

12

Wash.

Out-Wayne

Detroit

�Income
Personal Income In the region w/11 continue to Increase
but at a slower rate than experienced In the last 17 years.
Income growth w/11 continue to vary significantly across the region.
The ongoing shift in the region's
economy from high-paying manufacturing jobs to lower-paying service and retail
jobs will cause a slowing in the growth of
personal income. These changes reflect
Michigan's shift from a wealthy to an average state in national terms. In the 1960s
and 1970s, Michigan and the region
produced a level of personal income that
was consistently higher than the national
average.
Based on 1987 dollars, the region's per
capita income of $11, 143 in 1969 increased by $1,588, ·or 14%, to reach
$12,731 in 1979. Between 1979and 1987
the growth rate lessened as per capita
income grew by only $250, or 1.9%, to
· reach $12,981 (Figure 9).
Per capita income increased significantly in each county in the region between
1969 and 1979 (Figure 10). The largest
percentage changes occurred in
Livingston (26.9% ), Macomb (21.8 %), and
Washtenaw(21.6%)counties. lncontrast.
city of Detroit per capita income decreased
by 2.5%, from $9,996 in 1969 to $9,746 in
1979.
Then, the region's per capita income
increased only slightly from 1979 to 1987.
In Washtenaw, Oakland and Livingston
counties, per capita income grew between $300 and $600. In contrast, during
this period per capita income further de-

Projection #4

creased in the city of Detroit. It also
dropped in Out-Wayne, Macomb, Monroe, and St. Clair counties. In the future,
the region's per capita income growth
may be even less than it was in 1979-87 or it may even decrease in the immediate
future, especially in central city locations
or "older" suburban communities.
According to a recent United Community Services report, there is a widening
gap between the "haves·.. and the "have
nots" in Southeast Michigan, a growing
contrast between "the city" and the suburbs", "the upper income" and "the poor" .2
This has created a shrinking middle class
and a larger number of low income and
below poverty level persons in central city
locations. The 1980 Census reported
437,000 persons - or 10% of region's
population - living below the poverty
level. At the low point of the last recession, in the early 1980s, 18% of the area's
residents were estimated to have incomes
below poverty level. By 1987, the percentage had declined to 13%, or slightly
more than 500,000 persons. According to
the report, it is currently estimated that
one-third of the city of Detroit's population
is below the poverty level. This would
mean about 350,000 people living in
poverty in Detroit as compared to 258,575
in 1979, despite the fact that the city now
has approximately 200,000 fewer residents than 10 years ago.
11

13

�Percent Change in U.S Labor Force
by Race and Gender
1970-2000

Figure 11

70 ~---=-=-:___.:..--=---___:_
Percent Change_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _7

60
50
40
30
20
10

0
-

White

Black

Hispanic

1970-1980

~ 1980-1988

Female

Male

~ 1988-2000

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the U.S., 1990.

Figure 12

Distribution of U.S. Workforce
by Race and Gender
1988 and 2000

Hispanic (F)
Hispanic (M) 4% 3%
Black (F) 5%

Hispanic (F)
4%

Hispanic (M)

6%

Black (F) 6%
Black (M) 5%

Black (M) 5%

White (M)
46%

White (F)

White (F)

37%

1988

Source: U.S. Census· Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the U.S. ' 1990.

14

2000

�Labor Force Characteristics
The region's labor force w/11 grow older, with
minority and female representation In labor force Increasing.
During the 1946-1965 period, the "baby
boom" produced a larger than normal
population increment. That bulge in the
population profile will have a significant
impact over the next 20 years, producing
a dramatic increase in the average age of
the labor force. In addition, lower birth
rates following the baby boom mean that
the total growth of the labor force will slow
as fewer workers enter the labor force
while larger numbers exit at retirement.
For example, during the next 20 years, the
pool of potential job holders aged 16-24
will be 5% smaller than 1990 while the
aging "baby boomers" will increase the
45-64 age pool by 58%.

Projection #5

• African-Americans: In 1988, AfricanAmericans represented 10.8% of the
labor force and are projected to account for 11. 7% by 2000.
• Hispanics: Hispanic groups will experience the fastest growth in the labor
force. In 2000, the number of Hispanic
workers will be over 14 million, a net
increase of 5.3 million since 1988. Thus,
Hispanics will represent 10%oftheU.S.
labor force by 2000.

There wirl also be significant changes in
composition of the total work force over
the next 20 years. The number of minorities and women in the labor force has
increased and will continue to do so over
the next 10 years and more (Figure 11 ):
• Whites: TheWhitemaleshareofhework
force will drop to 42% by the year 2000,
from 46% in 1988 (Figure 12). The
White female share of the total employment picture will remain stable at about
37%.

15

-

-

~--

-

--

-

�U.S. Labor Force by Gender:
Proportion of Workforce

Figure 13

1970-2000
Percent of Total Workforce

70 _;__:_~~-=- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- ,
60
50

40
30

20
10
0

1970
-

Male

·

1980

~ Female

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the U.S., 1990.

16

2000

�• Gender: Women will be an increasingly
large part of the labor force. By the year
2000, the number of female workers will
have increased by 22%, compared to a
7% increase in male workers. That
means that of the 19.5 million new
workers entering the U.S. labor force
between 1988-2000, more than 62%

will be women. Over those 12 years,
the labor force participation rate of
women aged 25-54 will reach 81%,
compared to 72% in 1988. Men will still
be the majority of the labor force at
53%, but that is down from 62% in 1970
{Figure 13).

17

�Population and Society

--

- --

-

~--

�Population and Society
Introduction
I

Over the next20years, the region's slow population growth will not limit the continued
outward spread of people and households. Characteristics of the population will also
change in terms of age structure, family types, and ethnic composition.
In general, these changes are a continuation of patterns that have been evolving for
several decades. The exception is the projected end of net out-migration of people from
Greater Detroit. Population projections for the region include the assumption that the
economy will be strong and diversified enough to provide the jobs needed for a growing
population.
Emerging patterns:
•

The region's overall population growth will be 6% over the next 20
years as net out-migration ends.

•

Households will be smaller, especially as a result of more singleperson and one-parent households.

•

Growth in numbers of households will be very strong in the
northern and western urbanizing fringes of the region, while major
losses will continue in several older communities, particularly
Detroit.

•

As the "baby boomer" generation ages, the region will have more
"empty nest" households and the school age population will
stabilize.

•

Minority populations will increase, due to higher birthrates, less
out-migration, and more in-migration.

21

---

= ~ ~ - - -- -

�Population Growth, 1970-2010
Figure 14

(1970 = 1.00)

1.9

1.7

1.5

1.3

1.1

0.9
1970

1980

- - United States

--+- Michigan

~

Region

Source: Woods &amp; Poole, 1989 and SEMCOG, RDF v'89 .

Net Migration
in Southeast Michigan by Decade

Figure 15

1970-2010
100

Thousands of Persons

i----------------------------,

0

-100

.............. ..... ······· .. ····· . ........ .... . . . . . . . . ··· ··· .. .

....

-200

-300

1980s
Source: U.S. Census Bureau and SEMCOG, RDF v•sg.

22

1990s

2000S

�Population Growth
The region's population w/11 grow slowly over the
next 20 years, with local community "growth"
resulting from Intra-regional population re-location.
Total population in Southeast Michigan
is forecast to be 4,994,000 people by the
year 2010, an increase of slightly more
than 300,000 people, or 6%, between
1990 and 2010.
The region's 20-year growth rate is lower
than the 16.9% increase expected for the
U.S., but is about the same as the rate
projected for the state (Figure 14).
Greater Detroit's forecasted population
growth 1990 - 201 O is a change from the
2.4% loss in population from 1970to 1990.
Despite the natural increase in population
(births over deaths) from 1970 to 1990,
there was still a loss of some 113,000
people due to net out-migration of more
than 700,000 people in the 1970s and
1980s (Figure 15).
Declining birth rates will continue a trend
of diminishing natural population increase
during the period 1990 to 2010. However,

further reductions in net out-migration from
the region will result in the moderate 6%
growth forecast. Net out-migration will
change substantially in the 1990s, with a
net in-migration anticipated by the 2000s.
These migration rates are based on the
assumptions that the "rust belt" population losses have passed and that the
region's economy will continue to improve
as losses in auto manufacturing employment diminish and the economy continues to diversify, creating many new jobs.
Many communities within the region are
expected to show far more than a 6%
growth by 2010, while others will experience modest growth and still others will
lose population . Given the relative stability of the region's total population, such
community "growth" will primarily result
from the shifting of population from older
urban and suburban areas to outlying
suburban and rural areas.

Largest Gains
In Populatlon

Largest Losses
In Population

1990-2010

1990-2010

Novi
Sterling Heights
Farmington Hills
Clinton Twp.
Macomb Twp.
Troy
Pittsfield Twp.

+28,800
+24,600
+ 19,700
+17,900
+17,700
+17,000
+16,600

Projection #6

Detroit
Pontiac
Warren
Highland Park
Royal Oak
St. Clair Shores
Taylor

-201,200
- 8,500
- 8,300
- 7,000
- 6,500
- 5,200
- 5,200

23

�Household and Population Gains by Decade
in Southeast Michigan

Figure 16

1960-2010
Percent Change

20 ~ - - ~ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

15

10
5

0

-5 ' - - - - - - " - - - - - - ~ - - - - - ' - - - - - -....L-----~-2000S
1990S
1980s
1970s
1960s

-

Households

~ Population

Source: U.S. Census Bureau and SEMCOG, RDF v'89.

Average Persons Per Household
in Southeast Michigan

Figure 17

1960-2010
Persons Per Household

4 r--------------------------i
3.5
3

2.34

2.5
2

1.5

1
0.5

· - · ·

~ ·~so= - - - -_L.__ _ _ _ _1_j_
ga_o_ _ _ _1_9L90_ _ _ _2_0Loo_ __
9
1970
Source: U.S. Census Bureau and SEMCOG, RDF v'SS.

24

�Household Growth and Location
The number of additional households In the
region w/11 continue to rise sharply as household
size dee/Ines, helping drive a resident/al bulldlng effort.
The region's population will increase by
only 6% by 2010, whereas the number of
households will increase by 19% (Figure
16). Because of the continuing decline in
household size, the region will continue to
add many new households even when
population gains are small or absent. The
average persons per household in 1990
is estimated to be 2.62 persons, a dramatic drop from the 3.43 persons per
household in 1960 (Figure 17). SEMCOG's
forecast indicates that persons per
household will decline to 2.34 by the year
2010.
This decline in household size can be
attributed to:
• an increase in life expectancy and
more of the elderly physically and
economically able to live
independently;

Projection #7

• fewer children being born per
household;
• increasing numbers of married
couples postponing having children
or remaining childless;
• more single parent households due
to divorce and women bearing
children outside of marriage; and,
• baby boomers' children growing
up and leaving home.
It is estimated that 25% of all households now consist of one adult living alone.
To accommodate the forecasted 19%
growth in households, the region will need
an additional 360,000 new housing units.
In addition, it is estimated that some 80,000
aging units will be demolished and require replacement in this same time period. Thus, 440,000 new and replacement
housing units will need to be built by 2010.

25

�Projected Household
Gains by Community

Figure 18

NILA
ST. LAI~

LYNN

1900 - 2010

YAlJ.
BROCKWAY

MUSSEY
EMMETT

(IIIANT

GIIEENWOOO

KENOCKEE

CLYOE

Ca~

WALES

K1M8At.L

L,eonard
OXFOIIO

HOLLY
BRA.NOON
HOiiy

o.t:;J

ST

Lak•Ot'S

i
~

ST CLAJR

AOOISON

OIIOVElANO

CONWAY

COHOCTAH

TYRONE

OEfRFIELO

ROSE

SPRINOFIELO

INOEPENOENCE

ORION

i11rk1ton
~A.RINE

cormu
VIUE
HOWELL

OCEOLA

HARTLAND

HIOHLANO

WHITE LAKE
1

HOWELL

I

CL.A'I

Anct,o,ll•y~r
'

/OSCO

HAIIIIISON:.,...
MA~ION

GENOA

(

At~

J~j
·r
PVTNAM

4

LIA'• St Cl•lf

HAMBURG

Pinck~

OEXTEII

SHARON

WEBSTER

FIIEEOOM

VAN BUREN

£,iElLEVl LE

lilAtiCIIESTER

BRIDGEWATER

SALINE

SUMPTER

HUl!Ot,

W
THAW
LENAWEE

MIL.AN

OUNDEE ~

t\CH

Communities with Gain
of 50% or More
SUMMEIIFIELO

.,

WHITEF0/10

BEOF0/10

0

i
LUCAS (M

on-Ohio s111, LI ..!

Source: SEMCOG, RDF v•ag

7

;;

R -. ·.
&lt;

0

~,

�The biggest gains In households w/11 occur on the fringes of
the region. In contrast, household losses w/11 continue In
older, central cities, although rates of loss w/11 slow.

Projection #8

There will also be a continuation of
household losses in the city of Detroit and
some of the region's other older communities. As households leave these communities, the result will be 80,000 aging
housing units demolished region-wide. It
is likely that housing redevelopment policies and other improvements, such as
better schools, will be implemented that
will result in slowing of household losses.
Based on these assumptions, the forecasted amount of household loss in the
declining communities in the 2005-201 O
period is half of the '80s rate of loss
(Figure 19).

The vast majority of the additional
336,000 households forecast by the year
2010 will be located on the fringe of the
region. A number of suburban and rural
communities will have 50% or more growth
in households over the next 20 years
(Figure 18). Together, these communities
account for 53% of the total additional
households forecast for the region. The
remainder of gains in households will be
divided among existing older suburban
communities and slower growing outlying
areas.

Dwelling Unit Demolitions in Detroit and
· Balance of Region by Decade

Figure 19

1960-1990
iO,OOO Number of Demolitions

-0,000

-0,000
10,000

~.ooo
0,000
0

1960s
-

Detroit

1970S

1980s

~ Balance of Region

Source: SEMCOG Residential Construction Reports.

27

�Population by Age Group
in Southeast Michigan

Figure 20

1990 &amp; 2010
Thousands

400
300
200
100

0-4
5-9

10-14
20-24
30-34
40-44
50-54
60-64
70-74
80-84
15-19
25-29
35-39
45-49
55-59
65-69
75-79
85.

Age Group

-

1990

~ 2010

Source: SEMCOG, RDF v'89.

School Age Children
in Southeast Michigan

Figure 21

1960-2010
Thousands

1600r-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- 1400
1200
1000
800
600
400
200
0

1970

1980

1990

Source: U.S. Census Bureau and SEMCOG, RDF v'89.

28

2000

2010

�Age Structure
The demographic bulge of "baby boomers"
w/11 move Into. the 45 to 64 age group by the year 2010.
The "baby boomer" population is currently between the ages of 25 and 44
years. Born between 1946 and 1964, this
group currently makes up nearly 40% of
the total population in the region (Figure
20). Through the 1990s and the early
2000s, many of the baby boomers will
have children in school and make up a
substantial part of the labor force. They
are and will continue to be the primary
market for single family housing.
By the year 2010, this age group will
have moved into the 45 to 64 age group.
Most of the families will be "empty nesters." Their grown children will have moved

away from home - forming new family or
non-family households, or attending college. As the parents remain in their
"empty nest" smaller households, they
will contribute to an overall drop in
household size, from 2.62 persons per
household in 1990 to 2.34 persons per
household in 2010. Over the next 20
years, those aging baby boomers will
begin to have an impact on the financing
and delivering of community and human
services; will have more money to spend
for leisure activities; and will increase
their demand for smaller homes with less
maintenance responsibility.

School-age population w/11 remain relatively stable over the
next 20 years for the region as a whole. However, local school
populations wlll shift as younger tam/lies with chlldren move
Into developing communities whlle older "empty nest" households
w/11 predominate In mature urban school districts.
In 1990, slightly more than 1,000,000
children in the region are in the age group
5-19 years, representing nearly 22% of
the region's population. During the next
20 years, the size of the school-age
population is expected to remain relatively
stable (Figure 21 ). By the year 2010, this
age group will remain at about 20% of the
region's population.

'

That anticipated stability of the schoolage population over the next 20 years is in
contrast to the increase that took place in
the 1960s, fallowed by the decreases
between 1970 and 1990. The increase in
school-age population during the 1960s

Projection #9

Projection #1 O

resulted from the baby boom and overall
population growth. This age group peaked
at nearly 1,500,000 in 1970. Over the past
20 years, 1970 to 1990, the 5-19 year
group decreased by some 29% - a time
when the last of the baby boomers
graduated from high school.
While the school-age population will
remain stable for the region as a whole,
shifts in household location in the region
will mean building new schools to serve
new households in outlying areas. This
will also mean the closing of many existing schools in older urban and suburban
areas of the region.

29

�Figure 22

Family Composition
in Southeast Michigan
1960 &amp; 1980

Other Fam
wo/child

Other Fam
we/child

Married Fam
we/child

Married Fam
w/child .

30%

59%

Other Fam
w/child

38%

Married Fam
wo/child
12%

1960
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 1960 &amp; 1980.

30

Married:
w/chi~

8%

1980

�Family and Household Characteristics
The number of non-family households In the region will be an
Increasingly larger proportion of total households. Family
households w/11 be smaller and more varied In composition.

er .
~

SEMCOG forecasts that the number of
households in Southeast Michigan will
increase by nearly 19%, to about 2. 1
million households by 2010. An increasingly larger proportion of these households will be non-family - one person
living alone or two or more unrelated persons living together. This trend can be
attributed to an increase in elderly population, delays in marriage, couples living
together without marriage and home
sharing arrangements. In 1980, non-family households made up nearly 25% of
total households. This was a more than
100% increase from 1960, when only 12%
of households were non-family.
While there will be a 19% overall increase in households in the next 20 years,
the number of family households in the
region is expected to remain relatively
stable. These are families that consist of
two or more persons living in the same
household who are related to each other
by blood, marriage, or adoption. They
include families with and without children .
The number of families with children,
including married couples and single
parents, is expected to decrease by 5%
region-wide over the next 20 years. 5
Contributing to this decline are a number
of changes:

Projection #11

• baby beamers becoming empty
nesters;
• children of baby boomers forming
new family households without children or forming non-family households; ·
• divorce, which moves family members into single parent family households or non-family households; and,
• newly married couples postponing
having children or not having
children at all.
The anticipated decrease in the number of families with children is consistent
with the trend over the past 20 years.
During the period 1960 - 1980, families
with children under 18 dropped from 59%
of all families to 41 % (Figure 22).
In contrast to the decrease in the number of married couples with children, the
number of single parent families will continue to increase. From 1960 - 1980, the
number of single parent families more
than tripled. An estimated 82% of these
families are now headed by females, although there will continue to be an increase in the number of male-headed,
single parent households. That growth of
single parent families will have significant
public policy implications in regard to
child day care services.

31

�Figure 23

Housing $tock Mix
in Southeast Michigan
1960 &amp; 1990

Single Farr

Mobile Homes

Mobile Homes

67%

1%

Multiple Family ~

Multiple Family

28%

31%

Single Family
71%

1960
Source: U.S. Census Bureau and SEMCOG, RDF v'89.

32

1990

�Varied household patterns w/1/ lncreaslngly
mean alternative housing types and ownership
arrangements to suit changing lifestyles.
To accommodate the increasing number of aging and smaller households in
the region in the next 20 years, multiple
family housing and clustering of attached
single family housing will be a larger part
of future residential development. Condominiums will also become a more attractive form of home ownership as baby
boomers move into the empty nester years
and demand smaller, more maintenancefree housing.
In response to the market demand for
more affordable housing, there will be an
increase in manufactured housing as well

as multiple family housing. There has
been relatively little change in the region's
housing mix over the past 30 years (Figure 23). However, in recent years multiple family housing and manufactured
homes both have increased as a percent
of new housing units. As a result, single
family housing has decreased slightly. In
2010, it is anticipated that multiple family
and manufactured homes will be a
somewhat larger proportion of total
housing units in the region. The increase
in alternative housing will meet with some
resistance from established households.
Areas served by sewers will be most likely
to receive such housing.

Projection #12

�Social Impacts

�Social Impacts
Introduction
Social issues are certainly major factors influencing the locational decisions that have
produced Southeast Michigan's spread out development pattern. This chapter
examines the three issues that are believed to have the most significant locational
impact on the region's development pattern: crime, race, education.
Each of these issues is cited near the top of the list of public concerns in public opinion
surveys, by business leaders, and by community officials. Crime affects most severely
the region's older, economically disadvantaged communities, but many other parts of
the region also experience substantial levels of crime. Residential areas in our region
are among the most racially segregated in the nation and racial polarization affects
schools, relationships between communities, and locational choices. The quality of
education is of great concern, especially when the districts that have students with the
greatest needs are lowest in funding resources.
Emerging patterns:
•

Crime rates in older, poorer communities are 5-10 times higher
than in communities with the lowest crime rates, a pattern that will
continue.

•

Minority group populations in the region are increasing due to
higher birthrates and immigration.

•

Racially-segregated housing patterns will persist into the future,
with limited exceptions.

•

Equity in educational financing and K-12 school quality will be
areas of change, with the next 20 years bringing improvements in
school financing as well as restructuring of the K-12 educational
process.

37

�Part I (Index) Crimes* and Population
Ages 15-24

Figure 24

1970-1989
Number
1,200,000

1,000,000

Ill Part I Crimes

1,009,037

......~ -~opulation (~.~~.~~~ ..... ........... .

800,000

600,000

400,000

200,000

0

1970

1980

•(Includes murder, rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny, motor vehide theft and arson)
Arson data, which was not available for 1970, Is not lnduded in the Part I Crime totals.

1989

Source: "Uniform Crime Reports", Michigan Department of State Police, 1970,
1980, 1989, and local crime reports. U.S. Census Bureau and SEMCOG RDF, v' 89.

