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                  <text>Photographs scanned from negatives and transparencies from the Douglas R. Gilbert papers (RHC-183).&#13;
&#13;
Douglas R. Gilbert (b. 1942) is an American photographer from Michigan. He was born in Holland, Michigan and is the son of Russell W. and Carmen (Andree) Gilbert. Gilbert earned a B.A. in social sciences and art at Michigan State University in 1964, an M.S. in photography from the Institute of Design at Illinois Institute of Technology in 1972, and a M.S.W. from Salem State College in 1993. He is married to Barbara (McDonald) Gilbert, and has three daughters, Robyn, Rachel, and Anne. Gilbert took a serious interest in photography at the age of fourteen. In 1963 he joined the staff of Look magazine in New York as the second youngest photojournalist in the magazine's history. As a Look photographer from 1964 to 1966, he photographed folk musician Bob Dylan, the Newport Folk Festival, Simon and Garfunkel, the New York City Financial District, the children and facilities at the Manhattan School for Seriously Disturbed Children. From 1967 to 1969, Gilbert did several shoots, including that of folk singer Janis Ian for Life magazine. After moving to Chicago, Illinois in 1969 to attend the Illinois Institute of Technology, Gilbert conducted notable photo shoots of business and political figure Lenore Romney, and pursued more personal and artistic photography, focusing on urban and rural landscapes in Illinois and Michigan. He then joined the faculty of Wheaton College, where he taught from 1972 to 1982. In 1993, Gilbert graduated from Salem State College, Massachusetts, with a Masters in Social Work, and later pursued a second career as a psychotherapist. Douglas Gilbert died in June 2023. &#13;
&#13;
Throughout his photography career, he pursued both freelance commercial work as well as artistic work. His art photography is characterized by its classic black-and-white format, and features people, places and objects shot great attention and sensitivity. Gilbert's works are held in the permanent collections of the Art Institute of Chicago, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta, The Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, and the Grand Valley State University Art Galleries, as well as in numerous private and institutional collections.&#13;
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                  <text>&lt;a href="%E2%80%9Dhttps%3A//gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/783%E2%80%9D"&gt;Douglas R. Gilbert Papers (RHC-183)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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Veterans’ History Project
Jessica Oudbier
War on Terror
2 hours 38 minutes 37 seconds
(00:00:14) Early Life
-Born on April 6, 1989 in Fort Ord, California near Monterrey, California
-Father was stationed there at the time for the Defense Language Institute
-He was planning on becoming a Russian linguist for the military
-Moved around a lot growing up
-Lived in Colorado
-Then in Spokane, Washington
-Father was assigned to NORAD
-Parents got divorced shortly after her father was assigned to NORAD
-She and her mother and siblings moved to Spokane, Washington
-Spent most of her early life growing up on military bases
-Difficult to form long lasting friendships because she moved around a lot
-Father was a Russian linguist and also collected data from satellites
-She had one brother and two half siblings
-First went to John R. Rogers High School in Spokane, Washington
-Left Spokane when she was sixteen to move in with her father in Beaver Creek, Ohio
-Attended Beaver Creek High School and graduated from there in 2007
-It was not uncommon for children in Spokane to have a parent in the military
-Took care of mother and brother growing up
(00:06:17) Enlisting and September 11th Attacks
-Knew she would enlist in the military when she was old enough
-There was the expectation she would serve the government in some way
-Remembers being thirteen when 9/11 happened
-She was in class at Jefferson Middle School
-Trying to explain to her teacher that America was under attack
-She needed to call her father to make sure he was okay
-Uncle worked in the Pentagon
-Eventually confirmed that he was alive, but very busy
-Grew up knowing that the United States would eventually be attacked
-Wanted to serve her country already, 9/11 just made it concrete
-Knew that college wasn’t for her
-Felt that it would be better to serve her country than waste her time
-Enlisted when she was seventeen in the Navy
-Mother was fine with it and so was her father
-Had to go through psych exams for security clearance
-Enlisted on August 15, 2007
(00:13:53) Basic Training
-Sent to MEPC for processing Cleveland, Ohio
-Set up in a hotel

�-Interviewed and examined again to make sure you’re fit for service
-Flown to Great Lakes Naval Station, Illinois for basic training
-Knew what to expect from training from talking to her father and family
-It was interesting to watch recruits from civilian families trying to argue with instructors
-Also kind of entertaining
-Stripped, given military clothing, and given a short haircut
-A lot of recruits joined to pay for college, needed the money, or they faced jail instead
-Only one or two recruits from rich families
-The goal was to break down the individual and build up the unit
-Did this by inciting division and urging recruits to work together
-Break down the idea of being an individual and individual competition
-Responding almost unconsciously to orders
-Physical training consisted of marching, running and calisthenics
-Took courses on Navy history and on ship classification
-Scored 96 out of 100 on the ASVAB and wanted to work on a nuclear submarine
-Wasn’t allowed to do that because she was a female sailor
-The first couple weeks were difficult because two female recruits didn’t like her
-Accused her of being racist and arrogant when in fact she was neither
-Tried to confront them and deal with the issue
-They were eventually kicked out of the Navy
-Male recruits were wary of talking to female recruits
-She was placed in charge of singing cadence and also temporary second in command
-Everyone got sick at the start of basic training
-Got picked to be the AROC because she didn’t lose her voice
-Basic training lasted eight weeks
-Final test was “battle stations” and after that was in the Navy
(00:32:28) Advanced Training
-Placed on a bus and driven across the street to A School for operations specialist training
-It was a good job
-Working in CIC on a ship, dealing with communications and computers
-Watched radar screens and talked to other ships and also handled air traffic
-Training consisted of spending eight hours each day sitting in classrooms
-Learned about semaphore, Morse code, and radio etiquette
-Learning more about the different types of ships and satellites
-Taking tests
-Took night classes to help speed up the process
-Able to visit Chicago on a few occasions
-Found ways to get extra sleep and get cigarette breaks
-Learned it’s just about being respectful to people with authority
-Completed operations specialist training in February 2008
(00:38:24) Tactical Air Control Squadron 12
-Wanted to go to work at NORAD like her father
-Request was denied
-Sent to Tactical Air Control Squadron 12 in San Diego, California
-Worked alongside air traffic controllers
-Considered “staff” because they worked for the fleet commander

�-Meant they were afforded certain privileges
-Didn’t have to do the same things other sailors had to
-She wasn’t well received
-Made some friends, made some enemies
-Assigned specifically to Coronado Naval Air Station
-Given a lot of freedom
(00:41:24) Sexism and Harassment Pt. 1
-Didn’t expect the sexism and double standards
-Started dating Marines
-Received a lot of trouble from other female service members
-There was one older, female officer that targeted her
-Harassed her consistently
-Tried to be relaxed and professional about that harassment
-Worked hard and got promoted quickly
-Other service members claimed she just used sex to get promoted
-One older Marine got her number and began to call her
-Eventually led to sexual abuse on a regular basis
-She could not get rid of him
-He wrecked her car
(00:49:00) First Deployment
-Deployed aboard the USS Bonhomme Richard in the summer of 2008
-Taking part in RIMPAC with foreign navies and marines in Hawaii
-Rim of the Pacific Exercise
-Doing naval exercises
-Got to stay in Honolulu and met a good Canadian soldier
-She got along better with foreign service members
-They treated their women better
-Harassed for spending more time with them than Americans
-Began training for Theatre Battle Management Combat System (TBMCS)
-Correlating data with air, land, and sea forces of American and foreign forces
-Sent to Point Loma, California for that training
-Enjoyed it
-Became a systems administrator
-Meant she would be working with officers which was more relaxing
-Didn’t have to deal with the same amount of harassment
-There was still no way to report harassment though
-Did a lot of monitoring and waiting
-Joined thinking that there would be more actual combat
-Learned that the boredom and helplessness of being on a ship was mind numbing
-There was no privacy and anything you said or did, everyone found out about
-Saw the best and worst of people aboard the Bonhomme Richard
-No chance to relax and get away from people
-This was especially stressful since everyone she knew, hated her
(01:02:30) Sexism and Harassment Pt. 2
-Living with a man who routinely sexually abused her
-He would manipulate her and would blackmail her

�-She had moved in with him to a place in the middle of nowhere
-This made the abuse even worse
-The abuse led to identity issues, depression, and work problems
-She got an unfair and bad reputation that followed her through the Navy and her personal life
-Eventually found out that he was married and receiving a housing allowance from the Marines
-Found out that he was married after he was deployed to Afghanistan
-He wound up divorcing his wife to try and keep Jessica around
-She was too young to understand that it was just more manipulation
-He was also selling spice (synthetic form of marijuana, illegal, but didn’t show in drug tests)
-He would videotape him raping her, drugging her, and inviting other men to rape her
-She eventually got pregnant because of him
-Decided that the only way to deal with this was to commit suicide
-At least then she and the child would be free of him
-Decided to overdose on pills and cough syrup
-Led to a miscarriage, but did not kill her
-After surviving the miscarriage and suicide attempt she had to go to work
-Continued to have to live in the situation without any chance of escape
-Eventually summoned the courage to write him a “Dear John” letter
-“Dear John” – break up letter
-Received it when he was in Afghanistan
-Made the situation even worse because now he was seen as the victim
(01:16:00) Meeting Rocky
-She began to take part in a “workup” (preparing for the ship to be deployed)
-During the workup she met a Marine by the name of Rocky
-It was love at first sight
-They bonded over their mutual affection for Pearl Jam
-He was a good man, and it was an honest relationship
-Tim called from Afghanistan about the Dear John letter
-Rocky intervened on her behalf and told him that she was done with him
-In the meantime Rocky was transferred to the Bonhomme Richard
-The cruise was eventually extended to a ten month deployment
-Had to maintain professionalism with Rocky during the cruise
-But still had to maintain the relationship as well
-Both wanted to be mature and respectful with each other
-Tim then sent all of the videotapes of her “taking” drugs to her superiors
-This led to her being investigated
(01:20:30) Second Deployment
-At the time of her second deployment she managed to avoid her coworkers
-They were still harassing her
-Made sure that she did her job and did it well to avoid any further scrutiny
-Began to work with one marine by the name of Sergeant Oudbier
-The destination of the second deployment was the Gulf of Aden off the coast of Yemen
-In the meantime, Tim has had her car and all of her personal possessions destroyed
-Also has had her pets killed and attempted to destroy her friendships
-She was also being investigated by an officer that hated her
-Tim had friends aboard the ship that were also watching her so he could harass her with letters

�-During the deployment the Marines were starting to get anxious and destructive
-This caused her and the other sailors problems
-After the Gulf of Aden they sailed for Thailand
-It was a chance to spend some time with Rocky
-Tim has also managed to destroy Rocky’s prized guitar by this time too
-During this deployment Sergeant Oudbier is sent to Djibouti
(01:27:13) Combat Operations
-During the second deployment the Bonhomme Richard was carrying out classified operations
-Sending out strike fighters to bomb unknown targets in Yemen
-Knew about, but didn’t know about, the people that were dying from the air strikes
-Believes that it was nothing less than mass murder
-Innocent men, women, and children were getting killed indiscriminately
-Even pitied the militants who had no way of defending against the air strikes
-Had to approach her job by being numb and detached
(01:29:52) Meeting Sergeant Oudbier
-After the operations in the Gulf of Aden the ship sailed to Malaysia
-Couldn’t find Rocky because he had gone off with his friends
-Sergeant Oudbier came back to the ship from Djibouti
-Wife had divorced him over Christmas
-This led to her and Sergeant Oudbier getting closer
-During the deployment she had been under a lot of stress and was being overworked
-Ship eventually pulled into Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
-She and Sergeant Oudbier were the only ones aboard the ship
-He found her sobbing and decided that they both needed to get away
-He took her out for dates in the city, one thing led to another, and she got pregnant
-She met up with Rocky and broke up with him
-She couldn’t handle the emotional stress of being with another disloyal man
-The pregnancy was a complete surprise
-She had been told that, after the miscarriage, she couldn’t have children
-At this point she now faced being dishonorably discharged, homeless, and pregnant
-She was told on April 1, 2010 that she was pregnant
-Thought that it was a sick April Fool’s Day joke at first
-Because she was pregnant she had to be flown off the ship
-The ship was in Pearl Harbor and only two weeks from returning to the U.S.
-Still had to do the “flight of shame” out of Hickam Air Force Base, Hawaii
-In light of the circumstances, she and Sergeant Oudbier began dating
(01:39:45) Stationed in San Diego
-She was able to sleep on a friend’s couch in San Diego for two weeks
-Her family didn’t know she was off the ship and pregnant
-Told them when they came to greet her in San Diego
-Also introduced them to Matt Oudbier
-She was transferred to the Transient Personnel Unit in San Diego
-Moved into an apartment with Matt and started to learn about each other more
-Assigned to Fleet Area Control and Surveillance Facility (FACSFAC) San Diego
-Didn’t want to be assigned to that
-Job was to track air traffic in the San Diego area

�-She was being treated well by Matt and was away from the people that hated her
-Decided to have another child with Matt before he was deployed to Afghanistan
-Wanted to make sure that she had two children in rapid succession
-First daughter was born on December 12, 2010
-She was working a rotating shift at FACSFAC
-8AM-2PM, 2PM-10PM, 10PM-8AM, Thursday and Friday off
-Made sleeping hard which made life hard
-On top of this she was receiving death threats from Tim
-Managed to get through all of it with the help of Matt
-Transferred to Marine Corps Air Station Miramar, California after her second child
(01:46:16) Reenlistment and Reassignment
-She decided to reenlist and was reassigned to the USS New Orleans in November 2012
-At the time of her assignment to that ship it was in dry dock undergoing repairs
-She was a regular operations specialist and was no longer considered “staff”
-Met the new people that she would be working with, hoped that she could start over
-She was an E5 (Petty Officer-2nd Class)
-But she had no pins (enlisted warfare pins) and had two children
-Both were major negatives, and her reputation had already followed her
-Got off to a bad start with her coworkers
-She was cleaning a space with them on the ship
-Mentioned that a song sounded like a song by the rap group NWA
-Someone reported her for being “racist”
-Stuck up for herself and explained the context of the use of the word
-The chief petty officer liked her and gave her plenty of work to do
-The New Orleans got out of dry dock and began to do maneuvers to prepare for deployment
-Matt was getting out of the Marines which meant he could stay with the kids
(01:52:39) Leaving the Navy
-Saw a young female sailor starting to go through the same things she had with Tim
-Tried to give her advice about avoiding men like that
-The girl wound up getting sexually assaulted anyway
-She tried to defend the girl, but was rejected
-Other sailors under her command were leaking classified information and getting it disorganized
-Because she was in charge she was the one who was blamed for it
-Faced going to prison because of it
-Her emotional state deteriorated again and she began to contemplate suicide
-Marriage wasn’t turning out the way she thought it would
-Starting to “grey out”-essentially going through life on autopilot
-While doing an air and sea exercise she finally had a nervous breakdown
-Spoke with a medical officer, legal officer, and a chaplain
-Told the chaplain everything that had happened to her in the Navy
-She was removed and taken to shore via boat
-Remembers seeing Comic-Con 2013 happening in San Diego
-This would have placed her departure from the New Orleans in July 2013
-She was taken to meet with her psychologist who had helped her stay in the Navy
-She had wanted to stay in the Navy, but was going to be medically discharged
-She had wanted to go on the deployment

�-People were saying she was just faking to get out of being deployed
-Wishes that she could have had the friendships male sailors had had
-She was considered “promiscuous” for talking to a male sailor
-Or exercising in front of male sailors
-Got discharged from the Navy in February 2014
(02:03:55) Moving to Michigan and Life after the Navy
-Sent the children to Michigan to live with their maternal grandmother
-Her depression was getting worse again
-Braved it to be around for her husband and children
-Lived in a motel with Matt while as they prepared to leave San Diego
-One night she went to the hot tub and had a drink and one extra sleeping pill
-Fell asleep in the hot tub, and Matt thought it was a suicide attempt
-She was taken to Balboa Hospital and woke up in the mental ward
-Had to stay there for a couple days before being released
-Decided to move to Michigan and start their lives over there
-Wanted to be able to attend Grand Valley State University
-Figured that it would be best so that children could be watched by family
-Moved her mother to Michigan from Texas
-Neighborhood she was living in was getting worse
-As of 2015, she is in therapy and is considered 80% disabled by the government
(02:09:16) Reflections on Service Pt. 1
-She doesn’t know how to explain to college students about her experiences in the Navy
-About depression, military reputations, about how the enemy isn’t an enemy
-Doesn’t feel like a war hero, just feels scarred from the sexual abuse
-Has had to choose her children over revenge for what Tim did
(02:13:46) Rape and Suicide
-Saw countless women just trying to do their job and serve their country
-All they got in return for it was to be raped
-Found out that Rocky has since committed suicide
-Boss at FACSFAC committed suicide after killing his wife
-Other people she knew have since committed suicide
(02:16:57) Reflections on Service Pt. 2
-Cannot readjust to being a civilian or a student
-Has gotten almost no help from Veterans’ Affairs
-Doesn’t spend time with other veterans because all she sees is pity
-The Navy and the government continue to send money
-They can retract that aid at will though
-She grew up in the military and doesn’t know how to be a civilian
-She is trying to be a good wife, mother, and daughter in spite of her depression
-Doesn’t understand the arbitrary hierarchy of professor and student in college
-Doesn’t make sense since the student is an investor, not an employee
-Still has trust issues
-Stays grounded via the Student Veterans of America at GVSU and Matt
-Didn’t know she’d have to prepare for sexual and verbal abuse in the Navy
-Didn’t know that she’d have to deal with the coldness and apathy of modern warfare
-Believes that she didn’t get to fight the enemy, just got to fight her fellow sailors

�-Her sense of patriotism and loyalty to the country have been shaken
-Seeing innocent people killed and soldiers killed and maimed for an ambiguous cause
-Doesn’t have the sense of camaraderie that she had in the Navy
-Despite not getting along with her fellow sailors, at least there was common ground
-There is the urge to return to the Navy and go on one last deployment
-She wants her story to be known
-Hopes that maybe it will make things better for someone else who has suffered
-Gives her comfort that her suffering would not be for nothing

�</text>
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                  <text>The Library of Congress established the Veterans History Project in 2001 to collect memories, accounts, and documents of U.S. war veterans from World War II and the Korean War, Vietnam War, and conflicts in the Middle East and elsewhere, and to preserve these stories for future generations. The GVSU History Department interviews are part of this work-in-progress, and may contain videos and audio recordings, transcripts and interview outlines, and related documents and photographs.</text>
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                  <text>Smither, James&#13;
Boring, Frank</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/455"&gt;Veterans History Project interviews (RHC-27)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Jessica Oudbier was born on April 6, 1989 in Fort Ord, California. Her father was in the Air Force and she grew up in various military communities, even after her parents divorced. After graduating from high school she enlisted in the Navy on August 15, 2007. She received basic training and communications training at Great Lakes Naval Station, Illinois. She was assigned to Tactical Air Control Squadron 12 in San Diego, California. During her time there she withstood repeated sexual assaults as well as verbal harassment from fellow sailors. She was assigned to the USS Bonhomme Richard and took part in RIMPAC 2009 as well as a deployment to the Gulf of Aden for air strikes in Yemen.  During her time in the Navy she got pregnant and got married and was assigned to FACSFAC in San Diego. She reenlisted in 2012 and was assigned to the USS New Orleans. After a nervous breakdown she was medically discharged from the Navy in February 2014 and moved to Michigan with her husband and children.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University Veterans History Project
Oral History Interview
Veteran: Matthew Oudbier
Interview Length: (2:24.12)
Interviewed by: James Smither
Transcribed by: Chloe Dingens

Interviewer: We're talking today with Matthew Oudbeir of Allendale, Michigan and the
interviewer is James Smither of the Grand Valley State University Veteran’s History
Project. Okay Matthew, start us off with some background on yourself and to begin with,
where and when were you born?
So, I was born in Bremerton, Washington. My dad was in the Marine Corps and so he was
initially stationed out on Camp Pendleton in California and then it was assigned to leave marine
security guard at, in Bremerton. So, my mother relocated up there. I was born and then shortly
after they moved back down to Pendleton, but that's where I was born.
Interviewer: Okay and then did you move around a lot when you grew up or did you stay
in the San Diego area?
(1.15)
Not so much, we I mean we for the most part all I remember is Camp Pendleton, we lived on
base housing for the most part. I think we lived out the uptown for a while, but my parents are
from Grand Rapids, Michigan so after my dad had gotten out they moved back and I think I was
about ten at the time we moved back and then I spent the rest of my time growing up in Grand
Rapids.
Interviewer: Okay then now what do you remember, or what sticks in your mind about the
time growing up in Camp Pendleton? Just being a kid there.

