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Richard A. Rhem
Christ Community Church
Spring Lake, Michigan
June 2, 1996
Transcription of the prepared text
	&#13;  
O	&#13;  God,	&#13;  we	&#13;  address	&#13;  you.	&#13;  
Yet,	&#13;  is	&#13;  that	&#13;  not	&#13;  presumption?	&#13;  
For	&#13;  you	&#13;  are	&#13;  the	&#13;  high	&#13;  and	&#13;  lofty	&#13;  One	&#13;  
	&#13;  who	&#13;  inhabits	&#13;  eternity.	&#13;  
How	&#13;  dare	&#13;  we	&#13;  speak?	&#13;  
How	&#13;  do	&#13;  we	&#13;  speak?	&#13;  	&#13;  
And	&#13;  to	&#13;  whom?	&#13;  
	&#13;  
Yet,	&#13;  we	&#13;  speak.	&#13;  
We	&#13;  cannot	&#13;  do	&#13;  otherwise,	&#13;  
for	&#13;  in	&#13;  some	&#13;  deep,	&#13;  primal	&#13;  sense,	&#13;  	&#13;  
we	&#13;  know	&#13;  we	&#13;  have	&#13;  been	&#13;  addressed	&#13;  –	&#13;  
addressed	&#13;  by	&#13;  someone	&#13;  beyond	&#13;  us,	&#13;  
by	&#13;  One	&#13;  who	&#13;  always	&#13;  eludes	&#13;  our	&#13;  groping	&#13;  attempts	&#13;  
	&#13;  to	&#13;  grasp,	&#13;  to	&#13;  define.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
Yet,	&#13;  the	&#13;  prophet	&#13;  spoke	&#13;  of	&#13;  you	&#13;  as	&#13;  dwelling	&#13;  	&#13;  
with	&#13;  those	&#13;  of	&#13;  humble	&#13;  and	&#13;  contrite	&#13;  heart.	&#13;  
Moses	&#13;  was	&#13;  said	&#13;  to	&#13;  have	&#13;  seen	&#13;  your	&#13;  glory	&#13;  
and	&#13;  heard	&#13;  you	&#13;  speak	&#13;  as	&#13;  friend	&#13;  to	&#13;  friend.	&#13;  
The	&#13;  evangelist	&#13;  claimed	&#13;  the	&#13;  Word	&#13;  was	&#13;  made	&#13;  human,	&#13;  dwelling	&#13;  in	&#13;  our	&#13;  midst.	&#13;  
St.	&#13;  Paul	&#13;  witnessed	&#13;  to	&#13;  seeing	&#13;  your	&#13;  glory	&#13;  in	&#13;  the	&#13;  face	&#13;  of	&#13;  Jesus,	&#13;  
and,	&#13;  while	&#13;  he	&#13;  acknowledged	&#13;  that	&#13;  now	&#13;  we	&#13;  see	&#13;  in	&#13;  fuzzy	&#13;  images	&#13;  only,	&#13;  
one	&#13;  day	&#13;  we	&#13;  shall	&#13;  see	&#13;  face	&#13;  to	&#13;  face.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
With	&#13;  the	&#13;  Psalmist,	&#13;  we	&#13;  affirm:	&#13;  
The	&#13;  Lord	&#13;  is	&#13;  my	&#13;  light	&#13;  and	&#13;  my	&#13;  salvation,	&#13;  
whom	&#13;  shall	&#13;  I	&#13;  fear?	&#13;  
The	&#13;  Lord	&#13;  is	&#13;  the	&#13;  strength	&#13;  of	&#13;  my	&#13;  life,	&#13;  
of	&#13;  whom	&#13;  shall	&#13;  I	&#13;  be	&#13;  afraid?	&#13;  
	&#13;  
© Grand Valley State University

	&#13;  

�Pastoral Prayer, 1996

Richard A. Rhem

In	&#13;  your	&#13;  presence	&#13;  we	&#13;  join	&#13;  with	&#13;  persons	&#13;  across	&#13;  the	&#13;  nation	&#13;  
gathered	&#13;  in	&#13;  our	&#13;  Capitol	&#13;  –	&#13;  standing	&#13;  for	&#13;  children.	&#13;  
O	&#13;  God,	&#13;  we	&#13;  do	&#13;  pray	&#13;  for	&#13;  children,	&#13;  for	&#13;  the	&#13;  rising	&#13;  generations,	&#13;  
the	&#13;  generations	&#13;  yet	&#13;  unborn.	&#13;  
As	&#13;  a	&#13;  nation,	&#13;  move	&#13;  us	&#13;  to	&#13;  truly	&#13;  human	&#13;  values;	&#13;  
enable	&#13;  those	&#13;  who	&#13;  care	&#13;  for	&#13;  the	&#13;  children	&#13;  
to	&#13;  turn	&#13;  the	&#13;  tide	&#13;  of	&#13;  neglect	&#13;  and	&#13;  abuse.	&#13;  
God	&#13;  save	&#13;  the	&#13;  children.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
In	&#13;  your	&#13;  presence,	&#13;  before	&#13;  your	&#13;  face,	&#13;  
we	&#13;  celebrate	&#13;  this	&#13;  community	&#13;  of	&#13;  faith.	&#13;  
When	&#13;  alone,	&#13;  isolated	&#13;  with	&#13;  our	&#13;  fears,	&#13;  our	&#13;  questions,	&#13;  
you	&#13;  seem	&#13;  far	&#13;  away.	&#13;  
Doubt	&#13;  erodes	&#13;  our	&#13;  trust;	&#13;  
despair	&#13;  threatens	&#13;  our	&#13;  deepest	&#13;  hopes.	&#13;  
And	&#13;  then	&#13;  we	&#13;  come	&#13;  together,	&#13;  
the	&#13;  Word	&#13;  becomes	&#13;  flesh	&#13;  –	&#13;  
in	&#13;  the	&#13;  touch	&#13;  of	&#13;  another,	&#13;  
in	&#13;  the	&#13;  solidarity	&#13;  of	&#13;  community.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
We	&#13;  enter	&#13;  this	&#13;  sacred	&#13;  space	&#13;  
and	&#13;  know	&#13;  again	&#13;  what	&#13;  is	&#13;  beyond	&#13;  knowing	&#13;  –	&#13;  
life	&#13;  together,	&#13;  shared	&#13;  experience	&#13;  
	&#13;  restores	&#13;  our	&#13;  trust	&#13;  and	&#13;  renews	&#13;  our	&#13;  hopes.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
The	&#13;  birth	&#13;  of	&#13;  a	&#13;  child,	&#13;  a	&#13;  watery	&#13;  cross	&#13;  on	&#13;  the	&#13;  forehead	&#13;  saying,	&#13;  
“This	&#13;  child	&#13;  is	&#13;  loved,	&#13;  belongs,	&#13;  will	&#13;  never	&#13;  be	&#13;  abandoned.”	&#13;  
	&#13;  
Beautiful	&#13;  young	&#13;  men	&#13;  and	&#13;  women	&#13;  rise	&#13;  to	&#13;  say,	&#13;  “I	&#13;  believe,”	&#13;  
light	&#13;  a	&#13;  candle	&#13;  owning	&#13;  for	&#13;  themselves	&#13;  
their	&#13;  spiritual	&#13;  birthright.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
Two	&#13;  lives,	&#13;  so	&#13;  wonderfully	&#13;  nurtured,	&#13;  so	&#13;  richly	&#13;  endowed,	&#13;  
find	&#13;  each	&#13;  other,	&#13;  kneel,	&#13;  give	&#13;  themselves	&#13;  to	&#13;  the	&#13;  other,	&#13;  
yet	&#13;  remaining	&#13;  wholly	&#13;  their	&#13;  own	&#13;  persons,	&#13;  
acknowledging	&#13;  in	&#13;  their	&#13;  separateness	&#13;  their	&#13;  union	&#13;  
which	&#13;  is	&#13;  the	&#13;  mystery	&#13;  of	&#13;  your	&#13;  bonding	&#13;  love.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
A	&#13;  tent	&#13;  is	&#13;  erected	&#13;  on	&#13;  a	&#13;  parking	&#13;  lot	&#13;  
and	&#13;  over	&#13;  half	&#13;  a	&#13;  thousand	&#13;  of	&#13;  this	&#13;  community	&#13;  
let	&#13;  down	&#13;  their	&#13;  hair	&#13;  and	&#13;  kick	&#13;  up	&#13;  their	&#13;  heels	&#13;  	&#13;  
and	&#13;  celebrate	&#13;  in	&#13;  sheer	&#13;  joy–	&#13;  
all	&#13;  that	&#13;  is	&#13;  human;	&#13;  
all	&#13;  that	&#13;  is	&#13;  good	&#13;  and	&#13;  true	&#13;  and	&#13;  beautiful	&#13;  –	&#13;  
and	&#13;  a	&#13;  people	&#13;  knows	&#13;  in	&#13;  their	&#13;  heart	&#13;  

© Grand Valley State University

Page 2	&#13;  