Narcotic Drug Law Violations
1982-1989

Figure 25

Number of Violations

30,000
25,000
20,000
15,000
10,000
5,000

0
1982

1983

Source· "Un'f1
•

38

c·

1984

Statewide

1985

~

1986

1987

1988

SEMCOG Region

orm nme Reports", Michigan Department of State Police, 1985-1989.

1989

�Crime
The region w/11 experience moderate crime Increases over the next decade
based on several factors - the number of people In the high crime ages,
the worsening of soc/al conditions and pervasive drug-related problems.
A relatively stable pattern characterizes
the number of major (Part I Index*) crimes
reported by local police agencies between
1970-89 in Southeast Michigan. The long
term trend for such crimes partially reflects
population shifts in the high crime age
group, ages 15-24 (Figure 24). A strong
correlation exists between the crime peak
reached in 1980 and corresponding
movement of the "baby boomer" population into the high crime ages during the
late 1970s. A subsequent decline (27%)
in this same population group since 1980
is also associated with the 10% decrease
in Part I crimes reported for 1989.
Patterns similar to the above are expected to persist during the next decade

Projection #13

and beyond. Even though the "baby
boom" effect has passed, the number of
youth and young adults comprising high
crime age groups will remain a significant
part of the total population. It is also likely
that certain segments of this youthful
population will encounter a worsening set
of social conditions, which will be compounded by a rising trend in narcotic
drug law violations (Figure 25). A 36%
increase in this non-Index crime category
since 1982 has contributed to the continued high crime rates of the 1980s.
While recreational drug use is down, hard
core usage is expected to contribute to
an anticipated growth in Part I crimes
over the next decade. Besides increasing the frequency of offending, drug use
tends to lengthen criminal careers.

* The eight Part I Index crime categories represent the most serious, common and
frequent crimes reported by police agencies - murder, rape, robbery, aggravated
assault, burglary, larceny, motor vehicle theft, arson. Their uniform definitions have
been adopted by local, state and federal law enforcement agencies.

39

�Part I Crime Rates
by Jurisdiction, 1989

Figure 26

GENESU LAPEER

NOEPE"'Dli'wCf
OEE"f•EtD

$PR1HQf-tfL.D

'1'"'"""

......,t;}

°

ula\it
Crimes per 100,000 P P~

.....

WASMlEHAW

Data Not Available* L -~

MONROE

l0N00N

Fewer than 2500 1
2500 - 4999
5000- 8999 .
9000 +

.,-,i~ COUtiiTY

rowNS,-t,p Ctf'Y

A~
no&lt;ll'IQ

,_o _ _,..,"11~1 .....
~

*Crime data reported for most townships and some villages are compiled as aggregate
totals by the Michigan Department of State Police and County Sheriff Offices.

Source: Uniform Crime reports, 1989, Michigan Department of State Police and Local Crime reports.

�-----The higher crime rates associated with many of the region's
older communities are expected to continue over the next 20 years
due to a variety of social, economic and, to some extent, geographic factors.

Crime rates help measure the severity
of crime experienced by individual jurisdictions. Crime rates in Southeast
Michigan communities vary greatly, from
a high of 15,564 Part I crimes per 100,000
population in Pontiac to the low average
of 2,841 per 100,000 in Livingston County
(Figure 26). Almost half of the communities (46%) reported a moderate crime rate
ranging between 2,500-4,999 offenses

Projection #14

per 100,000 population. Another 32%
reported rates ranging from 5,000-8,999.
In most instances, these communities are
located within close geographic proximity to the 11 jurisdictions that experienced
the highest crime rates, 9,000 or more per
100,000. Those jurisdictions reporting
2,500 or fewer Part I crimes per 100,000
population are generally higher income or
more rural.

Communities Reporting Highest Part I Crime Rates, 1989
Jurisdiction

Number of Crimes
Per 100,000 Population

Pontiac .......................................................... 15,564
Highland Park ................................................ 14,259
Harper Woods ............................................... 13,433
Hamtramck .................................................... 12,716
Detroit··································· ········· ················· 11,842
Hazel Park ..................................................... 10,802
River Rouge ................................................... 10,341
Mt. Clemens .................................................. 10,230
Melvindale ....................................................... 9,763
Pittsfield Township .......................................... 9,503
Ypsilanti ........................................................... 9,289
Roseville .......................................................... 9,242

41

�Part I Crime Rates by County and City
of Detroit for Each 100,000 Population

Figure 27

1989
Number per 100,000
14,000
_. 11,842
12,000

10,000

8,000

6,000

4,000

2,000

0
Livingston

Macomb

Monroe

Oakland

St. Clair

Washtenaw

Out-Wayne

Detroit

Source: "Uniform Crime Report, 1989", Michigan Department of State Police and local crime reports.

---------------------------------Violent* Crime Rates by County and City
of Detroit for Each 100,000 Population

Figure 28

1989
Number per 100,000

3,000 - , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,

2,500

... 2,32j

2,000

1,500

1,000

500

0
LivingSt0 n Macomb Monroe
Oakland
St. Clair Washtenaw
Out-Wayne oetroil
*(Violent Pa~ I crimes include Murder, Rape, Robbery and Aggravated Assault)
Source: "Uniform Crime Reports 1989", Michigan Department of State Police and local cnmerepor!S·

42

�Comparative crime rates for the region's
larger governmental units appear in Figure 27. The three more rural counties with
the smallest total populations, Livingston,
Monroe and St. Clair, reported crime rates
well below the remaining four counties
and city of Detroit.

sented approximately 13% of the 332,391
total Part I offenses. Among individual
communities, the relationship between
violent crimes and other Part I crimes
varies considerably. Unlike property
crimes such as burglary, which can and
often do occur in both high and low income
areas, the vast majority of violent crimes
occur within areas that have experienced
serious economic downturns over the past
20-30 years. For the communities listed
below, violent crimes represented between 13-30% of their total Part I crimes.

In 1989, the region experienced a combined total of 43,088 violent crimes, including murder, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault. This number, which
involves those crimes usually seen as the
most serious and fear-provoking, repre-

Communities with Highest Part I Violent Crime Rates, 1989

Community
Highland Park
Pontiac
Detroit
Ecorse
Ypsilanti
Hamtramck
River Rouge
Mt. Clemens
Hazel Park
Ferndale
Auburn Hills

Rate of Vlolent
Crimes per 100,00
Population
4,335
3,675
2,323
2,000
1,968
1,900
1,466
1,458
1,395
1,089
1,007

Distinct differences characterize violent
crime rates reported for the region's larger
units of government (Figure 28). The
rates reported by Oakland, out-Wayne
and Washtenaw counties are one and
one-half to almost three times higher than
Livingston, Macomb, Monroe and St. Clair
counties. The rates for all seven counties,
however, remain well below those of the

Vlolent Crimes as a
Percentage of Total
Part I Crimes
30%
24%
20%
23%
21%
15%
14%
14%
13%
13%
15%

city of Detroit and other high violent crime
rate communities shown above. Correlations provided earlier for total Part I crimes ·
and geographic proximity are much less
apparent when applied to violent crimes.
Seemingly, violent criminal activities are
concentrated within individual jurisdictions, with little apparent impact on surrounding communities.

43

�Per Capita Income and Violent Crime
Rates per 100,000 population

Figure 29

$ 14,523

15,000

$ 9,454
10,000

5,000

0 ...,___

REGION

1111 Average Income

Highest Crime Rate Jurisdictions
(over 1,000 violent crimes per 100,000 population)
~ Average Crime Rate

Source: Uniform Crime Report, 1989 and "1988 Population and 1987 Per Capita
Income Estimates", U.S. Department of Commerce, March 1990

44

�No one single factor can account for the
violent crime rates reported by individual
counties, cities, townships, or for metropolitan areas. In some instances, the
density of an area's population appears
to be a major influence, with violent crime
rates across the nation higher for many
older, densely populated cities. Nationally, and in Southeast Michigan, socioeconomic conditions are of equal, if not
greater, importance. This certainly appears to be the case for those jurisdic-

tions that reported 1,000 or more crimes
per 100,000 population in 1989 (Figure
29). Not only was their average percapita income of $9,454 in 1987 less than
the regional average by $5,069, but their
corresponding violent crime rate was 6.4
times greater. While no definitive answer
is available to fully explain the high violent
crime rates reported by a relatively small
number of the region's communities, economic conditions are a likely major consideration.

45

�Population by Race
in Southeast Michigan

Figure 30

1960 &amp; 1980
Millions

4

3

2

1

0

Other

Black

White
-

1960

~ 1980

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 1960 and 1980.

Figure 31

Detroit Population by Race
1960 and 1980
Other

Other
4%

0%

Black
63%

1960

Source: U.S Census Bureau, 1960 and 1980_

46

1980

�Race
Minority populations w/1/ Increase In the next 20 years.
The population of the United States as a
whole is evolving - over time it is becoming older as well as more ethnically and
socially diverse. Southeast Michigan is
no exception. The African-American
population of Southeast Michigan, the
region's largest minority population, is
estimated to be about 22% of the region's
total 1990 population, a significant increase over 30 years ago. 3
In 1960, the region's Black population
was 14% of the region's total population
(Figure 30). Between 1960 and 1980, the
African-American population grew by
some 59%, to slightly over 900,000 people,
while the White population remained almost constant at 3.6 million. The change
in the region's racial composition was due
to a combination of a higher Black birthrate and substantial out-migration of
Whites from the region. Nationally, in 1985,
the Black birthrate was 21.5 per 1,000
population, compared to the White birthrate of 14.9. 4 The African-American
population in the region is expected to
continue increasing between 1990 and
2010 due to continued higher birthrates
and lower net out-migration.
A substantial majority of the region's
Black population resides in the city of

Projection #15

Detroit, estimated at approximately 75%
of the total Detroit population in 1990.5
There was a substantial change over the
20-year period 1960-1980, as the percentage of Black Detroit residents grew
from 29% in 1960 to 63% in 1980 (Figure
31 ). This percentage change is due not
only to an increasing number of AfricanAmericans in the city, but also as a result
of the loss of White population. Between
1960 and 1980, the African-American
population increased by 56%, while the
White population decreased by 66%.
The region will also continue to experience significant increases in other ethnic
populations. In 1960, less than one-tenth
of one percent of the population was
"other" ethnic groups. By 1980, that figure had grown to 3%.
The Arab and Chaldean communities
have increased substantially since the
1980 census, which counted 60,000
people of Middle Eastern origin. 6 Greater
Detroit has the largest Middle Eastern
community of any metropolitan area in the
nation. Similarly, the Hispanic-American
community continues to grow and it is
anticipated that Asian Americans will be
the fastest growing ethnic group in the
region.

47

�Percent Black Population
by Community 1980

Figure 32

GEHESlf LA~Ullt

Ooonvllle

~Ot,£'Y

GAOV'ELAHO

OJ.f'ORO

A001SON

BRAHl&gt;ON

o~•~

..,.,,

Laue
IHD£Pf.H0ENC£

CONW~Y'

·-~

TYRONE

HOWELL

rllGHLAf'IO

OCEOLA

"

MANCHESTER

OEEAFIELO

COHOCTAH

ROS£.

ORION

SPRINGFIELD
l }laf'«SIOfl

W~1'ELAICE

EL

OEHOA

BRIGH 10fl

H,Of8URO

GAE.fN OAK

8Rl0Gf:WA rER

Less than 5%
5- 24%
25 - 50%
Greater than 50%
SUMMER,:1EtD

WHITEFOAO

BlOJ:ORD

LUCAStMtehtt4in-ONo.s1a1tli~I

Source: U.S. Census Bureau

L, i

C
C

II
II

�Housing patterns In Southeast Michigan w/11 continue to be
among the most raclally segregated In the United States.
The suburbanization of Southeast
Michigan was basically limited to Whites
-Blacks were unable to move out of the
city and into the suburbs that developed
after World War 11. As a result, by the 1980
census the region had one large Black
majority central city surrounded by predominantly White suburbs (Figure 32).
There were smaller enclaves of AfricanAmericans living in smaller, older central
cities such as Pontiac, a few older suburbs and the rural area southwest of Detroit. A lack of economic resources is
frequently offered as a explanation for this
growth pattern. However, there were also
intentional decisions- racially motivated
and institutionally implemented-by real
estate brokers, financial organizations and
government institutions that prevented
Blacks from moving into developing suburban communities. 7
For example, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) and the Veterans Administration (VA) mortgage insurance
programs carried out racially discriminatory policies that prevented AfricanAmerican families from moving into the
region's newly developed suburbs. These
government agencies supported housing for White middle and working class
citizens. As a result of these policies, only
2% of the FHA and VA guaranteed mortgages in 1950 were held by nonwhites.
Through its support of racially segregated housing patterns, the federal government laid the foundation for residential
patterns in Southeast Michigan that contributed to the spatial and social distances
between Black and Whites. The 1989
Detroit Area Study found that Blacks and
Whites live in racially segregated communities - 82% of Blacks live in mostly or all
Black neighborhoods, and 91 % of Whites
live in mostly or all White communities. 8

Projection #16

Southeast Michigan's housing patterns
indicate that some suburban communities have been hospitable to Blacks and
other minority groups while other communities have historically resisted integrated
neighborhoods. Some communities have
experienced increases in Black population - Southfield, Ferndale, Farmington
Hills, West Bloomfield, Oak Park, for example. Other communities - most specifically, many sharing boundaries with
the city of Detroit- have not experienced
significant growth in Black population.
Annual school enrollment numbers serve
as another indication of changes in the
racial composition of some communities.
The suburban communities with the largest gains in the 10 years 1979-89 were
Oak Park and Southfield, where Black
student enrollment increased 47% and
213% respectively. 9 Most suburban
schools remained overwhelmingly White.
Despite some continued movement of
African-Americans into several suburban
communities; the region will very likely
remain residentially highly segregated.
Several factors contribute to this pattern:
• Out-migration of Whites and higher
Black birth rates are increasing the
Black percentages in Detroit and
several other largely Black
communities;
• Only a small number of suburban
communities have experienced
sizable increases in Black
population; and,
• Continuation of economic gaps as
well as social resistance to housing
integration.

49

�-,

Poverty Levels* by Race in Tri-County Area
Figure 33
Percent

50

40 ······•··················•·········· · ··•······. ··············· . ..... ·········· ............. ··• ......... ··••· ........ ··········• ········· .. ··· .

30

20 · · · ...

·

10

o --L------'
Black

White

*Less than $10,000 in household income.
Source: SeP.arate and Un~ual: The Racial Divide; 1989
Detroit Area Study, December, 1989.

Unemployment Level by Race in Tri-County Area

Figure 34

Percent Unemployed

30 , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -

25

20

15

10

·· ·

5

0 - ' - - -_j

Black
Source: Sepa~ate and Unequal: The Racial Divide; 1989
Detroit Area Study, December, 1989.

50

White

�Racial polarization In Southeast Michigan
wlll continue, as Indicated by Black-White differentials
In employment, Income, housing and education.
Race relations in the Southeast Michigan
region are characterized by surface level
politeness and acceptance that masks
suspicions and hostilities that have developed over the years. There is general
agreement among social, economic and
political scholars with the Kerner Commission warning issued 20 years ago that
our nation is moving toward two societies, one Black, one White- separate and
unequal." This deteriorating state of race
relations can be linked to growing disparities in important measurements in quality
of life - health care, employment, education, housing, for example.
0

As the region's African-American population increases, the relationship between
Whites and Blacks becomes more
strained. Detroit Metropolitan Area Public
Policy Survey (DMAPPS), completed in
1990 by Wayne State University, points to
changes in public opinion over the past
30 years about race relations in the metropolitan area. 10 In the 1950s, when African-Americans made up only 20% of
Detroit's population, only 12% of those
surveyed for the Detroit Area Study in
1954 were concerned about the Black
presence in the area. By 1971, the racial
composition of the city of Detroit had
changed dramatically- the city was 4 7%
Black- and racial concerns were "at the
top of the public agenda" according to
the Detroit Area Study of that year. 11 This
shift in racial composition of the city led to
the election of the first African-American
mayor of the city of Detroit and to a shift in
the political control of the city. The 1990
Detroit Area Study finds even more dramatic changes in the racial composition

Projection #17

of the city- it is now estimated to be75%
Black. Regionally, Blacks account for 22%
of the population. The suburbs remain
almost all White, with the exception of
some growth of Black populations in a few
suburban communities. Solutions to the
problems of racial polarization now occupies a significant place on the social
agendas of local community organizations.
0

The 1989 Detroit Area Study, Separate
and Unequal: The Racial Divide," by the
University of Michigan, examines some of
the economic, social and political disparities between Blacks and Whites through a
survey of residents of Wayne, Oakland
and Maco_mb counties. The widening
gaps identified in the report are some of
the sources for the continued strained
race relations throughout the region. The
report maintains that "no progress has
been made over the last decade in reducing racial inequalities in the tri-county
area." The study also notes that the
inequalities between Blacks and Whites
in the Detroit area mirror those found in
urban communities across the country.
These inequalities are evident in several areas including differences in poverty and unemployment levels between
Blacks and Whites. Some 37% of Blacks
live in poverty with incomes at less than
$10,000, compared to 13% of Whites
(Figure 33). The unemployment level for
the Black workforce was 19.9%, compared
to 6.6% for Whites (Figure 34 ). Such
continuing disparities only serve to fuel
the hostilities and increase racial polarization throughout the region.

51

�Figure 35

Sources of Public School Revenues
in Michigan
FY 197Bn9 and FY 1987/88
Federal

Federal

4%

State
32%

State

Local
56%

38%

Local
65%

1978/79

1987/88

Source: C. Philip Kearney, A Primer on Michigan School
Finance, University of Michigan, 1990.

Table 1

SEV Per Pupll, Operating MIiiage Rates, Local Tax Yleld Per Pupil,
State Formula Yleld Per Pupll, and Combined Yleld Per Pupll
for Selected School Districts: 1989-90

52

School District

SEV
Per Pupil

Operating
Millage
Rate

Local
Tax Yield
Per Pupil

State
Formula
Yield
Per Pupil

Port Huron
Lincoln Park
Howell
Monroe

$47,519
58.578
77,883
118,502

30.40
35.28
39.15
30.36

$1,445
2,066
3,049
3,598

$1,407
1,193
534
0

$2,~

Pontiac
Willow Run
Detroit
Inkster

76,189
42,520
28,325
27,555

39.48
41.22
42.40
43.65

3,008
1,753
1,201
964

603
2,004
2,654
2,996

s,011

Dearborn
Troy
Ann Arbor
Birmingham

184,349
190,569
189,072
280,911

26.44
28.30
30.47
27.75

4,874
5,393
5,761
7,795

0
0
0
0

Source:

Michigan Department of Education, 1989/90 SADIE File April 19, 199o.

Combi~:
Yf
PerPlri

3)$
s,o[

3,~"~
3)~

3.~
3,t
4,~i;
5)~
5, ]o'
7, 1~

�Education
Re/lance on local property taxes for basic school funding coupled with the lack
of funding equity for pub/le K-12 schools w/11 continue to be major fragmenting
dynamics In the region's development patterns until state government Is
able to create a more balanced and equitable system of school finance.
The state/local balance in school financing was much more even 25-30 years
ago, when the state government contributed about 55% of local districts' total
funding, with the remainder coming from
locally-voted property tax millage. Now,
the balance is more than reversed-local
property tax accounts for two-thirds of
local school budgets, while the state contributes the remaining third (Figure 35).
(Federal funding of K-12 education has
become negligible.) Nationally, on the
other hand, state governments contribute
an average of 50% of public school
funding.

Projection #18

The equity problem is easily drawn:
local property tax depends on significant
taxable property in the district - called
the "State Equalized Valuation." Districts
with high SEVs raise more money per
property tax mil than do districts with low
SEVs. The disparity is sufficiently great
that some low SEV districts may levy nearly
twice as many mils of property tax and still
produce significantly less local revenue
(Table 1). Because that local tax now
represents two-thirds of the money available per student, those low SEV districts
are the under-funded end of the equity
scale.

53

�Local Expenditures per Pupil in Michigan
by Spending Range of School District

Figure 36

FY 1977-FY 1986-87
$ 8 0 0 0 - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - -- $7000
$6000
$5000

$4000

Average-spending
Lowest-spending
. . .

~ -_:_· ·:.....:. -

.:- · ~ ~ · - · _ ; _· ..:_:..:_-I

~-------4-$100

---:~-:--~------

OL--_ _ _ _ _

...1..___ _ _ ____1__ _ _ _ _L___ _ _ _----1._

1977(18
-

1979/80
Highest-spending

1981/82

--+- Average-spending

Source: Profiling Michigan School Districts, Public Sector
Consultants, Lansing, November 1989.

54

1983/84
~

_ __

1985/86
Lowest-spending

19&amp;

�The state's school aid formula attempts
to balance that problem by withholding
state aid from some high SEV districts the so-called "out-of-formula" districts.
They depend entirely on local tax dollars
for funding. Even then, most of the high
SEV districts are able to raise more money
locally (with lower tax rates) than the informula districts can raise with the combination of local taxes and state aid funding.
The result: a range of funding equity that

sees some high SEV districts spending
two or more times what the lowest end
districts are able to spend (Figure 36). As
a resu It, we have a paradoxical school
finance system: the most funding for
public school support is provided to students from the most advantaged communities while the least funding support is
provided to students from the most disadvantaged districts.

Perceived differences In pub/le school quality w/11 continue to have a pushpull effect on locational decision-making tor households and businesses.
The role of school quality in locational
decisions by families with children and
businesses tends to exert a push, or "move
away from," effect on Detroit and other
under-funded K-12 school districts. In
addition, there is the "pull" effect as both
families and businesses respond to a
variety of factors that draw them to school
districts perceived to offer better quality
education.
There are two separate, but parallel,
locational decision points for parents with
school aged children: 1) a decision to
move away from a school district viewed
as inferior, usually one that has low levels
of funding available per student; then, 2)
a decision about which school district to
move into, choosing, in most cases, a
school district and community that is the
best affordable for that family.
The first dynamic appears to be the
stronger. That is, people move away from
perceived inferior education more consciously than into a given school district.