�So, my dad served during the Persian Gulf, so he had actually gone on deployment, so I mean
there was a small period that I remember him being gone for a while and then just family
watching the news. Kind of checking up what's going on there and then I remember the
homecoming, actually I remember the before they left they had a family, a family day and they
had lined up all the- all the weapons and had blank rounds in them and stuff and had some of the
Humvees and the tanks out there so we could, the kids can you know check them out and stuff.
But you know I- I don't think I really understood the, especially when we lived on base housing
didn’t really understand the community that we lived in, that everyone there had a parent serving
in the military in some capacity, and I don't think I really understood that it was just kind of
being a kid and…
(2.47)
Interviewer: It's just what was there. Okay so then you're ten years old and you moved to
Grand Rapids, and then what was that transition like?
You know it wasn't difficult, I think. So we ended up staying with my dad's mom, my
grandmother for the first couple months when- when we moved back in, while my parents were
looking for housing and then I know my dad had kind of bounced around jobs for a while when
he got out and eventually got a position at the post office which he has been working ever since.
So, but for me it was kind of, kind of roll with it. I had three younger… or two younger brothers
at the time who were in somewhat close proximity of age to me, so I was you know busy with
them and you know just kind of being a kid, I guess.
(3.38)
Interviewer: Alright and so where'd you go to high school?

�I bounced around high school's quite a bit. So, I initially went to East Kentwood for freshmen
and sophomore year. Then I went to Creston for a year and then after that I went to Northview
Alternative. My, at that point my- my decision was to join the Marine Corps so at that point I
was kind of ready to finish school and I was actually in a position where East Kentwood had
more credits, I'd earn more credits than I needed and so going to Northview alternative I'd only
have to stay there for another semester and then I'd be able to graduate early so I was able to
ship- ship off to boot camp you know before the summer, before I actually graduated.
Interviewer: Okay and- and at what point did you decide that you wanted to go into the
Marine Corps?
(4.33)
I think it was my- my sophomore year what I really kind of made that decision. You know I
think it was a lot of things that kind of played into that my- my dad being in the Marine Corps. I
think the year, the year prior to my sophomore year the September 11th attacks occurred, and I
really, I guess I didn't see any other kind of options, there wasn't a whole lot I guess I had going
for me at the time. I was not the, I mean I was a bright student but I was not I had a problem with
authority and I guess joining the Marine Corps was maybe not the first conclusion you make, but
I figured I- I could use that to kind of get myself straightened out in a way.
Interviewer: You would kind of have to learn to deal with Authority at that point.
Yes.
Interviewer: Because you were going to get a lot of it, but you had a pretty good
understanding on some level of what the Marine Corps was all about because you'd grown
up with it.
Yes.

�(5.35)
Interviewer: Okay, alright and do you remember how you learned about 9/11?
So I was, I believe it was my freshman year. I was in, I want to say a history class if I'm not
mistaken and someone came down the hall and said, you know, “turn on the TV,” and they
turned on the TV and we sat there and watched what was kind of unfolding and no one really
knew what was going on so, you know what you know I believe we finish out the day you know
as- as kind of normal after that but it was kind of people were kind of confused on what was
going on.
Interviewer: Right.
For the most part.
Interviewer: Okay, alright so then so when do you actually you- you finish high school and
so when you actually enter the Marine Corps?
So that was in February 2004. I had, they had the Delayed Entry Program and I had signed up for
that in my beginning of my senior year which I believe is where they will accept people in the
Delayed Entry Program. So, I was signed up for that and I had let the recruiter know what was
my plans were to graduate a semester early. So after December I had gotten all the credits I
needed to graduate and then he told me that “well we're just gonna once we have an open slot for
you we're gonna put you in there so you are kind of at a moment's notice at this point,” and then
come February I got the- the call saying that they're gonna take me down to MEPs in Lansing
and process me to- to enlist.
Interviewer: Okay, now how much, in the year when you were going in, I mean how much
kind of test taking and processing did you do before you actually went off to training?
(7.25)

�So, I mean there was the ASVAB that we had to take, and I took that in I want to say my- my
junior year maybe, and I had done exceptionally well on there. And then like in the Delayed
Entry Program they, because you have to do a… they want you to do an initial PFT so it's…
Interviewer: Is it a physical?
Yeah physical training test and it's like a half- a mile and a half run and sit ups and pull ups and
so I had done that before I enlisted, before actually when I was in the Delayed Entry Program
and in the Delayed Entry Program they kind of go through a, you know they tried to help training
acts, kind of some of the- the basic things you're gonna need to know. You do a little marching,
they do physical fitness activities some, a lot of organized sports or hiking stuff like that. I
actually didn't participate a whole lot with that because I figured I was going to be joining and I'd
be getting a load of that stuff so…
Interviewer: Right.
But they- they had some of that and I did participate with some.
(8.33)
Interviewer: Okay and then were you, before you go out there, were you given a chance to
kind of express preference for what kind of training you would get or would that all come
later?
So yeah I was asked and I asked to join the infantry and they for some reasons said they didn't
have any positions open for that because I had and I, I don't know if it was because I had a high
ASVAB score that they didn't want to put me in there, or it was because they were actually full
in infantry position I don't know if that's possible. But so, I ended up signing for a general field,
which was command and control electrician. It's kind of a broad field and then I ended up getting
assigned to a radio operator because I initially was going to sign in open contract, just so I could

�you know they could put me where I needed to, kind of roll the dice. And see how that goes and
my recruiter was like well you got to pick something or at least an area of specialty and stuff. So,
that's what I end up doing and I come to find out I be a radio operator which is, in my opinion
kind of the- the next best thing and in a way because you actually get to, there's more flexibility
with the radio operator, every unit has radio operators, every unit needs them so you can be an
infantry units, you can be an air units, you can be in whatever.
(9.56)
Interviewer: Okay, alright so now they take you, okay so where do you do your basic
training?
I did mine in San Diego and at the Recruit Depot there and that was 13 weeks and lots of fun.
Interviewer: Okay now in the Vietnam era there was gonna the whole ritual surrounding
actually arriving there, coming in in the middle of the night, and all of this kind of stuff. So,
what happens when you go out there? When you first arrive, how does that work?
I mean I believe it's not a whole lot different than- than it's been in the past, I mean we arrived
and it was it was late at night and we get to the yellow footprints there the- the bus driver was
really nice and then when we pulled up yellow footprints and they got blinding white lights
shining on the- on the area and then the drill instructors come on and start barking orders,
everyone get out on the footprints and then you kind of go through in-processing. You know the
I think the- the first thing you do is get the haircut and then you go through and you get- get
loaded in with equipment and stuff, so you get uniforms and then hygiene equipment all kinds of
stuff. You just kind of you know corralled through this thing and then eventually you get into a
receiving barracks and I think we're actually in receiving for like three days. Waiting and after
that whole initial period it kind of really slows down and you're just kind of being marched from-

�from chow to you know, breakfast to lunch to dinner and then I think you're doing cleaning and
stuff in between just kind of to hold you over but you're not doing a whole lot in the receiving.
(11.38)
Interviewer: Okay and how much of this were you expecting when you went in?
Well the initial stuff I was expecting the- the latter part of the receiving, not really, I mean I think
a lot of us it was kind of we were all anticipating you know the- the boot camp and the receiving
was not, I think the- the drill instructors that are in receiving are generally on their way out of
being drill instructors they, they've done their time and they're kind of been started their last leg
of their drill instructor tour. So, they're not as, you know hard-nosed as the- the drill instructors
you're gonna get for your platoon.
Interviewer: Okay alright so and then out were you waiting just to fill up the ranks of a
training unit or?
I'm not sure, I think they just have the receiving cycle, where you know I believe we also went
through shots and medical screening and stuff like that. So, I think it's just that time to process
you in and get everyone situated, and it may be… well I don't know if they're waiting on to fillfill everyone up, because I think everyone, we- I had came with was ended up being in the
platoon that I was in after the most part.
(12.55)
Interviewer: Alright okay so know when training actually starts what does that consist of?
So, there's the I mean so the Marine Corps does three phases of training. The- the first phase is
they are just kind of breaking you down. A lot of it is getting used to the- the system they've got
going on you know we do a lot of physical training, a lot of, what they call ITing, which is the I
figure out the- the act what it stands for but essentially the drill instructors would take the group

�and have them do push-ups until they scream for mercy. And there were some classes in there
also, I think a lot of it was general Marine Corps history that kind of stuff we went over. A
second phase we actually move, so that's in San Diego, and then the second phase we go up to
Camp Pendleton and there's barracks there and that's where we get into our field training portion.
So, a lot of classes on the rifle, on patrolling and maneuvering, we do the rifle range up there and
then at the end of that is when we do our- our, the crucible or the final exercise for that. Which is
the I think 72-hour movement I- I think they give us like two hours of sleep a night or something
like that, if you're lucky and you could I think a meal and a half for the three days. And then
ending with a, I want to say a 15-kilometer hike and I think at the top is where they that's where
we got our- our I think MCMAT belts. I in the past they've… I know they've changed it around
in the past that was kind of the very end you would do this, and you'd get your Eagle Globe and
Anchor. For us by that time it was you get to the in the second phase and we're in the middle you
MCMAT belt and then third phase is kind of refining, where they going over additional classes
and stuff you're- you're focusing a lot on drill. And we get to gloss our boots at that time and we
get to unbutton our, they had us button our top button on our- our blouse for most of the training
and third phase we got to unbutton it so we actually look somewhat like Marines, and then at the
very end graduation is where we get the Eagle Globe and Anchor. But yes, so that was- that was
training for the most part.
(15.47)
Interviewer: Okay, now how would you characterize the group of people you were training
along with?
You know I'm not sure, I mean we hit a lot of people, there was people from all over. I mean we
usually we come to find out that most people are from California or Texas and then there's

�people from other places also. But I mean it seemed that, it seemed to me that most people were
kind of like me and I- I looking back I would say probably you know lower, middle class kind of
backgrounds that kind of thing.
Interviewer: Were there many with military families?
Not that I'm aware of. I mean we didn't… so there wasn't a whole lot of socializing.
Interviewer: Okay.
(16.32)
So, I really didn't get to know a lot of people personally. I think we got like an hour at the end of
the day to kind of square our things away and for the most part we weren't allowed to speak
during that time and on Sundays we, I think it was a four-hour block that we were actually
allowed to kind of… get the newspaper, use the bathroom at your leisure kind of thing. And so,
and usually that’s what I did, I read the newspaper and I used the bathroom so…
Interviewer: Okay, now did you have many people drop out? Or have problems along the
way or did most of them go through okay?
We had a few dropouts, I think there was, there was one guy that ran away during the first phase
and then they actually found him during the last phase, and they brought him back. I believe he
got actually home, and his father convinced him to go turn himself in and they bring you back to
the platoon you- you were assigned to before and then they process you out from there. We had
quite a few people get recycled to us. So, if you are you know say you get to third, the third
phase or you get to the second phase they, they'll bump you back to the beginning of a phase if
you… for medical reason, like if you had a medical injury. You'll go to the medical platoon until
you get better and then they'll- they'll put you back in. And actually, we had a guy that I ended
up going to comm school with, who had gotten cellulitis and they actually found him with that

�on the last day or so of the second phase. So he was actually on his way up the Reaper which is
the end hike and then he was, they- the medic found him or the corpsman found him with a limp
and stopped him and checked it out and they're like, “oh you got to go- go back,” and he was
pleading not to go back because he actually had to do second phase all over again. So, the- the
whole exercise that he had done he had to do all over again with us. So…
(18.40)
Interviewer: Alright so now once you finish that, now what do they do with you?
From there I, so, from there I think we got like our ten days of liberty we got to go home and…
but after that we went to- I went to marine combat training. Which is if you are other than
infantry, you'll go to marine combat training just like three weeks, 27 days of combat training if
you're infantry then you go to a school of infantry SOI. And that's I believe a five-week course
that they send you through, and it's basically more in-depth on infantry skills. So, you do a lot of
bivouacking, a lot of patrolling, learning how to fire a variety of different weapon systems, that
kind of thing. A lot of more classes and instructions and stuff.
(19.35)
Interviewer: Okay alright and then and that was that at Camp Pendleton or someplace
else?
That was that camp Pendleton. That was, they had the school of infantry and marine combat
training relatively the same place out there, so we were out in the Hills Camp Pendleton doing
exercise. I think we for the most part we- we'd go out for the week and do our training out there
in the field, and then come back on the weekend for a couple days to kind of rest and refit. And
then we go out again and it kind of was the cycle for those three weeks.
Interviewer: Okay alright and then once you're done with that, now what?

�(20.13)
Yeah after yeah after that I went to Twentynine Palms for the field radio operators’ course and
I'm not quite sure how long that was I want to say that was like a six-week course that I had gone
through. And you're pretty much learning how to operate the radios, set up antennas, that kind of
thing.
Interviewer: So, where is Twentynine Palms?
Twentynine Palms is in the Mojave Desert outside of Southern California, it's in Southern
California. Outside of San Diego a ways, kind of between San Diego and Las Vegas. And pretty
much in the middle of nowhere. One of the largest training areas, we didn't go out into the
training area so much we were mostly at the schoolhouse, and they had a space designated for
mostly setting up antennas and doing some communication stuff but...
Interviewer: Okay and at this point, and so this is mid 2000s here, what… how
sophisticated was the equipment you were using? I mean did it look like stuff they used in
Vietnam or was it more better than that?
(21.20)
Yeah so, I think the… we later on I had gotten, we had gotten much more modern radio
equipment. In the field, in the radio operators course we were working with prick-104s, prick19s for the most part that’s what we were using. They had for the- the 104 they had a- an
encryption device that attached to it. I forget the name of that, but you had to load the crypto on
it and then you’d set it up. Field phones that kind of thing. So, a lot of the stuff was- was kind of
older and I'm assuming it- the… some of the stuff was kind of at least late Vietnam era
equipment. The schoolhouse didn't get the best equipment I think either. But yeah it wasn't
nothing modern, later on and we had certain we started getting much better equipment where the-

�there wasn't- there wasn't an external and an encryption thing it was all built in, or it could cover
a lot of different frequency wavelengths. The 104 was a high frequency radio and the 19 was a
VHF radio and then we also had the prick 113 which is UHF so if you wanted to cover different
spectrums depending on what your- how you’re trying to communicate you had to use a different
radio for each one.
(22.52)
Interviewer: Okay alright and then what kinds of sort of applications were you learning?
What could you, were you being taught to do particular kinds of things whether it's
communicating with aircraft or artillery or other things?
I think we covered radio messages because there's some standard messages field artillery is one
of those things where they definitely have a standard message system that they used. And I think
we- we touched on that, most of it was just learning how to put in the frequencies for the radios,
set up the radios for communications. So, and we learned how to if you wanted to talk with the
aircraft you wanted to use the UHF radio. If you're going to be talking with, in close proximity
you use the VHF radio, usually for ground troops and stuff like that, for movement. And then if
you want to talk for a long range then use the HF radios. And that was, that was kind of the
extent of it. You know they- they, there was actually quite a bit on kind of numbers, and you
know the- the frequency ranges and kind of the characteristics and capabilities of the equipment.
Which ended up not being that important, but that's what they taught anyways.
(24.08)
Interviewer: Okay alright and then having finished this do you now get assigned to a unit?
Or do you have more training?

�Yeah, no I was- I ended up graduating first in the class. So, I had gotten a meritorious promotion
to Lance Corporal and then I also got to pick, first pick a duty station. So, they get the list of all
the duty stations and I get to take a pick, and I ended up picking a unit in Japan. And it's kind of
all they gave us; was you go to Japan, you go to the east coast, you go to the west coast. At the
last minute they actually gave me the option to go to Cuba, to Guantanamo Bay for a year and I
passed it up. I had wanted to go to Japan, I thought that'd be a good time there.
Interviewer: Alright and so that is where you went then?
Yes.
Interviewer: Okay and now what unit were you assigned to there?
And when I got there, I was assigned to 1st Stinger Battery or 1st LAD (low altitude air defense) I
think they're interchangeable for the most part. But so, it's a part of the Air Wing and they focus
on intercepting low-flying aircraft and to shoot them down essentially. And I think I went there
with five other guys that were in the radio operators’ course with me. We all got to the unit at the
same time.
Interviewer: Okay now where was the unit based?
That was on Futenma on Okinawa.
Interviewer: Okay, alright and now can you kind of describe what that base was like and
what you were doing?
(25.37)
Yeah so, the so Futenma was the airbase so mostly air wings. So, on Japan they had Camp Butler
I think is the system of camps that they have.
Interviewer: Yeah.

�On Okinawa and so down the road was Foster, and then they had Schwab up north, and they had
a bunch of other places and it kind of depended on what you did. So, the Air Wing was on
Futenma and they had the air- airstrip there. Foster was the logistics so if you were you know the
service support guy you were on Foster and if you were infantry you were probably get with
Schwab somewhere. But for- for us it kind of was a we ended up picking up a day-to-day routine
with training and stuff. We, our barracks was on one side of the flight line and they had a bus
system that would- that would kind of shuttle back and forth. We’d hop on the bus and we'd have
to be back after PT in the morning our physical training in the morning. We generally every day
do 3 to 5 mile run or something like that. And so, I was attached to the headquarters. It was a
company sized unit, and I was attached to headquarters in the in the comm shop and they had
two platoons of gunners. And I believe, you know 30 to 40 people are gunners in each of the
platoons and they would attach radio operators to the platoons as needed. So, usually there'd be
one or two radio operators assigned to a platoon and if they were gonna go out to do some sort of
training or something like that they might attach one or two more. And I mean our day to day
was you know maintenance on the radios, stocking the platoons with the radios that they needed,
and things like that if they were doing training exercise. And then we do our own training and
stuff when we were able, so, setting up antennas and…
Interviewer: And would you sometimes go out with the platoons on their exercises or did
you just stay in the headquarters?
(27.41)
Well we would go out usually for the most part, well so, the platoons went out and did some
independent training, for the most part it was the- the company would do company-wide training.
On Okinawa it's difficult to get, there's-there’s limited training areas and stuff so when they do

�get a training area it's usually the whole company going, and it’d usually be for about a week or
so that we'd go out. And that would you know maybe once every couple months we'd go out and
do something like that. And you know we'd set up the headquarters radio command posts with
radios and stuff we'd sit there and monitor radios and we set up a rotating watch. And because
we had the field phones, we had all of, so all of our radios were remote access, so we'd have our
wire running to our remote sets and then our antennas and the actual radio systems. You know
sometimes a half-mile away and we'd have field phones running so we can communicate
between the two. And then we'd be handling traffic from the gunners and they’d mostly do
practice with spotting aircraft so someone would call in saying, “hey there's an aircraft flying this
direction.” And they'd have to identify it and they'd call and report it and then engage or
disengage or something like that.
Interviewer: Okay now do you have a sense of what all of this was directed toward? Was
there a likely enemy in mind? Is it the Chinese there or not really sure?
(29:25)
That was kind of a, one of the points that had kind of been in discussion especially with a lot of
the officers and stuff was kind of the relevance of the Stingers. Mostly because in most theaters
the US has air superiority so it's not like anyone's gonna be flying aircraft through. And then
there was a number of other you know missile systems that could be employed to that effect also.
So, and I believe they actually, they may have disbanded them altogether by now. I know there
had been talk about that, you know, and I think it kind of goes back to kind of the you know the
Cold War era. You know Russian enemy or Chinese enemy kind of the big powers and stuff
were the US may not necessarily have air superiority.