�Pastoral Prayer, 1996

Richard A. Rhem

that	&#13;  grace	&#13;  is	&#13;  present	&#13;  and	&#13;  the	&#13;  future	&#13;  bright.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
A	&#13;  four-­‐and-­‐a-­‐half-­‐year-­‐old,	&#13;  beautiful	&#13;  and	&#13;  lovable,	&#13;  
visits	&#13;  the	&#13;  world’s	&#13;  leading	&#13;  cancer	&#13;  center	&#13;  
to	&#13;  be	&#13;  treated	&#13;  for	&#13;  a	&#13;  deadly	&#13;  disease,	&#13;  
and	&#13;  our	&#13;  hearts	&#13;  are	&#13;  joined	&#13;  –	&#13;  pleading	&#13;  for	&#13;  her	&#13;  healing,	&#13;  
embracing	&#13;  her	&#13;  loved	&#13;  ones	&#13;  with	&#13;  compassion	&#13;  that	&#13;  wells	&#13;  up	&#13;  within	&#13;  us.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
Baptisms,	&#13;  confirmations,	&#13;  weddings,	&#13;  life-­‐threatening	&#13;  disease,	&#13;  
tent	&#13;  revival	&#13;  and	&#13;  pig	&#13;  roast	&#13;  –	&#13;  
a	&#13;  rose	&#13;  that	&#13;  celebrates	&#13;  a	&#13;  birth;	&#13;  
a	&#13;  rose	&#13;  that	&#13;  bespeaks	&#13;  the	&#13;  presence	&#13;  in	&#13;  absence	&#13;  
of	&#13;  one	&#13;  loved	&#13;  and	&#13;  lost	&#13;  awhile.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
Dear	&#13;  God,	&#13;  
what	&#13;  a	&#13;  quilt	&#13;  of	&#13;  human	&#13;  experience	&#13;  we	&#13;  share.	&#13;  
And	&#13;  as	&#13;  the	&#13;  images	&#13;  tumble	&#13;  through	&#13;  our	&#13;  minds,	&#13;  
we	&#13;  know	&#13;  we	&#13;  do	&#13;  know.	&#13;  	&#13;  
We	&#13;  do	&#13;  believe.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
Ah,	&#13;  dear	&#13;  God,	&#13;  we	&#13;  believe;	&#13;  
help	&#13;  thou	&#13;  our	&#13;  unbelief.	&#13;  
We	&#13;  cling	&#13;  to	&#13;  you;	&#13;  
there	&#13;  is	&#13;  nowhere	&#13;  else	&#13;  to	&#13;  turn.	&#13;  
We	&#13;  turn	&#13;  to	&#13;  you,	&#13;  	&#13;  
we	&#13;  worship,	&#13;  the	&#13;  miracle	&#13;  happens	&#13;  again	&#13;  –	&#13;  
not	&#13;  once	&#13;  for	&#13;  all,	&#13;  
but	&#13;  all	&#13;  we	&#13;  need	&#13;  for	&#13;  now,	&#13;  
token	&#13;  enough	&#13;  of	&#13;  that	&#13;  day	&#13;  that	&#13;  shall	&#13;  know	&#13;  no	&#13;  setting	&#13;  sun	&#13;  
when	&#13;  we	&#13;  shall	&#13;  be	&#13;  all	&#13;  together	&#13;  	&#13;  
in	&#13;  the	&#13;  presence	&#13;  of	&#13;  Light	&#13;  Eternal,	&#13;  
knowing	&#13;  as	&#13;  we	&#13;  are	&#13;  known	&#13;  –	&#13;  
indeed,	&#13;  face	&#13;  to	&#13;  face.	&#13;  
	&#13;  
O	&#13;  Lord,	&#13;  hear	&#13;  our	&#13;  prayer,	&#13;  	&#13;  
through	&#13;  Jesus	&#13;  Christ	&#13;  our	&#13;  Lord.	&#13;  

© Grand Valley State University

Page 3	&#13;  

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Douglas R. Gilbert (b. 1942) is an American photographer from Michigan. He was born in Holland, Michigan and is the son of Russell W. and Carmen (Andree) Gilbert. Gilbert earned a B.A. in social sciences and art at Michigan State University in 1964, an M.S. in photography from the Institute of Design at Illinois Institute of Technology in 1972, and a M.S.W. from Salem State College in 1993. He is married to Barbara (McDonald) Gilbert, and has three daughters, Robyn, Rachel, and Anne. Gilbert took a serious interest in photography at the age of fourteen. In 1963 he joined the staff of Look magazine in New York as the second youngest photojournalist in the magazine's history. As a Look photographer from 1964 to 1966, he photographed folk musician Bob Dylan, the Newport Folk Festival, Simon and Garfunkel, the New York City Financial District, the children and facilities at the Manhattan School for Seriously Disturbed Children. From 1967 to 1969, Gilbert did several shoots, including that of folk singer Janis Ian for Life magazine. After moving to Chicago, Illinois in 1969 to attend the Illinois Institute of Technology, Gilbert conducted notable photo shoots of business and political figure Lenore Romney, and pursued more personal and artistic photography, focusing on urban and rural landscapes in Illinois and Michigan. He then joined the faculty of Wheaton College, where he taught from 1972 to 1982. In 1993, Gilbert graduated from Salem State College, Massachusetts, with a Masters in Social Work, and later pursued a second career as a psychotherapist. Douglas Gilbert died in June 2023. &#13;
&#13;
Throughout his photography career, he pursued both freelance commercial work as well as artistic work. His art photography is characterized by its classic black-and-white format, and features people, places and objects shot great attention and sensitivity. Gilbert's works are held in the permanent collections of the Art Institute of Chicago, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta, The Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, and the Grand Valley State University Art Galleries, as well as in numerous private and institutional collections.&#13;
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Patricia Devine-Reed
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 2/10/2012

Biography and Description
English
Patricia Devine-Reed was the leader of the Concerned Citizens of Lincoln Park (later called the
Concerned Citizens Survival Front of Lincoln Park), the first group to protest urban renewal plans on the
grounds that Puerto Ricans and African Americans were being displaced from their homes and priced
out of the renewing neighborhood. Ms. Devine-Reed successfully recruited José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez to
attend one of their meetings with the Department of Urban Renewal in 1969. The meeting proved to be
important for many reasons. Mr. Jiménez took a group of about 35 youth into this meeting. When they
saw a display detailing the displacement of Puerto Rican and poor people from Lincoln Park and heard
the realtors and developers from the Lincoln Park Conservation Association describe their plans for the
neighborhood, they were furious and spontaneously thrashed the entire urban renewal building. The
resulting destruction closed down the building for several months.
Ms. Devine-Reed also helped to organize the broad-based Lincoln Park Poor People’s Coalition (Mr.
Jiménez became its president) to try to save the poor from being forced out of their homes in Lincoln
Park. An artist and curator, Ms. Devine-Reed continues to advocate on behalf of women, civil and
community rights in Chicago.

�Spanish
Patricia Devine-Reed era una de los líderes del Concerned Citizens of Lincoln Park (después se
cambiaron a los Concerned Citizens Survival Front of Lincoln Park), que fueron el primer grupo en
protestar los planes de reconstrucción ciudadana en parte de que los Puertorriqueños y Afroamericanos
iban ser desalojados de sus casas y luego subieran el precio de la renta de las nuevas residencias. Señora
Devine-Reed felizmente recluto a José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez para uno de los reuniones del Department of
Urban Renewal en 1969. Las reúnes probaron ser muy importantes por muchas razones. Señor Jiménez
tomo in grupo de jóvenes a esta reunión. Cuando vieron la muestra de cómo desalojado de los
Puertoriquenos y pobres de Lincoln Park y escucharon como los agentes y promotores de Lincoln Park
Conservation Association describieron sus planes para el vecindario, los jóvenes estaban furiosos y
revolcaron el edificio en donde estaban haciendo la reconstrucción. Esto resulto en cerrando el edificio
por unos meses por la destrucción.
La señora Devine-Reed también ayuda los pobres que están desalojados de sus casa en Lincoln Park, con
la organización, Lincoln Park Poor People’s Coalition en donde el señor Jiménez era presidente. Una
artista y conservadora, Señora Devine-Reed continua soportar los derechos de mujeres, el civil y la
comunidad en Chicago.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Can you tell me how you feel (inaudible)?

PATRICIA DEVINE-REED:
JJ:

Okay, so --

(inaudible) anything.

PDR: My name is Patricia Divine-Reed. I was privileged to be in Lincoln Park in the
1960s and early 1970s, and to have met Cha-Cha Jiménez and the Young Lords
during that time. I came to Lincoln Park as a full-time resident in 1964, after I
had graduated from college. I had attended Alverno college in Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, but during the four previous summers, I had also lived in Lincoln Park
with a organization, Young Christian Students, whose [00:01:00] mission it was
to awaken students to issues of social justice, the need for change, how
Christians impacted that, and so on. So, I was working with young Christian
students. When I graduated, I moved full-time to the Lincoln Park neighborhood.
It was a very exciting place. There was every imaginable European Ethnic group
lived in the community; Irish, Germans, Polish, there were gypsies in the
community. A large -JJ:

What year was this?

PDR: The Puerto Rican, 1964. Large Puerto Rican section of the community. In the
south end of the neighborhood, [00:02:00] there were low-income African
American families, that was just north of Cabrini-Green. And there were lots of
students there. Some hippies, but it was a opened community, where everyone
could live, everyone could express themselves. And a very exciting place. In the

1

�mid-’60s, as we entered into the later ’60s, ’66, ’67, there were some obvious
changes that had started to take place in the neighborhood. The eastern part of
the neighborhood was growing more and more wealthy, and many of the people
who had lived there before [00:03:00] no longer could afford to own their homes,
to rehabilitate their homes, to pay the taxes. On the main streets, there were a
lot of large apartment complexes that were -- that had tenants, tenants of all
kinds, families, single people, students. And many of those buildings, the owners
were absentee landlords, and they had stopped renovating the properties. So,
there were changes taking place. It wasn’t always clear exactly what was
happening. But there were also changes taking place all over the world. This
was a time of great questioning of upheaval throughout the world. There were
[00:04:00] independent struggles taking place, and the whole Southern
Hemisphere, Africa, South America, Central America, India, all over the world
there were independent struggles taking place.
JJ:

Okay, so all these things are going on all over the world, so how were you feeling
about these things?

PDR: Well, I had been raised to believe that everyone should have a fair shake in life,
that -- that people should love everyone, that everyone needed to have equality
and justice and adequate food, clothing, shelter, [00:05:00] independent voice in
their own lives. So, I was feeling excited about new possibilities for the human
race.
JJ:

In Lincoln Park here?