Projection #19

The family that is moving from a specific
district then has a wide range of choices
when it comes to which district to locate
in. Achievement levels and graduation
rates tend to be fairly similar once the
lowest funded school districts are eliminated from the ranges of choices.
Several educational quality factors are
of concern to business executives making locational decisions: 1) dropout rate
- 10% or less is the target; 2) attendance
rate - 95% or better; 3) grade appropriate performance on standardized tests80% or more of the students should be
achieving at appropriate levels; 4) college
placement rate, as well as SAT and ACT
scores.
Such factors tend to be higher in wellfunded school districts, making future
business development much more likely
in the urban fringe communities with increasing tax bases, rather than in those
older communities where tax bases are
shrinking, along with the per-pupil expenditures in their schools.

55

�Table 2

School Districts With BIiinguai Programs In
Macomb, Oakland, Washtenaw and Wayne Counties 1989·90
Students
in District

Students
Eligible*
for Program

Number of
Languages
Spoken

13,782
5,312
7,378
5,658
8,955

226
171
58
111
194

5
17
8
12
15

Japanese
Russian
Japanese
Japanese
Italian

2,481
12,467
188,925
10,174
6,123

54
1,590
2,757
382
51

6
6
19
8
3

Macedonian
Arabic
Spanish
Japanese
Arabic

2,675
3,626
7,183
2,643
2,666

75
11
40
561
47

13
1
17
6
1

Arabic
Japanese
Arabic
Albanian
Japanese

Manchester
Oak Park
Plymouth-Canton
Pontiac
Royal Oak

1,060
3,151
15,720
16,720
7,733

31
307
189
968
95

1
9
16
2
29

Spanish
Chaldean
Japanese
Spanish
Arabic

Utica
Van Dyke
Walled Lake
Warren Consol.I
Wayne Westland
West Bloomfield

24,093
6,127
8,932
14,922
17,501
4,671

167
147
184
229
32
206

23

Italian
Arabic
Chaldean
Chaldean
Arabic
Chaldean

District
Ann Arbor
Berkley
Birmingham
Bloomfield Hills
Chippewa Valley
Crestwood
Dearborn
Detroit
Farmington
Ferndale
Fitzgerald
Gibraltar
Grosse Pointe
Hamtramck
Lakeview

14
19
16
1
17

Predominanl
non-English
Language

*S tudents are eligible for state-reimbursed bilingual instruction if they come from homes wher~ i
lang_u~ge oth er than English is spoken and they score at the 40th percentile or lower on a te 5t ofEnglts'
prof1c1ency.
Source: Michigan Department of Education, "Bilingual Students by District 1989-90,'
July 27, 1990.

56

�The K-12 student population w/11
continue to grow culturally more diverse
The region's overall population will undergo significant changes over the next
20 years, becoming more culturally diverse for two reasons: an in-migration of
minorities and a higher birthrate among
the largest minority populations -African-Americans, Hispanic-Americans and
Asian-Americans.
One measure of the growing diversity
can be seen in current programs for bilin-

Projection #20

gual education (Table 2). There are 26
local school districts in the region with
bilingual programs, covering 55 different
languages (in the nation, there are more
than 100 non-English languages taught).
Of the 26 Greater Detroit districts, 13 have
at least 10 different primary languages
spoken in the district. Japanese and
Arabic programs are the most frequent
primary second languages at seven districts each.

57

�K-12 education w/11 look very different by the
year 201 0, In both structure and In outcomes.
Beginning with the publication in 1983
of "A Nation at Risk," there has been a
growing momentum for improving the
quality of our nation's K-12 public education system. 12 The President and the
federal Department of Education are
committed to change, as are the new
Governor of Michigan, the state Board of
Education, business leaders at the national, state, regional and local levels. The
media has placed education on its news
and editorial agendas.
The educational es tab Iishment-school
board members, teachers, administrators
- are generally protective of the status
quo and insist that more money to do more
of what they are already doing will be
sufficient to meet the challenges of this
nation's need to be competitive in a global
economy. Government and business
leaders disagree.
Those outside of the educational establishment seek structural change -significant, even radical, changes from the "factory model" of education in place for more
than a century. it is not sufficient, the
change advocates insist, to simply pour
information into the heads of children, as
we have traditionally done in our educational process. Rather, students must
become active participants in the learning
process.
Similarly, the very structure of our
schooling process has come under scrutiny, even attack. Change proponents talk

Projection #21

of "empowering" of parents, teachers,
administrators .... of "diversity" in school
programs .... of, most importantly, letting
parents and studentschoosewhich school
to attend. It is not sufficient, they say, to
simply do ·more of what is already being
done - the result is simply more of what
we already have: students dropping out
at alarming rates, achievement levels
falling, enormous amounts of money being spent on remedial education for the
graduates (let alone the drop outs) when
they arrive at college or at jobs. More than
a dozen states have enacted some form
of "schools of choice" and Michigan's
new Governor is a solid proponent of that
new direction.
Finally, business leaders are increasingly outspoken in their belief that public
education must become "outcome
based." That is, desired outcomes of the
process must be established and all students must show mastery of basic skills
and achievement of those outcomes in
order to successfully complete the K-12
process (not just reach the end of the
schooling assembly line).
With momentum steadily growing at the
federal and state governmental levels,
with business leaders at all levels voicing
increasing concern about the quality of
the students leaving the educational process - that momentum seems destined
to affect significant change in the K-12
process over the next 20 years.

59

�Transportation

�Transportation
Introduction
The personal mobility that our society has come to take for granted is threatened by
further sprawling out of urban development in our auto-dominant region. Continuation
of steady increases in automobile travel and the shifting of jobs and households
outward will lead to very serious congestion problems. At the same time, existing
roadways will consume most available funding for maintenance and reconstruction,
leaving little - if any- funding for new roadway construction.
Greater Detroit is very dependent on its network of major freeways for commuting to
work and for personal travel. The completion of 1-696 was the last link in the planned
freeway system of Southeast Michigan. Linking fast-growing parts of Oakland and
Macomb counties, this road already carries more traffic than was projected for the year
2000. Most importantly, there is no "next 1-696" on the drawing boards - nor, is there
funding to relieve the projected serious increases in traffic congestion.
This chapter shows where present trends are leading in transportation . It includes
these themes:
•

As job and household locations become more suburban, commuting
patterns are shifting away from freeway corridors to more east/west,
suburb-to- suburb travel.

•

The private vehicle is ever more dominant as the region's preferred
means of transportation - particularly, the single occupant vehicle.

•

Increases in travel will far outpace both population and job growth, with
additional travel miles producing more congestion and slower travel.

•

As traffic congestion increases, available funds will not allow us to build
our way out of the problem because available funding will be needed for
maintenance of existing road infrastructure.

• _Air transportation increases will require expanded facilities.

63

�Figure 37

Job Locations - Detroit MSA
1960-2010

Balance of MSA

78%

Figure 38

2010

1980

1960

Source:

Central Cify
8%

Central City

Central City

u.s Census Bureau, Journey to Work 1960 and 1980; SEMCOG, RDF v'89.

Work Trip Patterns
in Southeast Michigan
1960, 1970 and 1980
,P.e:r:c=e~nt~o.:_
f T~ri~ps: __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
70 .-

1960

~ Suburb-to-City

&amp; City-to-Suburb

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 1960, 1970 and 1980.

64

1980

1970

-

Suburb-to-Suburb

92%

�Travel Patterns and Personal Vehicle Use
Worker commuting patterns and other
travel w/11 continue to shift over the next 20 years.
The most important factors affecting
the need for transportation facilities are
the levels of population and employment.
their locations, and patterns of personal
mobility. The shifts in households and
jobs described in previous chapters will
continue to alter travel patterns. Many
communities on the edge of the Detroit
urbanized area are expected to grow
rapidly over the next20years. In addition,
high growth rates are fore cast beyond the
urbanized area - for much of Livingston
County, the Ann Arbor area and rural St.
Clair County. In contrast, much of the
core urban portion of Southeast Michigan
is projected to grow little in terms of
households, or will continue recent losses.
SEMCOG's forecast of 18% job growth
includes large gains in absolute numbers
of jobs in Troy, Novi, Auburn Hills,
Farmington Hills, Livonia, Sterling Heights,
and Ann Arbor. Areas expected to experience job losses in the next 20 years
include Pontiac, Warren, Highland Park,

Projection #22

Detroit and other parts of Wayne County
that will continue to be hard hit by losses
of manufacturing jobs. Census data show
that in 1960 over 56% of al! jobs in the
Detroit MSA were located outside the city
of Detroit. By 1980, this number increased
to over 78%. By 2010, 92% of jobs are
expected to be located outside the traditional central city (Figure 37).
In Southeast Michigan, commuting
patterns have changed dramatically since
1960. The predominant travel pattern to
work in 1960 was oriented toward suburbto-city and within-city travel, accounting
for 62% of all work trips (Figure 38). By
1970, the pattern had substantially shifted.
Suburb-to-suburb travel went from 38%
to 51 % of all work trips in the region in just
1Oyears, 1960-1970 . The 1980 census
indicated that this trend continued. Suburb-to-suburb travel accounted for 65%
of all the regional work trips, while the
suburb-to-city and within-city travel accounted for only 35% of commuting trips.

65

�Figure 39

U.S. Motor Vehicle Travel
by Trip Purpose
1983
Civic, Educational &amp;
Religious
4%

Social &amp;
Recreational
31%

30%

Shopping &amp;
Personal Business

Source: U.S. Department of Transportation 1983-1984
Nationwide Personal Transportation Study

66

�b

The increase in travel mileage is coming
from both traditional work commute trips
and non-work trips. However, non-work
trips are becoming a larger percentage of
overall travel. In 1983, commuting and
other work trips accounted for only 35%
of daily travel in U.S. metropolitan areas
with non-work trips accounting for the
remaining 65% (Figure 39). 13 In contrast
to the past, when the evening peak period
was primarily home-bound commuters, it

is now estimated that travel during the
evening peak period is almost evenly split
between work and non-work trips.
Although commuting patterns have
changed significantly, it should be noted
that the average trip length has not. The
average trip length in Greater Detroit for
the home-to-work trip was 8.6 miles in
1965 and has increased only to 9.4 miles
according to a 1980 survey. 14

67

�Commuting Travel Modes
1960 and 1980

Figure 40

Walk or
Work at Home
Public Transit

Public Transit

Walk or
Work at Home

8%

· Private Vehicle
Private Vehicle
92%

1980

1960
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 1960 and 1980.

Motor Vehicle Registrations Per Person
in Southeast Michigan

Figure 41

1975, 1980 &amp; 1985
Ratio of Vehicles to Population

1 --.------------------------------i

0.8 ·············•···--····························· ······· ···················· .................... .................... .

0.6

·

0.4

0.2

.. · ·

0 _.____ _

1975
Source: Michigan Secretary of State and

68

1980

u.s Census Bureau

1985

�The private vehicle Is and w/11 continue to be,
the dominant transportation choice In the future,
Including continued preference for SOVs, single occupant vehicles.
The use of private vehicles (autos, vans,
trucks) for commuting has steadily increased since 1960 and in 1980 accounted
for almost 86% of all trips made nationally.
In the Greater Detroit area, the automobile
is even more dominant. Over 92% of all
workers commuted by private vehicles in
1980, up from 79% in 1960 (Figure 40).
Public transportation, as a mode of travel
to work, has continued to decline, from
13% in 1960 to 4% in 1980.
Having a private vehicle available is a
significant reason why that is the overwhelming preference for commute trips.
The ratio of vehicles to population is now
approaching one vehicle per person
(Figure 41 ). Two other factors are also
important - relatively inexpensive vehicle operating costs (certainly compared,
for example, to most other nations) as well
as the convenience of the private vehicle.

Projection #23

have no vehicle available. In the tricounty area, 35% of households have
only a single vehicle available, although
many are two worker households.
Such lack of a vehicle for transportation
is a particularly serious problem in Greater
Detroit because of the corresponding lack
of good public transportation. Many of
the chronically jobless are unable to take
jobs not reachable by public transportation - and, more than 75% of new jobs
being created in outlying suburban locations are in areas with no public transportation.
Continued suburbanization through low
density development will make it more
difficult for other modes of transportation
to be used as alternatives to the private
vehicle, with the automobile's overwhelming dominance of our transportation system even further increasing.

There are exceptions, however. In the
city of Detroit, about 25% of households

69

�Annual Vehicle Miles of Travel (VMT)
All Michigan Roadways

Figure 42

1960-2010
Billions of Miles

140
120
100
80
60
40
20

0

L __

_L.___ _. L _ __

1960

1965

1970

-

Actual

_ _ j __ _ _L.....__

1975

1980

_ _ l __

1985

-+-----'-----'

____J_ ____L___ _

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

-+- Forecast

Source: Michigan Department of Transportation.

Annual Vehicle Miles of Travel (VMT)
·in Southeast Michigan

Figure 43

1980-2010
Billions of Miles

50 r - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i
Forecast

---~- +---

40

-+---

_ -

+- - -

30

20

10

~98-=-o=----......1____

I

-L.__ _ _L __ ____J_..:::___ _L - - -

1985

-Actual

1990

1995

-+- · Forecast

Source: SEMCOG, Travel Model Output, June 1989 .

70

2000

2005

2010
I

I

I

j

�Increases in Travel and Congestion
Large Increases In both miles and hours of travel
w/11 significantly Increase regional roadway congestion.
Despite two decades of virtually no
growth in population in Southeast Michigan, the vehicle miles traveled (VMT) on
our roadways has increased significantly.
With a 6% gain in population forecast for
the coming 20 years, coupled with a
continuation in the present development
patterns, the region's mobility will be
significantly aftected - that 6% additional population will increase VMT by
40% by 2010.
VMT has increased steadily in the state
since 1960, with only two deviations
(Figure 42):

Projection #24

• VMT declined in the mid-1970s, primarily as a result of the oil embargo; and,
• VMT declined in the early 1980s because of the severe downturn in the
state economy.
In Southeast Michigan, VMT has increased 33% from 1980-1987. SEMCOG
travel models project VMTwill continue to
grow another 32% by the year 2005 (Figure 43). Extending this trend to 201 O
shows a 40% increase in the next 20
years.

71

�Percent Increase in VMT by County
Figure 44

1980-1987
Percent Change

120
95.4

100

80

60

40

20

0
Livingston

Macomb

Monroe

Oakland

St.Clair

Washtenaw

Wayne

Source: SEMCOG, Travel Demand and Patterns in Southeast Michigan, June 1989.

Flgure45

Motor Vehicle Registrations
in Southeast Michigan
1975-1985
Millions

4 r----------------------------i

1975

72

1980

Source: ~ich. Dept. of State, Revenue and Fee Collections
license Plates and Other Registrations by County, 1975-1985.

1985

�Not only has overall VMT been increasing, but it has been increasing at a faster
rate in the four outer counties of Livingston,
Monroe, St. Clair and Washtenaw. Although the actual VMT amounts in these
counties remain relatively small, these
figures show the impact of development
in more rural counties (Figure 44 ). These
are the areas that are least prepared to
deal with it. The transportation system in
rural areas is characterized by narrow,
non-continuous, winding roadways. They
often have inadequate right-of-way and
inconsistent land uses, making them difficult to improve.

VMT increased as a result of factors other
than economic growth, such as:

The 1980 to 1987 increase in VMT of
33% occurred during a period when
growth indicators of population and employment remained relatively constant for
the region as a whole. This suggests that

Vehicle registrations in Southeast
Michigan increased by400,000, or+ 13%,
from 1975 to 1985 (Figure 45). Population
during the same period decreased by
180,000, or -4%.

• increases in number of personal
vehicles available to people;
• increases in numbers of households;
• continued outward spread of
development;
• increased trip making by each household; and,
• more single occupant vehicles.

73

�Figure 46

Southeast Michigan Vehicle Occupancy
1980 and 1985

Bus

Bus Other
2 0¼0 5%
Share Ride

Other

Share Ride

sov

1985

1980
Source: U.S Census Bureau, Journey to Work and SEMCOG
Travel Demand and Patterns in Southeast Michigan, June 1989.

Annual Number Transit Passengers
in Southeast Michigan

Figure 47

1981-1988
Millions

120 r------r-----,----------.------,----~-------r---110
100

80

60

....... · · .. .

40

...

. . -··

.

.

.

.

...

..

20

0
1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

Source: SMART, DDOT and AATA Transit Passenger Data

74

1986

1987

1988

�Not only is the total number of vehicles
registered in the region increasing, but
the number of single occupant vehicles
(S0V) is also increasing. In 1980, SOVs
made up about 75% of all vehicles on the
road, but in 1985, they comprised about
81 % of all vehicles (Figure 46).
There are a number of reasons for the
significant change between the 1980 and
1985 figures on vehicle occupancy. These
include:
• less public transit due to reductions in
essential federal funding and a lack of
dedicated local funding for regional
public transportation;
• three out of four new jobs were located
in areas of the region not served by
public transit;

• free and ample parking in the suburbs;
and,
• relatively inexpensive fuel.
Public transit in Greater Detroit has carried fewer passengers every year since
1981, except for a slight increase in 1984.
Overall, transit was down almqst 40%
from 1981 to 1988 (Figure 47). Most
significant in explaining transit's decline
in Southeast Michigan is the decrease in
number of transit busses on the roadway,
primarily the result of decreases in federal
operating funds. There continues to be
no local source of funding for the SMART
system. In addition, the factors cited above
have made private vehicles more attractive. As it becomes more difficult for
public transit to relieve suburban congestion, transit will be seen as serving
targeted populations: the 65+ group, the
poor, the young and the disabled.

75

�Percent Increase in VMT and VHT
in Southeast Michigan

Figure 48

Percent Change

50 ~ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ~
40.5
40

··········· ................ ·······"····••·•"•""''""··•""'"'"'"' ............................ ..
32.2

30

20

10

0 -'------

VMT
Source: SEMCOG Regional Travel Forecast, 1989

76

VHT

�Although the VMT projections indicate a
significant increase in travel will occur, a
more relevant statistic in measuring congestion is vehicle hours of travel (VHT).
VHT is projected to increase at an even
faster rate than VMT (Figure 48). In fact,
by 2010 most people are expected to
measure their trips in time spent on the
road, rather than in miles moved.

crowded roadways, delays will increase.
These increases in delays will show up in
lower operating speeds. MOOT projects
that the average peak hour speed on
freeways in the Greater Detroit Area
(Wayne, Oakland and Macomb counties)
will decrease from the current 44 mph to
30 mph in 2010, if no capacity enhancing
improvements are made. 15

This occurs because a significant portion of the roadway network is already
operating under congested conditions.
As more traffic is added to those already

A secondary impact will be an increase
in vehicle emissions and air pollution, as
future increased travel offsets emission
reduction gains of recent years.

77

�Figure 49

Greater Detroit Freeway
Level of Service - 2010

-94

1-75

Acceptable

-

Approach Breakdown
Breakdown

Source: 1990 Michigan Department of Transportation Freeway Rehabilitation Program

-

�Traffic congestion w/11 Increase significantly, with a continued
deterioration of the transportation system's operating efficiency.
In 1985, 481 miles of roadway in Southeast Michigan operated under congested
conditions during peak hours. This 481
miles results in over 1 million vehicle miles
of travel occurring under congested
conditions during the peak hour every
day. In 2005, it is projected that over
1,000 miles of roadway will be congested
in the peak hour, affecting over 2 million
peak hour vehicle miles of travel (Figure
49).

• Wayne County - 61 % of freeway miles
capacity deficient, requiring 260 additional lane miles to correct;

If no capacity enhancing improvements
are made to the freeway system in Wayne,
Oakland and Macomb counties by year
2010, approximately 58% of the system
will be congested (up from 28% in 1990).
MOOT estimates that approximately 528
new lane miles would be needed to correct these capacity deficiencies. By
county, these 2010 estimates are:

Maintenance and reconstruction needs
will consume the present levels of funding. We cannot afford to construct sufficient additional lanes needed to avoid
congestion. For example, in order to
maintain current levels of service on -75
in Oakland County between 1-696 and the
Pontiac area, we would have to build four
additional lanes in each direction. We
cannot, in short, build our way out of the
congestion problem.

Projection #25

• Oakland County - 58% deficient,
requiring 200 additional lane miles to
correct; and,
• Macomb County - 52% deficient,
requiring 68 additional lane miles to
correct.

79

�Freeway System Age in Southeast Michigan
Figure 50

1940-1990
Percent of Total Miles

50
305 Total Miles of Freeway

40

30

20

10

0

1940

1950

1960
Decade Opened

1970

1980

Source: MOOT, Bureau of Transportation Planning, 1990
Freeway Rehabilitation Program, 1990.

Traffic Crashes
in Southeast Michigan

~lgure 51

1980-1987
Thousands

250 , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,

200

150

100

50

?99_o___19-'-8--1- -1-9L02_ _ _1----190_3_ _ _19-1.8_4 _ _1_j_98_5_ _ _1--1.98_6_
80

Source: SEMCOG , Travel Crash Profiles for Southeast Michigan, 1989 .

1987

�The consequences of this situation include the following:
• We will likely accept lower levels of
service (more congestion) as a standard.
• Freeway congestion could shift more
traffic onto non-freeway routes.
• The "peak hour" will continue to increase
in length as commuters seek to go to
and from work at different hours.
• Traffic congestion will drive new
developrT)ent to less congested areas.
In addition to experiencing additional
congestion, our roadways are also in need
of repair. Almost two-thirds of the freeway
miles in Wayne, Oakland and Macomb

counties were built prior to 1970, as were
most of the interchanges and ramps (Figure 50). The useful life of pavement and
structures is considered to be 20 years.
The current average remaining life of all
freeway pavement in Southeast Michigan
is 12 years. Over the next 20 years,
virtually every mile of freeway in Southeast
Michigan will need to be reconstructed.
'

Increases in congestion and pavement
deterioration are two factors that influence the occurrence of traffic crashes.
Traffic crashes in the region have increased since 1982, with the totals leveling
off in the last two years. This generally
corresponds to the increases in vehicle
miles of travel (VMT). As VMT increases
in the next 20 years by 40%, it is likely that
the total number of crashes will also
continue to increase (Figure 51 ).