�Interviewer: Yeah so, it's really a traditional weapon system in some ways, or at least one
geared toward a conventional war.
Yes.
Interviewer: Yeah okay now how long did you wind up staying in Okinawa?
I was there for two years and that's generally how long a- a tour is gonna be in Okinawa if you
are, if you, if you're married and are doing an unaccompanied tour than they do one-year tours. I
did two years and while I was there, I think towards my last, in my second year I was ended up
getting attached to the 31st MEU. So, I was assigned to one of the platoons and that platoon was,
or there was a detachment made from one of the platoons and then I was attached to the…
(31.12)
Interviewer: Okay you said 31st MEU, what does MEU mean?
Marine Expeditionary Unit so essentially, it's a helo deck carrier and then they have two other
ships that go along with it and we pretty much toward the South Pacific, doing training. I think
the, one of the- the notable things is, we were actually pulling into I believe Subic Bay in the
Philippines; I think it's in the Philippines and we were supposed actually it was just I think it's
supposed to be a Liberty port they were going in for and as we were pulling up we were inches
away and we started backing up, there was a mudslide in Leyte. So, we moved went over there
and we helped with relief efforts there and that was I think the- the most notable event that we
participated in with that MEU.
Interviewer: Okay and then when that was going on, the relief effort was going on, what
were you doing?
So what we ended up doing we were in charge of the landing zone, so they had the- the mud site
area where they were digging for survivors and I believe there's a school that had, the whole

�village I think was- was engulfed with mud and just outside of that area they had set up a landing
zone in one of the- the villages right next to it and we were landing in helicopters for you know
food and water and that kind of stuff. Actually there was a… one of the locals there was a retired
navy, and owned a number of houses in the Philippines and he opened up his house which was
just across from the landing zone that we had and allowed us to use that as the headquarters for
the- the humanitarian mission. But we would be out in the field you know monitoring the radios,
landing and helicopters I think we had space depending on the aircraft a 53's we can land one at a
time. 46s we could land two at a time, that's kind of the space we had. Yeah that's what I was
doing for the most part.
(33.39)
Interviewer: Okay now when you were on Okinawa did you get off the base very much and
go anywhere?
We did, at that time we could get off the base, right now I think they're pretty much not allowed
to go anywhere in Okinawa. They had a Liberty card system at the time so when you get there
you have a red card which means you have to be back by midnight and normally you have that
for a year unless you're a corporal then you could be… there's all kinds of rules and it depends on
the unit you're with, kind of what they allow. But I eventually got my gold card then I could go
out 24 hours and that kind of remained, there was some, sometimes someone would do
something on one of the bases and then they would pull everyone’s liberty cards so we had to
stay and that usually lasted about a week or so and then they'd reissue cards. But yeah, I got to go
out quite a bit mostly the areas outside of Futenma and Foster. I think my second year one of my
buddies had gotten a car and so we were able to kind of travel around the island a bit more.

�Interviewer: Okay now at times there's been a lot of tension between American military
personnel at Okinawa and the locals. I mean were you aware of that at the time or was any
of that going on?
(34.59)
I mean so areas right- right outside of base were- were very accommodating for the military
mostly because they were businesses and they relied on military.
Interviewer: Right.
And you know I don't, I didn't feel any- any tension or anything with the locals. Now there were
places you go, and they said no Americans can go no gaijin, but I didn't feel that was a tension
thing I- I felt that was more kind on their want to preserve kind of what they got going on. And it
wasn't that there was, they didn't want us there they just didn't want us at their place of business
or whatever. But you know most people I you know spoke to especially the younger people
going on the bars and stuff we talked to the locals and you know I never felt that there was any
kind of animosity or anything.
(36.08)
Interviewer: I guess a lot of it may have been at times of all the problems where the
American personnel does sort of misbehaving or getting drunk or other things like that.
Rather than things being really directed to happen by the locals, so if you were nice, they
were nice and.
Yeah there were and at times were protests right outside of the base and something like that and
that would usually be you know you know you know be for a day or two that would go on. You
know, and I’d always… so I had heard that this was that a lot of the push to get the- the basis out
was not necessarily from Okinawa itself but from mainland Japan.

�Interviewer: Yeah.
Not wanting the Americans there but the Okinawans actually preferred it, and I think it was a lot
had to do with the economy and stuff because there was the US personnel brought all this money
in and you know imagine, I can imagine them closing down all the bases there and then pretty
much all the businesses right outside of the bases are gonna be have to shut down because they
won't have any business.
Interviewer: Alright okay so once you get through that that first or two years assignment,
what do you get next?
From there I get assigned to two- five and so by that time I had actually contacted my- my
monitor which assigns where people go and I told him, well I want to go infantry because… and
I want to go to the, a unit that's going to be deploying soon. You know I had hoped that I would
have, would deploy and I got the 31st MEU and that’s somewhat of a deployment but you know
Iraq was going on, there were people in Iraq. And that's kind of where I wanted to go so, I told
the monitor I want to go to the next you know that's going to be deploying. So, I end up getting
assigned to two- five which is in Camp Pendleton, San Mateo which is north of Camp Pendleton
and I get there and you know they're pretty much on a deployment cycle; where they will deploy
for seven months and they have I think about twelve months that they're back to rest, refit, and
then get ready for another deployment it's kind of the cycle that they're on. And by that time, we
were the- the build-up was just starting. So, actually we ended up deploying in 2000… the
beginning of 2007 and that's I think we were kind of the, one of the initial units for deployment
when they're trying to expand the- the areas. We ended up deploying to Ramadi and we took
over an- an army units AO and then we actually got a smaller portion of what they were covering

�and then other units’ kind of filled in the gaps. So, they were putting more units in that one
space.
(38.52)
Interviewer: Alright is this part of what got referred to as “the surge” where the number of
American ground troops was getting expanded?
Yes.
Interviewer: Alright now how do they, so I guess what sort of preparation do you get for
going over to Iraq? Well this units gearing up to go, what's happening?
So for us it was a lot of, we do so they- they for the battalion they do training phases and it's, I
mean it was like that for the MEU too because we did training buildups for that where you work
on individual training, and then you do unit level, and then you do company, and then battalion
level, and then before you go on the MEU then you do a MEU exercise where it's everyone
working together to train and qualify for the MEU. For- for two- five that was the same kind of
thing, so individual training making sure you have your rifle qual, your- your PFTs up, and
you're your individual, then you focusing on your- your squad or your company, training
exercises and then eventually you'll start doing battalion exercises. And then we do culminating
events in Twentynine Palms so we're going to go back to Twentynine Palms, yay. And do
Mojave Viper which is a month-long exercise in the desert where they have mock villages and
stuff like that and in that they also do kind of the, that kind of training where you start with
platoon levels then company and then battalion level exercises within that month.
(40.23)
Interviewer: Okay and was this geared specifically for Iraq at that point?

�It was yeah it was- it was, they had native speakers there in mock villages doing patrols and they,
by that time they had I believe they were doing the like simulated explosions and stuff and they'd
have makeup teams out there you know doing injuries stuff like that. So, they I mean they at that
time they were trying to make it is it's realistic as possible to prepare specifically for Iraq.
Interviewer: Okay now had your unit deployed to Iraq already? Had they been there?
Yes, so the unit a lot of the guys had already been to Iraq in 2006 they were there so they were
on the previous cycle and 2006 was a really intense time for Iraq. Especially in Ramadi where a
lot of the heaviest fighting was. So, there was a number of guys that had had combat experience
and kind of had gone through that day-to-day routine and yeah. So, there was there was, there
was a lot of veterans, you know in the units that we are with. So, it was it was pretty veteran
heavy going in.
(41.49)
Interviewer: Alright now how do they get you out to Iraq?
We, so we think it was I want to say Anderson, which is in- just is it north of Pendleton we
would bus up there and then we take a commercial flight over to - I think Bangor, Maine and
then we hop on other flights into Kuwait, and then from Kuwait we bus to a receiving base there,
and that's where we get our ammo and a lot of other stuff. I think they give us like three days for
acclimatization for the weather and stuff and then from there we ended up we end up I think c-17
it was either c-17 or c-130 into Iraq. And I'm not sure which base we flew in, but we flew into
one of those bases and then from there we take helicopters into whatever subbase were going
into and stuff like that.
Interviewer: Okay so then where do you wind up getting sent to?
(42.57)

�So we get, we get sent to Ramadi and we're pretty much a sign to the- the- the city itself so when
I got there, so when I when I got there I was assigned to Headquarters Company I was, or
headquarter… yeah headquarters company I was with the comm shop and weapons company
each of the companies had radio operators assigned to them, weapons company being having the
most radio systems because they have our mobile, they would have more radio operators, well
one of the radio operators broke their arm the weekend before they deployed. So, they were
down a man and I actually talked to my lieutenant I said I was- I was a corporal at the time and I
talked to my lieutenant I said, “hey if there's a slot for one of the companies that's where I want
to go.” And when we got into country, he- he asked me if I still wanted to go and I said yes so, I
end up getting assigned to weapons company where I was the company radio operator. There
was someone that was the company operator before me, but I took over his spot because I was
senior.
Interviewer: Right.
So we get there and we're in charge of southern Ramadi so we got the it’s actually considered, I
think it's in one of the poor sections of Ramadi, the south west and then the there's farmland to
the south that’s kind of, you have city and the farmland is essentially how it is split up.
(44.31)
Interviewer: Alright okay now weapons company what kind of weapon systems do they
have?
So, weapons company: heavy machine guns so 50-cals, mark 19's which I actually don't think
they even took out because using grenade, machine grenade launchers is probably not the- the
thing they wanted to do.
Interviewer: Right.

�So, 50-cals for the most part. In a lot of ways, so they were in charge of the area operations, but
they also ran a logistics through, to other companies and stuff because they had all the- the
vehicles. Now when we got to Ramadi, we took over for an army unit, and they did, they didn't
do any dismounted patrols, all their patrols were mounted patrol.
Interviewer: Okay.
And this was, so this was right before they… you know I guess the- the sheiks in the area
decided, “hey we should stop fighting the Americans and kind of start cooperating.” And I think
that happened about a month maybe a month and a half into our deployment is when that
transition took place, because it actually when we got there- there was still quite a bit of fighting
going on and then about a month and a half into it everything just kind of stopped. And so, we
were- but when we got in, we were said we're gonna do dismounted patrols that way we can
engage with the- the populace and stuff and have a stronger presence in the city. And we ended
up, we also did, so the army units also had one main base and that was pretty much it and then
we broke down all of our companies into platoons and had them occupy buildings. So, we
occupied a CPO… Iron, I believe it was called, and in the southwest it was like a compound,
building compound that we, the headquarters controlled and then down the road there was two
other outposts that we also controlled for weapons company alone and then each of the other
companies also did that, so there would be I think Falcon was another cop that they had and they
broke out into other outposts or platoon would- would find an abandoned building and they
pretty much set that up as a compound. So, they're more dispersed throughout the city, covering
larger areas.
(46.55)

�Interviewer: Yeah and it was sort of part of the logic of the sort of strategy was to get into
the community, make connections, show your presence and then stay there and not just
stay hidden here vehicles or in the big bases.
Yeah no we were doing daily patrols out in the community and stuff, some days we would
actually get, we do…. So, we do clearing operations and if we did clearing operations so we'd go
through and pretty much search you know entire sections of the city that we- we covered and if
we were doing that we'd also coincide that with food and water supplies. So, we'd bring in food
and water supplies so wherever handing out food and water to kind of get people to come out of
their houses so we can go in there and search the houses, essentially is what we're doing and you
know bags of flour and rice that kind of stuff we would be handing out. We’d coordinate with
the community leaders and let them know what was going on so they can organize how they
wanted to distribute the food and stuff because- so there wasn't like a mad rick rack for food.
And a lot of it was like large bags of flour or stuff like that and they would know best how-to
kind of distribute that to their village and stuff.
(48.08)
Interviewer: Alright now you mentioned at the beginning there was still a lot of fighting
going on, I mean was that, were your people getting directly engaged and was there, were
there casualties or?
We do not have any casualties, I'm trying to, I think. I think we had I think we might have had
one guy in the battalion that stepped out an IED and lost a leg, but I think that we had no, no
deaths with the time we were there. You know with fighting and stuff there'd be fire fights you
know it was kind of difficult, because and that was one of the things that was most difficult I
think when there was fighting going on, is that a lot of the fighting was from it they'd shoot from

�a distance and they'd move so it was hard to identify where firing was coming from. And when
we were going in it was all about hearts and minds and so it was, if you can't identify the target
then don't shoot in that direction and that's kind of what we, had been harped on us is you have to
identify what you're shooting at before you start shooting. So, if you get shots and you look in
that direction and you're looking where you think you hear it coming from you start trying to find
it by that time they're- they're moving to another location and shooting from there, so you're kind
of trying to figure out where this firing is coming from. So that was one of the difficult things, a
lot of times you’d get pop shots going on a patrol you'd get a couple of shots and then you'd hear
nothing at all after that and- and that was for the most part. And even after the, a lot of the
fighting stopped and you know- you know once a week or so you'd get shots if you're doing a
mounted convoy, you might get shots that you're the convoy from a distance and again you
couldn't identify where a single shot’s coming from. And you just kind of look around and throw
your hands up and say, oh I guess we’re just gonna keep moving.
Interviewer: Okay what impression did you have of the Iraqi civilians in the area to the
extent that you saw them?
(50.24)
The area we were at, a lot of poor people. You know, the-the further in the city there were a lot
of nice buildings and stuff. The buildings we were at kind of bare bones you know single room
kind of shack looking buildings. They’re all concrete buildings out in the- the- the rural area
which it was kind of like here’s a city, here's a rural area there was some more makeshift stuff
going on. But yeah mostly poor, so after we had started building up out there, we also started,
that's when they started implementing the Iraqi army, Iraqi police and we had our “mitt and pit”
teams for police training and the army training. And pretty much what the deal was- was stop

�fighting the Americans and joined the police or the army and so it seemed that it was, it was a
money thing. I had talked we had… so we had a MiTT team which is the military advising and
training team, and we had a section on our, on cop iron that was for the Iraqi army where they
would come in and do training and stuff. And I talked to some of those Iraqis and you know, we
asked them, “so oh you know what you’d do…” They just joined the army, “but what’d you do
before then?” It's like oh “we were placing IEDs on the road, you know a week ago.” And you
know it just seemed that the- the thing was it wasn't about you know, they had some sort of
hatred for anyone it was mostly a money thing, they would get paid to go put in IEDs. Now
they're getting paid to be in the Iraqi army. So, and it was another thing with the Iraqi army and
Iraqi police the so the Iraqi police were generally local from the area, and the Iraqi army was
generally from, could be from all locations. All over Iraq and they- they relocate them and stuff.
So, you'd get that Shia/ Sunni tension between, because a lot of times the- the local population
would be one and they'd be importing via the Iraqi army, the opposite group. So, there were
tensions between and I'm pretty sure there were shots fired between Iraqi army and Iraqi police
on several occasions, that kind of thing going on. So, there's I mean when you have someone that
you talked to and they're saying that they used to plant IEDs and you know there's a, and by that
time I think there was already reports on friendly fire between Iraqi army, Iraqi police, and US
forces so it's you know- you know you'd never kind of never let your guard down even when
you're supposed to be on the same side kind of thing.
(53.31)
Interviewer: Now did you also have interpreters assigned to you that were…?
We had, so the, there were interpreters with the unit and the- the MiTT team, MiTT teams they
obviously had interpreters. I speak, I spoke every once in a while, to interpreters but for the most

�part I didn't do a whole lot of engaging with the local population for the most part. We do, I was
the company RO(radio operator) so if our company commander went on and needed to do a
meeting with local sheikh or whatever we'd have an interpreter go with us and he would wander
off, that's how our company commander was, he would wander off onto a patrol, and he’d just
grabbed his stuff and say, “hey we're gonna, we need to do this meeting.” And he just start
walking off and while we're like prepping for an actual patrol, because we're the military he
would just kind of walk to wherever he's going and we would have to patrol around him because
he would be walking and he'd be like, let's go this way now, and kind of divert where ever he
wanted to go.
(54:45)
Interviewer: Okay how effective a commander was he?
I mean I think- I think he was I think he was fine you know, maybe a little arrogant in that way.
You know he, we would all be suited up and stuff flak and Kevlar and he would be walk out and
he'd take his Kevlar of kind of wander around and, checking you know things out, and you
know-- you know he seemed to be a great guy. I talked to him on several occasions he wasn't a
you know a hard-ass or anything, but the same, at the same time it's kind of one of those things
were you know I've always been kind of ‘lead by example’ kind of thing. It's like you want you
guys to wear their flak and Kevlars, you should probably wear your flak and Kevlar when you're
going out, and you know, luckily nothing happened. I mean at the time IEDs were out mostly
targeting vehicles. You know it wasn't to the point where we were using you know metal
detectors or anything like that, so it wasn't that serious in threat but you know those things had
happened before and it was kind of one of those things like you know, you are the commander
you should probably be in line you know with the patrol and stuff like that you know. Or at least

�let the point man know you're gonna be diverting because our point man would be going forward
and he'd have to keep turning around to make sure that he was going the direction the
commander was going which was just a pain because we’d have to yell out, “hey point man
we're turning left now.”
Interviewer: Alright now what- what kind of living conditions did you have there?
(56.30)
So, we were occupying these pretty much blown up buildings, there was a lot of rubble, damage,
they had rigged up lighting, electrical systems, and they were run on generators. The- the
building I occupied, they had brought in you know beds, little twin sized beds that we slept on, if
I got sleep. I was actually doing a lot, quite a lot because I was, I was the radio operator, so I
automatically made me an electrician also, so anything that was a machine I had to do some
work on. So, frequently the lighting system would get jacked up or someone want to put in new
lighting so I'd have to grab lights and wire and try to rig something and I'm not the best with
electricity I'm kind of afraid of electricity because it can hurt you and I got shocked a number
times doing that. Yeah, we… and I it was me… we had a data guy with us because we were
running Sipper and Nipper net which is the pretty much the Internet service out there. We had a
satellite dish that we'd point and get, so we were able to get internet out there on a small scale
anyways for- for operations stuff. So, we had a guy running that in case it went down and then
we had people kind of come and go depending on what they did, we kind of were a transient
space that we occupied. We had a head guy which is a human intelligence guy came out and was
doing operations out of there for a while, we had a wrecker guy that stayed with us for quite a
while, there, we had started getting more IED strikes on vehicles so the- the location we were at
was best to have him operate out of and because we had actually, we were running all the

�convoys so any logistics convoys we'd run. So, they had the wrecker there because he could
jump, they can organize the logistics convoy and he could jump on there.
Interviewer: Okay and how well-fortified was the compound?
(58.51)
It was pretty, I mean the compound was walled and then they you know as we were there, as we
were building on what was there before us. So, there was already cement structures in some
locations as we were there longer, they were building even more so we get more concrete
barriers. We'd put those up these giant T barriers we had guard posts at different locations and
they would you know the- the battalion XO would come by and say, “let's raise this roof,” and
we'd have to take the roof off and throw more sandbags on it and make it taller you know so, it
was pretty well fortified. While we were- while we were in the compound flak and Kevlar we
can walk around pretty much at ease, for the most part. I did antennas and stuff so all my
antennas were on the roof and if anything happened I'd go up there and I'm supposed to have a
flak and Kevlar but most times I want because climbing a building and maneuvering antennas
with the flak and Kevlar is really a pain butt. I think we I've gotten pop shots up there are several
times I don't think anything landed close anyways, but I mean it was- it was nerve-racking
because it was on the top of one of the biggest buildings in the in the area, so standing out thereyou know maneuvering this antenna which stretches another 30 feet in the air you know, you
kind of saying please shoot me.
Interviewer: Right, okay now did they have air conditioning on a base like this anywhere
or was it all just... open?
(1:00.00)

�I- I think they did have a see unit set where they were getting- getting in. I know- I know the
second tour in Iraq they had AC units I don't… I think we had to the AC unit I think they had the
AC units by then.
Interviewer: And where those just be in places where you had to have computer equipment
or were they sleeping areas or…?
The so the- the COC the command center they would have AC there. I don't recall if our room
had AC, I think it did and the ACs would go a lot of times, so they have to be replaced often and
because the dust, you know they just mal function, they break down. So, you'd have it for a
while, bus and you’d have to try to figure something out. So, I think we ended up at least
halfway through I think we ended up getting air conditioning units, I mean you know I didn't
spend a whole lot of time in the- the living space. I mean a lot of people talk about downtime and
stuff like that but I tried, I stayed busy I was up so I was the- the radio operator for the company,
weapons company which had the ability to maneuver around the whole AO pretty easily because
we had vehicles. So, I was running all, running on all the logistics convoys and those would
occur every day, every other day. I do patrols with the, any company commander, any patrol’s
company commander went on I was a part of that but I also was, did any wrecker runs any time
there was an ID strike and they need to send a wrecker out there to recover the vehicle. I'd run
those and then any time communications that they needed, someone needed support at one of the
other out post I'd do a, have to jump, I'd pretty much go into the COC, “who's on patrol right
now. Hey, call them tell them to swing by here and take me over to this other location.” And fix
that and that was for our company but also for the other companies because I was senior than
some of the other radio operators and in some of the other companies. I frequently get requests to

�go over to other companies and help them with their communications. So, I would be doing that
also, so I pretty much, if something was going on, I was trying to be involved in it.
Interviewer: Okay so how much sleep did you get?
(1:02.50)
I didn't get a lot of sleep and then I mean on top of that when I did get sleep there was a field
phone from the COC to my room in case communications went down in the COC because I'd
also have to maintain those communications. I mean luckily I didn't have to stand radio watch in
the COC they had the- the platoons did rotating shifts they would have a platoon that was
patrolling, a platoon that was in a- in kind of work and party mode, and then you have another
that was kind of on a, you know relaxed schedule. And they'd rotate through those so that they
had those maintained but if it went down and a lot of times they'd call and say, “hey, the radios
not working.” Well it’s like, “did you change the batteries?” And they'd say “no.” It's like, “well
change the batteries and then gave me a call.” And they change the batteries and they’d call and
say, “everything's fine.” But I mean I’d get calls like that; you know all hours of the night also
so.
(1:03.53)
Interviewer: Okay the you mentioned the- the dust being a problem for the air
conditioners, did it cause problems for other stuff too?
Yeah, I mean radios is one of those things, clean connections and stuff like that. You know
they'd be one of those things where I get- I get calls about radios and stuff and it's like well you
need to clean them. You need to take them out and clean the port's we'd go through handsets
quite a, quite often just because the dust and everything. Weapons would have to be cleaned on a
regular basis, the m16. We were… so we had the M16A2 and they are not the best when- when

�dirty. They have to be regularly cleaned, so that was another thing with the dust. You know and
our base they had, they like a receive, a staging area for vehicles and they had what they call
moon dust, was the very fine powder and it would be about a you know a half foot to a foot deep
and you'd be trudging through this- this thin powder. That stuff gets everywhere and if the wind
picks up and it blows it everywhere, and then you know in the off chance that it rains and then
you're walking around and you know foot of mud and you know caking your boots and stuff like
that.
(1:05.17)
Interviewer: Okay now over the course, so how long was that tour?
That was seven months.
Interviewer: Okay now over the course of that time did you feel like you had made
progress or were accomplishing the mission? Or did it seem like you're just going in
circles?
It sort of seemed… it's hard to tell because you know, they by the time we left we had the- the
Iraqi police and Iraqi army in the area. Where pretty much up and running I mean there are
problems here and there definitely. We had also started working on public works projects and
stuff like that, so employing people to clean the streets that kind of thing. So, I mean there was a
progress in that regard, but at the same time it's hard to tell from where I was at anyways. You
know by the time I was just in my routine.
Interviewer: Right.
You know trying to get things done.
Interviewer: So, you're just there and doing your job and not worrying too much about
bigger picture.