2

�PDR: Throughout the world, in Lincoln Park, in the whole United States, there was a
Civil Rights movement that was going on in the United States. There was a large
student movement. There was a movement against the war in Vietnam, very
large. The people were speaking out everywhere for their own independence,
and own self-determination. So, it was a time that the old way of life was being
challenged, and new possibilities for people were opening [00:06:00] up. In
Lincoln Park, the changes that we saw taking place seemed to be very -- initially
seemed to be very much a part of the old way of life. Those who had were
getting more, were moving into the neighborhood, were moving out people who
had lived there all their lives had small businesses, sent their children -- raised
their children through the schools, and so on. And they could no longer keep up
with the tax payments and the renovation that was being required. I really
became aware, though, of what the specifics of the situation were, I believe it
was summer, 1966. Maybe it was -- excuse me, winter, 1966. Maybe it was ’67.
[00:07:00] I had become involved with a church in the neighborhood, Parish of
the Holy Covenant. And they had opened a storefront in the 2500 block of
Lincoln Avenue, the north part of Lincoln Park, so that the church would have a -be much more involved on a day-to-day basis in the lives of the people in the
community, whatever the issues happened to be. There was -- so my early
engagements, I learned that there was a larger organization of churches, the
North Side Cooperative Ministry, that included all the mainline churches in the
area. [00:08:00] And one of their main struggles was against a new program that
had come to the area, and that was Urban Renewal. Urban Renewal was a

3

�program that had been put in place after World War II. It was federal. The
legislation had been written by Truman and Julian Levi from the University of
Chicago. He had been on the board of the University of Chicago. And the goal
was to bring a stronger financial base to urban cities, and also around institutions
in the city. So, the University of Chicago, I’d become very worried, because the
University had been become surrounded in the Woodlawn neighborhood by an
African [00:09:00] American community, and they wanted to make certain that
things were safe and secure for university students, professors, and so on. And
also, that land would be available for expansion of the University. So together
with Truman and the City of Chicago, Mayor Daley, they put in place legislation
that would enable development to take place in the city. Well, the problem with
the legislation that was put in place was that it was development to the
advantage of institutions in the city, not large numbers of people that lived in the
city. So the first Urban Renewal Program that took place happened down around
the University of Chicago. And there was [00:10:00] a large movement from
Woodlawn Organization against the program, because what it meant was, that
through a semi-legal body, the Conservation Community Council, plans could be
developed that would remove large sections of people and make way for
development by the University. It might be housing, it might be expansion of
University buildings. But it was not to the advantage of the people that were
living there. So the Woodlawn Organization was the first one to take on this
whole notion of Urban Renewal. The second area of -JJ:

And they were in favor of urban renewal?

4

�PDR: Not the Woodlawn Organization. The Woodlawn Organization was opposed to
[00:11:00] urban renewal as it was taking place down in Woodlawn, because it
meant that many people would be forced to move without having anything to say
about it. The next area that was to be developed in the city was the area on the
near west side, which was primarily an old, Italian community and a newer
African American community. That was to make way for the University of Illinois,
which at that time was at Navy Pier, but they wanted to create this whole
University complex on the near west side of Chicago. And that meant, again,
that sections of land that were owned by families would have to be confiscated
by the city to make way for the building of University of Illinois, [00:12:00] or the
state, in this case. Florence Scala was the woman for the Italian community, the
new west side, that began organizing people in opposition to the building in the
expansion of the University. And they have massive movement of people. But
you could see -JJ:

What do you mean massive? (inaudible)

PDR: -- large numbers, large numbers of people that came to -- tried to keep their
homes, tried to get adequate value for their homes. And businesses, it was a
thriving community, tried to make, instead of the renewal that was taking place,
just to the benefit of the University [00:13:00] that money would be made
available for people to renovate their homes, to renovate apartment complexes
for decent living for tenants of all kinds. But as -JJ:

Were there demonstrations, too? Or no demonstrations?

5

�PDR: There were demons-- oh, they demonstrated. They were very vocal, yes. They
were an inspiration to many communities. But as we can see now, the University
of Illinois is the property owner in a large, large area that goes from -- the
University itself goes from Roosevelt up to Jackson, in some places, and it goes
all the way west from Halsted to Ashland. So Halsted to Ashland is a mile.
[00:14:00] So it’s at least a mile square, and in some cases goes east of Halsted.
Some of the buildings are east of Halsted. Very little housing left there from the
old Italian community, the African American community, the owners of the
buildings that were renting to African Americans, Latinos and Italians -- all of that
has been wiped out. Many churches and other institutions tried to hold out for a
long time, but eventually, they also gave in. Maxwell Street, the owners of the
property on Maxwell Street, a wonderful, wonderful open-air market, primarily
stands owned by the Jewish community, they held out for a long time, but
[00:15:00] eventually, Maxwell Street also went by way of the University. This
happened over quite a number of years, but it was happening at the time I was
living in Lincoln Park. And the pastors of churches had become very concerned
about what was happening and what the future was for people in the community.
The first action that I became involved in was at a -- it was a demonstration
outside of the offices of Lincoln Park Conservation Association in the winter. I
believe it was January, 1967. Lincoln Park Conservation Association was
supposed to be [00:16:00] a neighborhood association, like the old -- like Back of
the Yards Neighborhood Council, the Alinsky Organizations. But it had become
a homeowners’ association, but not representing all homeowners; not the small

6

�homeowners, not the working-class homeowners, but those who had quite
adequate financial resources and wanted to see the community around them
develop into a more wealthy area. Lincoln Park Conservation Association had
completely thrown their hat into supporting the Urban Renewal Program as a way
to upgrade financially the community, not as a way [00:17:00] to improve the
quality of housing for the people living there. Remember, I said it was a very
diverse and very exciting ethnic area, racial area, all ages. And it was clear that
as the community became wealthier, that was no longer going to be the case.
So in, I believe, January of 1967, there was a demonstration by the North Side
Cooperative Ministry, and many other members of the churches in opposition to
positions that were being taken by Lincoln Park Conservation Association. A
short time after that, a new organization was formed, Concerned Citizens of
Lincoln Park, and the main goal [00:18:00] of Concerned Citizens was to
represent the common people of the neighborhood that were not being
represented by Lincoln Park Conservation Association, so it included the
homeowners, the shopkeepers, all the ethnic groups. And they were in coalition
with the churches and with an organization in the southern part of the
neighborhood, Neighborhood Commons, that was actually a corporation whose
goal was to develop low income housing for people in the southern part of the
neighborhood. I eventually became the principal organizer for Concerned
Citizens of Lincoln Park. So we organized everywhere. Wherever there was a
[00:19:00] threat that a particular area was going to be the next area that the city
or realtors were going to try and capture, there we would go to organize. So it

7

�might be tenants, it might be homeowners, it might be a commercial strip. And it
became clear that actually, Concerned Citizens and the churches were a little
behind the eight ball, that the plan had pretty much already been set by the
Lincoln Park Conservation Association and the City of Chicago. Then we
learned also that the only way this program came [00:20:00] to the neighborhood
was that institutions had to join with the city to bring the Urban Renewal Program.
And the institutions that were in support of the program were Children’s Memorial
Hospital, DePaul University, and McCormick Theological Seminary. Their goal
was to create a area around their institutions, which would be conducive to their
staff, to their students, to a different kind of population that existed in the
community, which was the ethnic family population of the community. So not
only was it Lincoln Park Conservation Association [00:21:00] that became the
organization that we were confronting, challenging about what they were doing,
but it was also these institutions. Legally, the statute required that there be a
paralegal or semi-legal body that would approve the plans for our community.
That body had to include the institutions, include people from the City of Chicago,
some residents from the community, Conservation Community Council included
all of those people, but none of them represented the low income and middle
[00:22:00] income families and ethnic groups of the community. It included only
the institutions and the wealthy of the community, the eastern side of Lincoln
Park, closer to the lake. The primary position taken by Concerned Citizens of
Lincoln Park is that we want renewal for the people who live here, not for a whole
new population of people. We’re not opposed, we’re not opposed to houses

8

�being upgraded for people who live here, we’re not opposed to new housing for
African American and Puerto Rican and Mexican and Polish families. We want
the neighborhood to be upgraded [00:23:00] for the people who live here. That’s
the right of everyone to live in decent housing with decent stores, decent schools,
good transportation, access to the amenities of the lake, and so forth. But that
was not what the plan was of those who were in control of the planning process.
Monthly, there were meetings at the Conservation Community Council. So for
each meeting, we would organize residents to attend whose living circumstances
were being considered at that meeting. It was sometime [00:24:00] in late ’67 or
1968 that I was working with a group of tenants in the 20- and 2100 blocks of
Halsted Street, west side of the street. There was the Conservation Community
Council was considering a plan to demolish the buildings there. We were
organizing tenants to come and speak for themselves about improving that
property, rather than demolishing it, and improving it for the people who lived
there. One night, I recall we were -- another organizer, Dick [Vision?] and
myself, we were making posters out on the sidewalks, and it was a [00:25:00]
summer night, in front of the buildings in the 20 hundred block, and there were
young guys who had a hotdog stand right on the corner there at Halsted and
Dickens. And we started talking to them about what we were doing, and asking
them to join us in making these posters because their -- this month, their homes
might not be threatened, but they would be next month or next year, if the plan
continued to move forward of Lincoln Park Conservation Association, and the
Conservation Community Council. We were out there many nights, actually,

9

�working with residents, and one night I met a young man named Cha-Cha
Jiménez. He was very sharp, [00:26:00] very bright. Had -- I think he had just
come out of jail on some charge, and he said that he -- he told us that he was the
leader of the Young Lords gang. I said, “Well, I don’t care, you (audio cuts out)
and start fighting for your people because they’re going to meet the same fate as
the people in these buildings right here.” I said, “You know, people in the
buildings want you to help them, but they’re afraid of you, and you don’t want -you’re afraid of them because you say they don’t want you on the corner. You
need to join together. This is time to join together, not to be separated. Cha-Cha
was -- he challenged what we were saying, “Why should [00:27:00] we do this?”
But eventually he came to see that fighting for any one group in the
neighborhood was a way that he could secure the future for his own Puerto
Rican brothers and sisters. They had been in the community since the ’50s, and
were growing, large Puerto Rican community in the southern part of Lincoln Park.
Their future in the community was threatened, just as that of all the other ethnic
groups in the community. So eventually Cha-Cha joined with us. I remember
one of the first meetings that he agreed to go to, it was a [00:28:00] Conservation
Community Council meeting. I’m not even sure exactly which proposal was
being considered at that meeting. It may have been for the 20-block, 100-block
of Halsted. And he brought with him other members of the Young Lords
Organization. And at some point in the meeting, I believe it was just after the
vote by the Conservation Community Council to support the demolition of the
property, they, as young people do, were very angry, and got up and started

10

�throwing chairs. It was something that all the civilized people were very
surprised at. I mean, [00:29:00] we had been demonstrating very nicely, and
there had been, you know, everybody acted very proper because the churches
were behind the opposition movement, and so on. But now we had these young
people. And their whole style of operating was much different than that of the
churches. But the police were called, and they were arrested. But it set in
motion a very important liberation struggle for the community that went on for -JJ:

What, exactly, do you remember of that day for this kind of a -- but I don’t think
they were -- police didn’t arrest people that day, it was another day that they
arrested (inaudible). But what do you remember --

PDR: What I remember is the chair throwing, and everybody from all sides [00:30:00]
were just stunned.
JJ:

Who was in the audience?