81

�Percent Change in Crashes
by County

Figure 52

1985-1987
Percent Change

20

15

10

5

0

-5

L _ _ _ . J . . . . __ _ _....L__ _ __i___ _ __L.___ _ ____j___ _ _ _L _ __ _ _.J-----_____..

Livingston

Macomb

Monroe

Oakland

St. Clair

Washtenaw

Source: SEMCOG, Travel Demand Patterns in Southeast Michigan 1989.

82

Wayne

�...
A review of the crash data from 19851987 by county shows that the percentage increase in crashes was higher in the
more rural counties than in the urban
counties (Figure 52) . This parallels
household and job growth in the outer
counties of the region . In addition, as the

patterns of travel continue to shift away
from suburb-to-city and become more
suburb-to-suburb, a higher proportion of
trips use roads that allow increased access points along the route. These streets
have higher rates of accidents, compared
with the limited access freeways.

Car and vanpoollng wlll not have a major Impact on commuting patterns
without a significant Increase In support from local units of government.
Much of the projected increases in traffic congestion on the region's roads results from SOVs - single occupant vehicles. Every effective comprehensive
traffic management plan must include
traffic reduction measures, either incentives to car or vanpool or disincentives for
those who continue choosing the drivealone commuting trip .
Nationally, such programs have worked
well where instituted. Some areas, for
example, reserve freeway lanes or bridge
lanes for multiple passenger vehicles. In
0!~er areas, parking fees are raised significantly, to make the single occupant
commute more expensive for the individual
motorist. Such measures must be implemented by local governments - a voluntary approach has minimal, at best,
results.

Projection #26

• high occupancy vehicle (HOV) lanes
on freeways;
• ordinances requiring reductions in
trips intq a business location's parking
areas;
• reduction of required parking places
in a new development when a
ridesharing program is in place;
• requirements for reserving a percentage of a development's parking spaces
for car/vanpools;
• requiring parking fees at suburban
employment sites; or,
• significantly increasing parking fees
in both municipal and private parking
lots/structures in downtown areas.

There is a wide range of steps that can
be taken by local governments to encourage car and vanpooling:

83

�Federal Highway Aid to Michigan
Figure 53

1985 and 1990
Millions

$500 - . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ~
$449
$400
$303
$300

$200

$100

$0 --L----1985
Source: Michigan Department of Transportation, 1990 .

84

1990

�....

Funding
Funding of transportation Improvements wlll
fall well short of future roadway and transit needs In the region.
Federal funding of transportation is
based on user fees. The federal government levies a motor fuel tax of 14 cents per
gallon on gasoline and 15 cents per gallon on diesel fuel. These revenues go to
the Highway Trust Fund and are redistributed back to the state for construction
and repair of interstates and other highways. Federal highway aid to Michigan
has fallen from $444 million in FY 1984-85
to$304 million in FY 1989-90, a decline of
32% (Figure 53). A part of these losses is
due to a drop in revenues as a result of
more fuel efficient vehicles, a key part of
the allocation formula. In addition, more
than $12 billion of Highway Trust Funds
have been withheld by the federal government to help keep down the federal
budget deficit.

package of bills that increased other
transportation users fees by $109 million
each year.

The state also provides transportation
funding. During the past 1O years, little
has changed in the state's structure to
finance transportation. Motor fue I taxes
were set by law in 1982 so that they could
rise only with inflation to a pre-set limit. The
cap of 15 cents per gallon of gas was
reached in 1984 and has not been raised
since. In 1987, the Legislature passed a

• Despite its widespread acceptance,
the user fee financing concept for
highways at current levels is inadequate
because of artificial limits and unwarranted exemptions and diversions (i.e.,
trust funds used for deficit reduction
purposes). As a result, transportation
financing will need to become more
broad-based.

Projection #2.7

Transportation funding (federal, state
and local) continues to fall far short of
keeping up with transportation needs.
While funding levels will likely increase, it
is unlikely they will increase to a level
adequate for addressing all the transportation needs that will exist. This implies
that:
• Projects will be programmed according to cost effectiveness;
• We will have to accept a lower level of
services (i.e., more congestion) on the
roadway system; and,

85

�Number of Registered Aircraft in Southeast Michigan

Figure 54

1980-2010
5000 ~ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -----------i

4000

3000

2000

1000 ·

0

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

Source: SEMCOG, Regional Aviation System Plan, 1990.

Passenger Boardings
Metropolitan Airport

Figure 55

1980-2005
Millions

25 , - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - -- - - - - - - 7

20 ·········· ··········· ············ ... ·············,-·-· ··•···················. •················· ... ············ .... ·········

20.0

15

10

5

0

1980

1986

1990

1995

2000

2005

198
Source:
0-86, RSPA Form 41 and Airports; 1986-2005 FAA Terminal Area Forecasts, July 1990.

86

�....

Air Transportation
Demand for air transportation, both commercial and
general, w/11 continue to Increase, requiring additional airport capacity.
Both general and commercial aviation
are growing as a result of economic
growth. There have been increases in
registered aircraft in the region every year
since 1985 (Figure 54 ).
SEMCOG is currently preparing a regional aviation plan. Since 1959, when
the last plan was developed, huge increases in commercial aviation have been
recorded. The annual number of passengers boarding aircraft in Southeast
Michigan has increased by 664 %, from
1.2 million in 1959 to 9 million in 1986.

The Federal Aeronautics Administration
projects that this number will be 20.0
million by 2005 (Figure 55). Domestic air
cargo in Southeast Michigan increased
722%, from 19,000tons in 1959to 158,000
tons in 1985. Domestic air cargo is projected to double to over 311,00 tons by
the year 2000.
Passenger forecasts show that there is
agrowing demand on the region's airport
system and that congestion and delays
~ill continue to be a problem. Many
airports in Southeast Michigan are either

Projection #28

currently at capacity or soon will be. Capacity problems of the major airports are
becoming even greater as smaller, outlying airports close due to encroaching
development and increased expenses.
Also, the replacement of piston engine
aircraft by more efficient jets and turboprops will . require longer runways and
better navigational equipment.
In order to accommodate current and
anticipated growth, additional aviation
facilities will be needed. We will need
construction of new runways and other
improvements at existing airports or the
development of new sites.
Additional factors have influenced air
transportation in the region, including the
construction of highways and population
shifts. Better highway access to airports
makes them accessible to more and more
people. As a result of suburban and rural
population growth in the region, large
land parcels which could have been reserved for airport development are becoming fewer in number. Future land use
conflicts are inevitable.

87

�...

Environment

�Environment
Introduction
Environmental protection encompasses a diverse set of concerns about the effect of
present trends on the region's quality of life. Air and water quality are heavily influenced
by human activities. Urbanization alters the landscape irreversibly. Disposal of wastes
and byproducts generated by households and businesses must be managed. Costs
of protecting the environment and cleaning up past pollution affect society's capacity
for meeting other needs.
This chapter develops several major themes about the region's future environment:
•

Air quality concerns due to car and truck emissions will increase
because of increased travel, cutting into gains in air quality resulting
from stricter standards.

•

Correction of unresolved sewage overflow problems along with provision of new sewer lines will be expensive. Surface water pollution
concerns will focus more on stormwater runoff and the effects of toxic
pollutants.

•

Wetland protection efforts will be largely successful, but wildlife habitat
and farmland will suffer from urban development.

•

Solid waste costs will rise and recycling will flourish as landfills become
fewer and more expensive.

•

Funds to clean up past contamination, though substantial, will be
inadequate.

•

New strategies for environmental management will be needed to better
balance risks and available resources.

•

Pollution "control" will increasingly consist of strategies to prevent the
original generation of pollutants.

91

�Statewide Annual Stationary Source
Hydrocarbon Emission Levels*

Figure 56

1974-1988
Th,,~o~usa~nd:s:_:o~fl_:_:o~ns~ p~e~r ~
Ye:=a::__
r __________________

1

400 .-

• Does not include transportation, residential and
commercial sources.

300

··

Source: Michigan Dept. of Natural Resources,
Air Quality Division, December, 1989.

200

100

0
'74

'75

'76

'77

'78

'79

'80

'81

'82

'83

'85

'84

'86

'88

'87

Projected Vehicular Carbon Monoxide
Emissions in Southeast Michigan

Figure 57

1985-2005
Thousand of Kilograms per Day

300
261
250

*

200
*

*

150

100

50

. ..

0
1985
92

1990

1995

2000

• Figures do not reflect benefits of recently enacted revisions to the U.S. Clean Air Act.
Source: SEMCOG, July, 1988.

2005

�Air Quality
Air pollution from stationary (non-vehicle) sources wlll
continue to decllne as a result of comp/lance with stricter regulations.
Figure 56 shows reductions in emissions of hydrocarbons from stationary
sources (factories, power plants, etc.) in
Southeast Michigan over the past several
years. These reductions in hydrocarbon
emissions are indicative of the successful
control of a variety of air pollutants as a
result of regulations imposed in the late
1970s and 198Os. These pollutants include: sulphur dioxide, nitrogen oxides,
lead, carbon monoxide and particulate
matter.
The recently-enacted federal Clean Air
Act and new rules under consideration in
Michigan will result in significant additional reductions in these pollutants as
well as cuts in a variety of toxic pollutants
that have not previously been regulated.
Also contributing to reductions are newer,
less polluting industrial plants as well as
the overall decline in manufacturing.

As a result, there will be continuing
improvement in the region's air quality.
There is, however, a dilemma brought on
by progress made to date- an impact on
long term industrial development in the
region, much-needed for the manufacturing jobs involved.
In order for new industry to locate in
Greater Detroit, expected pollution emissions from those new plants must be
offset by reductions in such emissions at
another, existing plant or factory. That
offset rule applies to all areas, like
Southeast Michigan, where air quality
standards are not yet being met - our
region continues to be in non-attainment
of the standards for ozone pollution.
Therefore, offsets will be required. However, such offsets will become increasingly difficult to find because of past gains
in pollution control as well as gains anticipated from the even more restrictive pollution controls in the new Clean Air Act.