�Yeah at that-that time in my career big picture was not on my- my radar for the most part. It was
just yeah; I got a job to do and this is what I'm doing.
Interviewer: Alright so now we get kind of late in 2007 that tour comes to an end. Are there
any other particular events or incidents or things from that first tour that kind of stand out
for you that you haven't talked about yet?
(1:06.43)
No, well so there was, you know I don't know the Battle of Donkey Island which was this island
in the south of the city, and they had gotten reports, intelligence reports like 50 enemies
occupying this- this reed covered island. Which it wasn't a big island, I don't even know if 50
people could possibly occupy the place, but they had worked on clearing the brush from there
and then they did like a company push through the area. And I believe it was on like the fourth of
July or the third of July, it was right around the fourth of July and it was I think like a hundred
and forty degrees out and they decided to do this in the middle of the day. And we do this push
across this- this you know farmland and they have vehicles kind of behind following up and
we’re like on-line, you know trying to push out this area. No engagement at all and I think we
lost more people, not we didn't lose them, but more people went down from heat exhaustion that
day than anything. I mean but I mean it was they had, we had air on station so like that. We had
you know a lot of support on this mission and I don't think anything really came of it for the
most part.
(1:08.15)
Interviewer: So, some somebody somewhere was pulling your leg.
Yeah, I guess I was like what is going on here?

�Interviewer: That but okay alright so now late 2007 now you rotate back home and at this
point do you have about one year left on your original enlistment? Or had you already
decided to stay in or?
Yeah so when I was in- in Iraq I talked my, my I'm trying to think… I ended up talking to my
monitor at some point in time when I was in Iraq and I might have been, I might have had
emailed him or was talking to a third party or something but I had been communicating to him
because my enlistment was coming up. And actually, they were doing reenlistment bonuses at
that point, so I was definitely going to reenlist because I think I got like $30,000 for reenlistment
and again I told them you know, I want to get back here as soon as possible. This is while I was
in Iraq still and so I want to go to the next unit that’s pulling. Actually, one of the ANGLICO, I
think it was first ANGLICO was actually doing operations in our area for a week or so and they
were actually staying in our building. And I had been talking to them so I talked to the monitor
and I said, “hey well you know what's up with these guys, can I go here?” He said, “yeah it's like
well which one you want to go to?” Because they have first, second, third and fourth ANGLICO,
I think and they’re on different locations and he said that first ANGLICO was going to be
deploying again soon. They’re pretty much on a, an on/ off deployment cycle so they go for
seven months, they're back for seven months, they go, and they kind of going back and forth that
way. It's like, well that's where I want to go and so I had gotten orders there while I was in Iraq
to go there. So, I got back and was with two five for maybe a couple more months and then I
move it first ANGLICO was actually just down the road so.
Interviewer: Okay so back at Camp Pendleton?
Yeah.
Interviewer: Okay now explain what ANGLICO is.

�(1:10.32)
So, Air Naval Gunfire Liaison Company.
Interviewer: Okay.
They do fire support so surface fires and air support mostly there, I think 50% of the unit is
officers and we get pilots, no blows which are naval gun officers in some sort, and artillery
officers, and infantry officers, and they run teams and they do small teams that they're primarily
working with foreign militaries or units that do not have- that need the, our capabilities or the US
capabilities that don't have them. Or like Special Forces units, US Special Forces units that need
a specialized air support. They need someone dedicated for air sport because that's all we do so
and we work and they have small teams so generally four or five main teams and they have two
or three of them assigned to a section, and then like two or three of those assigned to a platoon,
and then three- two of those in the company, in the headquarters company. And I got there I was
assigned to a, a fire team or a fire power control team which was a, we had five-man teams by
then. So, it's two forward observers or two scout observers, radio operator and a- an officer of
some sort. So, four people actually and our officer was a FAT pilot. Yeah and we do we help
provide fire support so that's all we kind of train on.
Interviewer: Now then, when you join in with Camp Pendleton are you kind of gearing up
for the next rotation over to Iraq?
(1:12.39)
Yeah when I get there, they're already kind of in the stages of a preparation. They had already,
they already knew where they were going to be going, or that they're gonna be going because
they get all the units get detached to other units throughout the area. So, there- there's no like
central like everyone's in this area. They're all over, so Iraq and Iraq it’d be all over Iraq

�disbursed and they don't run a, a traditional workup or training plan for Iraq like the infantry
battalions do with Mojave Viper and kind of that kind of thing. They do whatever training with
who they're going to be working with. I'm trying to think, I'm not sure what we did for… oh
yeah, I'm not sure what we did for our workup, we might have gone to Twentynine Palms for, for
some sort of exercise, but I don't remember going with them. We had to have done something
though.
Interviewer: Alright about how long did you have between deployments?
(1:14.02)
I think it was a year no- no so October I got back and then I went back in March, so October,
November, December, January, February, March; five months.
Interviewer: Okay yes so not- not too long a time necessarily to just hang around and have
that much of a routine necessarily well you’re there. Alright, now why had you been eager
to go back as soon as possible?
There was, I mean that's why I joined for the most part, so that's why I wanted to do, and you
know with, with a deployment there's, it kind of simplifies things. I mean when you're back you
got bills and you've got family and friends you're dealing with. In Iraq or even Afghanistan, you
just worry about the mission and you know it, things are a little clearer in that way. And you're
just busy and you know I enjoy doing that, I was doing my job. I was doing what I had, I signed
up to do.
Interviewer: So okay now were you married at this time or?
No- no.
(1:15.21)
Interviewer: Okay you probably ought to know what year you got married.

�Well I had, a I'm actually, I was married twice so.
Interviewer: Okay, alright.
There was another marriage in there.
Interviewer: Alright and so you've got the better name of you but still there was there, was
enough life intervening when your back home that you notice that kind of thing okay.
Alright so now going back over then, second time so now what year is that 08 you're going
over?
Yes.
Interviewer: Okay is it the same process as before or do you do something different?
No, the in process is pretty much the same. We ended up flying into Kuwait, we stayed there, we
get our ammunition, and stuff like that. You know what was the big difference was, I was we
were instead of being in Ramadi we were in northern, northwest Iraq so I ended up… our
firepower control team was assigned to an Iraqi army unit. I think a battalion north of Al Qayn,
which was I think was like 40 kilometers north and it was just kind of in the middle of nowhere
they built this kind of base out there and our, their mission was to control traffic or stop AlQaeda from moving from, between Syria and Iraq. So, we were pretty much doing patrols in
open desert you know nothing for miles and miles. So, we were doing all, everything was
mounted we would drive out and a lot of times we would do two or three day patrols out into the
desert. And we'd be attached with, so we, there was a MiTT-team which was helping advise andand train the Iraqi army and then there's us and we were attached to the Iraqi army to provide air
support for the most part because there's no artillery out there or anything. It was all air support,
so we’d get air on station at different times and we'd scope out places of possible interest before
we went out into the area.

�Interviewer: Okay and were you finding much?
(1:14.43)
No, no we would get tips on caches and things like that, so we found a number of weapons
caches. A lot of them were really old weapons caches so I'm assuming that the people who told
us about him probably put them there in the first place a long time ago and that's why they knew
they were there. You know that would- that would happen frequently where we'd get tips on
IEDs because that was another thing because we'd have to go down maybe once a month we'd go
down to Al Qayn, which was, you know a 40 kilometer movement to get down there to the city
so we can resupply, getting you know repairs on vehicles, and that kind of thing. And you know
we'd have people that would, Iraqis that would point out IEDs and stuff and a lot of times I'd be
like well how the heck did you know that that was there? It's like there was no indicator you
know and it's not on the beaten path, it's not like you're wandering behind you- you know sitting
in front of you. It's like off to the side somewhere that you wouldn’t know unless you actually
place it there. So I mean we'd come into that quite a bit, you know we're pretty sure a lot of
people that are spotting these actually had placed in there at some point or another and just knew
that they were there, and I think the same was for the weapons caches for the most part. So yeah,
we'd and we'd stop we'd drive right through the desert. We'd stop and talk to the locals a lot of
bad winds out there so you know people would pile up their tents. There was camel trade so they
had caravans that would go back and forth and we'd stop and there'd be hundreds of camels and
moving by, and so we'd wait and we'd stop and talk to the whoever was running the caravan, you
know and they'd always asked, “do you want to ride the camel?” it's like “no we don’t want to
ride the camel but thank you.” But yeah not a whole lot going on out there.
(1:19.45)

�Interviewer: And what impression did you have of the Iraqi army that you were with?
You know so the, some of the officers that had been around a while, some of the senior guys,
they had been around for a long time and they were, you know most likely were fighting when
they were, you know fighting Iran. So, they had been around a while. A lot of the new guys you
know, not a whole, not a lot of discipline that's for sure. And that was one of the things, by that
time they had- you had some guys you know had cell phones and they'd be sitting there and we
were doing some training or something out and people would be on cell phones and stuff and it's
like you know…
Interviewer: It’s like teaching a class.
(1:20.34)
Yeah but, you know and some… but some of the senior guys and stuff they- they would be
hesitant to take advice and stuff like that, it's like you know, they had been around the block and
they don't need our advice kind of thing. You know some would be more accepting, but yeah, I
mean I, on the lower levels I don't think a lot of them took it seriously. I think it was a paycheck
for them and they were coming to get paid for the most part and they were trying to stay out of
harm's way as much as possible.
Interviewer: But at this stage there wasn't a whole lot of harm necessarily.
Yeah no not- not where we, where we were at.
Interviewer: Okay now aside from the Bedouins do you see any civilians or only in the
town or?
No not really, there was a few towns that we would go through mostly on our way to Al Qayn
because it was a larger town, I think the they had a train station, a power plant right outside of
there. But there's small villages and stuff we’d pass through along the way, so we'd see civilians,

�but we weren't engaging with those because that was not part of the area that we were covering
we were just transiting through. So, no real engagement with the Iraqis at this point.
Interviewer: Now this time around did you have any more of a sense of so, the larger scope
with a war or what was happening or were you again just kind of doing your job and not
worrying about the rest of it?
(1:22.09)
No I mean I- I knew, I had been, I mean I had been following the news for- for the most part
and- and I knew, I mean I knew it when the- the previous deployment we were doing the surge
that this was part of the surge and that's kind of what we were. And I knew at the second
deployment that we were at a point where a lot of the fighting had kind of just died off in that
way. A lot of the, actually so a lot of it went from engaging in the city and stuff and just focusing
on so IEDs and IED makers were the largest threat and they were getting better at making IEDs
and making more powerful, which is why the military was starting to transition over to the
MRAPs over the Humvees and we had Humvees at that time and I think they had just started
implementing the- the mine the mine-resistant vehicles because they were making IEDs that
could blow up Humvees and so you know. So I understood that that was, that was going on that
the threats were kind of changing and it seemed everything that we were doing you know there
was some sort of response to it and then we'd have to, it’s kind of back and forth they figure
something out – to get past our defenses or you know– to hit us and then we figure out a way to
prevent it and then they figure something new to get around that. So, I mean with I- I mean IEDs
was always, has always been like a progressive thing where you know, they go from remote,
they go from wire command detonation, to remote control detonation where they have cell
phones or the Motorola base stations connected to these wireless phones that had like extremely

�long distances they can do, and then we started implementing you know the Chameleon
Defender systems which would block radio signals around the vehicles so it’d create a bubble so
if they, you know press the button the radio signal wouldn’t get to the- the IED they're trying to
detonate. But then they'd go back to, they you know try pressure plate ones again or they do a
combination of remote and wire command, you know they were getting better at making
homemade explosives so they were starting to add additional chemicals into their explosives to
make them more powerful or they, you know depending on who they were targeting whether
their personnel, IEDs, or you know for vehicles stuff like that. And this, by the time they’re also
doing a lot of secondary stuff, so they'd have an initial blast and then they'd have secondary ones
off to the side. So these were threats we were all aware of, where we were at, the you know the
biggest threat was going into Al Qayn because it was you know became a large going, into a
more urban area and there was quite a bit of traffic on the roads we were traveling. We were, our
thing in Iraq anyways it was drive as fast as you can, and hopefully the blast will leave you
behind. Or you will leave the blast behind kind of thing, so we were pushing you know 55- 60
miles an hour down roads to get we were going. In Afghanistan everything was like four or five
miles an hour. Anytime you traveled anywhere it was really slow because you'd have IEDs were
much bigger there and it was, you'd have EOD teams and route clearance teams in front of you
which would do a snail's pace to get anywhere.
(1:26.14)
Interviewer: Alright, okay so with Iraq on some level in a conventional sense you sort of
had the- the upper hand, but there was still an enemy out there. They were still active,
there was still threats.
Yes.

�Interviewer: Okay alright and again with this- with this second tour again are there
particular aspects of that standout for you or distinctive?
No, I mean so I think there was a- a murder of some official while we were out there. So, we
went to investigate, the Iraqi police went there and did their investigation, but we went to- to
assist with that in some capacity. You know I don't remember a whole lot, I, actually no I think
we were- we were doing- we were doing a patrol in the desert and we came across, because out
on the outskirts towards the border they had like a border teams out there, and the border team
was investigating some murder. And so, we’d get to this compound in the middle of the desert
kind of area, and there were all these essentially police vehicles out there. So we stopped in to
see what was going on and it ended up being a murder or something like that, but you know we
were just kind of patrolling through and they, we come across this and you know the border team
was taking care of it.
(1:27.43)
Interviewer: Alright and then how common was it for the vehicles in your convoys were to
actually set off IEDs or hit them?
Because we were operating in the middle of the desert, I mean there was essentially no, because
there was no roads where we were going; we were like traveling open desert. There was no, there
were some like tracks that had been made and I, you know that seemed to be at some sort of you
know at least frequently traveled avenues that they had, but we weren't sticking to any of those
we were just traveling the open desert. So, I mean there's no way someone could anticipate thethe route we were gonna be going.
Interviewer: So, it's only the occasional trip into town that had an established route.

�And we no, we didn't hit, we didn't hit- any have any ID strikes. I know we stopped on quite a
few occasions and called EOD, we had found a few IEDs and had EOD come in and disarm and
dispose but no IED strikes.
(1:29.01)
Interviewer: Alright so, okay now when then do you get home from that tour?
That was October 2008 is when I was done there.
Interviewer: Alright now at this point are you still looking to get another deployment or
what are you gonna do next?
Yeah so, I had already reenlisted so for me it was, I was planning, and I enjoyed being
ANGLICO there much more relaxed, because these had all these officers. They were pretty
much lax on kind of the- the menial tasks. If it wasn't something we needed to get done, then
we're not gonna do it, we're not just gonna be cleaning for the sake of cleaning. Which some of
the, like the infantry units is definitely they want to keep you busy. So, we didn't do busy work
we, we trained. By that time, I picked up sergeant, so I was in charge of a, the communications
for an, a SALT, which is a support and logistics team. So, we had three teams under us or three
firepower control teams and then the headquarters for that. So, I was in charge of the
communications and essentially, I was in charge of the team, I was essentially the senior enlisted
guy in charge. Also, by the time I had kind of gotten a good grasp on the air and fire- fire support
aspects of it and how to set everything up and coordinate everything. And then the and because I
had a, the ability to actually get people to do what I wanted them to do in an effective way and
the officers listened to me, quite a bit of officers and they took my opinion seriously and I
actually kept a lot of things from them so I, I kept training going, I kept things going. I kept
everyone on task, so I didn't get bothered by the officers for the most part I let them know what

�was going on it's like this is what we're doing. So, the guy that was supposed to be in charge he
pretty much said, “hey you just keep doing what you're doing and I'm just gonna sit back,” and
that was fine with me because it's you know, I enjoyed taking the lead on that.
(1:31.17)
Interviewer: Yeah well it is something that an awful lot of officers will say, is that they
ultimately depend on the senior NCOs to keep things running and know what's going on
and the smart ones by and large will let them do that. So, you basically become one of those
NCOs.
Yeah so yeah I and I pretty much every morning I'd go in and brief the officers on what our,
what we were planning for the day and I’d asked if there's anything that needed to be done or
they had anything and then I would implement it into the training plan. And I'd give them
training plans for the week and for the month of what we were planning on doing, so I'd set up
training areas and I'd set up, you know depending on what we needed to work on. So, if we
needed to work on you know land navigation, I might set up a land application course to send
guys through. We might need to work on communication setting up radios antennas we might
need to work on fire support missions we do that kind of thing and I'd set all the training up andand I you know we'd get input from the officers and they'd get tasking from headquarters and
say, “hey these things need to get done.” So, we'd get them, a lot of times it'd be, you know some
sort of online training thing that you had to do, or you know everyone needs to go into medical to
get screened for shots or something like that. So, I would add that into the training schedule and
make sure it all got done. Pretty much if you head things off, before, if you do things before, they
tell you to do them then they just stop telling you to do things because they already know you
have it done so.