PDR: Well, there were -- these meetings were -- by this time, many people had started
to come to the Conservation Community Council meetings because it meant their
future. You know, where were they going to (dog barking) -(break in audio)
PDR: Sure.
JJ:

Okay, so what do you remember of that meeting, that Community Conservation
Council meeting?

PDR: Well, Cha-Cha came with, I don’t know, 10 to 15 guys that night. This was really
their first involvement. They -- in fact, I was surprised he brought so many.

11

�JJ:

Ten or fifteen, or fifty or sixty? Wasn’t it something like that, now? [00:31:00] Or
a little larger amount in terms of people?

PDR: You had 50 or 60?
JJ:

I thought that we (inaudible).

PDR: Oh, I don’t think you had that many.
JJ:

Okay. All right.

PDR: But anyway, it doesn’t matter the number, what -JJ:

How many do you think came? How many do you think came?

PDR: I don’t know. Fifteen, twenty.
JJ:

Fifteen or twenty? All right. All right.

PDR: Yeah. There were a lot of people at the meeting. They had charts out, the
Conservation Community Council had charts out with the plans that had already
been decided, or were being proposed, to date. They still had different sections
to vote on, and so on. I [00:32:00] remember Cha-Cha looking at it, and the
areas where his family lived and where most of the Puerto Rican family lived in
the new proposal, they were not going to be there anymore. So he took that time
to educate his guys and say, “Look at” -- you know, “Where are we in the future?”
So it really became a time when he used to do political education with the other
young people that came with him. The proposals, as I said, I don’t remember the
exact proposals that were being voted on at that meeting. Each meeting they
voted on a section of the community, and what was to happen. And there was
already a proposal that had been laid out by the institutions, [00:33:00] the city,
and Lincoln Park Conservation Association. None of the people from Concerned

12

�Citizens had been involved in making these proposals. They had done this all in
closed doors, and so on.
JJ:

Whose office was that?

PDR: It was the Urban Renewal office. There had been an office specifically sat up to
manage the Urban Renewal Program and operation, so it was a political office. It
was the City of Chicago office that we were meeting at. The Young Lords raised
the issue about representation. Actually, representation was being raised by
many. The North Side Cooperative Minister was raising the issue, in fact, had a
whole [00:34:00] slate of people that they wanted to be included on the
Conservation Community Council. As the issue of representation was raised,
Cha-Cha raised the issue of, where are the Puerto Rican community on this
Conservation Council? And things happened very fast. And all of a sudden,
chairs were flying. And it was -- everyone, everyone was stunned on all sides,
because this wasn’t the way the “proper people” did business. But it woke folks
up to the fact that [00:35:00], you know, this is a new day. And people are not
gonna let somebody else speak for them, plan their lives for them. But we’re
going to determine our own life, our own future, have our own voice. This is our
own community. We’re gonna stay here. If there’s any development that takes
place it has to include us in the decision making. It has to be done for us, as well
as others in the community. It was -- I think the meeting ended very quickly.
There were no decisions that were made after that. They wanted folks out as
fast as possible. And --

13

�JJ:

Now you were -- you said people were [00:36:00] standing outside. Were people
afraid? Were some, like -- were your people afraid of the Young Lords, or other
(inaudible)?

PDR: I think -- well, clearly people from the city were afraid, and Lincoln Park
Conservation Association, because what was being challenged was their position
of leadership. I don’t think anybody from the churches that were from the North
Side Cooperative Ministry or Concerned Citizens of Lincoln Park -- they were
stunned because it was a different way of doing business. But I don’t think that
they were afraid. They were happy, as a matter of fact, that there were additional
voices that were coming into participation in the community around this issue.
What was at stake, according to the proposals, was moving [00:37:00] out 80 to
100,000 people, working class people, poor folks, owners of small stores, senior
citizens, all their lives and whose homes weren’t up to the standard that they
expected in the renewal program. So there was a lot at stake. And there was
also a lot at stake for those who sought profit from urban renewal, the real estate
companies -- billions were to be made from the new developments that were
proposed. So any challenge to that was frightening to those who had developed
the plans to that point. [00:38:00] I think the churches which had joined together
to challenge the renewal plans were churches that saw that everyone had to
have the opportunity to speak for themselves, to be independent, to have decent
food, clothing, shelter. So they weren’t afraid of this new movement, but they
were in support of it. And in fact, a short time later offered housing to the Young
Lords Organization; [00:39:00] Armitage Avenue, United Methodist Church. The

14

�Young Lords were offered housing by Reverend Bruce Johnson. So, I mean,
that’s just a sign that the churches were in support, for the most part, of what was
happening.
JJ:

So this meeting takes place, and you go back to the Concerned Citizens of
Lincoln Park, and North Side Cooperative Ministry was there also. So now what
were -- how did they feel about the -- was there -- did it impact them, or --?

PDR: No, they were very much -- it impacted them, yes. Yeah, it impacted them
because -- but in a positive way, it’s a growing movement for -- to maintain a
diverse multicultural, [00:40:00] multi-income community.
JJ:

Because they didn’t [answer that?], there was a Lincoln Park Poor People’s
Coalition? Can you (inaudible)?

PDR: But that came about much later.
JJ:

Okay. What came next, what came next.

PDR: Yeah. You know, I don’t know if I remember all of the -JJ:

Timeline?

PDR: The timeline, yeah.
JJ:

Okay.

PDR: I remember major things that happened. I remember the day-to-day of
organizing.
JJ:

Well, two days later, there was an arrest, right? Or not an arrest, but there was
an action at the Chicago (inaudible) police station. What was that about?

PDR: Well -JJ:

Two days later. (inaudible)

15

�PDR: -- Young Lords had been arrested. Cha-Cha had been arrested, and other
Young Lords had been arrested. And while there was no -- [00:41:00] they
initially weren’t charged with anything, they had been picked up by the police.
And we had a demonstration outside, and some of us went inside the police
station. I remember that Reverend [Reed?] was always a spokesperson. And
the churches -- none of you were jailed at that time, were you? You were
arrested, but -JJ:

There were two warrants after that charge. No one was arrested.

PDR: Nobody was arrested? Nothing?
JJ:

There were two warrants and I was taken to the lock-up, and then I was
released, and then there was a group outside that we -- [00:42:00] they were
outside.

PDR: But again, that was -- I mean, the police should have had no reason to pick up
the Young Lords at that time. But everything in Chicago was connected to the
Daley administration. Remember, this was a city office where the demonstration
had taken place two nights before. The Conservation Community Council was
the paralegal body, operating out of the Urban Renewal office, the city office.
Daley -- or those who connected with him gave the word, and the Young Lords
were arrested two days later. Picked up. Picked up two days later. So
[00:43:00] anybody who was available went at a moment’s notice over to the
police station to provide support outside the station, and several people were
allowed in the station. And that really was the mantra, the style of things from

16

�then on, that if anybody was attacked, instantly we would mobilize a support
group to provide support, to raise bail money, to provide legal support.
JJ:

How did you work with the Young Lords after that? After those meetings, there
were other meetings, there was --

PDR: There were lots of meetings. Lots of meetings. Things happened very fast. And
the next two years, the next two years all seems [00:44:00] to flow together. I
worked very closely with Cha-Cha many, many, many, many nights, talking about
what the specific issues were related to the Urban Renewal plan, what it meant
for groups, working class people, poor people to speak for themselves, to no
longer be oppressed by traditional systems. And it wasn’t something unique, it
was happening everywhere in the United States and around the world that
people were speaking for themselves. It just happened to be that this situation
was an issue of land and housing, and where people lived, and whether or not
they could continue to live in the houses that they lived in. And it [00:45:00]
pointed to the future. You know, these issues were to be issues of people for,
you know, generations to come. It was almost impossible working with the
Young Lords to separate the issues of Lincoln Park from the issues of Puerto
Rican independence, and self-determination of people that I remember studying
Mao Tse-tung’s “Little Red Book” with Cha-Cha, and going over line by line,
studying the works of -- studying things that SDS was putting out that were being
put out through the [00:46:00] Civil Rights movement. This was the year that -JJ:

Were there newspapers or tabloids, or what? How were you studying -- did you
have a newspaper?