Emission rates from mob/le sources (cars and trucks)
w/11 decllne at a slower rate - In fact, emissions w/11 eventually
begin to rise because of a continued growth In vehicle miles of travel.
Emissions from mobile sources have
declined dramatically since 1970 (Figure
57 ). At some point in the future, mobile
source emissions will again begin to increase because travel volume will be increasing faster than emission rates decrease, as shown in the chapter on transPortation. Recently adopted amendments
to thefederal Clean Air Act will delay this
OCcur~ence. Those portions of the region
experiencing predicted significant inc~eases in travel (up 40% by 2010) will
a_so experience increased emissions of
~~~~llutio_n from vehicular sources. The
zed impacts of these changes in

Projection #29

Projection #30

emissions ·is uncertain. Except when an
environmental impact statement is required, there is no institution~! mech_anism for monitoring or controlling emissions in localized areas. It is likely that
increases in emission-producing vehicular travel will ultimately result in the need
to consider lifestyle modifications as part
of the strategy for meeting air quality
objectives. Some examples include: work
at home, condensed work weeks, al~ernate work hours, mandatory ride:sh~nng
programs for employers of c_erta1n sizes,
and use of mass transportation.
93

�Figure 58

Area Served by Combined Sewers
in Rouge River Basin

Area Served by Combined Sewers

Source: SEMCOG, Remedial Action Plan for the Rouge River Basin, 1988

LJ

�Surface Water
Protection of surface water w/11 continue
to be a ma/or environmental concern, with Increased
emphasis on urban stormwater and control of toxic pollutants.
Significant improvements are possible
in the quality of the region's surface water
- but, the costs will be extremely high.
Several billion dollars must be spent over
the next 20 years if all control measures
are implemented.

large number of small sources. Both the
federal and state governments have recently adopted strategies for improving
nonpoint control, with federal regulations
dealing with stormwater control signed in
October 1990.

Great strides have already been made
in cleaning up direct discharges into surface water from point" sources, i.e., industrial facilities and municipal sewage
treatment plants. Now, the federal and
state governments are broadening the
surface water control efforts to include
"nonpoint" sources - pollution from
stormwater runoff that comes from roads,
roofs, parking lots and fields as well as a

One aspect of such stormwater control
will be of extreme importance to Greater
Detroit communities - combined sewer
overflows (CSOs) (Figure 58). It will also
be an extremely expensive issue. Current permitting by the Michigan Department of Natural Resources envisions a
20-year effort for correcting CSOs. The
cost: $2-3 billion.

11

Projection #31

95

�Figure 59

Detroit River Toxic
Sediment Hotspots

�Controlling toxic pollutants will also be

an expensive issue facing the region over
the next20years. Traditionally, permits to
discharge into surface waters have dealt
primarily with such conventional pollution
problems as oil and grease, turbidity and
biochemical oxygen demand.

Recently, though, standards have been
revised to include controls on toxic substances, which have been demonstrated

to have health and reproductive impacts
in aquatic and bird life (Figure 59). The
process includes three steps-removing
toxics from surface water, controlling
toxics in sediments already present on
river bottoms and preventing additional
discharges of toxics into surface waters.
It is estimated that the expense of removing such toxic pollutants may also reach
the billion dollar level, or more.

�Interceptor Sewer Network
Served by Detroit
Wastewater Treatment Plant

Figure 60

\
I

SHIAWASS.H GENESEE

COH0CJ AM

~AP•~~
, :1

..... ~

corr1tuu,,l£ bi.

' \)

')

\)r
I

/
fREE001,1

~
AIJC'.itJSrA

!

LEGEND

S(iMPTER

WASHTlNAW
WAYNf

*

IIIOHfllOl

lONOO"I

fMETER

~

.....,

Existing DWSD Wastewater Plant
,. Existing Plant to be Phased Out as
Interceptors Become Available
OWSD Existing
Others
Proposed

Contract Areas
City of Detroit
Suburban Communities

Source: 1984 Annual Report, Detroit Water &amp; Sewage Department

-

�Continued development at the urbanizing fringe
of the region wlll have serious Impacts on water quality In
both the developing areas and In the already urbanized areas.
New construction of homes, businesses
and industry - along with the infrastructure to support this development - will
inevitably cause an increase in soil erosion
and sedimentation of streams. Projected
development in fringe areas, at typical
suburban densities, will result in 24,000
acres of paved surfaces and 16,000 acres
of other impervious surfaces such as roofs
of buildings-surfaces which collect and
convey _pollutants. Lawns treated with
pesticides and fertilizers contribute nutrients and toxic pollutants to stormwater
runoff. Urban development also causes
damage to feeder streams through frequent road bridge crossings and enclosure of streams to accommodate development.

To service the over 200,000 acres of
new development forecast for the next 20

Projection #32

years, more than 3.400 miles of new connector and trunk sewer lines will need to
be built at taxpayer and/or consumer expense (Figure 60). This will create the
need for additional capacity in the existing sewers and trunk lines into which the
new lines empty. It also may contribute to
the CSO problems in older areas or may
require the construction of new sewage
treatment facilities in suburban areas,
which will have a negative impact on the
surface waters in those areas.
Where on-site septic systems are used
rather than sewers, there will be impacts
on groundwater quality and on nearby
lakes. A secondary impact comes from
the fact that on-site systems can only be
used for low density development, so that
their widespread use promotes sprawl.

99

�Estimated Total Annualized Funding
Needed to Implement Recommended
Pollution Control In The Rouge River Basin

Table3

QQ[D[DU

•i~

Level 1

QQ[D[DU

~

•ity

~

Oakland County

Wayne County

Auburn Hills
Beverly Hills
Bingham Farms
Birmingham
Bloomfield Hills

$10,000
1,161,000
32,000
2,737,000
318,000

Allen Park
$22,000
Canton Twp.
3,102,000
Dearborn
5,325,000
Dearborn Heights 4,153,000
Detroit
40,394,000

Bloomfield Twp.
Farmington
Farmington Hills
Franklin
Lathrup Village

3,696,000
4,879,000
2,091,000
272,000
150,000

Ecorse
Garden City
Highland Park
Inkster
Livonia

1,000
1,866,000
107,000
2,335,000
3,666,000

637,000
1,000
1,000
1,000
12,000

Melvindale
Northville
Northville Twp.
Plymouth
Plymouth Twp.

111,000
174,000
719,000
284,000
2,146,000

Southfield
2,122,000
Troy
326,000
Walled Lake
156,000
W. Bloomfield Twp. 829,000
Wixom
5,000

Redford Twp.
River Rouge
Romulus
Van Buren Twp.
Wayne
Westland

3,841,000
391,000
191,000
302,000
906,000
2,856,000

Total

Total

Novi
Novi Twp.
Oak Park
Pontiac
Rochester Hills

$19,437,000

Washtenaw County
Salem Twp.
Superior Twp.
Ypsilanti
Total

$4,000
16,000
10,000
$30,000

Source: SEMCOG, Remedial Action Plan for the Rouge River Basin, 1988.

100

Level 1

$72,893,000

�Over the next several decades, costs for wastewater Infrastructure
will Increase overall, with conflict developing between urban and suburban
areas over the a/location of funds for new sewer extensions as opposed to
repair and maintenance of existing sewers and wastewater treatment tac/I/ties.
The infrastructure serving the existing
urban area is in need of expansion, upgrading and repair. Much of the wastewater treatment infrastructure in the older
cities is either undersized, leaking, or
discharging combined sewage frequently
into the Rouge and the Detroit Rivers. A
number of sewage treatment plants, including Detroit's huge regional facility,
must be expanded - either to handle
additional loads or to meet new water
quality regulations. New sewer infrastructure must be built to prevent discharging raw sewage from combined
sewer overflows into the rivers. Table 3
shows the costs to communities in the

Projection #33

Rouge River Basin of implementing the
Remedial Action Plan for the Rouge River,
which is largely for the control of CSOs.
As development moves outward, new
trunk sewers and feeder sewers will have
to be built. To handle this growth, either
new treatment plants must be built or
older treatment plants and transport systems will have to be expanded. As a
result, growing suburban communities will
be in fierce competition with older urban
communities for the scarce financial resources needed to pay for wastewater
treatment needs in their respective areas.

______..
101

;

d

�Figure 61

Wetland Types

upland forest

fo_re_st_ed_w_e_tla_n_d _ _ _ ___,I

L - -_ _ _ _

Upland Vegetation

Wetland Vegetation

sugar maple
red oak
white oak
white pine

cottonwood
red maple
silver maple
black willow
white cedar
black spruce
balsam fir
tamarack

up_la_n_d_fo_re_st_ _____.l .

,_I_ _ _

Upland Soil
hght,well drained

Wetland Soil
dark or dull,mo1st

seasonal high water table
Source: Michigan Wetlands, Michigan Department of Natural Resources

102

�Wetlands
The goal of no net loss of wetlands w/11 be achieved through
continued state Implementation of the Wetlands Act, and because many
local units of government In developing areas w/11 adopt local wetlands
ordinances to supplement state and federal wetlands programs.
The rate of wetland destruction has diminished enormously since the passage
of the Goemare-Anderson Wetland Protection Act in 1979. (Figure 61 illustrates
several of the various types of Michigan
wetlands.) This is due to more vigorous
enforcement of the act in recent years and
the emergence of both public awareness
and technical expertise to protect wetlands or replace wetlands lost to development. Some areas of Michigan are now
very near the goal of no net wetland loss. 16
Wetlands protection has been expanded
to agricultural land through the recently
adopted federal farm bill. Environmental
organizations have indicated that they will
attemptto add wetland protection to other
national regulatory and subsidy programs,
such as the National Highway Act.
The process is even more effective because approximately 15 communities in
Southeast Michigan have adopted wetlands ordinances, some of which are
aimed at protecting wetlands as small as
one acre. This trend in local concern for
wetlands can be expected to continue as
aresult of environmental education in the
~~diaand in the public schools. Communities will find new ways to compensate

Projection #34

developers who choose to protect wetlands. The state will support local ordinances to help ease the growing demand
on DNR staff to process wetland permits
and inspect wetland sites before and after development.
Some communities may use wetlands
protection ordinances as a mechanism to
limit development and to preserve the
more open and rural aspects of their
communities, a practice that will exacerbate strained relations between local
governments and developers.
In order to deal with these concerns,
there may be efforts made to classify and
rank wetlands in terms of their values and
functions as wildlife habitat and as part of
the hydrologic system. In the future, local
wetlands regulations could take into account such rankings and could allow for
off-site creation of new wetlands to compensate for wetland areas lost in the development process. It is clear that wetlands protection is valued by communities in the region and will have a continuing influence on development activities
over the next 20 years.

103

�Habitat
Wlldllfe and wildlife habitat w/11 be destroyed
or negatively altered as a result of continued urban sprawl.
Woodlands, slopes and shorelands have
been converted to urban uses and lakes,
wetlands and floodplains have been altered by urban encroachment. These
natural features provide habitat for wildlife and enhance the quality of life for
people.
While some natural features will remain
within developed areas, inevitably wildlife
habitat is substantially altered or consumed. The consequences of this are
numerous. Wetlands will be altered or
degraded by pollutants in stormwater
runoff making them less desirable for some
species of animal life. Urbanized areas
will lose much of the aesthetic and educational value of wildlife in open areas. Development in suburban areas will increase
impacts on small feeder streams through
building of bridges or enclosure of the
streams. Sport fishing and hunting, major
contributors to Michigan's economy, will
be affected as animal mating and migra-

Projection #35

tion paths are blocked and spawning
beds and nesting areas are lost. The
available species balance will be altered
as human-intolerant species such as fox
lose their habitat.
Unique natural areas will also be adversely impacted by urbanization. Such
areas include unique habitats for rare or
endangered plants and animals. The
Michigan Department of Natural Resources has mapped some of these areas.
In addition to being a habitat for wildlife,
natural features have recreational and
educational value for people. Unchecked
spread of urbanization will mean the loss
of these areas for future recreational opportunities and educational exposure.
Public access and enjoyment of these
areas will be greatly diminished. Without
adequate protection, these areas will be
forever lost.

105

�Projected U.S. Operating
Solid Waste Landfills

Figure 62

1988-2008
6000

5,499

5000

4000

3000

2000

1000

0

1988

1993

2008

2003

1998

Source: Solid Waste Disposal in the United States, Volume II
U.S. EPA Report to Congress, October, 1988.

1=1gure 63

Actual and Projected Goals
for Solid Waste Management in Michigan
1988/89 and 2005

Waste-to-Energy
4%

Source
Reduction

Recycle 12%

Reuse

Landfill
10%

Compost 1%

Waste-toEnergy
40%

1988/89
Source: Adapted from Michigan Department of Natural
Resources, Michigan Solid Waste Policy, June., 1988.

106

Recycle
25%

2005

�Solid Waste
The number of so/Id waste landt/1/s w/11 continue
to decline, as w/11 available space In existing landf/11s.
The number of solid waste landfills in
the United States and in Michigan is expected to continue decreasing at a significant rate into the next decade (Figure
62). There are several reasons for this
decline including:
• the cost of new sites;
• the need to protect the environment;
• difficulty in getting approval for
new sites;
• the cost of cleaning up older sites;
• more restrictive regulations; and,
• increased emphasis on other waste
management alternatives such as
source reduction, reuse, recycling,
and incineration.
Despite a decline in numbers of land-

Projection #36

fills, they will continue to be a significant
component of solid waste management
for at least the next 20 years (Figure 63).
Therefore, some local governments will
continue to be confronted with siting of
such facilities. Host community agreements (contracts between the landfill
owner and the community in which it is
located) provide an opportunity for siting
these unwanted land uses in a manner
that allows tor compensation to offset the
negative impacts of landfills on their surroundings.
The difficulties with siting landfills mean
thatfewerwill be developed and available
capacity will continue to diminish. Such
reductions in landfill availability will further drive up solid waste costs and add to
pressure for communities to recycle or to
build waste-to-energy incineration plants.
In turn, increased landfill costs will make
recycling and incineration more economically attractive.

I

107

�Existing and Planned Additional
Incinerator Capacity in Greater Detroit

Figure 64

Tons Per Day

6000

r - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -- -- 7

tl

5000

C

4000
3000

2000
1000

0

Wayne
-

Existing

Oakland

Macomb

~ Planned additional

• Specific commitments for incineration of solid waste are not included
in the other four Southeast Michigan county plans .
Source: Based on County Solid Waste Management Plan Five-Year Updates .

Average Tipping Fees
in Various U.S. Regions

Figure 65

1986-1988
Cost Per Ton

$50 - . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i
$45

$40
$30
$20
$10
$0
Midwest

-1986

West

~ 1987

Northeast

South

~ 1988

Source: Legislative Services Bureau, Solid Waste Management in Michigan, October, 1989.

108

p
n

�Incineration w/11 continue to be a major component
of so/Id waste management for the foreseeable future.
The Act 641 solid waste management
plans in Southeast Michigan include significant components for incineration. Also,
the state sol id waste strategy sets a goal
of incinerating 40% of the solid waste

stream. Existing incinerators in Detroit,
central Wayne County, and the Grosse
Pointes will be supplemented by additional planned capacity (Figure 64 ).

Costs for so/Id waste management, particularly
landf/11/ng and Incineration, w/11 continue to grow, tor
both local governments and for Individual households.
Several factors contribute to increasing
costs (Figure 65). These include:
• asmaller supply of landfills, incinerators, and capacity;
• increasingly stringent laws and reguations-for example, double liner for
landfills and air pollution control devices for incinerators;
• payment of costs incurred in host
community agreements; and,
• capital and operating costs associated with new programs, such as
composting and recycling.

Projection #37

Projection #38

The anticipated shift in solid waste
management techniques is evidenced in
the revised Act 641 solid waste management plans prepared for the seven
Southeast Michigan counties. Each of
these plans anticipates a significant shift
from landfilling to reduction, composting
and recycling.
The shifting in methods for managing
solid waste, combined with obser~ed cost
increases, provides both incentive and
opportunity for communities to collaborate and develop joint ventures. Intermunicipal agreements related _to such
items as incineration, compost1n~, collection, disposal, etc., coul? _Pr?vi~e for
economies of scale and a m1nim1zat1on of
those higher costs for solid waste management.

109

�Alternative methods of so/Id waste
management - reduction, composting and recycllng - w/11 become
a more significant portion of the overall solid waste management process.
Two trends are clear about managing
our solid waste - it is getting more expensive, for both citizens and local communities, and it is more socially acceptable
to be an earth friendly citizen.
Each will provide a portion of the momentum that will drive the region's communities and citizens into significant efforts
to address the new 3 R's - reuse, reduction, recycling. Additional momentum
may be added through changes in the
state's permitting practices. The DN R's
draft Waste Minimization Strategies suggest that future permits for waste discharges be denied if there is a feasible
alternative to the production of the waste .17
Most communities already have at the
very least some form of voluntary drop-off

Projection #39

recycling for their citizens. Many communities are already moving to the next level,
mandatory curbside recycling. It is likely
that all but the most rural of the region's
communities will have taken that step by
decade's end.
Corporations are joining communities
and households in the "green revolution"
and moving toward either using recycled
materials or changing the manufacturing
process to produce less waste in the
production and packaging phases of their
businesses. In addition, stronger efforts
are being made to expand the purchase
of goods made from recycled materials.
Witho_
ut a market for recycled products,
the recycling process loses much of its
impact.

111

�Environmental Costs
Southeast Michigan's Identified needs for clean-up
of sites of environmental contamination w/11 continue to
outpace the funds available, limiting the likelihood of site re-development.
There are currently 2,846 contaminated
sites on Michigan's Act 307 list. Of these,
79 sites are on the United States Environmental Protection Agency Superfund list.
The federal government and Michigan
have made major fiscal commitments to
clean-up of existing sites of contamination. The Resource Conservation and
Recovery Act (RCRA) created the federal
Superfund program to clean-up known
sites of contamination.
Since its inception, an estimated $350
million has been committed by federal
and state governments and responsible
parties to clean up Michigan Superfund
sites. In addition, in 1988 Michigan voters
approved $800 million in quality of life
bonds, a large portion of which was earmarked for cleaning up site contamination.
Funding of site clean-ups presents a
pair of problems - available federal and
state funds fall short of the total needed to
handle those clean-ups where responsible parties cannot be found; at the same
time, whatever funds are spent on cleanup will become a limiting factor in public
financing of other items on the environ-

Projection #40

mental agenda. Of course, the environment is only a part of an overall public
agenda that also includes health care,
education, public safety and other social
issues.
The dilemma, then, will be balancing
the expenditure of large capital sums in
cleaning up contaminated sites against
other environmental protection efforts,
many of which could prevent the future
occurrence of costly clean-up problems.
Contaminated sites have an impact on
the desired re-development of available
land in older urban areas. Much of that
land has some level of contamination,
which, under current law, must be cleaned
up before it can be re-developed. Efforts
are underway to limit that problem permitting re-use of such land for certain
developments without clean-up. For example, under some circumstances such
as where groundwater is not used for
drinking water, large factories could be
placed on the land, which would present
an impermeable surface, thus eliminating
any concern about rainwater carrying the
toxins down to water tables. Such steps
would reduce the great cost of clean-up
and free up much-needed urban land for
re-development.

113

fr,

J

�Figure 66

Recommendations to EPA by
The Science Advisory Board
1.

EPA should target its environmental protection efforts on the basis of
opportunities for the greatest risk reduction.

2.

EPA should attach as much importance to reducing ecological risks
as it does to reducing human health risks.

3.

EPA should improve the data and analytical methodologies that
support the assessment, comparison, and reduction of different
environmental risks.

4.

EPA should reflect risk-based priorities in its strategic planning
processes.

5.

EPA should reflect risk-based priorities in its budget processes.

6.

EPA-and the nation as a whole-should make greater use of all the
tools available to reduce risk.

7.

EPA should emphasize pollution prevention as the preferred option
for reducing risk.

8.

EPA should increase its efforts to integrate environmental considerations into broader aspects of public policy in as fundamental a
manner as are economic concerns.

9.

EPA should work to improve public understanding of environmental
risks and train a professional work force to help reduce them.

10. EPA should develop improved analytical methods to value natural
resources and to account for the long-term environmental effects in
its economic analyses.
Source: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Science Advisory
Board, Reducing Risk: Setting Priorities and Strategies for
Environmental Protection, September, 1990.

114

�Increased costs to local governments, to citizens and to
businesses for management of the environment w/11 force re-examination of
the ways we approach environmental protection, particularly focusing on
broader evaluation processes that encompass cross-media Impacts as well
as better risk management tools.
The costs of environmental protection
are staggering. The federal Environmental
Protection Agency (EPA) estimates that
total annual costs nationally for pollution
control rose from $27 billion in 1972 to $85
billion in 1987 -an average of 15% each
year for 15 years. Further, EPA estimates
that costs for programs already in place
will grow to about $155 billion annually by
the year 2000.
The recently-enacted federal Clean Air
Actis likely, according to the White House,
to cost more than $25 billion annually by
early in the next century.
Controlling surface water pollution in
Greater Detroit may cost $3-4 billion over
the next 20 years, for sewers, control of
combined sewer overflows and upgrades
of wastewater treatment plants.
Some of those costs are borne by the
national or state governments, although
local governments will be hard hit for
certain elements of pollution control.
Whether national, state or local, however,
such costs have one thing in commonthey represent an expenditure of funds
that will not be available for other issues
on the governmental agenda.
During the next 20 years, government at
all levels is going to need significant