�Interviewer: So alright now were you doing that was this Camp Pendleton where you were
based, or you go somewhere else?
(1:32.56)
Yeah this is Camp Pendleton I was, it was Los Flores which is like in the middle of Camp
Pendleton along the coast there so we had nice access to the Pacific Ocean right there so we’d
often do runs down in the morning to the Pacific Ocean and then do a swim, so we do a run,
swim, and then run back and by that time I had, so we the- the section I was with we had been
attached to the 11th MEU so we were getting ready for a deployment then. Because actually they
weren’t, they didn't have a company. The last deployment we went on to Iraq was a companywide deployment to Iraq, so the whole company went out and detached to all these units.
Interviewer: Right.
They didn't have a company-wide deployment schedule in the future. They had a- brigade, which
is I like a platoon sized unit which was like six teams and the headquarters and stuff like that that
were gonna be attaching to units, but they didn't have the company-wide so they had to figure
out what they were gonna do with the other companies. Because there was a thing with about
relevancy for ANGLICO because this type of thing could be taught to other units, and other units
could possibly take over this mission. The commander had to make sure that we remained
relevant and we're participating a lot of, a lot of things and stayed busy so that people knew that
you needed the unit, because they had been disbanded at one point. So, they wanted to not get
disband again so they said, “hey we're gonna jump on the, were gonna send a detachment on the
MEU.” So we were the first ANGLICO unit to go on a MEU since… forever, I don't… they had
been on in the past but it'd been a long time since they sent the detachment on the MEU, and we
detached, so we were part of the headquarters of MEU. And that was actually a great experience

�because right off the bat, once we started training with MEU, we had been able to get,
established communications really quickly when we got to shore for any operation. So, it became
apparent that anytime anyone went to shore we had this an ANGLICO out to shore also because
they would have communications for sure, and then they could go around helping other people
get communications. Which is great because I'd go out there and I’d set up three or four different
nets to talk to the ship so we, by that time we had satellite communications that we could do and
I’d have a mobile set up, and then I’d get up and set up field expedient antennas and do HF shipto-shore communications. You know hundreds of miles away.
(1:35.53)
Interviewer: Okay so when do you ship out you then? You’re at Pendleton you train and
get your assignment so now when do you head out?
This I want to say was in October of 2009 is when I ended up because it was, I think we had
Halloween and then…
Interviewer: That’s on October 31st.
Yeah so would have been just after November.
Interviewer: Okay.
And yeah, we again were… I think we were just scheduled to do the South Pacific tour again, but
we ended up mostly hanging out in the Gulf of Aden at the, by the Horn of Africa and Yemen.
They were doing operations from the ship into Yemen I believe and at, because there was
nothing for us to do that's the- the ship operations they were doing operations, we ended up
going to Djibouti and working with the French commandos that were stationed there and some of
the French Foreign Legion. Our officer really great guy, Captain Comangeon, he didn't like
sitting around doing nothing and wanted to stay relevant. So, while we were waiting there, he's

�like, “well when we're doing…” Because we’d do these squares in the ocean, “it's like at one leg
when we're close enough that we can attack at helicopter and get into the base on Djibouti.”
Because there's a military, a US military base there. And so, he started doing air naval gunfire
liaison company, we were- we liaison with people so we started, he started working with- talking
to the US forces on that base about working with the French forces in the area. So we were able
to set that up and then we were able to set up follow-on training for the battalion landing team
because they were sitting around doing nothing, so they got to get like two-week training
exercise in Djibouti also because we were able to set up that relationship there with the French.
(1:38.06)
Interviewer: Okay and what impression did you have on the French military?
They are pretty good, arrogant for no reason. I don’t know, it was weird because like we- we
have a lot of good, we had a lot of capabilities with us. We brought laser target designators
which could guide you know bombs from aircraft. We had laser pointers, we had spotters, and
range finders and all kinds of great equipment for you know getting bombs on to, on to targets
and stuff like that, and the… and we were- we came- we were a very professional team. They,
we were kind of a hand-picked group because we were gonna be the first MEU and we wanted to
make a good impression, so we were all hand-picked. So, we were working with everyone ourour team were, they were all very mature, very responsible people for the most part. So we came
in and we were very professional and you know very humble, like you know “hey we want to
help out, and we want to work with you guys, and we want to learn from you guys,” and they
were just like they go “oh were so much better than you guys,” and I was just like [Laughter] not
really necessary but it wasn't, it wasn't that bad. We worked with the, so the commandos weren't
that bad, so we work with them and we didn't really get that a whole lot from them. Then we

�worked with their artillery, one of their artillery units and some of the other JTAG so we ended
up doing like a combined arms exercise. We had a, there was an aircraft carrier that was going
close by, and so pilots need to get certain qualifications. They need to drop bombs to stay current
on some of their qualifications, and we were in a position where we had control of a range area
and we could, we could do that for them. So, we got to a… we ended up working with the
aircraft carrier which has you know dozens of aircraft they can drop bombs and we have our
helicopter deck which has Harriers that can you know drop bombs also. So, we did like two or
three days of just continuously destroying this range. We were doing like stacks and just flying
aircraft in and doing controls for aircraft and stuff like that. And we were working with, we had
the French come out with us, so they were you know doing that also because they had JTAGS
which is, it's all part of a NATO thing. Kind of a… where there's like a NATO standard for air
support and fire support kind of thing. But yeah- yeah, the French they were, I thought they were
a little arrogant, but you know they had their wine and their cheese, which they actually did. You
know I- I think it's funny because we, I've worked with a number of other militaries and they you
know, a lot of especially a lot of other countries drinking is kind of they will bring alcohol on to
field ops with them and… but the US is kind of taking a hands-off approach to alcohol. And its,
they don't do any alcohol and stuff. So, it's kind of you know funny to see how they'll go out and
they'll have, you know at the end of the day they'll crack open the beers and they'll have a good
time. And we are just like no we're not, we're we are working it will after our seven months then
we'll have a beer kind of thing. But you know…
(1:42.09)
Interviewer: Alright well they have their way. Alright and so how long did you spend out
and in that area?

�A month and a half we were out there.
Interviewer: Alright and then from there then what?
From there… I think that was the most… I know we stopped it a number of ports on the way in
and the way out because they wanted to give us, because most of people on the ship didn't get off
the ship we were lucky we were able to get of the ship for quite a while, so we were getting
towards the end of the deployment. We ended up making our way back towards… or the other
way to Hawaii, I think we stopped in Thailand, and maybe Singapore I, we I think we stopped in
two places then we stopped in Hawaii and they did a tiger cruise on the way home where they,
where family members can- can pick up the ship in Hawaii because they drop off a lot of people
in Hawaii that are you know forward advance party so they prepared the- the place to unload
equipment and stuff. So, yeah, I think that was for the most part.
Interviewer: Okay, alright and then is it just back to Camp Pendleton at this point?
(1:43.27)
Yeah back to Camp Pendleton.
Interviewer: Okay and then how long do you stay there this time?
Until so I'm at Camp Pendleton until I think 2011 is when I redeployed to Afghanistan and this
was a, this was not a company-wide it was most of the company, but not all of the company.
There was another unit that had went to I think Iraq, another section of ANGLICO they went to
Iraq, and there was another… we got back, and then they started doing rotations with the MEU
so there was another group that went with MEU. And then the rest of the company went to
Afghanistan and that was in May of 2012, so we got the summer of, in Afghanistan.
Interviewer: Alright so what was your assignment then in Afghanistan?
(1:44.17)

�There, so we were assigned to the Georgian Army we were attached to the- the Georgians, held a
section in… outside of I believe Sangin I think the Marines held Sangin and then to the west of
Sangin was another area across the river that the Georgians, the Georgian Army occupied. And
we were assigned to them, and actually we did a workup with them. So, instead of doing like
they- they there's a special training plan for units going to Afghanistan, usually I think
Bridgeport is where they'll go. And I had been to Bridgeport actually several times for training
just kind of regular training kind of exercise stuff, but we trained with the- the Georgians and
because they were in Georgia and we were in the US we met halfway we met in Germany which
is somewhere halfway, but we ended up doing a training exercise with them in Hohenfels,
Germany for the workup and then they went back to Georgia and then they deployed to
Afghanistan, and then I think we were two weeks before… two or three weeks before they got
there, so we switched over. There was an ANGLICO unit with the, I think 33rd Georgian
battalion and then we switched with that ANGLICO so we're with the 33rd for like two weeks
and then they swapped out with the 31st Georgian battalion and that was the unit that we had
been in Germany with.
(1:45.53)
Interviewer: Okay, and what was that battalion’s assignment at that point?
They were pretty much to secure the, keep the area secured. They were running patrols and stuff,
the Georgian army. Eventually they wanted to, they expanded on the- they're- they’re AO they
expanded West and they include I think it was like 20- 30 kilometers west they expanded to an
area that was like known for IEDs that they wanted to clear out that area. So, but yeah, a lot of it
was you know clearance kind of and just hold space for the most part.

�Interviewer: Alright now by this time you you've seen a number of different militaries from
different countries, what impression did you have of the Georgians?
The Georgian's they were, they were stuck in Soviet times.
Interviewer: Okay.
(1:46.54)
They were… you know I talk to a lot of guys; I talked to a lot of guys there and they were saying
you know that Afghanistan for them was their training to fight Russia. Because the- the- the
2008 deal in South Ossetia had been not too long ago and there was a lot of hurt feelings on that.
So, they seemed… and you know sometimes people would joke about those things, it didn't seem
like they were joking for the most part, maybe I just didn't get their humor, but they seemed
serious that they thought this was training for fighting Russia. You know Georgia is not a large
country and they I think three battalions is the extent of their- their infantry so I don't know how
well they'd fare; I mean South Ossetia was, it's a couple days.
Interviewer: Yup and they might have to borrow tactics from the Afghans at that point,
rather than be like the Russians.
(1:47.53)
Yeah, and but they were- they were a lot of their tactics and stuff were kind of soviet-era kind of
conventional warfare’s, what they were looking at, you know the US had been in Iraq and
Afghanistan for a while now, so we were kind of, I mean our whole mindset had changed at that
point. So, we were trying to keep them on, on par with that. One of the biggest things was trying
to convince them not to shoot at everything because that was a big problem, they would be
trigger-happy and they'd just start firing away at anything that moved and it's kind of like, don't
do that. You know not everyone that you see is an enemy, you know there was a, an old man that

�was walking, because there was… we were- we were on COP Sherdvani, which was this outpost
on the hill, on this hill and we had you know guard posts all around and it looked down and
there's a river, I don't know maybe five- ten kilometers away and then to the north and south
there was villagers that kind of spread up and down. Or actually nothing down, it was a desert
down. Up is where all of villages spread north and there was an old man coming towards the gate
and the- the Georgians were, started shooting at him because they said he was holding what
looked to be an IED which, yes he was, he was actually trying to bring them something he had
found which was like wires and stuff for making IEDs. We don't know if it was actually being
used for anything or what it was, but you know so we had to you know bring the guy and get
medical treatment and stuff like that and- and get him to further on care because didn't have
facilities where we were at. But yeah so it was it was we had to kind of rein them in like you
know this isn't the West, this is, you know you got to be careful what you're doing.
(1:49.57)
Interviewer: Okay and you had mentioned before that moving around in Afghanistan was
a very slow process.
Yeah so everywhere we went there was, there were a IEDs everywhere, you know I- I think 50%
of the patrols we went on we probably hit, someone hit an IED and most times we went out we
had EOD or route clearance that went ahead of us. Most- most was mounted SEF because we
were, there it wasn't- there was villages that we you'd stop and you do dismounted, a few of the
basis, so we had Sherdvani and there was a smaller base north of us, about five kilometers, and
five kilometers north that was another base. Kind of like how it was in Afghanistan or in Iraq
where they had them split up. And they would do ones that were, had a village nearby they
would do my dismounted patrols and stuff and they'd have mine sweepers with them. And they'd

�carry backpack chameleon things which help prevent from remote-control IEDs and stuff. But
yeah so, we had, but we there was IED strikes all the time. The vehicles we were using were the
M ramps were the mine-resistant vehicles so I mean usually the most damage would be blow off
a wheel and someone would smack their head on a hard surface inside the vehicle, or an ammo
can would come flying and knock them in the head, or some sort of concussion blast would you
know cause an injury of some sort. I think we had; I was doing LZ operations when I was there
for the most part. I was again doing communications right at the main gate communications with
everyone and help fix equipment and- and- and stuff like that but then I, we’d would be running
the- the landing zone so anything that was going in and out of the AO came through our landing
zone, so any injuries would come to our landing zone, they get pushed out to one of the larger
bases with medical facilities or supplies, anything coming in and out. We, we do supply runs
every couple days so helicopters would come in drop off equipment and stuff like that.
(1:52.21)
Interviewer: And so, it was a lot of the movement by helicopter rather than on roads?
Yes, every once, I think once a month maybe we had a very large convoy come through and it
was great because we'd see them, and they'd be like thirty kilometers out and they'd be moving at
three, four miles an hour and so slow. And like you'd see them there and because you're waiting
for them to get here because they're gonna come with supplies like, I, you know and they’d have
like a mobile PX that they’d bring with them so snacks and that kind of thing that you could buy,
and you'd be like, “oh man I can't wait till they get there.” And you'd see them on the map for
like two days traveling at the snail's pace and…
Interviewer: Yeah alright how much did you see the Afghans themselves?
(1:53.08)

�Not a lot, we had, so we had an Iraqi army… or
Interviewer: Afghan.
Afghan army unit that was also on the base so, and I communicate, I would go talk to them
because they had, they could get local food and stuff like that so we actually got a goat at one
point and we talked to them and they’d go out and they do patrols and if you wanted something
they could bring it back. So, we pooled together some money and we got a goat and they fixed it
up for us. I ended up getting beans and rice… a bag of beans- a bag of beans and rice and some
vegetables and stuff I’d get on a regular basis so I can cook something myself instead of eating
MREs every single day. So, I would have some communications with them, but the local- the
local people not so much communications with them. You know when we pushed west, we were
in an area that was again heavily IED’d and so often the locals would know where everything
was because they’d have to know so they can move around and stuff like that. And a lot of the
people we were, that lived there were like farmers so it was I mean it was pretty rural- rural area
and you know we would, I think we would engage with them for like intel purposes from time to
time. You know I was mostly, like I said I was mostly doing the landing zones we’d get locals
that were injured so we had several occasions where there was either a firefight sometime before
then and you know 20- 30 minutes later you'd have a local coming with a pickup truck and say,
“oh so-and-so was- was hurt or injured from fragmentation or from crossfire.” Or something like
that and you know it's questionable whether they were in the crossfire or they were the people
that were being shot at because they moved from one… like so the Marines in the area of
operations adjacent to us, they'd be in a firefight and then because we’d have all the traffic that
was you know going on in the area we were monitoring it and there'd be firefight going on and
then 20 minutes later we'd have a local come by and say “oh yes someone you know they were

�caught in a crossfire.” It's like well we don't you know, we can't tell it's you know we try to talk
to the other unit and say, “hey can you identify anyone?” It's like you know you can't identify
this guy as being you know your target. Or we get and there’s, we’d get small children
sometimes with injuries of some sort. Sometimes they would be related to- to combat other times
I think would just you know regular injuries health issues and stuff like that. And we do, we'd
send them out.
(1:56.18)
Interviewer: Now would your teams that you were with, would you have anybody who
functioned as a medic and would you get that kind of training?
Yeah, we so, we had gotten in… so in, by the time… I had gone I mean in basic training you get
medical; you know basic first aid. By the time I did my second Iraq deployment we had do, they
had developed a, it was a combat response course where they go through specific training for
combat trauma injuries and stuff like that. It's much more in-depth and they had, you know they
had changed a lot of things from when they initially had been teaching us. So, tourniquets were
now a good thing, in the past it had been pressure dressings and you don't want to put a
tourniquet on unless it's necessary because if you put a tourniquet on, they're like “oh you're
gonna lose the limb.” Now it was everyone was carrying tourniquets you have people carrying
tourniquets for each limb, you know they'd have, you’d carry them up on here and they'd have
ones in their cargo pockets you know in case, you know they hit an IED and then you could put a
tourniquet on and then it was pretty much standard, it's like if someone is injured throw a
tourniquet on it and you know, let the doctors deal with it when you get down the road for the
most part. So, we had gotten more advanced combat training. We actually before Afghanistan we
got to go to what's called the pig lab which is, they do, they sedate pigs and they do like gunshot

�blasts and stuff on the pigs in different ways and then we have to treat those injuries and keep the
pig alive so it's a sedated so it's not moving or I can't feel anything but they would do like a
shotgun blast to the leg and then we’d have to do like tourniquets on the pig, you know stop the
bleeding and that kind of thing. And you were pretty much tested on your ability to keep the pig
alive for as long as possible, they’d do lacerations and different things like that.
(1:58.28)
Interviewer: So, you’re learning a fair amount of sort of wound treatment and so forth.
But you guys would not normally have a navy corpsman with you?
No, we… I’m trying to think if we had a corpsman with us because we- we would I know on the
MEU we had a corpsman with us, and I want to say yes, we had a corpsman with us. Our- our
section was attached with the corpsman. Because they wanted us to be self-sustaining so they
wanted our- our section with ANGLICO so what, we had our headquarter section and then we
had our teams and we wanted that whole entity to be able to go anywhere and be autonomous
and not have to rely on the unit to support us. We wanted to be able to support the unit and not
have to rely on them support us. So we had to go with everything that we needed so we would
bring our own food, we could get our own… so we often we would get supplies, supplied
through the unit we were supporting but we can also get supplied through our own avenues,
which is great because we had two routes to work for supplies and getting things. So yes, we
went with, we did go with our own corpsman and then when we got there, he ended up going
into the, they had a small aid station and pretty much work directly for the aid station there, so
treating injuries and stuff. A lot of like scorpion stings and bites and stuff like that, often that was
kind of an excuse for them to get out and go to one of the main bases and go eat at a- a chow
hole or something like that.

�(2:00.12)
Interviewer: Alright so was daily life there any better or worse than it had been in Iraq?
No, I probably- I probably stayed as busy as I had, I mean I, I had more of a routine in
Afghanistan than I did in Iraq for that first deployment. For the first deployment I was kind of
running around with the chicken, like a chicken with my head cut off where I you know, I didn't
know what was going on from day to day. There it was, we had set up a routine, so we were for
the most part in the command center, we'd have a shift there running operations. So, supporting
units with air, we get air on stations UAVs to kind of do overwatch of any patrols going on. If
there was a fire fight that broke out, then we could call air on station quickly, we would, I, in the
evenings I mean Afghanistan seemed to run on the- the- the enemy, they ran on a schedule. So,
like in the morning you could count like between eight and nine you get a fire fight, or you get
some sort of activity going on. Around eleven o'clock things would stop, it's lunchtime no one's
fighting, no one's doing anything and that would go on for you know the day, because it was hot
all day and then once the Sun started shutting down and it started getting cooler then things
would pick up again, and then once the Sun went down then you'd start having people and place
IEDs and we’d, so we'd have different aircraft, four different things scheduled like around that
routine. So, like in the morning we'd have some sort of attack aircraft that's on schedule and we'd
have them fly at a distance so they couldn't be heard or seen, and if something broke out, wewe'd fly them in. In the evening we'd have UAV support you know covering routes that we knew
IEDs to be placed in and then we'd have like HIMARS or GMLARS which are long-range
missile systems and we do; you know prosecute those targets like that. Or we’d have artillery
within range that had I think they had… though they had guided artillery pieces that they were
using at that time that we could use. But often we’d do, so we’d have that, and we'd have

�illumination arounds so we might do illumination rounds and, so we can do like a BDA on the
targets and stuff like that. So it was, but there was kind of a routine setup, and like you know in
the mornings I would do you know, we'd switch things around a little bit but for a while as me in
the mornings I would do landing zones, and then so I would sit there standby to run down to the
to the LZ if there was some sort of casualty that we need to evacuate or something that, I can run
down the LZ, aircraft would be inbound I secure the LZ land them. You know assess the- the
injured and then relay that information, make sure they're getting treatment that kind of stuff. So,
and then in the evenings then I do COC watch and I'd sit up there for a while.
(2:03.32)
Interviewer: So, was there, did you have much to shoot at?
I didn't, well…
Interviewer: Target.
Yeah- yeah, I mean so you know, small arms fire, not for me because I was on the base. For thefor the most part I mean, I’d go on patrol every once in a while. But you know there's nothing
that came to my attention for that, for the most part, but as far as like targets for you know IED
in places and things like that or if other units were out getting a smallish fire, I mean that was
you know IEDs almost every other day you’d find someone. Small arms fire we'd have ended up
finding, yet again we come into a problem with identifying where the- the shootings coming
from. Now it's a little bit easier because it wasn't a large urban area that people could hide at, but
often it’d just be a couple shots from the distance and you’d get a report on the radio like, “oh
shots fired.” It's like “which direction?” You know, “what's the distance?” Like, “well we don't
know.” It's like, “well call us back when you know.” It's like, we'll put a UAV in the area and see
if we can spot some things out.

�(2:04.40)
Interviewer: Now was it possible to spot people actually planting IEDs?
Yeah- yeah, we’d do that like almost every other night. We, I mean I think it was like a couple
weeks straight where it was like the same spot. They were, someone was out there trying to put
an IED in for like a week straight, or like two weeks straight, and it was like every night we were
like, it's like you would think they would stop putting an IED in right in the same location.
Because we'd sit there and watch someone putting in an IED and then we'd hit that target with
you know, usually it's the long-range missiles or something like that. And then you know, two
hours later someone would go by and try to pick up the, you know they take the body away and
they- they do that and then you'd have them, someone else go up there and try to take the IED
that they were just trying to implant and try to put it back in and then we'd hit them again. So, it's
yeah…
Interviewer: So how were you observing this?
We had UAVs; I mean we had pretty much we had, could have aerial surveillance. We also had a
like an eye in the sky, so we had on- in middle of the base we had this giant camera a FLIR
system which does, you know regular color images, black-and-white thermal, so all kinds of neat
stuff and it has zoom capability and all that stuff.
(2:06.12)
Interviewer: So, you could see them at night?
Yeah.
Interviewer: But it didn’t register with them that you could see them at night?
I don't know, I mean because like it would register, like we- they could tell if we had aircraft on
station. So, like they knew that if- that if they heard the helicopters that they need to get away,

�get out of there. And that's what they did and so we would have to, like if we were doing patrols,
we'd have aircraft on station with the patrols going out, but we'd have to keep them at a distance.
So, they couldn’t be, couldn’t be seen or heard, so they’d be in, have them in defilade you knowyou know quite a ways a away. So, because if they were on station then they wouldn’t attack so I
mean that kind of registered and even with like fixed-wing aircraft; if they were flying too low in
way that they could be seen or heard then there'd be no engagement with that. So, we would try
to keep them out of the way so we can draw up the enemy and then we’d bring them in and so I
don't know why, you know they would keep putting in the IEDs I mean it was like, it would
happen- it was like two weeks straight where it was happening on a regular basis at this same
location. And we, I mean we kept watching that location because it was where they kept putting
them.
(2:07.34)
Interviewer: Now how long did you spend in Afghanistan?
Seven months.
Interviewer: Okay and over the course of that time did anything change? Or were things
pretty much the same the whole time?
No, well we- we did a massive expansion, so we like quadrupled the size of the area that we
were covering. I mean most of that area was all desert, we were expanding to this road that was
far to the ???? from Iran is where we had gotten, they’d have their identification on them from
where they're from. And I think Iran was one of the big places that we were getting people. We
were finding, so the people that we hit emplacing IEDs, a lot of times that's where they were
from. And so, I don't think a lot of it was local people that were- were doing anything for the
most part. I think it was just outsiders coming in and causing disruptions or that kind of thing.