17

�PDR: We had a newspaper, Concerned Citizens of Lincoln Park had a newspaper,
which we tried to put out monthly. It was a lot of work. And it carried the stories
of people who, in the community, who were on welfare. Some businesses that
were being forced out carried the stories of senior citizens who were harassed
during the Democratic Convention in Lincoln Park in the part itself, but they were
residents of the community. So it carried the plans [00:47:00] that -- the new
plans that the Conservation Community Council was putting out. Proposals for
housing, new construction as well as renovation of buildings that were already
there, it presented the -- what groups like Neighborhood Commons were doing in
the southern part of the neighborhood. So there was a lot of information about
local things happening in the community. There were also newsletters that were
put out by Neighborhood Commons. The churches were constantly issuing
information about what was going on, not just about housing, but all of -[00:48:00] things interrelated. The health issues interrelated. There was a
growing welfare rights organization. There was a growing relationship between
African Americans in Cabrini and the areas just north of Cabrini, and south
Lincoln Park. So all of these things impacted each other. Yes, we studied these
with Cha-Cha. But also, many other things that were being published. The Civil
Rights movement was continually issuing information. And then of course, ’68
was a year where many [00:49:00] things happened. There was the murder of
Martin Luther King, Jr. There was the murder of Bobby Kennedy. The very vocal
rising up of the Black Panther party, especially in Chicago, and Maywood in West
Side of Chicago. There was a Democratic Convention that took place. That very

18

�clearly impacted the Lincoln Park neighborhood. Of course, the mayor did not
want the people demonstrating, and then there was a split in the opposition
movement to the Democratic Convention. [00:50:00] SDS split. And a group
called the Weathermen split off. And their position was, we need to go into the
neighborhoods and organize people in the neighborhoods, and expose Mayor
Daley and the city for what they’re doing in the neighborhoods. And I recall
having a conversation at that time with Cha-Cha about this, and what did he think
about it? And he said, “Oh, if they do that, they’re just going to come and arrest
us. The police will say that we were the ones that did it because it’s our
neighborhood, and arrest those that they’ve always arrested before.” It was
during that time that another young group formed called the Young Patriots,
because they were the sons of many of the people who were involved with
concerned [00:51:00] citizens, who were from -- who lived in the northern part of
Lincoln Park, but who were from Appalacian Community. So they had been
there for some time. But the young people were also harassed by the police.
And they said that if anybody from the outside comes and demonstrates during
the time of the Democratic Convention, they’re going to arrest us. The heat is
going to come down on us. And so while we should have been in support of the
opposition to many of the things that were happening at the Democratic
Convention, the movement in Lincoln Park was, in some cases, opposed to the
demonstrators. And we [00:52:00] had our own actions planned for the
Democratic Convention. We had planned to showcase what the city, Lincoln
Park Observation Association, the institution was doing in Urban Renewal by

19

�having a major march to the Urban Renewal office during the Democratic
Convention. And we did. We had at least 300 people. It was, in some cases a
celebration; we had a lot of ethnic music, we had ethnic flags and colors, we had
big Paper Mache heads, and it was in one way a -- (phone rings)
(break in audio)
PDR: Okay, well, I was talking about the demonstration we [00:53:00] had during the
Democratic Convention. And one of the things that we tried to make certain was
that outsiders, Weather Underground, and any others that were trying to
demonstrate in our community would have nothing to do with our demonstration,
because they did not represent us. Their presence was a threat to especially
young people in the Lincoln Park community, Puerto Rican community, the
southern white community, African American community. Clearly, Cha-Cha, the
Young Patriots and Fred Hampton were saying no, we don’t want you coming to
our community during the Democratic Convention, or ever, to demonstrate,
because it’s going to come back on us. They’re [00:54:00] going to say, “You did
this,” especially since the young people had begun to be political. The young
people from the community. And they were a threat to the new proposed way of
life in the community. So yeah, the -JJ:

I believe there was a countermarch, or something like that, between the Young
Lords and the Panthers, or --

PDR: Well, we had the march to the Urban Renewal office. That was a large march.
And it was very celebratory. There were lots of banners, colorful banners, ethnic
music, drums, and people playing guitar. We had, as I[00:55:00] said, the Paper

20

�Mache heads of Urban Renewal. So it was -- it was a time for us to really
consolidate, the churches, the community groups. We all consolidated and
joined together. It was probably the first time that we really had a action that
brought together all the different parts of the growing coalition in the community.
So yeah, I wouldn’t say it was the countermarch, I would say it was THE action.
But every night, every night during the Democratic Convention, I remember
patrolling -- [00:56:00] a large group of us patrolled the streets in the community.
I remember being out with Dick Vision and several others to make certain that
the police were not going to arrest anyone from the Young Lords and other
young people in the community. And, yeah, every night, we were out there
patrolling.
JJ:

’Cause these were the days of rage, actually. That’s what they were calling
them.

PDR: Yes. Yes. That’s what they called “the days of rage.” And there was already so
much anger by this, Mayor Daley and the City of Chicago, that we just couldn’t
allow anything more to come down on people in the neighborhood. [00:57:00]
Cha-Cha, you have a much better memory of the timeline of events than I do.
JJ:

You were kind of skipping around, but let’s -- can you kind of explain what was
going on with the whole McCormick situation, before the McCormick tip over,
what was going on? I’m talking about the McCormick Theological Seminary.

PDR: The McCormick Theological Seminary, Children’s Memorial Hospital and DePaul
University were the three community institutions that joined together with the City
of Chicago and realtors to bring Urban Renewal to the community. So they had

21

�become an enemy. Now there were many people inside of McCormick
Theological Seminary, especially students [00:58:00] who had decided to place
their allegiance with members of the community. So there were some
professors, and many students. After all, McCormick was a theological school,
theological institution that said that they were training people for ministry, and
that they supported justice and equality for all people. So they were the most
obvious contradiction as far as the three institutions went. They said one thing,
yet they were operating in a totally different way. So it was [00:59:00] really the
Poor People’s Coalition led by, at this point, the Young Lords Organization,
determined to try and break McCormick, to get them to come to support of the
Poor People’s Coalition. We had support inside by some students, and we had
support by some professors. So on one hand, they were the weakest institution.
On the other hand, they had these contradictions that were going; they said that
they were training people for ministry, and yet were acting in an opposite way.
So there was a decision to -- and this was not something that was unusual
[01:00:00] in those days, there were many instances across the United States
where movements would capture land or buildings and hold it as a way of
strengthening their position. So that’s what happened at McCormick Theological
Seminary.
JJ:

There was a meeting the same night as the takeover that took place at your
office, you were meeting on some kind of decisions, where some information had
been brought to the meeting about the -- I mean, what was the information that
was being brought to the meeting?

22

�PDR: You know, I don’t remember.
JJ:

I mean, it was sort of like McCormick didn’t say anything, they might want to
endorse something they’d planned, or, what do you call that? I know there was a
meeting. I don’t know --

PDR: I remember the meeting. I remember the meeting. I don’t remember [01:01:00]
what the specifics were, though, on the endorsement.
JJ:

Who was there? Who was at the meeting?

PDR: There were people there from the Poor People’s Coalition from throughout the
Lincoln Park.
JJ:

Do you have the names of (inaudible)?

PDR: I remember Neil Shadle was there. He was the Neighborhood Commons, along
with Dick Brown. Reverend Reed was there.
JJ:

Was Dick Simpson or any of those people there?

PDR: Dick was there, yeah. Dick was there. I think from the Young Lords, Luis Cuza
was there.
JJ:

I was there once.

PDR: Yes, you were there. But I don’t remember the specifics. But there were parallel
[01:02:00] decisions being made all over the -JJ:

Were meetings going on with McCormick during that time to try to get them to
invest money for housing, or --?

PDR: Yes. We had been having meetings with McCormick to get them to endorse a
housing corporation for, we called “Poor People’s Housing Corporation.” And
there was really no money backing up the development of plans. We had been

23

�trying to get McCormick to support that development, and also, to act [01:03:00]
on what they said that they were about, as an institution. Generally, to get
McCormick to support the movement against what we came to call “Urban
Removal.” What had they refused to do, I don’t remember the specifics. I don’t
remember the specifics. But what I do remember was that McCormick was in the
weakest position because they were acting against what they said they stood for.
We had strong support inside the institution from students, and students really
were the ones that opened the doors to us so that we could go into the institution
[01:04:00] and claim it as ours for a week, we held it for a week.
JJ:

What do you mean, “claim it as ours”? What took place?

PDR: We made an encampment inside the administration building of McCormick
Theological Seminary. We refused to move until McCormick agreed to certain
demands. If they had agreed to the demands before we ever went into the
Seminary, we wouldn’t have expanded the demands. But once we were in there,
we agreed to increase the demands. One demand was, we [01:05:00] asked for
a million dollars to be put into a fund for low-income housing in the community for
the Poor People’s Housing Development Corporation. We asked for $500,000
for many other things, for a free people’s legal clinic that was in the community
and was representing people whenever it appeared that they had been unjustly
arrested, brought up on trumped charges, and so on. So money for the free
people’s legal clinic. We asked for money for the welfare organization that was
developing in the community for the [01:06:00] daycare center that was to be run
by the Young Lords Organization Medical Clinic, to be run by the Young Lords

24

�Organization. After a week, McCormick agreed to many of the demands. We
compromised. Five hundred thousand instead of a million dollars for the Housing
Corporation. A little lesser money for the legal clinic, I think it was $100,000 for
the legal clinic. And I am not sure of the exact amounts now for the health
center, for the -JJ:

Twenty-five thousand for the --

PDR: Twenty-five thousand?
JJ:

Yeah.

PDR: - for the child care center, [01:07:00] and for the welfare organization. But it was
-- I think one of the things that was significant about that action was that so many
of the students and actual -- the professors that were part of McCormick actually
worked with us through the -- worked with the Poor People’s Coalition through
the entire week negotiations beforehand, afterwards continued to work with the
organizations that were funded through McCormick, set up many forums,
educational forums about housing, about healthcare, [01:08:00] about people’s
independence movements, and so forth. It was -JJ:

Independence for Puerto Rico --

PDR: Independence for Puerto Rico, but also when I say “independence movements,”
I’m talking about the Civil Rights movement, all the movements for justice and
equality. Remember, there were women’s struggles that were going on, many
struggles that were going on. So a coalition -- so a coalition -JJ:

So the women’s struggle was also part of the movement that was going on in
Lincoln Park.

25

�PDR: Yes. Yes. So a coalition developed between the Seminary and the larger
coalition in the community. That, I think, was even more than the monies that
came [01:09:00] out of it, that that coalition and the support that began to be
generated from McCormick. Eventually, this wasn’t at the peak of the struggles
in Lincoln Park, but eventually McCormick left Lincoln Park and moved to Hyde
Park near the University of Chicago.
JJ:

Before we go there, were you inside the takeover -- when the takeover was
taking place, were you inside the building?