changes in how it addresses such problems as environmental protection. Simply
throwing money at the problems won't
Work because there is not enough money
to a~dress all problems and still pay attention to other public demands as well.
Two major changes are needed:

a)a commitment to better risk management practices, and

Projection #41

b) a broader evaluation process that
can encompass cross-media impacts
(Figure 66).
Risk assessment depends on an ability
to estimate the health risk in a given situation - how many people are likely to
suffer serious effects, for example. Or, will
theoretical impacts likely occur in real life?
Once such risks of actual damage are
estimated and understood, then risk management means evaluating those risks
against costs and benefits of various alternatives for solving a given problem.
As part of this process, it will become
increasingly riecessary to evaluate crossmedia impacts of environmental problems. Traditionally, virtually all environmental laws and regulations have been
structured in a framework that evaluates
impacts only within a single media, i.e., air
quality regulations are based on air quality impacts, water quality regulations are
based only on water quality impacts, etc.
All too often, a proposed solution to one
problem may simply create one or more
problems in other media. Example: Incineration of solid waste includes some possible air quality problems and is governed
by air quality standards . However,
landfilling of the same quantity of solid
waste may very well produce greater water quality and air quality problems t~an
does the incineration - as trucks hauling
trash generate polluting emissions and as
landfills generate leakage threats to
groundwater.
What is likely to be needed is significa~t
modification of the existing single media
permit system - or, replacement of th~t
system with an "environ_mental permitting" process that recognizes the 1nte_rrelated nature of environmental protection.

115

�Land Use

d:

�Urban development w/11 continue to sprawl outward.
The urbanized areas in Southeast
Michigan will spread out significantly by
the year 2010, as the pattern called
"sprawl" continues. There will be about a
40% increase in the amount of built-up
land between 1980 and 201 O - to accommodate a population increase of only
5%. In 1980, the region had 615,000
acres of urbanized or built-up area,
comprising 21 % of the region's total area
of 2,906,000 acres. In 2010, it is estimated
that an additional 246,000 acres of the
region's land area will become urbanized, bringing the total amount of urbanized area in the region to nearly 30%.
Table 4 provides a history of change in
the amount of urbanized area in the region
for 30-year periods beginning with 1890
and ending with 1980. The table also
includes population change and the anticipated increase in urbanized area by
2010. While the largest percentage increase in urbanized area in the region
was during the 1890 - 1920 period, the
largest absolute increase in urbanization
occurred during the 1950 - 1980 period,
when more than 300,000 additional acres
were developed.
Figure 67 is a map showing the extent of
urbanized area in the region from 1890-

%Change

1890
1920
1950
1980
2010

2010, by 30-year time periods. In 1890,
the region's urban development consisted
of a large central city, several growing
county seats and many small, outlying
towns. Development spread outward
during the first half of this century, following the major radial highways and transit
corridors of Gratiot, Woodward, Grand
River and Michigan Avenue. The county
seats grew to cities and many small towns
prospered.
In the post-war era, much of the development pattern involved filling in between
the fingers of early development. Development also extended along the
Woodwarc;j corridor past Pontiac and
along Dixie Highway into Waterford
Township. In Macomb County, significant development followed Van Dyke into
Shelby Township. In the outer counties,
the 1950-1980 period included substantial growth in rural areas as well as continued growth surrounding the larger cities.
By 201 O, there will be major additions to
the area considered urbanized. Growth
will be widespread, but most extensive in
the northern and western parts of the
Detroit metropolitan area. This growth
from 1980 to 201 O will add 40% to the
amount of urbanized land in the region.

Urbanized Land In Southeast Michigan
1890 to 2010
% Change
from Previous Period
% Region
Land
Population
Land Area
Urbanized Area
48,000 acres
58,000 acres
311,000 acres
615,000 acres
861,000 acres

Projection #42

2%
5%
10%
21%
30%

269%
97%
98%
40%

Table4

207%
128%
40%
5%

1980
~ource: Regional Planning Commission, Regional Land Use Plan for 1970, 1957· SEMCOG,
and Use Inventory and RDF V'89.

121

�Density of Residential Development
by Selected Community Types
in Southeast Michigan

Figure 68

Dwelling Units Per Acre
7 .------------------------------~

6

5.5

5
4
3
2

1
0
Older Cities
{Ann Arbor
Pontiac)

Post War Suburbs
{Redford Twp.
Warren)

Source: SEMCOG, RDF v'89.

122

60s Suburbs
{Livonia
Southfteld)

sos Suburbs
{Novi
Rochester Hills)

Future Suburbs
{Hartland Twp.
Independence Twp.)

�The trend toward scattered, low-density
suburbanization w/11 continue through the year 2010.
The scattered, low-density trend will
result from the forecasted increase in
households 1990 - 2010; the ongoing
demand for single family detached homes
on larger lots and an emerging pattern of
lower density multiple family developments. There will be an additional 440,000
new or relocated households in the region
between 1990 and 2010. The demand for
single family homes on larger lots will
continue in order to satisfy those desiring
home ownership and wanting to have
more open space. Such large - and
scattered - lots are only available in
fringe areas of the region. In addition, the
demand for condominium living and the
state and local requirements for maintaining open space have resulted in development of multiple family housing at lower
densities.

in the region were developed with similar
single family subdivisions, but on high
density, relatively small lots. Such lots
typically had 40 feet of frontage, with
some even smaller. The post-World War
11 era saw development of 50 foot lots, a
type of development common in the inner
suburbs. During the 1960s and early
1970s, extensive suburban development
took place as 60 foot lots became standard. By the 1980s, 80 and 100 foot lots
became common.
Those factors established a pattern of
increasingly greater use of land for
population growth. There are three distinct
waves to that trend:

Local communities have responded to
these demands and desires by adopting
land use policies limiting most development to lower density residential, incorporating these lower density provisions in
their zoning ordinances.

• 1950-1980: Population grew only
40%, but it still took an additional
98% more land for that growth; and,

The overall density of residential development has decreased substantially over
time (Figure 68). Many of the older cities

Projection #43

• 1920-1950: Population grew 128%
while the developed area grew by a
comparable amount, 97%;

• 1980-2010: Amodest5% population
growth is forecast, accompanied by
a huge increase in developed land
- some 40% more land to accommodate that 5% population increase.

123

�Land in Farms in Southeast Michigan

Figure 69

1945-1987
Acres in Thousands

2,500 , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - i

2,118
2,000

1,500

1,000

500

0

1945

1959

1974

1987

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census of Agriculture .

Flgure70

Land in Farms by County in Southeast Michigan
1945-1987
Acres in Thousands

400 ~ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,

0 '------------'--------------1.___ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
1945
1959
1974
1987
__J

Livingston
-¾-

St. Clair

-+-+-

Macomb

-4-- Monroe

Washtenaw

---A-

Source: U. S. Census Bureau, Census of Agriculture.

124

Wayne

--B--

Oakland

�Productive farmland w/11 continue to be lost as urbanized
areas continue to sprawl outward and the In-filling of sparsely
bu/It-up suburbs drives out farms currently Interspersed with development.
Over the past several decades, active
farming in Southeast Michigan has declined considerably as large amounts of
farmland have been taken out of production. The decline in the amount of land
in the region devoted to farming is the
result of several factors: personal decisions by some farmers to cease operation;
farm consolidations; improved farming
technology; and, most significantly, the
direct and indirect effects of urban encroachment. Much farm land has been
converted to urban uses while some former
farmland now lies vacant because it is no
longer economically feasible to farm.
Since the end of World War 11, some 1.2
million acres of land devoted to farming in

Projection #44

the region have been taken out of agricultural production, a loss of 58%. There
were 2,117,977 acres of land in farms
regionwide in 1945 (Figure 69). By 1987,
the acreage devoted to agricultural use
had dropped to 892,362. There were
losses in all seven counties in the region
(Figure 70). However, the most significant
losses in the region were in Oakland and
Wayne co~nties, where there were 87%
and 83% declines in the acres of land in
farms.
In spite of the decline in farming activity,
Southeast Michigan still contributes to the
state's major crop production. These
crops include soybeans, oats, corn, potatoes and wheat. The region's ability to

125

µ

�Prime Agricultural Lands *
(Pre-Urbanization)

Figure 71

NI
C
ST Cl.AUi

~

(,Rlf~WOOD

GAA\&lt;'

SVfUC11

8RO(ll~AY

eaa

( -..U (T1

11u t

"(lNO&lt;'.fl.H

CtYOE

G(NESU LA~U"

...~

...,,,

SHtAWASS([ QfN(S((

....9
SPtflNGF1EtO

DEIRFlllO

,OSCO

. ....~

Prime Agricultural
Lands

IJIDFORO

llJCASf~

Oftto St•M ll,_.I

* Prime Agricultural lands shown on this map include: 1) areas of prime
agricultural soils, and 2) priority or important agricultural areas based on
soil characteristics and the presence of existing farming.

Source: Detroit Metropolitian Regional Planning Commission, 1958;
SEMCOG Regional Recreation and Open Space Plan, 1974; and SEMCOG
RDF v.'89

__

~

]

�continue to produce these crops will certainly diminish significantly with the continued spread of urbanization. Figure 71
shows Southeast Michigan's prime agricultural lands as they existed before urbanization. The agricultural areas include
acombination of land consisting of prime
agricultural soils and/or areas where existing agricultural use is deemed high
priority for preservation .
About 349,000 acres (57%) of this land
that was well suited for agriculture was
urbanized by 1980. It is estimated that

another 59,000 acres will be affected by
urban encroachment by the year 2010.
Continued loss of productive farm land
diminishes the region's ability to contribute to state, national and international
needs for production of food not to mention the impact on the region's economy.
In addition, there will be a loss of opportunity for residents of the region to personally enjoy open space and the rural
landscape close to home or to visit or
participate in farming activity, such as
harvesting at u-pick farms.

127

.,

,

�Traditional long-range community planning and zoning w/11 continue to
be the primary tools for local governments In managing land use; but those
tools wlll not be sufficient to handle rapid growth nor to address areawide
concerns, as communities find that diminishing financial resources 1/mlt
their capacities for constructing urban Infrastructure even whlle there are
growing sentiments to llmlt growth whlle protecting the environment.
Long-range master planning will continue to be paramount to all local government land use decision-making. Comprehensive community planning has been,
and will likely continue to be, a prerequisite to the adoption of zoning ordinances
and other regulatory measures. However,
local planning and zoning is often done
independent of area-wide issues and concerns, and can contribute to urban sprawl.
Many local governments are also looking to other land use control mechanisms
to provide for rational and timely development. There is a growing consensus about
the need for means that go beyond the
traditional mechanisms to more effectively
manage growth and development. This
growing consensus is being driven by the
rapid growth in some areas of the region,
by limitations in revenue sources to finance infrastructure and by sharper recognition of the negative impacts of development on natural resources. For example, a group of six communities in Oakland County has formed a consortium to
address the issue of uncontrolled growth.
They have proposed legislation that would
allow local communities to adopt a variety
~t regulatory measures to provide for rational and timely development.
When the perspective is broadened
beyond any single community, it is clear
that there has been an overall lack of
c?ordination between long-range planning in local communities and areawide
Policies and objectives. There is great
competition among local units of governments to seek and secure tax-generating
urban development.

Projection #45

That competition is often evidenced by
local land use plans and zoning ordinances that designate excessive amounts
of land for various land uses within a
community. In addition, community plans
and ordinances typically provide for a full
range of land uses with strict separation of
those uses. If such plans were fully implemented, the result would be sprawling
and uncoordinated development. It has
been estimated, for example, that the
combined local land use plans in the
region provide enough capacity for housing and serving some 9,000,000 people
- despite that fact that fewer than
5,000,000 people are expected to live in
the region for the next 20 years or more.
Very often, local land use decisions are
made independent of any consideration
of areawide implications. Such local decisions often solve one local problem but
generate another problem elsewhere.
Many rapidly developing communities,
for example, address potential traffic
problems by reducing residential density.
This approach simply transfers the problem elsewhere because households not
able to settle in that community are driven
farther out. As a result, those families
farther out must drive longer distances to
reach urban amenities, thus increasing
total traffic on an areawide basis. Wetlands are another example. Some communities adopt strict ordinances to protect wetlands and woodlands. When that
land is taken from the developable land
pool, the development is driven farther
out, threatening wetlands and woodlands
in those fringe areas.

129

t&lt;td

�Public Finance

�Public Finance
Introduction
It is uncertain whether local governments will be able to respond to future needs of
their citizens. Many factors contribute to that growing concern about local governments' financial resources for meeting not only immediate needs but future obligations
as well. In both Lansing and Washington, legislators increasingly withhold funding from
local governments in order to balance state and federal budgets - even while
additional mandates are issued to local government by both federal and state officials,
mandates not usually accompanied by additional resources. Reliance on the property
tax is a central fact of life for cities, villages, townships, counties and school districts.
While the property tax base continues to grow in many developing parts of the region
older communities face the same or increasing needs for services with stagnant tax
bases.
This chapter documents these trends:
•

There will be further cuts in federal and state aid to local governments,
which will increase competition for remaining grants and exacerbate
pressure to attract development that would strengthen the tax base.

•

Variations in local financial capability are substantial across the region.
Higher tax rates in some older communities may be causing further
deterioration of the tax base as businesses move to lower tax communities -where, in turn, tax rates will be driven up by problems resulting
from growth.

133

�Figure 72

Federal Government Expenditures
Fiscal Year 1990
State &amp;
Local Aid

10%
Social Security
29%

Interest

............................
All Other

Defen.se

·······························•

................
Source: Senate Fiscal Agency, The Federal Budget Current
Status and Its Impact on Michigan. January 1990 .

Tables

Federal Aid to Michigan Local Units of Government
FY 1986 and FY 1988

(Dollars in Thousands)

Peoorams

Percent Change

FY 1986

FY 1988

From FY 1986

Community and
Economic Development
Housing
Transportation
Environment
Education
Health Programs
Food Commodities
General Revenue Sharing
Other Programs/FEMA
Disaster Relief

$150,234
179,032
92,236
129,439
57,647
14,067
61,095
221,168

$126,554
182,628
68,230
123,427
63,869
15,046
68,365
7,794

-15.8%
2.0%
-26.0%
-4.6%
10.8%
7.0%
11.9%
-96.5%

25 589

~

-77 9%

TOTALS

$930,507

$661,556

-28.9%

Source: House Fiscal Agency, The FY 1988 Federal Budget: Implication for Michigan Local Units,
February, 1988.

134

�Federal and state assistance to local governments
w/11 continue to decllne, reducing discretionary spending

Projection #46

and forcing greater competition for remaining funds.
Federal spending that provides direct
aid to state and local governments is one
of the declining components of the total
federal budget. Direct federal aid to
state and local governments accounts
for only 9.9% of federal outlays in FY
1990 (Figure 72), down from 14.2% of
total outlays in FY 1980. Federal aid has
been, and will continue to be, based on
complex formulas that take into account
such factors as population, income and
existing levels of state programs. The
formulas do not always benefit Michigan.
Nationally, total federal aid to state and
local governments increased from FY
1989toFY 1990 by 7.6% butthe Michigan
amount only increased by 2.1 %, meaning that in inflation-adjusted dollars,
federal aid dropped substantially.
For federal aid to local governments,
the pattern of reductions during the 1980s
cut very heavily into areas traditionally
dependent on federal funding (Table 5).
In the years from FY 1986 to FY 1988,
there were large cuts in funds for both
community and economic development
and transportation. The largest single
reduction was the elimination of the Gen-

eral Revenue Sharing Program (GAS) in
1987. A House Fiscal Agency survey of
21 of Michigan's largest cities showed
that approximately 90% of the GAS dollars were used for police and fire protection. The total elimination of GAS forced
cities to scale back city services, increase
local revenue, or both. The overall impact
on these 21 cities in Michigan was a $269
million reduction in two years, or 29%.
With the .continuing federal deficit, it is
very likely that we will see additional cuts
in aid to both state and local governments. Local governments will continue
to shoulder the burden of reducing the
federal deficit. In addition, responsibilities will continue to be shifted by the
federal government to local governments,
leaving them to solve their own problems.
If additional federal laws, mandates and
court decisions are made without corresponding increases in revenue, the discretion of local elected officials in addressing local needs will be greatly limited.
As federal grant programs are reduced,
there will be greater competition emerging among jurisdictions for those limited
funds.

l

135

...

�Figure 73

Percentage Change in Shares
of State Budget
FY 1967/68 and FY 1988/89
General Gov't
and Other
Safety and
10%
and Corrections
2%
o/c Grants to
4 0
Local Gov't

School Aid ( K-1 2)
Dept. of Education
and State Library
33%

Health

Higher Education
11%

Social Services
Transportation

17%

16%
FY 1967/68

School Aid (K-12)
Dept. of Education
and State Library
18%

General Gov't
and Other
Safety and
Corrections

6%

Grants to
Local Gov't

Health

Social Services
29%

Higher Education
Transportation

9%

FY 1988-89

Source: Public Sector Consultants, The State Budget, June 29, 1990.

136

�The major changes in the state budget
since FY 1967-68 have been the increases
in funds allocated to social services, corrections, and health and corresponding
drops in the share allocated to education
and transportation (Figure 73). These
changes, in large part, reflect the financial costs of more demanding federal
laws and mandates. The state budget is
under continuing pressure due to:
• A shifting economy. The Michigan
economy is continuing to shift from predominantly manufacturing-based to a
service-based economy. Because
service jobs pay less on the average
than manufacturing jobs, the state's
revenue base is adversely affected.
Losses in manufacturing jobs have also
increased chronic joblessness, which
has driven up social service costs.

• Corrections. The prison construction
program since 1985 has more than
doubled prison capacity. Operating
costs have increased. Corrections
spending, excluding capital outlay, has
increased from 2.8% of the total budget
in FY 1978-79 to 7.7% in FY 1990-91.
• Health care costs. State health care
expenditures increased by 127.4% in
the last 10 years. Total health care
outlays consumed 20.8% of the total
budget in FY 1980-81 and will grow to
25.9% in FY 1990-91. Some of the cost
increase can be attributed to federal
laws, regulations and mandates.

137

d

�Table6

Revenue of Michigan
Local Governments by Sourc,
FY 1988 over FY 1978
{Dollars In Mllllons)

Change In

Revenue source

FY 1978

FY 1988

Dollars

Federal
State
Local Own Source

$ 933.7
2,924.4

$ 244.9
2,873.5

$(688.8)
(50.9)

4,793.9

5,703,4

~

Total

$8,652.0

$8,821.8

$169.8

Percent
(73.8)%
(1.7)
19..Q
2.0%

Note: Dollars adjusted using Implicit Price Deflater for State and Local Purchases.
Source: House Fiscal Agency, Silent Spending: Tax Expenditures and the Competition for Public
Dollars, September, 1990.

Figure 74

Local Government Income and Expenditures
in Southeast Michigan, 1987
Other
12%
.~.

Misc.

Education

f; .enueir~~~:~

42%

'. .

\
State Gov't. ·
27%

(
Federal Gov't.

4%

Income
Source: Census of Government, GC87 (4) 5, 1987.

138

Administration 6%
Transportation 7%

.,,_,,,/

Public Safety
10%

Other 18%

Expenditures

�As a result of many factors, Including cuts In federal and state aid,
local governments w/11 need to raise more revenue and shift spending
priorities. If services are reduced and taxes Increased, It w/11 only worsen the
fiscal situation of many local units of government by accelerating the flight of
middle and upper Income taxpayers from their Jurisdictions.
Continual federal and state funding
losses will pose a serious dilemma for
local governments. For many governments, such losses will result in a combination of service reductions and tax increases (Table 6).
Growing communities face increased
demands for services such as roads, fire
protection and recreation. Older communities are increasingly required to
provide elderly housing, other social
services and to maintain aging infrastructure (Figure 74).
In addition to diminishing direct federal
and state funding resources, local governments have seen local property tax
revenues increasingly go to local school
districts, as state support for K-12 education has declined with general local
government's share dropping from 49%
in 1960 to 29% in 1985 (Figure 75 ).
A review of property tax base and rate
changes for Michigan's 1Ohighest-grow-

Projection #47

ing and 10 lowest-growing state equalized valuation (SEV) cities from 1970 to
1985 shows that (Figure 76):
• The 1Ofastest-growing cities experienced an average real per capita SEV
growth of 54.5% while property tax rates
decreased by 1.2%.
• The 10 slowest-growing cities experienced an average real per capita SEV
declines of 40.9% while property tax
rates increased by 22.9%. (Five of the
cities also relied on a local income tax.)
There is a relationship between rate and
base - as base declines, rates are
pushed upward as cities attempt to maintain infrastructure and basic services. The
limited federal and state funds available
are inadequate to fill the gap created by
declining tax bases. In addition, federal
and state cuts adversely affect the maintenance and expansion of the region's
infrastructure.

139

td

�Distribution of Property Tax Revenues
by Local Governments in Michigan

Figure 75

1960 and 1985
Villages
1%

/!A

Cities
29%

1
II

g

Townships
2%

~1.

•

i

.••
' 1!!1111 Iii!

a_

1960

Villages
0%

Townships
3%

Counties

11%
School Districts

71%

1985
Source: State Tax Commission, Michigan Dept. of Treasury.

140

- - --

-

�Average Real per Capita Change and Tax Rate Change
for Ten Highest and Ten Lowest Growing SEV Cities

Figure 76

1970-1985

Ten Highest Growing Michigan Cities
Percent

60
/

..

50 '-- · · ·

-+-

- - SEV

/

/

/

/

Tax Rates
SEV

30 ._