�(2:08.33)
Interviewer: Alright now this was you last war and deployment, right?
Yeah.
Interviewer: Okay. Now had you at a certain point decided that it was your time to get out
of the Marine Corps?
Yeah, I decided, well so when I got back, I was pretty sure I was getting out. And I had extend
for a, a month because when you get back from a deployment you have to have at least three
months before you get out and I only had two month so I had to extend for a month so I can get
out. And I had looked into trying out for the for the- the HUMINT team, the human intelligence
team or counter-intel, so I had looked in that and I started the- the process through that. But at
that point it was, their deployment cycles, I had gotten onto a pretty frequent deployment cycle
by that time. Their deployment cycles were- were pretty much constant. They were always gone
somewhere, you know a lot of cases I talked to guys and they- they said they'd get back from a
deployment and then two weeks later they'd be back on a plane going to another, for another
deployment somewhere. Mind you some of the deployments were short deployments, it was you
know. But I had looked into that and but eventually you know, by that time I was also married
and had at least one kid, so… yeah I figured it was and I had I mean, I had done a lot by then
and- and I had you know, I figured after eight years if I do another enlistment I might as well do
20. And I really was actually kind of fed up with, you know, you got- you weigh the- the good
times and the bad times. And I had a lot of great times but there was a lot of times where I was
just like this thing, this blow. You know just the- the military bureaucracy kind of system that
had going on and it seemed to me you know, I was- I was a sergeant and that I think is the best
place to be. If I pick up staff, I'd be doing more of a desk kind of job at that time, and it, it

�seemed that a lot of the- the guys that did stay in that's all they really had, you know. We had a
lot of people, I got… it's funny, when I was in Iraq it was like anyone who was educated is
probably left already by that time. You know the same thing I think I was thinking with the
military was like anyone who's smart enough to do something outside of the military has gotten
out and is doing that. Anyone left in is, you know, is- they- they're not getting out because they
can't get out. They wouldn't be able to do anything else; just it was a lot of that. A lot of people
stuck in their ways and…
(2:11.20)
Interviewer: Was there any encouragement to go and become an officer?
No- not really, you know I actually, so when I was on the- the 11th MEU I had signed up for- I
had put an application in for the MECEP- MECEP program which is the military to officer, the
enlisted to officer program I put an application in for that. That did not go through, I mean they
only have so many slots for that and so that was kind of my venture at doing that, but no one
really was like, “oh you should go officer.” I mean at that point I was; you know I was out the
door and most people kind of knew, I mean, and I had- I had told my officers. you know I said,
“you know when we get back from this deployment I got three months.” It's like I'm not doing
anything when I get back, it's like I worked my butt off for eight years and I, you know and I'm
not gonna quit at the very end, but at the same time it's like, you guys don't, you know, you can
handle, you- everyone is, you guys should be able to handle this now. You know I got things to
worry about before I get out, so. And they were fine with that and they said, you know, “you do
whatever you need to do.” So that was great.
(2:12.34)

�Interviewer: Okay, now what does the military sort of now do in terms of helping to
transition people? You’re leaving the military, to go back to civilian life, whether its
coming back from deployment or getting out entirely, do they provide anything for you?
Yeah, so they had a weeklong, I think it was-it was either three days or a weeklong, either way
They, you’re supposed to do that you can do it up to a year before you get out but you're, so
you're supposed to be given an opportunity to go between a year and during your last year up to
thirty days. I mean you can do it from any time, but they say you ideally you want to do at least
60 days before you get out. I think I did mine like, I don't know a month before I got out and that
was with that deployment, I had just got back from a deployment and I kind of set it up that way.
So, I can make, I'm- you know I wanted to make sure I got it done. And they go over a lot of
things and they try to specialize it for what you're kind of interested in. If you're looking for a
job, they're gonna focus more on your resume and interview skills, and then probably try and get
you in touch with, you know people that can help find you a job. If you're trying to go back to
school, then they can have people to help navigate the GI bill and you set up for that. If you're
trying to open your own business they got people to help with that kind of thing, but yeah I think
it was, and they- they say oh you know you could show up in your civilian clothes, you don'tthey try to make it relaxed and it's all ran by civilians and stuff like that, you know. I think I went
in my uniform the entire time. I think, I- except for the day they do interviews they said don't
wear your uniform so it's, I didn't wear my uniform because they told me not to. But I mean…
Interviewer: Did they do anything in terms of helping or offer to help people who may have
PTSD issues or other things like that? Or just general stuff, but adjusting to life, civilian
life and how you have to behave now or anything like that?
(2:14.46)

�Not, I don't- I don’t remember any, a whole lot of that, you know. A lot of it was just on like
your- your benefits and stuff, well big harping on putting in your- your if you have needed to
make a VA claim. Putting that, getting like situated and stuff like that but not a lot with you
know mental health and stuff like that. Pretty much it's, you know a lot of the, anything medical
related was kind of more associated with your VA claim and they're saying you know if you
don't have things documented make sure you go get them documented now or make sure you can
identify that stuff and put them in, make sure they're in your record so you can do your claim. So
you can get compensated for any injuries you have whether they're physical or mental health
issues but I don't think there was a whole lot of, you know classes or anything on like adjusting
or you know this is how you talk to your employer, you know you can't knife hand people kind of
thing.
(2:15.49)
Interviewer: Alright, so now when do you actually get out?
So, I got- I got so I had leaves saved up, so I got out sometime in- sometime in March I got out. I
actually got, went, used tuition assistance and went and got my Class A license through a local
school and they, so I took leave and did that so I was still getting paid and they're paying for the
school at the same time and then I got out and I took the rest of my leave and it so, did terminal
leave and then I actually stayed in San Diego until, because my wife was in the Navy so we
stayed there until she got out which was another I don't know almost two years.
Interviewer: Class A license?
All commercial driver's license, I can drive the big semi-trucks.
Interviewer: Alright, so is that what you wound up doing while you were there or?

�No, well I got out, when I got out I pretty much immediately got an offer or someone was telling
me, told me about- so the- the school I went through to get my license they had a placement and
they had got word that the VA hospital in San Diego was looking for drivers that are veterans,
and so I got a job at, in there… as a- a vehicle, a motor vehicle operator for the VA hospital
there. A lot of driving buses and stuff like that. So not semi tracks but buses and so I could utilize
my- my Class A license.
(2:17.19)
Interviewer: Okay, and then once your wife got out, then what did you wind up doing?
We ended up moving back to Michigan and then I started working for the Rapid, driving the bus
here and I started taking classes. I had actually, so while I was working for the VA hospitals, I
was actually going to a local community college and got my EMT certification. Mostly because I
was preparing for the move and I wanted to have options for jobs and stuff and because I had
gotten an extensive- extensive, I got quite a bit of training in first aid and trauma. I figured EMT
I could probably handle something like that but when I moved, I ended up getting a job driving
for the bus, so I didn't need my EMT certification.
(2:18.07)
Interviewer: Alright and so now what have you basically decided to do with yourself? Go to
college?
Yeah- yeah, I started taking part-time classes when I got to Grand Rapids at Grand Valley and
then I switched to full-time and then I changed my major to philosophy and that's what I've been
doing. Actually, gonna be going to grad school for philosophy, my PhD and…
Interviewer: You’ve also have been actively involved with the student veteran’s
organization, what motivated you to do that?

�Well so even when I was at, so I was at the VA hospital working as a driver I was also
volunteering at the DAV. Helping coordinate transportation for veterans to get to their medical
appointments and so, and then when I got to Grand Rapids, I was actually actively seeking out
volunteer opportunities with veterans and I worked with Buddy to Buddy Program which is a
peer mentoring program. And so I have tried to maintain, be active in the veterans community,
you know mostly because I- I get veterans I you know, have that common experience but also
because I know there's a lot of issues that veterans have and I've been fortunate; I don't have any
mental health issues or anything like that. So, it's something I can- I can do, I can try to be that
voice in some way or try to help out where I can so.
Interviewer: What kinds of issues or problems do you see be fairly common among
returning veterans of your own generation or even younger?
(2:19.43)
A, one of the big, I mean mental health issues I think is prevalent and I think it's also, also has to
do with society in general just being more aware of mental health issues; that we can identify
these things. But transitioning in general I think is one of the hardest things I think veterans are
dealing with is how to go from the structured military life and you know, then going to this
group of people that just don't identify with that. You know, a lot of people just seem out of
place, you know with mental health issues you also get, a lot of times you get drinking and that
kind of thing and that again may lead to some sort of spirals where people's life just kind of goes
haywire.
Interviewer: You’ve managed at least yourself.
Yeah.

�Interviewer: Kind of how to go along, how to deal with that. And now going off pursuing
graduate school, philosophy, I mean do you want to become a university professor? Or do
you not really know what you would do with it?
(2:20.52)
That's the yeah, I mean that's- that's the idea at least in- in the Marine Corps I got to teach and I
got to lead and I feel I can, I enjoyed doing that, I mean I think that was one of the best parts of
you know, having a group of Marines that don't know something and then teach them how to do
that thing. I think that was, that was probably one of the best experiences I had, and I enjoyed it
and so I think teaching philosophy in the same way; teaching something to someone that doesn't
know would be a great experience. But also just the research aspect of looking into kind of some
of the bigger questions, you know I'm mostly interested in political philosophy myself right now
but I also have like some of these issues related to the conflict in combat that- that weigh on me
as far as you know why some people are affected by combat and other people are not or, or
trauma. And you know when you know, kind of when is it right to go to war when is it you know
when can I kill people when can I not kill people, or when should I, when shouldn't I? That kind
of thing, I mean I think those are questions a lot of veterans grapple with and you know a society
is, we I think we're gotten to this point where people get back from war and we've- we've taken
this about-face from the Vietnam era where you know, they weren't given their just respect for
what they did and now people are getting back and it's like everything you did was great and
you're infallible and you- you can't, you know you didn't do anything wrong. And I don't think a
lot of veterans feel that way like, you know you can't just, you know say “I did nothing wrong
and that's the truth.” I mean maybe what I did was wrong you know, I don't, but we're not having
that kind of conversation.

�(2:22.48)
Interviewer: Now to sort of thank you for your service, which might have been a good thing
to say to some of the Vietnam guys, but a lot of younger ones are not always sure what to
do with that.
Yeah.
Interviewer: But you’ve sort of moved on now, to the big picture and really thinking about
that on a level that maybe you hadn’t so much when you were on your first deployment.
You found out these larger questions, you’re engaging. I want to kind of close this, but just
asking; what do you think you wound up taking out of the Marine Corps experience? What
did that do for you or how did that affect you?
(2:23.17)
I mean the biggest thing for me was like there's a lot of things I can do and even when you think
you can't do things, like you cannot imagine the- the- the physical, the mental strain that you can
you can go through. You know personally I mean I think one of the reasons I joined the military
in the first place, the Marine Corps, was because I wanted to test myself and I think I did just
that. I mean when I'm struggling with something mentally or physically nowadays I kind of look
back and like, it's like, I've done this and so much more already. I mean there's- there's a lot of,
there's very little I- I don't think that I can't do. I'm you know, I can do more than I think I can,
and I think that's, I mean that's, I think about what it's given me, you know.

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                <text>Matthew Oudbier was born in Bremerton, Washington and grew up in a Marine Corps family. He entered the Delayed Entry Program in 2004 and went to Twentynine Palms, California, for its field radio operators course. Oudbier was then assigned to 1st Stinger Battery or 1st LAD in Futenma on Okinawa, Japan, before being deployed to Ramadi, Iraq, in 2007 where he was his company's radio operator and participated in heavy training. After reenlistment, Oudbier became first ANGLICO, returned to Iraq in 2008, and joined a support/logistics team. He also reenlisted for tours in the Gulf of Aden in 2009 and Sangin, Afghanistan in 2011 where he was assigned to the Georgian Army. After leaving the service, Oudbier got his Class A license and worked at the VA hospital in San Diego before moving back to Grand Rapids, Michigan.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans’ History Project
Jim Oudman
Vietnam War
1 hour 14 minutes 54 seconds
(00:00:40) Early Life
-Born in Palo Alto, California, on July 28, 1943
-Moved to Michigan at a young age
-Born in Michigan because his father was stationed there during the war
-Parents were originally from Michigan
-Moved to Michigan in 1944 or 1945
-Father did woodworking
-Worked for a lumber company
-Did home repairs and cabinetry
-Graduated from high school in 1962 and got a job
(00:02:50) Volunteering for the Draft
-One friend received his draft notice
-Prompted Jim to volunteer for the draft
-Presenting himself to the draft board instead of waiting for the notice or enlisting
-Enlisting meant three or four years of service while a draft meant only two years of service
-Volunteered for the draft in the fall of 1964
(00:04:15) Basic Training
-Received basic training at Fort Knox, Kentucky
-Did a lot of training with tanks
-Loading and firing the tanks’ guns
-Caused hearing damage
-Went on marches and had physical training before they ate breakfast
-Drill sergeants forced the recruits to eat quickly or not at all
-Strong emphasis on discipline
-You were fine as long as you listened to orders from the drill sergeants
-Helped give him some direction in life
-If you disobeyed you were given extra guard duty or extra kitchen work
-Usually lost leave time too
-Never punished with physical violence
-Basic training lasted eight weeks
-Worked on tanks for the duration of basic training
-Trained on the rifle range with the M-14 rifle
(00:07:12) Awareness of Vietnam War
-During basic training he could’ve been deployed anywhere
-US presence in Vietnam had not reached full, wartime levels
-There was the chance to be deployed to Vietnam
-Didn’t follow the news about Vietnam that closely
(00:08:03) Advanced Individual Training
-During advanced individual training he saw some men training as part of a rifle team
-Appealed to him
-Tried out to join a rifle team and outperformed every man on the team
-Sent to Fort Story, Virginia, for advanced individual training

�-Near the coast
-Received training for truck driving and material handling
-Could be placed in the infantry if necessary
-Heard his unit would be sent to Vietnam
-Asked if he wanted to go to Sniper School
-Knew if he went to Vietnam as a sniper he would be one man against several hundred
-Declined the invitation
-Assigned to the 565th Transportation Company
-Jeeps, ten ton trucks, semi-trucks, tankers, ¼ ton trucks, ¾ ton trucks, and 2 ½ ton trucks
-All stick shift vehicles
(00:12:02) Deployment to Vietnam Pt. 1
-Deployed to Vietnam in October 1965
-Didn’t receive a leave home before deploying
-Sailed on the USS General JC Brekinridge (AP-176)
-Sailed out of Oakland
-Had Army personnel, Navy personnel, and Marines on the ship
-Took 21 days to reach Vietnam
-Soldiers were put on kitchen duty or guard duty
-He was assigned to guard duty
-Passed under the Golden Gate Bridge
(00:14:00) Arrivals in Vietnam
-Remembers being off the coast of Vietnam
-Four hours on guard duty and four hours off guard duty
-At night he saw napalm explosions and tracer rounds
-Marines made amphibious landing, and on the third day the soldiers went ashore
-Watched a Huey fly over and fire rockets at targets
-Went ashore in a landing craft
-All he knew was the beachhead was secure
-Ramp dropped and the soldiers got off into chest-high water
-Went ashore at Cam Ranh Bay
-Sandy and no piers
(00:18:03) Establishing a Base – Cam Ranh Bay
-Built a camp inland
-Dug bunkers and filled sandbags
-Set up wooden buildings
-Navy construction battalions (“Seabees”) and Army engineers came to help build the base
-Crushed rocks and used that to make a road
-Rock shards damaged the truck tires
-Lived in pup tents for a while then set up squad tents (20 soldiers per tent)
-Made makeshift wall lockers out of wood
-Had 105mm and 155mm howitzers firing at enemy positions across the bay
-Experienced monsoon rains
-Watched a solid sheet of water move across the bay and hit their camp
(00:22:52) Convoys &amp; Other Jobs Pt. 1
-A few days after landing at Cam Ranh Bay they started running convoys to other bases
-Took sniper fire on the convoy runs
-Drove to Nha Trang (about 20 miles from Cam Ranh Bay)
-Traveled on established roads, so they drove at top speed
-Helped evade enemy fire

�(00:24:05) Booby Traps
-Leftover mines at abandoned French barracks, so everyone stayed away from that place
-Told about Viet Cong booby traps
-Informed about punji pits, and pressure-triggered bullet traps
(00:25:45) Convoys &amp; Other Jobs Pt. 2
-Drove on quite a few convoys
-Did a lot of jobs in Vietnam
-Used a tanker to gather water
-Used that water and empty gas drums to make a shower system
(00:26:54) Base Security
-Base was mostly secure at Cam Ranh Bay
-Pulled guard duty at day and at night
-Had trip flares for illumination
-Viet Cong never tried to infiltrate the base during his time there
-He was paranoid at first, and after three months adjusted to that feeling
-Friend was stationed at a missile battery about seven miles away from his base
-Drove over to visit him, and nothing happened
-Unsecured road left him vulnerable to sniper fire and roadside bombs
(00:29:57) South Korean Troops
-Had South Korean and South Vietnamese troops at Cam Ranh Bay
-South Korean soldiers guarded the fighter jets
-Tough and intimidating men
(00:30:47) Chemical Exposure Pt. 1
-Mixed napalm for bombs used on Phantom jets
-Took some of it, balled it up and threw it into a fire to see what happened
-Landed in the fire and made a small fireball
-Produced napalm by mixing a chemical powder with gasoline
-Air Force used Army personnel to help get tasks done
-Exposure to napalm scarred his hands
-Government used Agent Orange in his area
-Trying to defoliate sides of the roads and create better lines of fire
-Caused severe nerve damage to his legs
-Has no feeling below his knees
(00:33:25) Interactions with the Vietnamese
-He was leery with of the South Vietnamese troops for a while
-Went to a Vietnamese barber
-Never knew who was friendly
-The barber used a straight razor
-Could have easily slit Jim’s throat
-Civilians sold bottles of ice cold water and Pepsi for 50 cents a bottle
-Learned to “chew” the liquid before swallowing
-Sometimes the Viet Cong put crushed glass in the bottles, and it was fatal
-Saw it happen to soldiers
-Usually encountered the Vietnamese in Nha Trang
-On one convoy they accidentally hit a boy on a bike and killed him
-Incidents like that happened all the time
(00:37:00) Deployment to Vietnam Pt. 2
-Had no dramamine on the ship and they hit rough seas
-He got sick and ran for the bathroom

�-Guards were blocking the bathroom
-They allowed Jim to enter the bathroom and throw up
-He vomited in front of a colonel and a major
-Had no appetite for a week after landing at Vietnam
(00:39:05) Living Conditions in Vietnam
-Ate C-Rations canned in 1941
-Tried Vietnamese food
-Went into a restaurant in Nha Trang and ordered a pork dinner
-It wasn’t good, but it wasn’t bad
-Street vendors sold meat covered in flies
-In larger cities the Vietnamese had buildings
-Hotel rooms in Vietnam had a bed and a hole in the ground that served as a toilet
-Most people lived in shacks made of corrugated sheet metal
(00:41:52) Drugs &amp; Prostitution in Vietnam
-Aware of drug use and prostitution in Vietnam
-There were a lot of prostitutes in Nha Trang and around the base at Cam Ranh Bay
-He didn’t smoke marijuana, because smoking didn’t appeal to him
-Got caught smoking as a boy and his father made him smoke an entire cigar
-Never wanted to smoke again
-Warned about venereal diseases
-One man had venereal diseases all the time
(00:43:12) Politics of the Vietnam War
-Knew that it was a war and not a “police action”
-Politics limited the actions of soldiers
-Rules of Engagement: Only allowed to shoot in defense
-Had to break the rules just to survive
(00:44:15) Enemy Contact
-Viet Cong shot at convoys from positions in the jungle
-Hard to pick out targets
-Remembers walking through a village and bumping into a Vietnamese man
-He took a few steps then heard a scuffle behind him
-A South Korean MP and American MP had apprehended the man
-South Korean MP pistol whipped the man
-Found explosives on the Vietnamese man and a detonator
-Planned on getting near the US troops and blowing himself up
(00:46:45) Mission to Da Nang
-Went up to Da Nang for one mission
-Flew up there instead of driving
-Delivered some supplies to the base
-Usually didn’t go that far for missions
(00:47:36) Morale &amp; Relationships between Soldiers
-Men formed cliques on the base
-Didn’t apply during convoys
-Worked together when the situation called for it
-Some officers were good and others were incompetent
-Some of the officers were overzealous with their command
-Remembers a soldier coming into his tent, drunk, and firing his rifle into the air
-An MP wrestled the rifle away from the man
-Got drunk on 200 proof grain alcohol