PDR: Of course.
JJ:

Okay, so what was going on inside?

PDR: There was very disciplined -- everyone that was there was very disciplined, was
very focused on the issues of the community. There were educationals that were
taking place for all of those who were inside about what the issues [01:10:00]
were on housing, on healthcare, on welfare. There were teams of people that
were voted to do the negotiations with the administration of the Seminary.
Everyone who was inside was very serious, was very disciplined, respected the
building, was respectful of the administration of the Seminary. We clearly had a
different view, but nevertheless, there was an atmosphere of respect. Education
[01:11:00] and empowerment of everyone who was there. It was, I think, of all
the actions, it was a time for real empowerment of especially communities that
had been cut out of power. Young Lords, I think it was the primary
empowerment action that took place for the Young Lords Organization. There
were many situations, but that, I think, was the primary one.

26

�JJ:

Was there any cultural events any other, besides just -- were they just kind of
discussing different things? Was there any music or anything --

PDR: Oh, yes. One of the things that marked -- and for me, marked a difference
[01:12:00] between the other kind of organizing events I had been -- everything in
Lincoln Park that we did was cultural. We had music and bright colors and
banners. People did art and sang. It was a time to use the arts to organize, to
celebrate, to educate, to, you know, really bring people together and get them a
sense of power and dignity.
JJ:

Now the Young Lords came from a gang, a street gang, that’s kind of clear that
that’s where they came from. In fact, there was several youth groups in the
community. And they kind of used the name, the gang, anyway, to their
advantage, when they were being put down. But as they became [01:13:00]
more political, you saw the transition come and take place. They didn’t take time
to study before they [came out?], they just kind of went right from the beginning
to the political movement. How did people react to that? Were they afraid of
them? Or how did they react to the Young Lords? I mean, I’m sure that
everything they did was not correct, there were some mistakes made, but how
were people in generally been -- like in McCormick and some of the other
[outside of that?], how did people feel about the Young Lords? Were they afraid
of them, or --?

PDR: Well, at McCormick, I think they were afraid -- it was clear that their building had
been taken over. I mean, that was frightening. This is something new.
Something challenging the authority of the seminary leadership, [01:14:00] yes,

27

�you know, that was scary to those at the seminary. And then here are these ragtag young people that are not -- don’t do everything in the proper way.
Nevertheless, education had taken place already before they went in there, every
meeting was -- you know, there’s a book learning and then there’s hands-on
education, experiential education. And both were taking place, but taking place
very rapidly. Not in the school setting, but, you know, as I said, every night I
remember long into the night, having educated discussions [01:15:00] with ChaCha and others.
JJ:

Where did you sleep? Where could you sleep? Did you sleep, or --?

PDR: I’m talking before we get to the Seminary, before we get to the Seminary. And
then all the meetings at the Urban Renewal office, at Concerned Citizens office,
at the Young Lords’ headquarters -- meetings were taking place all over, all the
time, many. And these were experiences for educa-- were educating the Young
Lords very, very rapidly. By the time we get to the Seminary, there was quite a
sophisticated understanding of what was happening in that community.
[01:16:00] And there were some people that had joined the Young Lords, like
Luis Cuza, that were college educated. And Luis continued the education on a
daily basis with the Young Lords. They were being educated by the attorneys
who were representing them on various issues, for various events and actions.
So education was constantly taking place. But yeah, they were -- if you’re power
is challenged, I don’t care who you are, you take a step back. You’re afraid.
You, you know, want to react strongly. I mean, you [01:17:00] don’t just accept
somebody challenging your position. And that’s what was happening at

28

�McCormick. But during the week that we were inside the Seminary, there was
continual education that was taking place. And as you asked, cultural activities.
Yes, cultural activities. And people slept in the administration building. We slept
in the -- there was a lounge there, and people slept wherever there was a place
to sleep.
JJ:

What about food? Where did get it?

PDR: We went -- we had groups that were going outside and getting food, and we had
people bringing food in to us, and so forth. I remember, I left -- those of us who
were -- [01:18:00] some of us were more mobile.
JJ:

So some people (inaudible) --

PDR: Because we were white and -- (laughs) So some of us could move in and out
more easily.
JJ:

Where was the police in all of this?

PDR: The police -- well, actually the Seminary, I think, wanted to handle most of it
themselves. They didn’t call the police, which was a tribute to the Seminary. I
mean, they could have locked us all up for a long time. But again, and this was
our correct assessment about going into the Seminary, rather than to DePaul
University or to Children’s Memorial Hospital, that the [01:19:00] Seminary
claimed that they were training people for ministry, and that they supported
justice and equality for all. And so now there’s a group of people that’s
demanding that they act on that. And they chose not to call the police, because it
would really show up the contradictions. And they negotiated. It took several
days for them to agree to negotiate with us. But they negotiated, and as I said,

29

�our demands increased from what they had originally been. But we also agreed
to compromises in terms of how much money. [01:20:00] And I think that the
Seminary also -- the Seminary leadership also realized that this was time -- that
these were critical issues in the community. Everything that we were asking for
was a very serious and critical need among people in the community. And, you
know, it may have taken them a few days, but that’s all it took them to make
agreements with us. Later, I learned from a pastor that they put some other
things in place that most of us weren’t even aware of. They set up a fund for the
Puerto Rican community to study [01:21:00] at the Seminary, if they chose to.
And there were young Puerto Ricans that took advantage of that, and one
became a pastor. I don’t know, there may have been more, but one I know
became a pastor as a result of that. So, you know, they went a step further than
some of the things we’d even been demanding.
JJ:

So it impacted them, the students, (inaudible).

PDR: The students, the students were definitely impacted. And I think it probably
impacted their ministries down the road. I mean, I don’t have contact with any of
the people that were students at the Seminary at that time. But it would be very
interesting in these interviews that [01:22:00] you’re doing if you could -JJ:

Touch base.

PDR: -- yeah. If you talk to some of them, if we could find them, locate them. I think
that other significant things that took place with the Young Lords and really
helped to build the movement were the murder of Bruce and Eugenia Johnson.
And the murder of Manuel Ramos.

30

�JJ:

Let’s start with the murder of Bruce Johnson and Eugenia Johnson. Could you
just talk about what happened?

PDR: Well, Bruce -- or, one morning the children of Bruce and Eugenia Johnson were
found [01:23:00] wandering on the street outside the parsonage. The parsonage
was next door to the Armitage Avenue church, Armitage, and Dayton -- am I
right?
JJ:

I just -- they had another parsonage, I think it was on Seminary or Kenmore, or
something like that. I’m not sure of the street. That’s where it actually took
place. Because the parsonage we were using was part of the church for our
office (inaudible).

PDR: Yeah, but the children were found wandering outside the parsonage of the -JJ:

The church?

PDR: No no no no no, not the parsonage of the church, but where the family was living.
JJ:

Where they were living.

PDR: Yeah.
JJ:

I think it was --

PDR: And actually there were several parsonages over there.
JJ:

Right. I think they lived at the Seminary, come that time.

PDR: Yeah. Well, it turns out that Bruce [01:24:00] and his wife, Eugenia, had been
murdered in their bed, stabbed countless times. It was a very bloody situation.
And the police, of course, were called in to be -- and an investigation began. But
an investigation was never -JJ:

I think they were discovered by the mailman, or something like that, or --?

31

�PDR: By one of the neighbors.
JJ:

Oh, was it one of the neighbors?

PDR: The neighbors found the children.
JJ:

Okay.

PDR: I know mailmen may also have discovered them, you know, I’m not sure. But I
know one of the neighbors found the children wandering outside and went to
their home and [01:25:00] found them. And I don’t know about the mailman, he
may also have. But it was a horror and a shock to everyone. You know,
immediately, people said that it happened because they had allowed the Young
Lords Organization to use the church as their center for organizing and
operating, and so on.
JJ:

Some people said that the Young Lords may have done it. Some people say
they (inaudible).

PDR: I have never heard that.
JJ:

You have never heard it.

PDR: I have never heard that.
JJ:

So it was -- what you heard was that people thought they’d be -- or they gave
them permission to begin.

PDR: Right. And there were different things. [01:26:00] Some people said it was some
folks from Lincoln Park Conservation Association, other people members of the -it might have been members of the congregation that were opposed to his giving
the Young Lords space. The United Methodist Church never really did a
thorough investigation. And the police did not do a thorough investigation of

32

�what happened. Everything sort of ended. It was closed. But the death caused
the movement to increase by -- dramatically overnight. There were [01:27:00]
masses of people at the funeral, spilling out of the church upstairs, downstairs, in
the streets. Massive demonstration. So the death was not something that
caused the movement against Urban Renewal to stop, it caused it to grow. And
it also brought greater support for the Young Lords Organization as well.
JJ:

How did they feel then, where Bruce Johnson was part of that same movement,
because the Young Lords actually got taking over that church, right? There was
a takeover of the church?

PDR: There were -- most people felt that Bruce had given the [01:28:00] space to the
Young Lords.
JJ:

Okay. So he actually was a supporter of the Young Lords.

PDR: Yeah.
JJ:

Okay.

PDR: There was primarily a Cuban congregation that was members of the church at
the time, it’s an older European congregation. And it had been on the edge of
doing some creative things, supporting issues and addressing issues in the
community, and so forth before this, and continued after that.
JJ:

Wasn’t that a member of the North Side Cooperative Ministry?

PDR: Yes, he was.
JJ:

So he was also (inaudible).

PDR: They were -- yeah. He was -- the Armitage Avenue church had been a member
since the previous pastor had been there, Gerry Forshey, I think, was there

33

�immediately before. Yes. [01:29:00] And he was in support of the movement for
decent housing for those who lived in the community. My husband, later became
my husband, Jim Reed, they had the -JJ:

The Reverend Jim Reed?