20 ._
10

~

Tax Rate

-10 .....___ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ____,

1978

1988

Ten Lowest Growing Michigan Cities
P_e·:::_:
rc=en:_
t _______________________

30 .-

7

20
10

--

·10

·20 ····· ·•·•··-······ ···-······· ····· ................ .. ..

-

--

SEV

...... :-.---....:.... .... ... ....... .

·30
SEV

-40

·50

-+-

Tax Rate

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -7o
1988

1978

Source: House Fiscal Agency, The Fiscal 1~88 Federal Budg:t
Implications for Michigan Local Units, February, 19 ·

141

t:rf

�Percentage Change In SEV Between 1979 - 1989
and 1989 MIiiage Rate Selected

Table 7

County

SEV 1979 - 1989

1989 Millage

Percent Chanoe

Bala

Uvinoston County
Brighton
Genoa Township
Hartland Township

152.4
133.9
103.5

69.63
55.12
57.91

208.3
61.5
66.2

54.58
76.76
62.24

491.5
34.5
89.0

40.51
57.67
48.01

269.4
241.6
41.2

53.95
51.27
82.16

88.2
47.7
78.5

47.97

125.6
147.2
60.5

65.67
55.35

53.8
6.8
148.0

55.26
89.30
56.71

Macomb County
Macomb Township
Mt. Clemens
Warren

Monroe County
Frenchtown Township
Monroe
Monroe Township

Oakland County
Rochester Hills
Novi
Pontiac

st Clair County
Fort Gratiot Township
Port Huron
Port Huron Township

63.04
48.82

Washtenaw county
Ann Arbor
Pittsfield Township
Ypsilanti Township

68.35

Wayne County
Dearborn
Detroit
Plymouth Township

Note: The 1989 millage rate figures represent a total of county, city/village/township,
and school millage rates. The school millage rate used in compiling the total millage
rates for a jurisdiction were computed by dividing the total amount of taxes levied by
all schools within its boundaries (K-12, ISO, Community College) by the total SEV.

142

Source: State Tax Commission, 1979 Ad Valorem Property Tax Levy Report, 1979 and 1989 Ad
Valorem Property Tax Levy Report, 1989.

�Local financial capacities w/11 continue to vary greatly
within Southeast Michigan, causing local governments to push for
economic development and to search for alternative revenue sources.
The growth in jobs, income and businesses is very uneven across the region.
As a result, the value of property and tax
rates vary widely among communities.
Increases in state equalized valuation
(SEV) reflects continued growth and development of a community. SEVs and
local tax rates directly affect the ability of
local governments to continue to provide
services. Local tax rates vary among
local units of government depending on
many factors, the most important of which
is the amount and value of existing industrial and commercial property. Local financial capacities also vary according to
the degree upon which tax incentives/tax
abatements are in existence. Because of
the competition for tax base, more and
more communities find it necessary to
offer tax incentives/tax abatements to
businesses to encourage economic development - an action that limits tax
revenues for long periods.
Much of the region has doubled in SEV
over the 1O year period of 1979-1989
(Figure 77). However, the increases in
individual communities vary from 6.8%

Projection #48

growth in Detroit to 492% in Monroe
County's Frenchtown Township (Table 7).
While many local units of government
have increased in non-adjusted SEVs,
others have experienced declines in the
inflation-adjusted valuation of property
over time. To help compensate for this
loss in real SEV, such cities as Detroit,
Highland Park, Hamtramck, Pontiac and
Port Huron administer city income taxes.
Additional cities will be forced to consider
such a tax.
In response to the pressures on the
local revenue situation, public officials will
continue to stress economic development
as a vehicle to raise revenues without
increasing taxes. Older jurisdictions will
continue to be at a disadvantage in competing for such private sector investments.
There will be continued dissatisfaction
and controversy over the property tax.
Pressure will grow to identify alternative
revenue sources for the financing of
needed services and alternative approaches for delivery of services - more
user fees and subcontracting for services,
for example.

143

�Percent Change in SEV by County

Figure 77

1979-1989
Percent Change

160 ~ - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,
13?

140

0

/o

..

120
100
80
60
40
20
0
Livingston

Macomb

Monroe

Oakland

St. Clair

Source: Michigan State Tax Commission, Ad Valorem Property
Tax Levy Report, 1979 and 1989.

144

Washtenaw

Wayne

�Management
and Governance

-

trf

�Management and Governance
Introduction
Challenged by the need to provide better services and efficiently use shrinking
resources, local governments are increasingly participating in a variety of cooperative
ventures with neighboring communities. The search continues for effective methods to
deal with areawide problems or provide services most efficiently - while preserving
cherished local autonomy.
In this chapter, several trends are presented:
•

The tradition of home rule and local control will persist, making it difficult
to address areawide problems.

•

School district consolidation is likely to be an area of limited change,
despite its potential for providing better services and reducing funding
differentials.

•

The great variety of cooperative arrangements and organizations is an
indicator of the need to deal with problems that go beyond individual
community boundaries and conserve resources.

•

It will be difficult to change the continued pattern of sprawling development at the urban fringe, coupled with losses in older areas, without
changes in the degree of cooperation between governments in Greater
Detroit.

147

.

1

�Michigan Local Governments by Type

Figure 78

1962-1987
Number of Governmental Units

2000 , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,

1500
Township

1000
School District

500
Special District
Count

o .________________.______________..___________
1962

1967
School District

---e- Township

1977

--+-

Special District

--¾---

County

Source: Census of Governments for 1962, 1967, 1977 &amp; 1987.

148

~

~

1987
Municipal

�The fragmented and sometimes Inefficient system of
local government w/11 persist, due to Michigan's strong
tradition of home rule and local control.
The responsibility for providing local
government services is fragmented
among 396 units of governments in
Southeast Michigan (Figure 78). There
are 240 separate and independent units
of general local government with 3,015
elected officials - 7 counties, 116 cities
and villages and 117 townships. In addition, there are 121 school districts and 25
special districts and authorities.
As a result of overlapping and fragmentation of service responsibilities among
the governmental units, no one unit of
government will have the authority to cope
with area problems that transcend its
boundaries. This fragmentation is accompanied by a fragmentation of finan-

Projection #49

cial resources required to support government services.
Each unit of general local government
has its own zoning and planning functions
that make it difficult to address development impacts and problems on a coordinated, areawide basis. Local units of
government will continue attempting to
cope with a regional pattern of growth and
development by making decisions that
can only control land use within their
boundaries - with little or no opportunity
for neighboring communities to influence
development that will have direct and
significant impact on their roads, land
uses and citizens.

149

�Figure 79

School Districts by Student Population
in Southeast Michigan
1989-90
Student Population

50,000 and Over
20,000 - 49,999
10,000 - 19,999
5,000 - 9,999
4,000 - 4,999
3,000 - 3,999

27

2,000 - 2,999
1,000 - 1,999
Under 1,000
0

-

5

10

15

Number of Districts

Source: Intermediate School Districts.

150

20

25

30

35

�There wlll be limited further consolidation of school districts, as some
districts seek to Improve weak programs and provide broader programs.
As recently as 1942, there were more
than 820 school districts in Southeast
Michigan. There are now 114 K-12 school
districts, 7 intermediate school districts
and 9 community colleges. School districts in the region serve a wide range of
sizes of student populations (Figure 79).
The school districts are independent of
each other and have their own separately
elected boards. These boards may levy
school taxes and issue bonds with the
approval of the voters.
The earlier reduction of districts was
accomplished through the consolidation
and annexation of districts. In more recent
years, few consolidations have occurred .18
It is possible that additional school districts
will consolidate for a number of reasons:

Projection #50

• declining student enrollments;
• revenues that do not keep pace with
costs;
• desires to improve educational quality;
and,
• need to provide broader range of
programs and services.
Where consolidation does not occur,
groups of school districts will continue to
enter into _cooperative arrangements to
provide for the delivery of educational
services. Educational partnerships between community colleges, intermediate
school districts and local K-12 school
districts will be continued and expanded.

151

�There w/11 be Increasing Interest In Intergovernmental
groupings and other forms of cooperation as local governments seek to cope
with areawide Issues as well as more efficiently use limited resources.
The public will continue to demand increased services - or, at least no decrease in services - with, of course, no
increase in taxes to fund the services.
That reality will force local governments to
seek ways in which they can work together in addressing common issues and,
probably, deliver common services.
Fortunately, there is a range of proven
options for such cooperation among local
governments, including:
• single purpose regional agencies,
such as the Huron-Clinton Metropolitan Authority;
• multi-purpose sub-regional agencies,
such as the Conference of Western
Wayne or the Downriver Community
Conference;
• participation in the large regional
planning process at SEMCOG, the
Southeast Michigan Council of Governments;
• cooperative programs in sub-regional
consortia, such as the emerging
Brighton Area Council of Governments
(BACOG), a cooperative effort of five
general purpose local governments
and a school district;
• resource-sharing cooperatives among
individual units of local government-

Projection #51

a compilation of such arrangements
has been made by the Metropolitan
Affairs Corporation, a regional nonprofit urban affairs foundation.
All of those arrangements are able to
provide opportunities for jointly addressing areawide problems and/or cooperatively providing governmental services in
a cost effective manner that conserves
resources for all participants.
Nationally, there are many examples of
such cooperation, both voluntary and
mandatory. In some cases, local governments transfer service delivery up to a
higher level of agency - the county, or
the regional council of governments. In
other situations, state governments have
recognized the resource and duplication
problems and created areawide agencies
to relieve local governments of specific
service delivery responsibilities.
In a state with strong local home rule
traditions, such as Michigan, such arrangements are generally seen as a last
resort. Faced with the certainty that federal and state governments are clearly
moving toward shifting increased responsibilities to local governments without
companion resources, local governments
in Greater Detroit will move steadily closer
to that "last resort" state of affairs over the
next 20 years.

153

�m,

References

�References
Sources for most data cited in the report are shown 00 the tables and figures. Other
sources of information directly cited in the text are:
1. United Community Services of Metropolitan Detroit Today, Tomorrow and
Beyond. 1989, p. 37.
2. Ibid, p. 10.
3. Ibid, p. 8.
4. U.S. Census Bureau, Statjstjcal Abstract of the United States· 1988. 1987,
p. 60.
5. University of Michigan, Detroit Area Study, Separate and Unequal - The
Racial pjyjde. December 1989, p. 5.
6. United Community Services of Metropolitan Detroit, A Study of the Middle
East Community in the Detroit Metropolitan Area. 1985, p. 24.

7. Joe T. Darden, et al, Detroit: Race and Uneven Development. Temple
University Press, 1987, pp. 80-81.
8. University of Michigan, Detroit Area Study, op cit, p. 20.
9. Michigan Department of Education, Oakland County Fourth Friday Counts,
SC4203 Reports, 1979 and 1989.
1o. Timothy Bledsoer From One World Three; Political Chance in Metropolitan
Detroit. Wayne State University, July 1990.
11. Ibid, p. 2.
12. National Commission on Excellence in Education. A Natjon at Rjsk· The
Imperative for Educational Reform. April 1983.
13.

u.s. Department of Transportation, 1983-1984 Natjonwjde Personal
Transportation SuNey. 1984.

14. 1965 TALUS Study, and 1980 SEMCOG and SEMTA Regional Travel
Survey.
15. Michigan Department of Transportation, Greater Detroit Freeway
Rehabilitation. 1990, p. 3.
\

Michigan Council on Environmental Quality, "Land Use Change Analysis,"
September 1990.
1ichigan Department of Natural Resources, "Waste Minimization
·qtegies" (draft), 1990.
ns Research Council of Michigan, School pjstrjct Qroanjzatjon jn
'ID, November, 1990.

157

�Regional Development Initiative Oversight Committee
Co-Chairpersons:
Marilynn Gosling,

Commissioner, Oakland County
E. A. Jackson Morris,

Supervisor, Pittsfield Township
SEMCOG Staff Project Coordinators:
Edward J. Hustoles,

Deputy Executive Director-Planning
James B. Rogers,

Manager, DataCenter
SEMCOG Chairperson:
Clyde Cleveland,

Councilman, City of Detroit
SEMCOG Executive Director:
John M. Amberger

CL YOE CLEVELAND
Chairperson
Councilman,
City of Detroit
GERALD M. McCAFFREY
First Vice Chairperson
Vice President,
Macomb Intermediate
Board of Education
MARTHA L. HOYER
Vice Chairperson
Council Member,
City of Novi
E.A. JACKSON MORRIS
Vice Chairperson
Supervisor,
Pittsfield Township
DENNIS M. RITTER
Vice Chairperson
Supervisor,
Waterford Township
RICHARD A RUDNICKI
Vice Chairperson
Drain Commissioner,
Livingston County

Southeast Michigan Council of Governments
660 Plaza Drive, Suite 1900, Detroit, Ml 48226
Telephone: (313) 961-4266 FAX: (313) 961-4869

MILTON L. MACK JR.
Immediate Past
Chairperson
Commissioner,
Wayne County
JOHN M. AMBERGER
Executive Director

�SEMCOG, the Southeast Michigan Council of Governments, is a voluntary association of governmental units in Livingston, Macomb, Monroe,
Oakland, St. Clair, Washtenaw and Wayne Counties. SEMCOG fosters interg·o vernmental cooperation by providing the public forum in which local
elected officials may coordinate planning and decision making on issues
which cross local jurisdictional boundaries.
SEMCOG's principal activity is planning, including adoption of regionwide plans and policies in the areas of transportation, community and
economic development, water and air quality, solid waste disposal,
sewage treatment, storm drainage and other environmental concerns as
well as public safety and land use.
SEMCOG also maintains the region's most extensive data base for planning and tor economic development work. It is a depository tor all U.S. Census data as well as the great volume of data generated in various planning
activities tor more than 25 years.
All SEMCOG policy decisions are made by local elected officials. This insures that regional policies reflect the interests of member communities.
SEMCOG helps member communities conserve resources and save tax
dollars by providing technical assistance, statistical data and policy direction. All cities, villages, townships, counties, intermediate school districts
and community colleges in the seven-county region are eligible to join
SEMCOG.
Three principal sources of revenue support SEMCOG programs: federal
grants and contracts, state grants and membership fees.
SEMCOG has two policy-making bodies: the General Assembly and an
Executive Committee. The General Assembly adopts the Council's annual
budget and membership fee schedules; reviews and gives final approval to
all regional plans; adopts and/or amends bylaws; and is, in essence, the
membership's voice on regional issues and needs. Each member community is represented on the General Assembly. The Executive Committee
is SEMCOG's chief "working committee" functioning on behalf of the
General Assembly between its meetings. It serves as the financial control
body tor all budgeted items and other financial programs approved by the General Assembly. It proposes, discusses and reviews
regional studies and plans and forwards its recommendations to the
General Assembly for final action.

O

Printed at SEMCOG on recycled paper

�</text>
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                <text>Wayne County (Mich.)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="1007717">
                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/870"&gt;Planning and Zoning Center Collection (RHC-240)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="1038287">
                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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                    <text>... Planning For The Future Today
Southeast Michigan Council Of Governments

�•

SBCOG... Planning For The Future Today
SEMCOG is a regional planning partnership, accountable to member local governments in
Southeast Michigan. Its primary missions are 1) planning on issues that extend beyond individual
government boundaries and 2) intergovernmental relations in cooperation with local government,
as well as state and federal agencies. The SEMCOG partnership strengthens efficient and effective
local government, supporting local planning through its technical, data and intergovernmental
resources.
SEMCOG's membership includes cities, villages, townships, counties, intermediate school
districts and community colleges in Livingston, Macomb, Monroe, Oakland, St. Clair, Washtenaw
and Wayne Counties.
SEMCOG's principal planning activities include adoption of region-wide plans and policies in the
area of transportation, community and economic development, water and air quality and other
environmental concerns as well as public safety and land use.
SEMCOG also maintains the region's most extensive planning database, for demographic,
transportation, infrastructure and development, both economic and physical. It is a depository for
U.S. Census data as well as the great volume of data generated in various planning activities for
more than 35 years.
SEMCOG implements direct services through RideShare, the region's car/vanpool matching service; the Center for Joint Public Services, a resource for cooperative intergovernmental arrangements
and the SEMCOG library's local ordinance files and governmental problem-solving service.
Three principal sources of revenue support SEMCOG programs: federal grants and contracts,
state grants and contracts and membership fees.
All SEMCOG policy decisions are made by local elected officials, insuring that regional policies
reflect the interests of member communities. There are two policy-making bodies: the General
Assembly and an Executive Committee, with each member community represented on the
General Assembly.
SEMCOG's deliberative process includes broad-based representation from local government and
the business community as well as environmental organizations and other special interest groups.
They function together in technical advisory councils for transportation, environment, community
and economic development, data analysis and education.
\(f Printed at SEMCOG on recycled paper

�Population and Households in
Southeast Michigan,
1990-2000

July 2000

© SEMCOG 2000

Abstract
This document contains estimates of population and households for every county and
community in the seven-county region of Southeast Michigan, 1990-2000. It includes a
brief explanation of recent changes in the region's population and a synopsis of the
methodology used to produce the estimates. The report also lists possible factors that may
cause differences between these estimates and Census 2000 results.

Preparation of this document was financed in part through grants from the U.S. Department of
Transportation , Federal Transit Administration and Federal Highway Administration , through the Michigan
Department of Transportation and local membership contributions.
Permission is granted to cite portions of this publication with proper attribution. The first source attribution
must be SEMCOG , the Southeast Michigan Council of Governments. Subsequently, SEMCOG is sufficient.
Reprinting in any form must include the publication's full title page.

SEMCOG
Southeast Michigan Council of Governments
Information Services
660 Plaza Drive, Suite 1900
Detroit, MI 48226
313-961-4266 • Fax 313-961 -4869• www.semcog.org

�1

Table of Contents
Page
2
2
3

Regional Summary
Importance of the Estimates
Methodology and Use

Table of Data Displays
Tables
7
7
9

11
13
17
19
21

Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table

1
2
3
4
S
6
7
8

Southeast Michigan Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000
Livingston County Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000
Macomb County Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000
Monroe County Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000
Oakland County Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000
St. Clair County Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000
Washtenaw County Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000
Waym., County Household and Population Estima es, 1990-2000

Figures
4

s

.,

6
6
8
8
10
10
12
12
16
16
18
18
20
20

Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure

1
2
3a
3b
4a
4b
Sa
Sb
6a
6b
7a
7b
Sa
Sb
9a
9b

Southeast Michigan Change in Households, 1990-2000
Southeast Michigan Change in Population, 1990-2000
Livingston County Change in Households, 1990-2000
Livingston County Change in Population, 1990-2000
Macomb County Change in Households, 1990-2000
Macomb County Change in Population, 1990-2000
Monroe County Change in Households, 1990-2000
Monroe County Change in Population, 1990-2000
Oakland County Change in Households, 1990-2000
Oakland County Change in Population, 1990-2000
St. Clair County Change in Households, 1990-2000
St. Clair County Change in Population, 1990-2000
Washtenaw County Change in Households, 1990-2000
Washtenaw County Change in Population, 1990-2000
Wayne County Change in Households, 1990-2000
Wayne County Change in Population, 1990-2000

�2

Regional Summary
The population of Southeast Michigan continues to increase. Between 1990 and 2000, the
region's population grew by more than 230,000 to 4.83 million, an increase of 5.1 percent.
According to SEMCOG's report, 1999 Southeast Michigan Population and Household
Estimates, the region began the 1990s with an annual population growth rate of 0.4
percent, which was less than half of Michigan's one percent population growth. During the
mid-1990s, Southeast Michigan surpassed the state's growth rate and closed the decade
with a growth rate of 0.7 percent compared to the state's 0.4 percent.
Between 1990 and 2000, the region's households have grown at a faster rate than
population. In 1990, there were 1.69 million households which grew by 10.4 percent to
1.87 million households in 2000. Households growing faster than population can be
explained by the changing composition of households over time. While households with
children have remained relatively stable over time, there has been a significant increase in
the number of households without children, as the children of baby boomers have grown
up and moved from home leaving their parents as empty nesters. The overall result has
been a steady decline in the average household size, from 2.66 in 1990 to 2.53 in 2000.

Importance of the Estimates
There are two major reasons why SEMCOG continues to produce estimates even though
Census 2000 was recently concluded. First, the SEMCOG estimates program was
established in the 1970s to meet a growing demand for working household and population
numbers among data users. These data enable them to plan until census results become
available. Second, when the 2000 census figures become available, SEMCOG will do a
comparison and then adjust its procedures for estimating population and households.
The estimates presented here may differ from the 2000 census results due to several
factors that change over time in each community and can only be accurately measured
by the census. These factors include unanticipated post-1990 changes in household
sizes and occupancy rates, annexation (shifting existing population between
communities), changes in census undercount and overcount rates and discrepancies
in building permit data.

�3

Methodology and Use
Household and population estimates are produced using the housing unit method. The
housing unit method is the standard procedure. The change in the number of housing units