�-Had a refrigerator from the ship and had 3.2% beer
-One soldier had his father send over a case of fifths of liquor
(00:52:25) R&amp;R
-Sent to Nha Trang for his R&amp;R
-Given one week of R&amp;R
-Stayed in a hotel in the city
-Guarded by South Vietnamese troops
-High walls topped with glass surrounded the hotel
-Didn’t feel any different than being on a base
-He actually felt less safe and relaxed being in the hotel in Nha Trang
(00:54:48) End of Tour &amp; End of Service Pt. 1
-Stayed in Vietnam for one year
-Had four months left of his enlistment
-Got an early discharge from the Army
(00:55:05) Memories from Vietnam
-Remembers pulling guard duty overlooking a valley
-Saw two Phantom jets fly over
-Eerily quiet for a moment then the sonic boom hit him
-Viet Cong tricked children into being suicide bombers
-Taught them to get a crowd of US troops around them and then pull a detonation cord
-Children didn’t know what they were doing
-Knew a man killed in a situation like that
-Ordered to shoot first and ask questions later
-He was riding in a fuel tanker and the driver lit up a cigarette
-Made a hard stop and gas splashed on them
-Fortunately, the cigarette didn’t ignite the gasoline
-Got in a minor car accident
-Wound up with a chunk of glass in his forehead
(00:59:40) Chemical Exposure Pt. 2
-Agent Orange caused nerve damage in his legs
-Patches of his skin are losing feeling
-Has lost feeling in his fingers
-The VA has finally recognized Agent Orange-related health issues in 2008
(01:00:25) End of Tour &amp; End of Service Pt. 2
-Flew out of Cam Ranh Bay on a C-130
-Flew to Saigon to wait for an airliner
-Saw a Vietnamese Beatles cover band
-Spot on impression
-Flew back to the United States in an airliner
-Quite a few men from his unit left at the same time
-Held their breath until they got out of Vietnamese airspace
-Landed at San Francisco
-Encouraged to reenlist
-It didn’t appeal to him, so he declined
-Stayed in San Francisco for a day
-Flew to Grand Rapids, Michigan
-Parents picked him up from the airport
(01:03:50) Antiwar Protests
-He flew in his uniform

�-Protesters in San Francisco spit on him and the other soldiers
-Came as a shock because the Army didn’t warn them about antiwar sentiments
-Frustrating experience
-People treated him normally on the cross country flight
(01:05:15) Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder
-Suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder when he returned from Vietnam
-He had nightmares, flashbacks, and unconscious reactions
-Didn’t know what to call it at the time
-Army didn’t warn him about the possibility of PTSD
-Goes to group therapy sessions with other Vietnam War veterans
-Chance to talk with other men that had similar experiences
-Felt a sense of isolation when he first came home
(01:06:54) Life after the War
-Got home in the middle of June
-Relaxed for a bit then got a job
-Went to Kendall School of Art &amp; Design in downtown Grand Rapids
-Used the GI Bill to pay for his education
-Studied there for three years
-Got into advertising and illustrating
-Started with 30 people in the class
-By the time he graduated there were only six or seven students remaining
-Got a job at an advertising agency
-Worked as a graphic designer
-Still does brochures, business cards, and corporate designs part time
(01:09:22) Readjusting to Civilian Life
-Went to see the film The Deer Hunter with his brother
-Came out of it feeling tense
-Whenever he sees a picture of a jungle he can still feel it and smell it
-Friend asked him what it was like to kill a Viet Cong soldier
-Jim told his friend to shoot the can they’d set up as a target
-The friend shot it and said it felt like just shooting a target
-Jim replied that it felt the same way shooting an enemy soldier in combat
(01:11:03) Weapons in Vietnam
-Assigned the M-16 rifle after being in Vietnam for a while
-Had originally had the M-14 which fired a .308 round
-Viet Cong had the AK-47 which fired a .30 caliber round
-Powerful enough to shoot through bricks
-One shot, one kill type of weapon
-The M-16 fired a .223 round which meant it took three shots to kill someone
-Able to carry more ammunition, but it required more ammunition to kill
-Suffered from technical problems
-Had to clean it every ten shots
-Didn’t have to do that with the M-14
(01:13:30) Reflections on Service
-Taught him discipline at a young age
-Turned 21 years old in Vietnam
-Gave him experience
-Able to connect with other Vietnam War veterans
-Has visited the Vietnam War Memorial in Washington DC, and it was a difficult thing to see

�</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans’ History Project
Jim Oudman (student interview)
Vietnam War
44 minutes 23 seconds
(00:00:10) Early Life and Basic Training
-Born in California, but “married into” living in Grand Rapids Michigan.
-Drafted into the military with two friends.
-Had basic training at Fort Knox Kentucky with said friends.
-After basic training, one of the friends was sent to Germany, himself and the other sent to
Vietnam.
-Most were flown to Vietnam, however he was sent on a “nice” trip via a ship.
-Trip was 22 days long on a troop ship.
-Army, Marines, and Navy all cohabited.
-His role on ship: four hours of guard duty, four hours off.
-Shipped out from San Francisco, first stop was Pearl Harbor Hawaii.
-Next arrived in Vietnam.
-Ship was the USS Breckenridge.
(00:06:00) Vietnam
-Napalm, tracers, and signs of war were observable from the deck where ship docked.
-Those going ashore were doing so “Normandy style” – rope ladders and vehicles.
-Water was chest height.
-Landed at Cam Ranh Bay, Vietnam.
-Desert like environment.
-Extreme heat.
-Food: WWII C-rations from 1941.
-The year was 1965-1966.
-Aforementioned friend was assigned to Military Police.
-Back at Fort Knox basic training, he was in Fifth Tank Battalion.
-After basic training, he went to Advanced Individual Training (AIT) at Fort Story Virginia.
-On the rifle team.
-Someone approached him to go to sniper training before Vietnam.
-Disliked the idea of being alone in Vietnam in a sniper role, so declined.
-AIT lasted about eight weeks, then sent to Vietnam.
-Turned 21 while in Vietnam.
-Encountered sniper fire while in Vietnam.
-Several incidents during his time in Vietnam:
-Bumped (literally) into a man that turned out to be outfitted with explosives.
(00:20:00)
-Riding with a vehicle that accidentally injured a local.
-A man decapitated by pressurizing a tire without the typical restraints.
-Incredible monsoons.
-His time in Vietnam lasted a year, from 1965-1966.

�-Discharged in June of 1966.
-After returning to the US he was so acclimated to the heat he was shivering in typical warm
weather.
-Communication with home usually in the form of letters.
-Washed laundry in water in their helmets.
-Monsoons did great damage to their encampment.
(00:30:00)
-Recreation: swimming. The Cam Ranh Bay was so salty it was easy to float.
-Required guarding from sharks.
-Disassembled a fork lift and created a motor scooter from the parts.
-At that time in Vietnam there was no real infrastructure, roads etc.
-Affixed Napalm to wing tanks on F-4 Phantom planes.
-Received blister scars on the hands from the napalm residue.
-Has neuropathy in the legs due to exposure to Agent Orange.
(00:35:20) Post War Life and Misc.
-Earlier in life, took art throughout high school.
-After leaving military used the G.I. bill to attend Kendall School in Grand Rapids.
-Studied graphic art and advertisement design.
-Got into advertising as a career.
-Advice to younger generations: a more victory oriented mindset required in war policy rather
than being restricted and prolonged.
-Viewing imagery, such as on TV/movies, reminiscent of Vietnam can be difficult because of the
instant emotions and memories it may bring up.
-One instance: received a warm and unexpected thanking from a local Vietnamese American
tailor.

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                    <text>Our Destiny: Conformed to Christ’s Image
From the sermon series: Until We Take the Shape of Christ
Text: Romans 8:11, 29
Richard A. Rhem
Christ Community Church
Spring Lake, Michigan
Pentecost Sunday, June 7, 1987
Transcription of the spoken sermon
If the Spirit of him who raised Jesus from the dead dwells in you, he …will give
life to your mortal bodies also through the Spirit which dwells in you.
Romans 8:11
…predestined to be conformed to the image of his Son, in order that he might be
the first-born among many brothers and sisters. Romans 8: 29

On this Pentecost Sunday we inaugurate a brief series of message entitled, "Until
We Take The Shape of Christ." The message was expressed very beautifully in the
song and movement of a moment ago, for it is true of us in our Christian
experience that we are no longer what we were before, nor are we what we yet
will be. We live in that tension between what we were and what we are destined
to be. And what we are destined to be is to be conformed to the image of Jesus
Christ, to be shaped like Jesus Christ. I would like that image to burn into your
minds and consciousness for the next couple of weeks as we reflect on God's
purpose for us who are diverse in so many ways and come from so many different
places and who yet in Jesus Christ are called to a common destiny - to be shaped
like him, to realize in our own human experience the marvelous freedom, the
total confidence, the joy that was present in Jesus Christ, our Lord, who is the
model of what God intends us to be.
Until we take the shape of Christ. We are people in process. We are people on the
way. We are caught in that tension between what we were and what we yet will be
and, in the meantime, we have the assurance that God is with us, for today we
celebrate the gift, the presence of His Spirit. Today on Pentecost we celebrate the
fact that the Eternal God has made Himself known to us in the face of Jesus
Christ and, through the Spirit of Jesus, indwells us, permeating our every pore,
pervasive throughout our world - that God is with us.

© Grand Valley State University

	&#13;  

�Our Destiny: Conformed to Christ’s Image

Richard A. Rhem

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Pentecost is the day which brings to my mind more acutely than any other time
the promise and the impossibility of my task. Pentecost is the day in which I
know the impossibility of my task, for I point you to a reality and to an experience
which is beyond the possibility of knowing and which is beyond the possibility of
defining in rational discourse. There are many things that I could teach you and I
try from week to week to speak in a reasonable and in a rational manner so that
there is a kind of logic and movement and so that the message is understandable,
so that there is some point to it that may be grasped and understood. And yet the
impossibility of preaching is that I point you to an experience that is beyond
knowing. Preaching is the attempt to express the inexpressible, and our attempt
to know God is an attempt to comprehend that which is incomprehensible. There
is no time like Pentecost in which I am more acutely aware of the impossibility of
this task to speak rationally of that which lies beyond reason, to speak reasonably
of that which can only make itself known to us, being apprehended by us beyond
the intellectual grasp of which we are capable.
And yet, Pentecost is also the day when I am aware of the promise of preaching,
because I know that the very God Who is beyond our knowing sometimes takes
the expression which points beyond itself to the inexpressible and creates the
experience of His presence. So, today we stand before the impossibility and the
promise of preaching that points to God in order that God may be experienced
and our lives, thereby, transformed.
Our religious practice is not just a social custom; it is not just a duty and an
obligation. Our search after God, our quest for God is not just a matter of
intellectual knowledge. We long for our lives to be changed, that our
consciousness may be altered, that our inward life may be developed from the
inside out, that we, as persons, may be transformed into the image of Jesus
Christ. And it is God's intention that that human transformation be occurring in
the ongoing experience of our lives - that we may be changed until we take the
shape of Christ.
It is a fascinating idea. The theme runs through the New Testament. A week from
today on Trinity Sunday, we will look at that word from Paul to the Corinthians
when he said that we all reflect as in a mirror the splendour of the Lord. We
reflect as in a mirror the splendour of the Lord. Thus we are transformed into the
likeness, from splendour to splendour. Such is the influence of the Lord Who is
Spirit. And when he was writing to the Church at Galatians with whom he had a
controversy and about whom he cared so deeply, he said at one point, "I am in
travail, labor pains with you over again until you take the shape of Christ." And in
this eighth chapter of Romans, he says that we have been predestined to be
conformed to the image of Christ.
On this Pentecost Sunday I am pointing you to a great biblical truth which is
beyond our comprehension – and beyond my ability to effect in your life, beyond
our human possibility to trigger and to cause to happen. And yet a great mystery

© Grand Valley State University

�Our Destiny: Conformed to Christ’s Image

Richard A. Rhem

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that through the grace and the power of the living God, does happen and can
happen and will happen. Our human personality will be invaded, penetrated,
permeated by the presence of the Living God Who is Spirit and thus we will be
transformed and moved on the way until, finally, we take the shape of Jesus
Christ. We are no longer what we have been, and we are not yet what we will be,
but we are a people in process who are being shaped by the Spirit of God more
and more to reflect Jesus Christ, our Lord.
I stand before an impossible task, and yet I keep doing it because of the promise
of Pentecost. In preaching, one is always pointing beyond one’s possibility to a
mystery that now and again, here and there, in this one and in that, erupts into
the fullness of the presence of God.
A couple of weeks ago when I visited my son Joseph at his headquarters I saw
what I expected to find - total chaos. There were computers all over the place,
some of them were all together, some of them looked as though they had
disgorged their bowels. There were computer chips and wires and cables and
pieces and parts sprinkled liberally with empty Diet Coke cans and unwashed
coffee cups. The scene of frantic activity in the midst of a setting that would make
a mother cry. And as I saw it all, I thanked God that now my life is nearly over
and I think I will escape having ever to touch one. But, as I looked at the bowels
of the computer with their circuitry and all of their mystery, I said to myself, "If
my life depended on it, I could master this technology. If my life depended on it,
and I were willing to give the time and the energy to it, I could come to
understand the computer inside and out." Being as old as I am, now in the
springtime of senility, I don't even have to face that problem. But, I know that
that mystery which is so terrifying to all of us who were born before 1950 - that
mystery can be handled. That knowledge can be harnessed. It would be possible
for all of us in this room, given the time and the energy and the instruction to
master the mystery of the computer. Because finally there is no mystery. Finally it
is reducible to the laws of electricity and whatever else is involved in the physics
of that phenomenon.
Son Joseph is fortunate because he deals with a mystery that is solvable. His
father is not so fortunate, because he deals with a mystery that will always elude
him. And so, one is destined to face that impossibility. But on Pentecost, the
possibility, the promise that God will make Himself known, that we will
apprehend what we cannot comprehend, that we will catch what we simply
cannot research and master, that God, the Living God, will be present to us
changing us, shaping us after the image of Jesus Christ.
As we embark on that effort we are not left in a vacuum as though God has not
spoken, as though there is no place to turn, as though we might just close our
eyes in a vacuum and have something hit us or strike us or dawn upon us. What
we are about as we look to that mystery is involved with a great tradition, with
data that we can look at, that we can think about and reflect upon and believe in.

© Grand Valley State University

�Our Destiny: Conformed to Christ’s Image

Richard A. Rhem

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In the eighth chapter of Romans and the 11th verse, for example, we have Paul
pointing to those events in our history that we have just so recently celebrated.
He says there that if the Spirit Who raised Jesus from the dead dwells in us, then
the Spirit that raised Jesus from the dead will also enliven our mortal bodies. And
if you would read that text carefully, you would find all jumbled up God, Spirit,
Jesus. If you read the New Testament carefully you will find that Paul is
indiscriminate in his designation of the active presence of God in our midst.
Sometimes he talks about the Spirit of God, sometimes he talks about the Spirit
of Jesus, sometimes the Spirit of Christ Jesus, sometimes the Holy Spirit,
sometimes just the Spirit. The Holy Spirit is not a person apart from God, but
simply the presence and the power of God active, here and now. And what Paul is
saying in that 11th verse, which is the joy of our Pentecost celebration, is that as
we have just celebrated the Easter glory and life from the dead in Jesus Christ
effected by the Spirit, that same Spirit of God is present and available to us to
move us from mortality to immortality, from death to life, to enliven us.
As we quest and thirst for experience of God, it is not as though there is not some
hard data for us to look at and to be exposed to and to open ourselves up to. Paul
is saying that something has happened in our history - God raised Jesus from the
dead. God raised Jesus from the dead by Spirit, by breath. And that breath of God
that raised Jesus is the breath of God that makes us alive. If we are in Christ, we
have the Spirit - that's the promise. We have to take God at His word. We have to
trust that, as we have entrusted our life to Jesus Christ, that the Spirit of Christ
dwells in us, making us alive, giving us new life, getting us underway, moving us
toward that high destiny which is to be shaped, conformed according to the
image of Christ.
There is a tradition then, there is a biblical tradition, there is a story of the action
of God through Jesus Christ our Lord. And as we hear that, as we open our lives
to that, it is that story that becomes a vehicle, the message through which God
dawns upon us and His grace is experienced.
Perhaps the most important book published this year, and the most critical look
at America's society in a long time is the book, The Closing of the American
Mind, by Allen Bloom of the University of Chicago. It is an especially close look at
the college and university generation and the work that colleges and universities
are doing. It's a very frightening analysis of the loss of clear thinking and philosophical understanding in our academic centers. He was at Cornell in the 60s
when the students came and took over the administration and the campuses
generally went wild, and his comment is that the students, through their
rebellion, gained freedom of speech, only to find that they had nothing to say!
Now, we who are in the Christian tradition don't just babble on in a vacuum.
There are certain data that is the raw material, the exposure to which puts us in
the place where we might suddenly feel a fire in the belly and the dawning of life
and the experience of God. Paul says the God Who raised Jesus from the dead

© Grand Valley State University

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Richard A. Rhem

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dwells in us by His Spirit, bringing life to our mortal bodies, in order to move us
on the way to that high destiny which is ours. He says we know that all things, all
of the ingredients of our lives, God works together for the good of those who love
Him, those who are called according to His purpose. God knew His own before
ever they were, and predestined that they should be conformed to the image of
Christ in order that Jesus might be the elder brother with many brothers and
sisters in the family of God.
Pentecost is about the presence of God, the Living God, full of Grace, here to
transform us, to change us so that we can sing, "We're no longer what we were,
nor are we what one day we shall be, but we are a people on the way," the most
mature of us but a babbling infant. And yet, even a babbling infant is beginning to
learn the language that one day will open the richness of all of history and the
promise of heaven.
If the Spirit by which God raised Jesus from the dead dwells in you, then that
Spirit that raised Jesus from the dead will enliven you, will bring life to your
mortal body, and you will be on the way, all the ingredients of your life working
together for the realization of that purpose which is God's for you, that you might
be shaped in the image of Jesus Christ.
Pentecost is the day of that great freedom and liberty of the children of God.
Pentecost is that day when we break loose and celebrate our freedom, and
celebrate our trust in the goodness of life and the future that God has for us. The
Church of Jesus Christ has become, in its institutional form, the most
conservative institution in the world. We had the graduates here at the first
service, and as I saw them sitting before me, I realized what we do to the younger
generation. We try to hold them down. We try to save them from all the pitfalls
that we experienced. Believing in their potential and loving them so deeply, we
would like so much to be able to guide them in very narrow tracks for the
ultimate realization of their full humanity. But, of course it doesn't work that way.
The Church has become a very conservative institution. There are those who
don't even want to be a part of the Church, but who believe that the Church is
important because it's the glue of society and keeps the chaos at bay.
But, haven't we come a long way from Pentecost, when the Wind of God swept
through the upper room, when those disciples were absolutely consumed by the
fire in their belly, when they went out in their generation to turn the world upside
down? Haven't we tamed the beast? Haven't we domesticated the Spirit? Haven't
we sought to bring God down and fit Him into a neat little box, tied up with a
ribbon, so we can say, "There, we can handle that. We can control that. We can
manipulate this mysterious power." Not so. God is Spirit! God is alive! God is in
the business of human transformation. God says to us, "Turn over the traces!
Break out! Break loose! Open your life to a mystery beyond yourself!" Allow Him
to realize through you all of the potential with which you were created, because
you were created in the very image of God! You have been destined to be

© Grand Valley State University

�Our Destiny: Conformed to Christ’s Image

Richard A. Rhem

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conformed to the image of Jesus, and so open yourself to the Living God Who,
here and now, even in a moment like this, in a setting like this, can somehow or
other break through to us, illumining our minds with that which we cannot grasp,
but which we can sense.
A very important sentence which has always stayed with me from Rudolph Otto is
this: "The experience of God is the feeling that remains when the concept fails." A
sermon can only deal in concepts. Rational discourse can only point beyond itself,
and then it is that we all stand helpless, waiting, waiting, waiting 'til God makes
Himself known to us, and there is a surplus of meaning beyond the content of the
concept. Pentecost is the promise that there will be a feeling that will remain
when the concept fails. Open yourself to the transformation of the Spirit, as the
Living God would turn you inside out and shape you into the image of Christ, that
you might know the fullness of being fully human, fully alive.
Let us pray.
O Holy Ghost,
come down from heaven's height, give us Thy light.
O Father of the poor,
all gifts to us are Thine. Within us shine.
O Comforter beyond human comforting,
O Stranger sweet, our hearts await Thy feet.
In passion, Thou art peace,
rest for our laboring, our cooling spring.
O Solace of our tears,
upon the secrets of our sins and fears,
pour Thy great light.
Apart from Thee,
we have no truth unfamed, no good unstained.
Our hearts are dry.
O River, flow Thou through the parched ground.
Quicken those near to die.
Our hearts are hard. O bend them to Thy will, Eternal Lord,
to go Thy way.
Thy sevenfold power
give to Thy faithful folk who bear Thy yoke.
Give strength to endure,
and then to die in peace
and live forever in Thy blessedness,
through Jesus Christ, our Lord.
Amen.
(Prayer of Stephen Langdon, Archbishop of Canterbury, c. 1200)

© Grand Valley State University

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                    <text>OUR FATHERLAND
Prologue

''Tomorrow at )lawn, stand fast", read the coded message from Major Sas,
Netherlands' military atta~ in Berlin to Army Head Quarters in The Hague. Our strict
\

neutrality violated? Yes. Just another broken promise from Hitler. Naively, too many in
responsible positions underestimated the evil that existed across the border. Half a dozen
broken promises between 1935 and 1939. Under the surface of the fast developing events
ran the deep feelings of our people; the shock of the attacks, the unexpected speed of the
defeat after the torching of Rotterdam, and the slow adjustment to the status of an occupied
nation. And then, the at first difficult to discern, but irresistible tightening of the screw of
oppression. Then the moral angle. Where do I call a halt? Are we sliding from bad to
worse? Where is the fine line between right and wrong? Between good and evil? Some
people were confronted at an early moment with a moral choice, some for the sake of
principle, others because circumstances had placed them in a particular situation, at a
certain time, which demanded a fast and clear-cut decision. But in those five years of
occupation, too many were never confronted with a sharply defined cho~ce.