PDR: The Reverend Jim Reed had the sermon at the funeral service for Bruce
Johnson, and talked about this as a symbol of what this whole movement meant
in the community. This is a short sermon, as his sermons always were, and very
[01:30:00] powerful. Lifted Bruce and Eugenia up for their support of the struggle
in the community. So take over maybe from your perspective, but he also, from
other people’s perspective, gave the space to the Young Lords to operate.
JJ:

And actually, the very next day we were already seeing that there was a
cooperation between the Young Lords and the church.

PDR: Yeah.
JJ:

We were seeing that the very next day. It was --

PDR: There were members of the church that supported it, and others who didn’t.
JJ:

Right.

PDR: But that -JJ:

And he could have called the police, and he didn’t. I mean, he refused to call the
police, and the Young Lords even the congregation (inaudible)

PDR: Right. Right. But the death of Bruce and Eugenia [01:31:00] caused great
consciousness of large numbers of people to grow overnight. You said, “Well,
we didn’t have education” -- all of these events brought dramatic leaps in
education overnight. And, I mean, part of it was the times, and the demands of

34

�people everywhere for first voice, people speaking for themselves. The Native
American community was demanding it. The African American community was
demanding it. Now the Puerto Rican community is demanding it. People all over
demanding first voice, speaking for our self, self-determination. And in this case
it was self-determination around housing ownership, [01:32:00] quality of
housing, quality of the community. So overnight when Bruce and Eugenia were
murdered, people in all the surrounding communities had a consciousness
awakening. Initially, my contact was with young Puerto Rican men, but when this
event happened, I remember all the young women that were partners, wives,
friends, just hangers on, and the Puerto Rican community coming out, getting
political consciousness, starting to take action, supporting their guys, [01:33:00]
doing things independently. The whole movement for childcare and for
healthcare that was raised at McCormick was raised by young women. So there
was just this incredible political awakening that I say took place overnight -- it felt
like that, you know. But weeks, months, things were happening very, very fast.
The neighborhood’s West division, I remember there was a period of time when
Obed Lopez didn’t really have too much to do with what was happening in
Lincoln Park. But with these events, especially when Manuel Ramos was killed,
Obed joined his forces together [01:34:00] with those -- and West Division and
Lincoln Park joined forces together.
JJ:

What do you remember of the Manuel Ramos issue, the case, Manuel was killed.
Manuel was killed. Do you know what was taking place with the membership

35

�and all that? I mean, what do you (inaudible) -- in the community, how did they
respond to his death?
PDR: They were angry. It was an anger -- it was different Bruce and Eugenia. That
was shock. This was just a deep, deep hurt and anger, not just among young
people but among their parents and, you know, it was -- it took things to a new
level. And [01:35:00] the march -JJ:

Were you at the church, or at the funeral?

PDR: I was at the funeral.
JJ:

Can you describe that? I mean, how did they --

PDR: What I remember more than the funeral was the funeral march.
JJ:

Okay.

PDR: You know, I believe we had 10,000 people. Maybe more. People came out of
their houses to say, “Enough’s enough.”
JJ:

And he was killed by an off-duty police officer, James Lamb.

PDR: Yeah.
JJ:

And so he was killed by an off-duty police officer, [01:36:00] but that had been
happening to the Puerto Ricans, and it was --

PDR: It was a common experience, right.
JJ:

That’s where we wanted to bring that up then.

PDR: Right. Yeah, the older generation, Puerto Rican generation came out, as well as
-- there were people from other communities that joined. The Italian community,
the people from all walk-- from all the ethnic joined in. Of course, the main was
the Puerto Rican community, but it was a family affair, family protest, you know,

36

�“We’re not taking this anymore.” And I think when that march took place -- up to
this point, the City of Chicago wasn’t really frightened. Mayor Daley [01:37:00]
wasn’t (audio cuts out), I think this frightened him, because it was very large and
it represented families, and it represented the men of the Puerto Rican
community as well. And connections were also made with many other
communities. The march itself was -- the other marches that we had had, the
events that we had had with music and banners and so forth were uplifting. The
Manuel Ramos march, I remember to be a solemn, much more solemn and
serious affair. [01:38:00] I’m getting tired.
(break in audio)
PDR: But the movement on Lincoln Park is just something that had to be done. I
mean, it was a situation that presented itself, the utmost inequality, extreme
oppression, the thought of moving out, 70,000, 100,000 poor and working class
people to be replaced by people who had wealth and influence. I recall a
meeting at Waller High School, which is now Lincoln Park High School -JJ:

(inaudible)

PDR: And at that time, we had to meet at the school, because it could hold [01:39:00] a
thousand people. And by that time, the movement in the community, both for
and against Urban Renewal, had grown to such a point, so many people were
involved, so many people had positions on things that we had to have, if you
could imagine a community needing in a place that housed a thousand people.
And I recall at one point saying, in the last few years, 70,000 people have been
moved out. And people from Lincoln Park Conservation Association booed me.

37

�And I said, “It’s a matter of simple mathematics. You go down Larrabee, Vine
Street, all the streets in the neighborhood that have been bulldozed, you know
how many buildings were on each street. You know how many stories were
[01:40:00] in the buildings. Just those kinds of things alone, just start adding the
figures up, and you come to these numbers. I said, “Just mathematics and
science, that’s what it is. Plus all the buildings that have been renovated that
families have lost, that were large, and families that are there now. So the whole
movement for people owning and controlling their land and their housing was
something, to me, that my background, being raised as a Catholic and living as a
Christian, that said people have to have a voice in their life, have to control their
lives, have to determine what happens to [01:41:00] themselves.
JJ:

This was --

PDR: So Cha-Cha says that I was an inspiration, to me it was just something that had
to be done, that when you see a situation of extreme injustice like that, you’ve got
to stand up and take action. And that’s what I’ve tried to do my whole life. So I
would say that this is a young man that saw the same thing I saw, and was
hungry for information. I had a few jumps on him, I had seen the plan, and I had
heard other people talk about what was going on, and I had joined the movement
for just housing, you know, a year or so before he had. All I was doing was
conveying the same information that I received [01:42:00] from others. So it was
a matter of passing on information to enable people to determine their lives and
futures.

38

�JJ:

But it’s interesting, you didn’t just see the -- it’s a question of housing or urban
renewal, it’s always a question of voice? Is that what you’re saying?

PDR: A voice, self-determination, that everybody -- everybody has a right to determine
their own life and future. Or should have a right.
JJ:

And you didn’t see the community as having a voice? Is that what you’re saying,
or --?

PDR: No, a voice -- the majority of the people in the community did not -JJ:

What do you mean by “a voice”?

PDR: A voice means that you have a right to speak for yourselves about where you
live, how you live, how much you pay for your housing. That had to have been
taken away from people [01:43:00] by a plan that had been put together
independent of the people who lived there.
JJ:

A plan that had been put together --

PDR: By the City of Chicago, by the institutions that bought Urban Renewal there, by
those who were going to make a great profit from it, realtors. We used to talk all
the time about Rubloff, and Draper &amp; Kramer were the big profit makers off of this
situation. And I’m sure there were many, many others. But -JJ:

Draper &amp; Kramer, they were big developers in Lincoln Park also?

PDR: Draper &amp; Kramer and Rubloff were the two big ones that were vocal and out in
front at the time the organizing was going on in the ’60s and early ’70s, yeah. I’m
sure there were many others, but those were the two at that time.
JJ:

Now this was [01:44:00] a plan that was devised in -- at City Hall. What was the
benefit to -- how did you see the benefit to the political machine at that --?

39

�PDR: Well, the Urban Renewal Program, if you remember, was developed -JJ:

It’s --

PDR: -- after World War II to -- as a way to -- right after the war, people moved out of
cities and moved to suburbs. There were a lot of suburbs burgeoning all around
Chicago and around cities all over the country. And so there’s a way to bring
people back to the city to create a tax base that could pay for -- or a larger tax
base that could pay for all [01:45:00] the needs of a city. What better place to do
that than in the most desirable areas of the city, along the lake. I don’t know if
you remember, we used to talk about -- they want to do this because it’s near the
lake, it’s near transportation lines, it’s near downtown. So this was one of the
areas that was seen as prime real estate, prime real estate for a wealthier
community that would help to increase the tax base for the City of Chicago. So
this was conceived in downtown, inside closed doors. And I’m sure nobody
thought there was gonna be the uprising of the people [01:46:00] against the
plan. Who would even know about the plan? It was a secret plan, it was
something that only the institutions and those that were gonna benefit knew
about. But thankfully, there were some ministers and others that had a
conscience that started telling the larger community about what was going on.
JJ:

Okay, so now you’re looking at the Young Lords, and a movement at Lincoln
Park, and the Concerned Citizens of Lincoln Park. And who -- I mean, many
people think that that’s just a small isolated movement. But, I mean, it was just
like more -- a lot of people don’t know who was involved in it, wasn’t there
different people that were involved, in this Young Lord’s movement?

40

�PDR: Well, first of all, I mentioned [01:47:00] that there was the North Side Cooperative
Ministry. Now that was -- represented all the mainline churches.
JJ:

What was in the church?

PDR: The Catholic churches, the Methodist churches, the Presbyterian, Episcopal,
Baptist, Lutheran. [David Dore?] was the president at that time; I forget which of
the churches he was at. But working class people go to church. So it was really
representation of large sections of the community, many of which were going to
be put out of the community because they could no longer afford -- it might have
been the rehabs, it might [01:48:00] have been the taxes. It might have been the
fact that, you know, the area they had their small business was planned for a
different kind of business development. So the parishioners, which represented
thousands of people, were going to be removed from the community. There
were sections of people that were not represented by the churches. But tenants,
the people that lived in the three and five flat buildings along all the main streets
in the community, in many cases they were “unchurched,” so Concerned Citizens
of Lincoln Park started organizing those people. And it was, again, a wide
mixture [01:49:00] of people. There was, as I said, Appalacian that lived on
certain of the streets. Gypsies -- nobody could organize the gypsies, they were
not organizable. But, they did -- I recall there was one area where we had set up
a block corporation for people to put money into their own block to rehab. The
gypsies on that block participated. That was the only place I know that they did.
But that was up north as well. And then, of course, the Puerto Rican community,
represented through initially the Young Lords, but then families joined forces as

41

�well, in the southern part of the community, [01:50:00] there was an African
American community that was represented really by Neighborhood Commons,
although Neighborhood Commons was more diverse as well. There were many
Puerto Rican families that participated with Neighborhood Commons Association
as well.
JJ:

Some of the businesses? What about the Tap Root Pub I heard -- what was that
about?