is added to the 1990 census housing stock to determine these July 1, 2000 estimates. New
housing additions and demolitions are taken from permits issued by SEMCOG
communities for residential buildings and demolitions. Assumed vacancy rates are then
applied to the estimated housing units to arrive at occupied housing units. Occupied
housing units are converted to household population by applying an assumed household
size. Separate estimates are completed by type of structure - single-family structures,
two-family structures, multi-family (structures with three or more units), manufactured
housing units and other structures containing housing units. Group quarters data from the
Michigan State Demographer's Office are also used as an input.
For purposes of these estimates, 1990 census vacancy rates for each of the housing
structure types were assumed to prevail. However, the average household size for each
of the housing structure types was assumed to have declined from 1990. The estimates for
Detroit are based on their recent Master Address File, which provides a more accurate
count of the city's housing units. Estimates for the cities of Dearborn and Hamtramck have
been adjusted upward to reflect an increase in student enrollment in their respective public
schools. Other communities - Clay Township, Dexter Township, Hamburg Township,
Rose Township and Lyndon Township, for example - had their estimates adjusted
upward because their 1990 vacancy rates reflected significant numbers of seasonal vacant
housing units.
The housing unit method provides a very accurate estimate of households. However, as
time passes since the last census, a community's mix of households may change
substantially. If there is significant turnover in households, and young families with children
are replacing older one- and two-person households, the method may miss some of the
population change.

�4

Figure 1
Southeast Michigan
Change in Households, 1990-2000

ONTARtO, CANADA.

•
•

Decrease greater than 1% loss
Little change 1% loss to 1% gain
GJ Moderate increase 1% to 15%
II Large increase greater than 15%

•
N

COUNTY

TOWNSHIP

CITY

V~

FRENCI-ITOWN

Lake EM

© 2000 SEMCOG

�5

Figure 2
Southeast Michigan
Change in Population, 1990-2000

ONT.ARK&gt;, CANADA

•

• Decrease greater than 1% loss
• Little change 1% loss to 1% gain
CJ Moderate increase 1% to 15%
• Large increase greater than 15%

•
N

COUNT'/

TOWNSHIP

CITY

\'1logo

FRENCHTOWN

Lake EM

© 2000 SEMCOG

�6

Figure 3a
Livingston Cqunty Change in Households,
1990-2000

~ Decrease greater than 1% loss

Figure 3b
Livingston County Change in Population,
1990-2000

•
•
•

Little change 1% loss to 1% gain
Moderate increase 1% to 15%
Large increase greater than 15%

�7

Table 1
Southeast Michigan
Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000
Households
Change
July 1, I
2000
I Number Percent
Regional Summary
April 1,
1990

I

55,895
312,451

38,&amp;\7
264,991

•

46,508

55,556
472,894
63,630
126,572
788,873
1,875,871

410,488
52,882
104,528
780,535
1,698,819

17,008

47.460
91048
62,406
10,748
22,044
8,338
1n,os2

43.7
17,9

19.5
15.2
20.3
21.1

1.1
10.4

County
Livingston County
Macomb County
Monroe County
·• Oakland County
St. Clair County
Washtenaw County
Wayne County
Southeast Michigan

I

Household Size
April 1, July 1,
1990
2000

2.83
2.44
2.64

2.94

2.68
2.84
2.61

2.58
2.60
2.33
2.53
2.53

2.73
2.50
2.67
2.66

April 1,
1990

I

115,645
717,400

Population
July 1, I Change
2000
INumber Percent
159,326
770,995
148,129
1,2291896
166,640
316,040
2,035,536
4,826,562

133,600
1,083,592
145,607
282,937
2,111,687
4,590,468

43,681
53,595

14,529
146,304
21,033
33,103
-76,151

236,094

37.8

7.5
10.9
13.5
14.4
11.7
-3.6
5.1

Table 2
Livingston County
Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000

April 1,
1990
38,887
2,374

4,659
841
561
961
968
3,709
3,892
4,435

909
2,211
3,256
1,336
493
1,538
1,535
518
I

I

Households
Change
July 1. I
2000
I Number Percent
17,008
43.7
55,895

2,968
6.036

1,109
902
1,306
1,075
5,890
5,266
7,111
1,459
3,836
3,963
2,035
972
2,365
2,869

594
11377

25.0

268
341

699
479

31.9
60.8
35.9
11.1
58.8
35.3
60.3
60.5
73.5
21.7
52.3
97.2

827

53.8

1,334

345
107
2,181
1,374
2,676
550
1,625
707

29.6

11505

721
1,910

203
405

86.9
39.2
26.9

2,211
975

2,.933
1,169

722
194

32.7
19.9

Community
Livingston County
Brighton

Brighton Twp
Cohoctah Twp
ConwayTwp
Deerfield Twp
Fowlerville
Genoa Twp
Green Oak Twp
Hamburg Twp
HandyTwp
Hartland Twp
Howell
Howell Twp
Iosco Twp
Marion Twp
Oceola Twp
Pinckney
Putnam Twp
Tyrone Twp
Unadilla Two

Household Size
April 1, July 1,
1990
2000

I

2.94

2.83

2.40
3.17

223

3.20
3.24
3.11
2.74
2.91
2.86

3.08
3.06
3.12
2.95
2.63
2.78
2.78

April 1,
1990

I

Population
July 1, I Change
2000
INumber Percent

115,645
5,686
14,815

159,326

43,681

37.8

6,631

945

18,625

3,810

16.6
25.7

2,693

3,405

712

26.4

1,818
3,000
2,648
10,820
11,604

2,813
3,866
2,822
16,358
15,094
19,972
4,387
11,062
9}291

995
866
174

54.7
28.9
6.6
51.2
30.1
52.7

2.89

2.77

13,083

3.-11
3.09
2.43
3.13
3.18
3.20
3.15

3.00
2.87
2.28
2.95
3.07
3.07

2,840
6,860
8,147
4,294
1,567
4,918

7,259

3.06
2.95
2.92
2.97
2.86

4,866
1,603
4,580
6,854
2,949

8,800
2,154

3.05
3.04
3.10
2.98

6,118
2,980

5,576
8;731
3,382

5,538
3,490

6,889
1,547
4,202
1,144
1,824
1,413
2,341
3,934
551
996
1,877
433

54.5
61.3

14.0
42.5
90.2
47.6
80.8
34.4
21.7
27.4
14.7

�8

Figure 4a
Macomb County Change in Households,
1990-2000

II Decrease greater than 1% loss
Little change 1% loss to 1% gain
G6J Moderate increase 1% to 15%
Large increase greater than 15%

•

•

Figure 4b
Macomb County Change in Population,
1990-2000

•

�9

Table 3
Macomb County
Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000
Households
Change
April 1,
I
July 1.
1990
2000
INumber Percent
264,991
312,451
47,460
17.9
562
59
11.7
503
39.7
879
1,228
349
1,324·•.
67.1
2,213
889
3,974
1.7
3,906
68
4,516
50.7
8,916
13,432
7,037
21.7
32,459
39,496
62
0.5
13,505
13,443
862
16.6
5,180
6,042
0.0
0
48
48
11,112
1,165
11.7
9,947
57.2
1,539
560
979
18,570
11,215
152.5
7,355
5.6
18
320
338
0.3
7,307
20
7,287
39.3
3,149
888
2,261
253
32.8
1,025
772
291
27.7
1,343
1,052
474
30.8
2,014
1,540
324
42.9
756
1,080
16.4
1,537
217
1,320
4.6
20,435
898
19,537
7,682
45.6
24,518
16,836
5,155
12.6
45,990
40,835
201
0.7
27,419
27,218
·1,971
4.4'
83
1,888
2.4
1,326
55,928
54,602
74.4
2,84.8
6,676
3,828

I

.

Household Size
April 1, I July 1,
Community
1990
2000
2.44
Macomb County
2.68
Armada
2.98
2.74
Annada Twp
3.35
3.05
Bruce Twp
3.15. · 2.90
· 2.25
Center Line
2.01
Chesterfield Twp
2.90
2.70
2.63
2.33
Clinton Twp
2.62
2.34
Eastpointe
Fraser
2.63
2.38
Grosse Pte Shs (Pt} 2.19
1.96
Harrison Twp
2.22
2.47
LenoxTwp
3.10
2.62
Macomb Twp
3.09
2.89 ❖
Memphis Part
2.80
2.52
Mt Clemens
2.34
2.09
New Baltimore
2.53
2.40
New Haven
2.97
2.64
3.03
Ray Twp
2.77
2.60
Richmond
2.32
Richmond Twp
3.18
2.91
Romeo
2.63
2.31
Roseville
2.62
2.33
Shelby Twp
2.89
2.59
Sterling Heights
2.87
2.59
St. Clair Shores
2.49
2.22
2.66
2.37
Utica
Warren
2.63
2.34
Washington Twp
2.96
2.81

April 1,
1990
717,400
1,548
2,943
4,193
9,026
25,905
85,866
35,283
13,899
105
24,685
3,069
22,714
896
18,405
5,798
2,331
3,230
4,141
2,528
3,520
51,412
48,655
117,810
68,107
5,081
144,864
11,386

I

Pooulation
July 1,
I Change
2000
!Number Percent
7.5
770,995 53,595
1,585
37
2.4
27.2
801
3,744
53.4
6,434
2,241
-812
-9.0
8,214
36,380 10,475
40.4
92,708
6,842
8.0
-3,626
-10.3
31,657
14,667
5.5
768
94
-10.5
-11
24,851
166
0.7
5,390
75.6
2f321
·. 53}14 31,000 136.5
-45
-5.0
851
-1,905
-10.4
16,500
1,812
7,610
31.3
2,747
17.8
416
3,764
534
16.5
4,809
16.1
668
3,263
735
29.1
2.3
3,601
81
-7.0
47,808
-3,604
63,605 14,950
30.7
119,922
2,112
1.8
-10.0
61,305
-6,802.
·•· 4i735
-346
-6.8
-8.7
132,238 -12,626
18,799
7,413
65.1

�10

Figure 5a
Monroe County Change in Households,
1990-2000 .

'!

•

1:1 Decrease greater than 1% loss

•
•

Little change 1% loss to 1% gain
Moderate increase 1% to 15%
II Large increase greater than 15%

Figure 5b
Monroe County Change in Population,
1990-2000

EXETER

MILAN

DU~OEE

'- e

• SUMMERFIELD

RA!SJNVFLJ.E

IDA

�11

Table 4
Monroe County
Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000

I

April 1,
1990
46,508
1,588
8,058
1,588
981
1,088
875
1,529
145
861
6,544
1,446
1,583
919
526
154
368
569
8,430
4,439
422
1,466
409
997
1,523

.

July 1,
2000

55,556
1,881
10,566
2.160
1,053
1,493
1,020
1,928
175
1,017
8,059
1,652
1,796
1,083
564
161
685
616
8,692
5,419
447
1,785
450
1,150
1,704

..
Chanae
Number
Percent

9,048
293
2,508
572
72
405
145
399
30
156
1,515
206
213
164
38
7
317

47
262
980
25
319
41
153
181

19.5
18.5
31.1
36.0
7.3
37.2
16.6
26.1
20.7
18.1
23.2
14.2
13.5
17.8
7.2
4.5
86.1
8.3
3.1
22.1
5.9
21.8
10.0
15.3
11 .9

Community
Monroe County
Ash Twp
Bedford Twp
Berlin Twp
Carleton
Dundee
Dundee Twp
Erie Twp
Estral Beach
Exeter Twp
Frenchtown Twp
Ida Twp
LaSalle Twp
London Twp
Luna Pier
Maybee
Milan Part
Milan Twp
Monroe
Monroe Twp
Petersburg
Raisinville Twp
South Rockwood
Summerfield Twp
Whiteford Twp

I

Household Size
April 1, July 1,
1990
2000

2.84
2.97
2.94
2.92
2.82
2.45
3.10
2.94
2.97
3.19
2.74
3.15
3.14
3.17
2.87
3.25
2.66
292
2.62
2.64
2.85
3.15
2.99
3.09
2.91

2.64
2.78
2.73
2.70
2.59
2.37
2.90
2.65
2.77
2.98
2.53
2.95
2.94
2.96
2.68
3.02
2.11
2.72
2.44
2.46
2.64
2.91
2.78
2.88
2.72

April 1,
1990

133,600
4,710
23,748
4.635
2,770
2,664
2,712
4,492
430
2,753
18,225
4,554
4,985
2,915
1,507
500
980
1,659
22,902
11,909
1,201
4,619
1,221
3,076
4,433

I

Pooulation
July 1, I Chanae
2000
I Number Percent

148,129
5,225
28,906
5,828
2,728
3,531
2,953
5,104
485
3,040
20,690
4,875
5,287
3,205
1,512
487
1,448
1,674
22,059
13,512
1,182
5,189
1,252
3,315
4,642

14,529
515
5,158
1,193
-42
867
241
612
55

287
2A65
321
302
290
5
-13
468
15
-843
1,603
-19
570
31
239
209

10.9
10.9
21.7
25.7
-1 .5
32.5
8.9
13.6
12.8
10.4
13.5
7.0
6.1
9.9
0.3
-2.6
47.8
0.9
-3.7
13.5

-1.6
12.3
2.5
7.8
4.7

�12

Figure 6a
Oakland County Change in Households,
1990-2000

Figure 6b
Oakland County Change in Population,
1990-2000

•
•
•

Decrease greater than 1% loss
Little change 1% loss to 1% gain
Moderate increase 1% to 15%
11 Large increase greater than 15%

�13

Table 5
Oakland County
Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000

April 1,
1990
410,488
1,596
6,453
6,611
4,075
410
9,120
1,517
15,618
3,535
431

5,544
7,670
4,690
29,217
9,858
975
1,534
7,284
5,933
2,056
1,095
2,376
7,977
1,235
122
1,240
1,577
121
2,994
12,850
1,992
2,190
1,230
12,747
2,726
10,891
696
7,331

I

Households
Change
July 1, I
2000
I Number Percent
472,894 62,406
15.2
2,080
30.3
484
1,807
28.0
8,260
6,701
90
1.4
4,113
0.9
38
4.1
427
17
9,390
270
3.0
1,593
5.0
76
16,713
7.0
1,095
4,691
1,156
32.7
3.7
16
447
1.5
5,629
85
3,204
41.8
10,874
4,739
1.0
49

32,789
9,929
1,098
1,932
7,326
7,094
2,420
1,349
2,389
11,876
1,228
133
1,284
1,605
142
4,343
13,135
2,569
3,001
1,305
18,770
4,444
10,957
771
11 ,173

3,572
71
123
398
42
1,161
364
254
13
3,899
-7

11
44
28
21
1,349
285
577
811
75
6,023
1,718
66
75
3,842

12.2
0.7
12.6
25.9
0.6
19.6
17.7
23.2
0.5
48.9
-0.6
9.0
3.5
1.8
17.4
45.1
2.2
29.0
37.0
6.1
47.3
63.0
0.6
10.8
52.4

Household Size
April 1,1 July 1,
April 1,
1990
2000
1990
Community
2.61
Oakland County
2.58 1,083,592
4,785
Addison Twp
2.99
2.96
17,076
2.40
2.32
Auburn Hills
2.50
16,960
Berkley
2.56
2.52
10,610
Beverly Hills
2.58
Bingham Fanns
2.44
2.41
1,001
2.13
19,997
Binningham
2.19
Bloomfield Hills
2.68
2.64
4,288
2.63
42,137
Bloomfield Twp
2.68
Brandon Twp
3.01
10,799
3.04
Clarkston
2.33
2.30
1,005
Clawson
2.48
2.42
13,874
Commerce Twp
2.88
2.83
22,156
Fannington
2.14
10,170
2.09
Fannington Hills
2.52
2.47
74,614
Ferndale
2.54
2.48
25,084
Franklin
2.69
2.63
2,626
Groveland Twp
3.05
3.03
4,705
Hazel Park
2.75
2.67
20,051
Highland Twp
3.02
2.97
17,941
Holly
2.68
2.63
51595
HollyTwp
2.97
2.92
3,257
Huntington Woods 2.70
2.64
6,419
Independence Twp 2.95
2.83
23,717
Keego Harbor
2.37
2.32
2,932
Lake Angefus
2.69
2.63
328
Lake Orion
2.37
2.32
3,057
Lathrup Village
2.75
2.68
4,329
Leonard
2.95
2.89
357
Lyon Twp
2.83
2.85
8,828
Madison Heights
2.49
2.43
32,196
Milford
2.74
2.69
5,500
Milford Twp
2.98
2.94
6,624
2.74
Northville Part
2.70
3,367
Novi
2.58
2.57
33,148
Oakland Twp
3.02
3.02
8,227
Oak Park
2.73
2.80
30,468
Orchard Lake
2.94
2.88
2,286
Orion Twp
2.80
21 ,019
2.84

I

Population
July 1, I
Change
2000
I Number Percent
1,229,896 146,304
13.5
1,382
6,167
28.9
3,426
20.1
20,502
-185
16,775
·1.1
10,460
-150
-1.4
1,027
26
2.6
20,025
28
0.1
4,426
138
3.2
44,175
2,038
4.8
14,165
3,366
31 .2
1,027
2.2
22
-141
13,733
-1.0
30,763
8,607
38.8
10,012
-158
-1.6

81,979
24,665
2,890
5,893
19,578
21,052
6,460
3,938
6,296
33,796
2,848
350
3,092
4,302
411
12,378
32,043
6,947
8,947
3,521
48,572
13,412
29,867
2,462
31,414

7,365
-419
264
1,188
-473
3,111
865
681
-123
10,079
-84
22
35
-27
54
3,550
-153
1,447
2,323
154
15,424
5,185
-601
176
10,395

9.9
-1.7
10.1
25.2
-2.4
17.3
15.5
20.9
-1.9
42.5
-2.9
6.7
1.1
-0.6
15.1
40.2
-0.5
26.3
35.1
4.6
46.5
63.0
-2.0
7.7
49.5

�14

Table 5 (continued)
Oakland County
Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000

April 1,
1990

I

452
1,151
3,082
1,064
24,763
22,353
3,451
1,589
28,344
2,451
32,118
2,678
3,276
843
26,167
2,794
25,476
19,342
7,805
4,114
1,658

Households
July 1, I
Change
2000
I Number Percent

556
1,345
4,947
1,067
25,333
25,801
4,740
2,166
28)88
2,432
33,290
3,904

4,879
840
29,986
3,352
29,744
23,341
10,167
5,783
1,714

104
194
11865
3
570
3,448
1,289
577
444
-19
1,172
1,226
1,603
-3
3,819
558
4,268
3,999
2,362
1,669
56

23.0
16.9
60.5
0.3
2.3
15.4
37.4
36.3
1.6
-0.8
3.6
45.8
48.9
-0.4
14.6
20.0
16.8
20.7
30.3
40.6
3.4

Community

I

Household Size
April 1, July 1,
1990
2000

2.72
2.53
2.85
2.55
2.69
2.72
2.12
3.05
2.23
1.98
2.27
2.48
2.96
2.22
2.76
2.17
2.54

West Bloomfield Twp

2.74
2.53
2.89
2.61
2.76
2.70
2.10
3.10
2.29
2.04
2.34
2.47
3.02
2.27
2.78
2.25
2.59
2.81

Whtte Lake Twp

2.87

Wixom
Wolverine Lake

2.07
2.85

2.80
2.20
2.78

Ortonville
Oxford
Oxford Twp
Pleasant Ridge
Pontiac
Rochester Hills
Rochester
Rose Twp
Royal Oak
Royal Oak Twp
Southfield
South Lyon
Springfield Twp
Sylvan Lake
Troy
Walled Lake
Waterford Twp

2]8

April 1, ]
1990

1,252
2,929
9,004
2,775
71 ,166
61 ,766
7,130
4,926
65,410

sma
75,745
6,479
9,927
1,914
72,884
6,278
66,692
54,852
22,677
8,550
4,727

Ponulation
July 1,

I

2000
1,525
3,426
14,214
2?16
70,376
71 ,075
10,036
6,615
64,583
4,829
761258
9,749
14,457
1,865
82,693
7,279
76,114
65,557
28,614
12,775
4}70

I

Change
Number Percent

273
497
51210
.59

21 .8
17.0
57.9

-790
9,309
2,906
1,689
-827
-177
513
3,270
4,530
-49
9,809
1,001
9,422
10,705
5,937
4,225
43

-1 .1
15.1
40.8
34.3
-1.3

-2.1

·3.5
0.7
50.5
45.6
-2.6
13.5
15.9
14.1
19.5
26.2
49.4
0.9

•

�•
16

Figure 7a
St. Clair County Change in Households,
1990-2000
,

HURON

•
•
•
Figure 7b
St. Clair County Change in Population,
1990-2000

Decrease greater than 1% loss
Little change 1% loss to 1% gain
Moderate increase 1% to 15%
Large increase greater than 15%

THURON

6

�17

Table 6
St. Clair County
Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000

April 1,
1990
52,882

1,664,
~

760
., 507'

1,356
579
1,455
817
3,365
1,603
1,029
1,171
1,?.36
95
472
3,261
404
351
2,143
597
2,443
294
1,693
3,359
128
479
13,158
2,749
655
2,015
1,583
719
742

Households
July 1,
Chane
2000
Number
Percent
Community
63,630
10,748
20.3
St. Clair County
Algonac
1,852
1t3
188 . .
. 1,100
340
44.7
Berlin Twp
657
150
· Brockway Twp
29.6
1,702
25.5
Burtchville Twp
346
629
8.6
Capac
50
1,732
277
19.0
Casco Twp
1,153
41.1
China Twp
336
3,955
17.5
ClayTwp
590
· 2,017
Clyde Twp
25.8
414 .
Columbus Twp
1,553
524
50.9
1,391
18.8
220
Cottrellville Twp
1,448
212
17.2
East China Twp
2.1
97
2
Emmett
64.4
Emmett Twp
776
304
4,243
30.1
Fort Gratiot Twp
982
50.2
Grant Twp
607
203
155··•·
506
44.2
Greenwood Twp
2,629
486
22.7
Ira Twp
42.0
251
Kenockee Twp
848
28.8
Kimball Twp
3,146
703
19.0
Lynn Twp
350
56
182
Marine City
1,875
10.8
4,024
665
19.8
Marysville
16
12.5
Memphis Part
144
224
46.8
MusseyTwp
703
13,398
240
1.8 · PortHuron
Port Huron Twp .,
958 •
34.8
3.707
57.6
1,032
RiteyTwp
3TT
St. Clair
2,324
309
15.3
2,249
42.1
St. ClairTwp
666
291
40.5
Wales Twp
1,010
4.2
31
Yale
773

Household Size
April 1, July 1,
1990
2000
2.73
2.60
2.73
2.53
3.17
3.02
3.02 .,
3.17'
2.46
2.62
2.73
2.57
3.13
2.98
3.24
3.08
2.63
2.48
2,99
3.15
3.14
2.91
2.82
2.69
2.51
2.38
3.13
2.95
3.22
3.12
2.69
2.54
2.96
2.84
2.95
2.80
2.61
2.46
2.91
3.05
&gt;2.79
2.95
/

3.13
2.69
2.53
2.54
3.19
2.51
2.77
3.29
2.54
2.91
3.11
2.55

2.95
2.48
2.47
2.32

3.qs
2.35
2.53

·3.16
2.41
2.82
2.96
2.40

April 1,
1990
145,607

4,551
2,407
1,609
3,559
1,583
4,552
2,644
8,862
5,052
3,235
3,301
3,216 .
297
1,519
8,968
1,210

1,037
5,587

1,854
7J247
921
4,556
8,515
325
1,530
33,694
7,621
2,154
5,116
4,614
2,294
1,977

Po ulation
July 1,
Chane
Number Percent
2000
166,640
21,033
14.4
2.8
4,680
129
916
3,323
38.1
1,984
375 . 23.3
17.9
637
4.196
1,616
33
2.1
5,170
618
13.6
3,550
34.3
906
9,790
928
10.5
998
19.8
6,05~.
4,518
1,283
39.7
439
13.3
3l40
3,556
340
10.6
-11
286
-3.7
2,419
59.2
900
1,997
10,965
22.3
1,738
528
43.6
,1A16
379
36.5
871
6,458
15.6
642
2,496
34.6
1,557
8,804
21.5
1,034
113
12.3
4,646
90
2.0
9,947
1,432
16.8
334
9
2.8
2,145
615
402
32,195
-1,499
-4.4
9,382
1,761
23.1
1,109
3,263
51.5
5,594
478
9.3
6,355
1,741
37.7
3,047
753
32.8
1,943
-34
-1.7

�•
18

Figure Ba
Washtenaw County Change in Households,
1990-2000
-

ii Decrease greater than 1% loss
• Little change 1% loss to 1% gain

•
Figure 8b
Washtenaw County Change in Population,

1990-2000

Moderate increase 1% to 15%
Large increase greater than 15%

�19

Table 7
Washtenaw County
Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000

April 1,
1990

104,528
41,660
1,464
1,471
130
451
1,390
633
1,527
536
721
11303
700
651
586
1,175
2,449
7,013
1,223
2,495

•

412
3,479
462
3,069
827
1,097
1,416
8,551
17637

I

Households
Change
July 1,
I
Percent
2000
Number
126,572
21.1
22,044
44,830
7.6
31170
. 1,826
24.7
362

I

1,794
130
593
1,593
1,053
1,931
600
945
1,964
920
839
752
1,439
3,330
12,098
2,030
3,153
483
5,453
641
4,054
11041
1,838
2,043
8,573
20626

323
0
142
203
420
404
64
224
661
220
188
166
264
881
5,085
807
658
71
1,974
179
985
214
741
6'll
22
2989

22.0
0.0
31.5
14.6
66.4
26.5
11.9
31.1
f/J.7
31.4
28.9
28.3
22.5
36.0
72.5
66.0
26.4
172
56.7
38.7
32.1
25.9
67.5
44.3
0.3
16.9

Community
Washtenaw County
Ann Arbor
Ann Arbor Twp
Augusta Twp
Barton Hills
Bridgewater Twp
Chelsea
Dexter
DexterTwp

Freedom Twp
Lima Twp
Lodi Twp
Lyndon Twp
Manchester
Manchester Twp
Milan Part
Northfield Twp
Pittsfield Twp
Salem Twp
Saline
Saline Twp
Scio Twp
Sharon Twp
Superior Twp
Sylvan Twp
Webster Twp
York Twp
Yps11anti
YosffantiTwn

Household Size
April 1,1 July 1,
1990
2000

2.50
2.32
2.36
3.00
2.60
2.89
2.53
2.36
2.87
2.77
2.96
2.99
2.78
2.69
2.97
2.60
2.68
2.33
3.05
2.57
3.10
2.75
2.96
2.84
2.95
2.95
2,99

2,38
256

2.33
2.12
2.22
2.76
2.35
2.65
2.33
2.15
2.66
2.54
2.74
2.77
2.57
2.35
2.75
2.33
2.45
2.33
3.03
2.43
2.85
2.57
2.74
2.60
2.74
2.77
2.77
2.17
2.37

April 1,
1990

282,937
109,608
3,463
4,415
334
1,304
3,772
1,497
4,407
1f486
2,132
3,902
2,228

1,753
1,739
3,060
6,732
17,650
3/34
6,660
1,276
9,578
1,366
8,720
2,508
3,235
6,225
24,846
45307

I

Population
July 1, I
Change
2000
Number Percent

I

316,040
108,109
4,058
4,956
306
1,572
3,969
2,265
5,164
1,526
2,593
5A58
2,648.
1,972
2,068
3,350
8,506
29f072

6,145
7,897
1,377
14,052
1,756
10,550
2,922
5,089
7,089
22,472
49099

33,103
·1,499
595
541
-28
268
197
768
757
40

, 461
1,556
420
219
329
290
1,774
11,422
2,411
1,237
101
4,474
390
1,830
414
1,854
864
-2,374
3.792

11.7

-1.4
17.2
12,3
-8.4
20.6
5.2
51.3
17.2
2,7
21.6
39.9
18.9
12.5
18.9
9.5
26.4
64.7
64,6,
18.6
7.9
46.7
28.6
21.0
16.5
57.3
13.9
-9.6
8.4

�•
20
Figure 9a
Wayne County Change in Households,
1990-2000

ffl Decrease greater than 1% loss
Little change 1% loss to 1% gain

•
•
Figure 9b
Wayne County Change in Population,
1990-2000

Moderate increase 1% to 15%
Large increase greater than 15%

�21

Table 8
Wayne County
Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000

April 1.
1990

I

780,535
12,00Q
1,536
GA24

Households
Change
July 1, I
2000
I Number Percent
8,338
1.1
788,873
1.0
122
1z152

1,854

-~~

'

35,442
23,432
374,057
4,570
2,670
11,213
1,579
3,506
2,387
3,837
4,853
1,007
6,560
7)908

8,551
27,961
37,156
23,649
349,325
4,382
3i419
11,446
1,700
4,149
2,397
3,900
4,867
1,039
6,619
7,666

M72

6,583

8,033
3,512
11 ,201
16,257
35,916
41670
1i251
6,141
4,267
8,815
20,123
4,268
5,066
1,095
7,844
12,128

7,524
4,899
11 ,166
16,323
38,043

19,544

•

31689
24,861
7,855
7,886

4,633
1,371
8,373
4)315
11 ,003
20,318
3,941
5,380
1,323
8$637
13,127
4,512
25,444
8,229
10,217

318
21127 ·

M17
1,714
217
-24,732
-188
749
233
121
643
10
63
14
32
59
-242
11
-509
1,387
-35
66
2,127
-37
120
2,232
48
2,188
195
-327
314
228

793
999
823
583
374
2,331

~--

20.7
33.1
43.1
4.8
0.9
-6.6
-4.1
28.1
2.1
7.7
18.3
0.4
1.6
0.3
3.2
0.9
-3.1
0.2
-6.3
39.5
-0.3
0.4
5.9
-0.8
9.6
36.3
1.1
24.8
1.0
-7.7
6.2
20.8
10.1
8.2
22.3
2.3
4.8
29.6

Community
Wayne County
Allen Park ·

BeHeville
Brownstown Twp
Canton Twp
Dearborn
Dearborn Heights
Detrott
Ecorse
AatRock

Garden City
Gibraltar
Grosse lie Twp
Grosse Pointe
Grosse Pte Farms
Grosse Pte Park
Grosse Pe Shs (Pt)

Grosse Pte Woods
Hamtramck
Harper Woqds
Highland Parl&lt;
Huron Twp
Inkster
Lincoln Park
Livonia
MeMndale
Northville Part
Northville Twp
Plymouth
Plymouth Twp
Redford Twp
River Rouge
Riverview

Rockwood
Romulus
Southgate
Sumpter Twp
Taylor
Trenton
Van Buren Twp

Household Size
April 1, July 1,
2000
1990

I

2.67

2.53

April 1,
1990
2,111,687

2.55
2J3
2.93
2.92
2.51
2.58
2.71
2.66
2.73
2.84
2.72
2.79
2.38
2.63
2.65
2.83
2.69
2.30
2.25
2.44
2.97
2.73
2.57
2.77
240
2.24
2.54
2.19
2.64
2.68
2.65
2.63
2.85
2.90
2.52
2.95
2.82
2.60
2.63

228

31,092

2.00
2.70
2.70
2.24
2.31
2.79
2.38
2.41
2.55

3,270
18,811
57,047
89,286
60,838
1,027,974
12,180
7,290
31,846
4,297
9.781
5,681
10,092
12,857
2,850
17,715
18,372

2,45

2.52
2.14
2.37
2.38
2.55
2.42
2.06
2.02
2.18
2.68
2.44
2.31
2.50
2.15
L98
2.40
1.96
2.43
2.40
2.38
2.34

2.ol
2.59
2.24
2.66
2.53
2.32
2.35

14,903
20,121
10,447
30,n2

41,832
100,850
11,216
2,859
17t313
9,560
23,648
54,387
11 ,314
13,894
31141
22,897
30,771
10,891
70,811
20,586
21 ,003

I

Population
Change
July 1, I
2000 I Number Percent

2,035,536
28,148
3,70?
23,100
75,648
91 ,033
55,104
967,204
10,478
8,255

29,232
4,173
10,456
5,133
9,230
11,586
2,649
16,054
16,790
13,423
16,899
13,107
27,456
37,684
96,437

91985
2,773
21,619
8,684
27,362
49,231
9,374
13,189
3,550
22,529
29,553
12,045
65,061
19,280
24,224

-76,151
-2,944

-3.6
-9.5

433
4,292
18,601
1,747
-5,734
-60,770
-1 ,702
965
-2,614
-124
675
-548
-862
-1,271
-201
-1,661
-1,582
-1,480
-3i222
2,660
-3,316
-4,148
-4,413
-1,231
-86
4,306
-876
3,714
-5,156
-1 ,940
-705
409
-368
-1,218
1,154
-5,750
-1 ,306
3,221

13.2
22.8
32.6
2.0
-9.4
-5.9
-14.0
132

.a.2
-2.9
6.9
-9.6
-8.5
-9.9
-7.1
-9.4

-8.6
-9.9
-16.0
25.5
-10.8
-9.9
-4.4
-11.0
-3.0
24.9

-9.2
15.7
-9.5
-17.1
-5.1
13.0
-1.6

-4.0
10.6
-8.1
-6.3
15.3

�1111

22
Table 8 (continued)
Wayne County
Household and Population Estimates, 1990-2000

April 1,
1990

7,138
33,110
3,963
12,319

I

Households
Change
July 1, I
2000
Percent
Number
7,484
4.8
346
36,508
10.3
3,398
4,726
763
19.3
12,562
2.0
243

I

Community
Wayne
Westland
Woodhaven
Wyandotte

Household Size
April 1, July 1,
1990
2000
2.70
2.41
2.28
2.53
2.90
2.64
2.24
2.50

I

April 1,

1990
19,899
84,724
11,631
30,938

I

Population
Change
July 1, I
2000 I Number Percent
-1,221
-6.1
18,678
-281
84,443
-0.3
12,635
1,004
8.6
-2,603
28,335
-8.4

•

�SEMCOG Officers
2000-2001
Marjorie A. Thomas
Chairperson
President, ISO of
St. Clair County
Board of Education
Dante J. Lanzetta, Jr.
First Vice Chairperson
Commissioner,
City of Birmingham
Donald E. Dodge
Vice Chairperson
Commissioner,
St. Clair County
R. LaMar Frederick
Vice Chairperson
Supervisor,
Bedford Township

•

Jeddy Hood
Vice Chairperson
Supervisor,
West Bloomfield Township
Maryann Mahaffey
Vice Chairperson
Council President Pro Tern
City of Detroit
Diana J. Kolakowski
Immediate Past Chair
Commissioner, Macomb County
Board of Commissioners
Paul E. Tait
Executive Director

�</text>
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            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="1007779">
                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/NoC-US/1.0/"&gt;No Copyright - United States&lt;/a&gt;</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="51">
            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="1007780">
                <text>Text</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="42">
            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="1007781">
                <text>application/pdf</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="1007782">
                <text>eng</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="1038291">
                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