PDR: The Tap Root Pub was on Larrabee Street. Harley Budd was the owner of the
Tap Root Pub. He was very much engaged in trying to keep businesses in the
community. He had a business on Larrabee Street. The plan called for the
demolition of all properties along there. In fact, some of the houses were tenants
still there, really didn’t have a voice. I recall there were two [01:51:00] buildings
that they started -- they brought the bulldozers, too, while people were still living
in the houses. They woke up in the morning and there were bulldozers there. Of
course the families had to move out very quickly. And I believe the Red Cross
helped with the placement of the families in those buildings. But Harley Budd
held out for the Tap Root Pub. Eventually, his building went also. One of the
things that happened with the business -- with homes and businesses is that -JJ:

What do you mean he held out?

PDR: He -- all the other buildings around him were torn down. But the Tap Root Pub
stood as a symbol of his defiance that he, as a business owner, had a right to be
there, and [01:52:00] actually, his business built during those years. It was very
successful. But eventually, he also gave way, too. I’m not sure if they gave him -

42

�- for him, no money was adequate to replace his business. But what eventually
happened, I’m not quite sure. I lost contact. The plan was to build townhouses
in that whole area there along Larrabee Street, for blocks. And the land stood
vacant for quite a number of years. Well, that was also the land, that Poor
People’s Development Corporation made a proposal on. [01:53:00]
JJ:

What happened at City Hall with that? Do you know?

PDR: It never got to City Hall, it was at the Conservation Community Council level.
There were two corporations that submitted plans for -JJ:

Can you recall the other corporation?

PDR: I don’t remember the name of the corporation, but I do remember that we brought
in research about the other corporation. They had not developed properties in
the City of Chicago. But they had developed on lands in other communities. And
one of the communities was Aurora, where I had grown up. And there was a city
dump to the south of where I had grown up that had been covered over. Before
the land [01:54:00] had adequate time to settle, this company had built on the
land. People invested their whole life savings in buying the homes that this
company had built housing on. And within a year or so, there were gaps in the
foundations a foot wide. These were all working class people that had -- this was
it. This was their life that they had put into purchasing these properties. So we
brought that information to bear, as well as testimonies from some of the people
who lived in the buildings, in the homes. But they were given the contract to
build, [01:55:00] rather than Poor People’s Development Corporation.

43

�JJ:

And Poor People’s Development Corp, what about Ira Bach? Was he part of the
Poor People’s Development Corporation?

PDR: Ira --?
JJ:

Bach?

PDR: No.
JJ:

He wasn’t? He used to be the head of the Department of Urban Renewal before,
something like that. Did he support a plan, or --?

PDR: No.
JJ:

Oh, he didn’t? Okay.

PDR: No. The architect that did -JJ:

Howard Alan.

PDR: Howard Alan. Thank you. I should not forget that. No, he was a staunch ally.
JJ:

Howard Alan?

PDR: Yeah.
JJ:

Yeah. Where does he come from? I know he’s still on Armitage, but how did he
--

PDR: Is he still on Armitage?
JJ:

Yeah. I didn’t (inaudible), he’s still in the same place. [01:56:00]

PDR: Really?
JJ:

Yeah. I’m going to interview him after this thing. He went to our camp
(inaudible). He’s very much in support of the Young Lords.

PDR: Yeah. Yeah. Yeah.
JJ:

I don’t know how he (inaudible).

44

�PDR: He was recommended to us through -- I don’t remember now. But he -- I mean,
he didn’t just appear. He had been working with us on housing issues.
JJ:

Housing issues.

PDR: Yeah.
JJ:

But it’s okay, (inaudible).

PDR: No no no, when you interview him, I would like to -JJ:

Touch base with him?

PDR: Yeah.
JJ:

Okay, (inaudible).

PDR: Good. Good. I’m glad that you’re in touch with him.
JJ:

Any last thoughts, and then we’ll stop.

PDR: The last thoughts are that this [01:57:00] movement, as large as it was, could still
be broken by the City of Chicago, because we weren’t -- there had been lots of
people’s movements in the United States. But they weren’t land-based
movements in cities. This was a whole new development. It was happening not
just in Chicago, but in St. Louis, and many other places around the country. We
weren’t sophisticated enough to -- we knew that we had to connect with other
movements for independence. So we joined forces in the Rainbow Coalition with
the Black Panther party, and the Young Lords movement grew, expanded
[01:58:00] to New York, a Young Lords party in New York City. But the housing
movement, we really needed to join forces with people all over the United States
that were fighting the same fight that we were fighting for control of the land that
we lived on. But we weren’t sophisticated enough. We didn’t know the power of

45

�the federal government to break the movement by declaring everybody
communists. We didn’t know the power of the City of Chicago to arrest
everyone. And when that didn’t happen. to start flooding the community with
drugs again, heavy, heavy drugs.
JJ:

So you feel that (inaudible)?

PDR: Oh, yes. Yes. Yes.
JJ:

And you’re worried, and you think that -- is it your basis?

PDR: What is my -- what is my basis? [01:59:00]
JJ:

Your basis for that, yeah. Where do you get that from?

PDR: When you were in jail and others were in -- then when you went underground,
the young people that were left in the community were high all the time. And, I
mean, I had seen it early when guys were shooting up on the corner of Halsted
and Dickens. And now here it is again, and it wasn’t just a matter of depression,
because, you know, the leadership is temporarily not visible. The accessibility to
drugs was very great. And it wasn’t [02:00:00] just there, it was in -JJ:

(inaudible)flooded with drugs

PDR: It was in all the communities where there had been strong political movements, it
happened.
JJ:

In the United States?

PDR: Oh, I’m talking Chicago. I don’t know about the others, but I’m sure it happened
to other -JJ:

In all the communities that were active with drugs between --

46

�PDR: Yeah. Yeah, yeah. And so, you know, there was the -- there was lack of
sophistication. We had -- didn’t build into what we were doing, security to protect
the leadership, to transition to new leadership, to -- we didn’t know. It was new.
We were ignorant. We didn’t have national coalitions established. We weren’t in
a [02:01:00] position to have, you know, federal legislation, in opposition to the
federal legislation it was operating in the neighborhoods at the time for Urban
Renewal, how we -- so the lessons to be learned, as I have thought about this
over the years, if they can kill a movement as large as the movement was in
Lincoln Park, and on people’s issues in the City of Chicago at that time, after
King’s death, then the message to people now is, you have to have coalitions
with everyone who is engaged in the same struggle, nationally, internationally.
[02:02:00] It’s our -- still, even in this age of technology and so on, people are
strong in numbers. And we have to continue to build new leadership, new
leadership, new leadership.
JJ:

So, what you’re trying to say is, besides whatever we need to be doing, it was
(inaudible). You’re also saying that you feel that what we did in Lincoln Park,
was that a defeat, or was --

PDR: No. I think it was a victory in that we trained -- we brought to consciousness
thousands of people. We lost the struggle in that community for [02:03:00]
quality housing for poor and working-class people. But we -- but a
consciousness was built among thousands of people, about what their rights are,
about the fact that they, if they choose, can have the power to speak for

47

�themselves. That they can join together with other people to make change. So
that was significant. And that was a win.
JJ:

A win. So the win was, we gave them a voice.

PDR: Yeah.
JJ:

Okay. So I will end it right there. The voice.

END OF VIDEO FILE

48

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The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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              <text>Patricia Devine-Reed era una de los líderes del Concerned Citizens of Lincoln Park (después se cambiaron a los Concerned Citizens Survival Front of Lincoln Park), que fueron el primer grupo en protestar los planes de reconstrucción ciudadana en parte de que los Puertorriqueños y Afroamericanos iban ser desalojados de sus casas y luego subieran el precio de la renta de las nuevas residencias. Señora Devine-Reed felizmente recluto a José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez para uno de los reuniones del Department of Urban Renewal en 1969. Las reúnes probaron ser muy importantes por muchas razones. Señor Jiménez tomo in grupo de jóvenes a esta reunión. Cuando vieron la muestra de cómo desalojado de los Puertoriquenos y pobres de Lincoln Park y escucharon como los agentes y promotores de Lincoln Park Conservation Association describieron sus planes para el vecindario, los jóvenes estaban furiosos y revolcaron el edificio en donde estaban haciendo la reconstrucción. Esto resulto en cerrando el edificio por unos meses por la destrucción.     La señora Devine-Reed también ayuda los pobres que están desalojados de sus casa en Lincoln Park, con la organización, Lincoln Park Poor People’s Coalition en donde el señor Jiménez era presidente. Una artista y conservadora, Señora Devine-Reed continua soportar los derechos de mujeres, el civil y la comunidad en Chicago.         </text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/491"&gt;Young Lords in Lincoln Park (RHC-65)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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            <name>Identifier</name>
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                <text>RHC-65_Devine-Reed_Patricia</text>
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                <text>Patricia Devine-Reed video interview and transcript</text>
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                <text>Devine-Reed, Patricia</text>
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                <text>Patricia Devine-Reed was the leader of the Concerned Citizens of Lincoln Park (later called the Concerned Citizens Survival Front of Lincoln Park), the first group to protest urban renewal plans on the grounds that Puerto Ricans and African Americans were being displaced from their homes and priced out of the renewing neighborhood. Ms. Devine-Reed also helped to organize the broad-based Lincoln Park Poor People’s Coalition to try to save the poor from being forced out of their homes in Lincoln Park.</text>
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            <name>Contributor</name>
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                <text>Jiménez, José, 1948-</text>
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                <text>Young Lords (Organization)</text>
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                <text>Lincoln Park (Chicago, Ill.)</text>
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                <text>eng</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/InC/1.0/?language=en"&gt;In Copyright&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>video/mp4</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>2012-02-10</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="1029982">
                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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