As for the Resistance, one also had to judge each situation as it took place at that
time. In the afternoon of Tuesday, May 141 1940 the military surrender of the Netherlands,
with the exception of the province of Zeeland and the Netherlands' East and West Indies,

'b~came .a fact. Further resistance in the face of the overw e ~ blOJY _Of the fall of all oF
.

-·-·---- ---- - - L.:.

-~ --

western Europe from the North Cape iri Norway --to the Spanish border in 10 short weeks,

�2

appeared useless. The Nazi's were there. How were they to be thrown out? An early
expectation of that was unrealistic.

But to get along meant to perish as a free and
I

democratic nation. No resistance of some kind meant to perish. For the mc!n'ient resistance
/

'

from ~thin seemed the only and long road left to be liberated.
Awareness that resistance would face repercussions was painfully acute. Very limited
at first, growing stronger as the barbaric tyrant forced tragic decisions on o_u r people, the
varied resistance groups, unprepared, inexperienced, began to fight back with determination
and against great odds.
Many generations had passed since they had to face so sharply a choice between
survival and extinction. For the past, its benefits, its tradition and determined striving for
freedom, we were grateful. Not since the murderous Spanish Inquisition had a generation
been faced with so clear a choice of destiny. All that we were as a people was laid as a
trust upon our generation. To fight the good fight for a free country, perhaps in ruins, as a
sure foundation on which our children would build the country anew as had our ancestors.
Freedom, true justice and honor, with our inherent strength, had always prevailed.
In our generation, the times past, and the times to come focused together, when
history and prophesy called our generations to our sacred duty to God, Queen, and
Fatherland.
Our personal active participation in the Resistance started right after the
Netherlands' capitulation, which was caused by the destructive bombing of Rotterdam on

-

May 14, 1940. We could then only anticipate that the occupation, just started, would not
be over soon.

�3

My dad was an aide-de-camp with an Infantry Regiment, engaged in the count~/
/

/

attack against the German breakthrough west of Arnhem.

!n 1940 the population of the Netherlands had pas·sed the nine million mark, of which
150,000 were Jews, a ratio of about one and a half percent. Ninety percent of the Jewish
minority lived and worked in Amsterdam, while the remaining 10% were to be found across
the eleven provinces. In our hometown of Alkmaar, there were about fifty Jews, on a
population of approximately 34,000.

We started the Underground started in August, 1940 with press releases from
England. It would continue until May 8, 1945 at a rising cost in lives.

Nobody escaped the pressure of a pure material choice, forced upon the people
through the ever tightening clamp of war-economy on food, clothing, transportation, and the
ever diminishing opportunity for relaxation and respite.
The net, in which we were caught, pulled ever tighter as gold, silver, gold, copper,
bronze (coins and artifact), radios, bicycles and food, obtained on 'hunger trips', was
confiscated. The dark shadows of self esteem, stolen by being chased by the slave haulers,
and forced to hard labor at hunger rations far from home, became a way of life. _ _ - '

Gradually the resistance grew. It began to express itself in seveE._al forms. At the same
time many varian~es of collaboration became manifest. Only few acted on principle, most
were based on opportunistic grounds, because Germany at that time seemed to be on top.

�I

I

4
/

In the occupied countries of Europe, the Nazis ruled in several cµfferent ways,
I

/

adapting tactics which all served their
- purpose. Naive underestimation of( the real designs
/

of nazism, fascism and corporatism was the rule. It was wishful thinking to not hear, see
I

and understand. Nazi Germany instituted the draft in 1933, grabbed the Rhineland in 1936,
joined Austria with 99.75% of the vote in 1938 and its "homecoming" in the Third Reich,
and annexed the Sudeten territory in Czechoslovakia in 1939. These acts, _aggravated by
England's and France's complicity, were as many violations of good faith as any astute
observer should need to arrive at the only possible judgement: 'Who is next and what can
be done about it'.

Nov.

9,

1938:

The infamous Kristall Nacht takes place.

Fifty years later, on November 9, 1988 I have the honor to address the congregation
of Temple Emanuel, and the 'Congregation Ahavas Israel' in Grand Rapids, Michigan in
commemoration of this unforgettable event as follows:
"It is with great sadness that we commemorate together the infamy of fifty years ago,
of what has become known as 'Kristan Nacht' or 'Night of Glass'.
It happened less than a year before Poland was partitioned between Germany and
Russia. In March of 1938 Hitler's armies had been invited into Austria, and that country
was in its entirety integrated. Austria had among its population 185,000 Jews; many of whom
were arrested and sent to the concentration camp of Dachau. But among these were 20,000

-

Jews with Polish nationality, who tried after the German-Austrian unification (Der
L

Anschluss ), to return to Poland. The Polish government refused to take them back, and SS

�5

General Heydrich had these 20,000 people loaded on trains and dropped off at the Polish
border where they, exposed to the elements, wandered about in a no-man's land.
After some six months an accord was struck between Germany and Poland, whereby
each country took in half of these helpless refugees. The inhumane conditions in which these
twenty thousand people lived for six months aroused widespread sympathy in Europe, but
little practical help - for two reasons. To reach them deep inside Europe during the tense
situation already existing between Germany and Poland was virtually impossible. In the
second place,~ western European governments were hesitant, even loath allowing Jewish
refugees into their countries. Hitler's mad ravings over the radio had intimidated many of
these so-called statesmen.
During that horrible fall of 1938, Dutch journalists covered the news along the border
with Germany, and bitter indeed were their memories. For example, they saw a six months
old baby lying on the luggage counter in the Customs building at the border post of
Oldenzaal, without its parents. Not being able to get away themselves, the parents had
apparently put their baby in a train compartment destined for Holland. And there it was,
between the luggage, crying. But the Government's dictum stood: 'it did not want any more
refugees', and the smuggled baby was sent back to Bentheim, across the ~order.
After the war, the prominent journalist Bakker received a phone call. An English
speaking lady wanted to come and see him. The young woman he met was unknown to him.
She showed him a picture of a healthy set of twins and said: 'Without your help these
children would never have been born.' Confused, the reporter looked up. Then she said:
'Kerkrade', and that's when Bakker made the connection - a small Dutch restaurant close

�6

to the border, and two young people cowering in a corner; across the road a German border
guard waiting to take them back. They had fled from the gruesome violence of Kristan
Nacht and had fled to the Netherlands, trusting on its noble tradition of asylum. An officer
of the ~tate Police arrived to hand them over. The man cursed from indignation at this
task. Bakker asked him to delay the matter and called the Department of Justice in The
Hague. Twice they turned his request for asylum down. The restaurant owner advised the
young couple to throw a couple of stones through the window of the Police station. After
al1, a Dutch jail was always preferable over going back to Germany. But the young man
shook his head and said; "Ach nein, die Hollaendische Behoerden haben uns &lt;loch
anstaendig behaendelt." ("Rather not, the Dutch policemen have treated us decently").
Bakker managed to negotiate another half hour's delay, and called the Justice Department
again and told them: "This is my third call, and I want you to know that I will dip my pen
in poison and publish this nationwide. I have sufficient influence to bring this matter up in
Congress. So, unless these two people can stay, only then will I be silenced." It worked.
They were allowed to stay, and after the war Bakker sat there as he fumbled with a picture
of the twins. It was alas but one exception to the Dutch government's rule.
Among the first Jews to be rounded up for the no-man's land between Germany and
Poland were the Grynszpans, whose son, Hershell, was a student in Paris. Unsettled by the
fate of this parents, he shot and killed Ernst von Rath, Third Secretary of the German
Embassy in Paris. It shocked the always hysterical atmosphere in the Nazi Party and

-

inflamed it to such an extent that Hitler gave the order to attack all Jews in their homes and
business on November 9, 1938. In one night two hundred synagogues went up in flames;

�7

eight thousand storefronts were devastated, and shattered plate glass littered German
streets. It was later estimated that the destroyed plate glass represented half a year's
production of the Belgian plate glass industry, from which it had been imported. Eight
hundre~ stores were plundered and thirty five jews murdered. Thirty thousand Jewish men
were arrested and put into the concentration camps of Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald and
Dachau. After six weeks they were set free; but only after an additional four hundred had
been murdered. A fine of one million Deutsch marks was imposed, and one fifth of their
investments confiscated. Poor Jews would no longer be eligible for social care and were
concentrated in work camps.
Theaters, musea, public parks and swimming pools became off limits for Jews. Their
children were removed from every level of schooling, and the total number of Jews in
Germany, three hundred thousand (about one percent of the population and unarmed) were
concentrated in Berlin and Vienna.
Protest rallies were held all over Europe, but to no avail. The churches in Holland
remained totally committed to helping the Jews, and the number of their martyrs, after they
themselves were subjected to five years of occupation, testifies to that eloquently.
The only concession before the war was that children would be admitted in limited
numbers, without their parents. England would accept ten thousand; Belgium one thousand;
France six hundred; Switzerland three hundred; The Netherlands one thousand five hundred
and Sweden two hundred and fifty. It proved too little, too late.
It had been night, and now it was day- KRISTALL NACHT- Night of Glass - had
made its horrible mark in history.

�8

After my years at Almere College, my parents sent me to the Pedagogic Academy
in Alkmaar, where I stayed with my grandparents until my parents and brother followed me
from Kampen out there, half a year later. I graduated in 1933 and continued my studies
towards a Masters degree in education.
Due to the financial pressures of the depression, severe budget cuts had to be made
by the schools and, as a result, the maximum number of great school students per class,
which until now had stood fixed at 25, was with one stroke of the pen increased to 45.
Consequently, there were massive lay-offs of teachers, and for us newcomers there was no
chance whatsoever to find employment.
After seven months I finally landed a job with the local government. It was a very
modest position of paymaster with the job description of 'Computing Unemployment
Benefits', and controlling payments in cash on Wednesday afternoons.
I switched my studies to Accounting and Economics at the Business Institute in the
city of Leiden, which I completed in just two years, and on April 18, 1939, in spite of the
increasing threats of war, Janny and I were married.

August 28. 1939:

Mobilization of the Netherlands 200,000 soldiers and
sailors total now: 300,000

September 1, 1939:

Germany attacks Poland. England and France declare
war on Germany.

�9

Jan. 13-April 9, 1940:

The Netherlands are put on general alert.

April 19, 1940:

The Netherlands are in state of siege.

~ur first son was born on April 27th, 1940 and named Cornelus Barend, after his
paternal grandfather. It had been a tense night at the Termaat's home. It had been a very
difficult birth, with labor lasting two days. ·However now, although exhausted, Janny and
Kees were doing well, and with the assistance of a registered nurse, good food and a few
nights of sound sleep, the young mother would soon be back on the road to recovery.

Unfortunately, this could not be said about the political situation of the country, as
newspapers and radio news broadcasts were reflecting the tense international situation at
the eastern border with Germany. Bridges had been mined, ready to be blown up at a
moment's notice, and road blocks were in readiness. The water table had been allowed to
rise slowly. For the western part of the country, which was situated below sea level, this
meant flooded meadows and farm land. The western half of the country lies below sea level.
An intricate pumping system, taking place in several steps, drained the excess water from
the lowest level in several steps to sea level.

May 10, 1940:

Germany invades The Netherlands.

A little before 4:00 a.m. German planes were heard flying overhead in formation. It
wasn't the first time. They had been flying across Holland ever since Poland had fallen and

�10
England and France had declared war on Germany. As a result, the Dutch Minister of
Foreign Affairs had ordered the German Ambassador to his office, protesting strongly
against this violation of our neutrality, but it had been of no avail. The German planes
continu~d to fly across. Was this going to be just another attack on England? It didn't take
very long to find out that it wasn't. Half way across the North Sea, the Nazi squadrons had
turned their planes around, splitting up into separate formations, entering low across the
Dutch dunes, attacking the airports of Ypenburg, Valkenburg, Bergen and Ockenburg, in
a surprise attack, largely destroying the small Dutch Air Force. Nazi paratroopers landed
at the airports around The Hague, the seat of the Dutch Government, and the residency of
the Royal family. Although many parachutes did not open, too many of them did.
Besides The Hague and the above mentioned airports, paratroopers also landed at
the Waalhaven airport, across the Meuse River, south of Rotterdam, and on the two
Moerdijk bridges, the bridgeheads across the main rivers to the south. They were right on
target in order to cut off any attacks by French troops and their armor, which were moving
north, through Flanders, to attack the southern flank of the German army. Smaller para
units jumped at the De Kooi airfield near the naval base of Den Helder, and near IJmuiden,
where one of the major canals, which was also a major water transport connection with
Amsterdam reaches the North Sea. Around The Hague Dutch Army Reserves consisted of
a well trained battalion of Grenadiers and untrained Reserve troops, barely six week under
arms.
Between 4:00 and 5:00 a.m. of May 10th, German troop carriers landed one thousand
troops for the attack and consolidated of the three airfields around The Hague. Fifty seven

�11

of the carriers immediately sank up to their axles in the soft soil, and for the next three days
became the target of the attacking Dutch troops, which either killed or captured the entire
German attack force.
~n the meantime however, heavy German bombers (Heinkels) attacked strategic
bridges in . Rotterdam, Dordrecht and Moerdijk at high cost. The Dutch air defense
destroyed five hundred of them, including the previously mentioned transpo~ planes, which
during the five-day war had become stuck in the soft soil and sandy beaches. These losses
would hurt Germany for years to come.

Most of the enemy planes were piloted by

instructors. Nevertheless the German air force kept flying into The Netherlands through the
same air corridors for five days.

Losses on the Dutch side were considerable, as one

hundred and twenty eight officers, two hundred and seventy nine non-commissioned officers,
one hundred and sixty four corporals and one thousand four hundred and ninety one
soldiers lost their lives. Six thousand nine hundred soldiers were wounded and two thousand
one hundred and fifty nine citizens killed. Shot as traitors in the field were two officers, one
non-commissioned officer and two soldiers. The Navy lost one hundred and twenty five men.
Army officers counted for four percent of the army's strength, six percent of which were
killed in action.
The reason behind the German Headquarter's estimation to defeat the Dutch armed
forces in 24 hours, was that they had counted heavily on the success of their airborne
landings around The Hague. This would be a first in military warfare of vertical attack.

-

According to German military sources, the 22nd Luftlande Division (Airborne troops)
sustained very heavy losses, both in men and material. Twelve hundred para troops were

�12
captured, and at order of General Winkelman, C.I.C, Army Chief of Staff, these were
immediately transported to England, an action which threw Hitler into one of his tantrums.
The German air attack force used the instructors from the air force training school
to fly t~e attack planes. They were not easy to replace. German losses in bombers and
fighters amounted to one third of the force sent into combat. Transport planes lost fifty
percent of their total force. Such losses were felt for years to come and were a factor in the
delay of the attack on England in September of 1940. General Winkelman decreed that the
defense industry was not allowed to work for Germany. Gas and oil use for the German
attack on Western Europe amounted to three hundred thousand tons. They captured one
and one half million tons in Holland, Belgium and France, of which half a million in The
Netherlands alone.
Elsewhere, German troops had crossed the rivers Rhine and Ijssel and established
bridgeheads despite heavy casualties. They wondered why the dead float? Why the wounded
sink?"
The mid-country railroad center of Amersfoort lay now in the line of attack. As a
result, the Chief of Staff ordered the complete evacuation of that city and its surrounding
areas to the city of Alkmaar in the northwest.
Forty thousand people arrived by trains and buses, hoping to find shelter with the
local citizens. It was a chaotic and pitiful scene, as bus loads and train loads of people
arrived with only the clothes on their backs.
Janny and I opened our doors to a family with five of their ten children. The
remaining five children were placed with our neighbors across the street. Unsettled by the

�13
events however, they naturally gravitated towards their parents. Most of the evacuees dared
not imagine what could happen if the war machine would roll over their city. The fear that
they might lose their homes, their businesses and all their personal belongings worried them
greatly.
The, situation at our home had become chaotic, to say the least. Seven guests were
sleeping in the one and only guest room, in a home with only one bathroom. And all this,
while Janny was slowly trying to recuperate from a difficult childbirth. To complicate
matters, I was called up for air reconnaissance duty in the city, but thanks to my mother and
our family doctor, who stopped by on his regular house calls to check on Janny and Kees,
we made it through until a larger home was found for our seven guests. Next, we received
a young mother with one child, whose husband had been drafted and could not be
contacted. After one month our guests were able to return home. Their city had been
spared serious destruction.

Due to the strong counter attacks by the Dutch, the German plans to take over
Holland in twenty four hours failed, and the battle continued from Friday into the following
Tuesday. Frustrated, the Germans forced the issue by bombing Rotterdam on May 14,
resulting in the loss of nine hundred civilians and the destruction of twenty four thousand
homes, two thousand five hundred stores, one thousand two hundred businesses, five
hundred restaurants, seventy schools, twenty one churches, twenty

1:_ank buildings,

twelve

movie theaters, four hospitals and two concert halls.
To prevent destructions of other open cities, which already had been targeted by Nazi

�14
squadrons, Holland at last capitulated. Our country was now occupied territory, as were
Norway, Denmark, and Belgium. France was soon to follow, and the British expeditionary
force was evacuated, stripped of all armaments. Immediately, the German army began to
prepare_for the attack on England.
Inland shipping vessels were requisitioned for use as landing boats in this attack,
known as the 'Battle of Britain'. However, after the Battle, none of these ships were ever
returned to their rightful owners.
Queen Wilhelmina and the Royal Family, as well as the Dutch Cabinet left for
London, England, from where they continued to govern the East and West Indies. Only
Queen Wilhelmina and Prime Minister Gerbrandy stayed within the city of London during
the entire war from 1940 to 1945. The other cabinet members preferred the luxurious estate
of Crowe Court near Worcester.

In a country dominated by the commercial middle class, any authoritarian tradition
had remained weak. An absolute monarchy had never developed, and during the 19th
century and the first decades of the 20th century a parliamentary democracy had evolved,
and without major upheavals.
Conquest was indeed a shattering experience for the Dutch people.

Reverend

Welter, the minister of the gospel to the Royal Court expressed the overall feelings best in
his poem:

�15

''No, you did not flee but followed, when God called;
I don't ask what you went through, a battle, so intense, so painful.
We kneel down with you and beside you, with our eyes and hands raised to God;
Please give Holland back to the House of Orange,
and the House of Orange back to Holland.
And come what may, we pray, stay silent, the night is black, the day draped in black,
but iord, Your will be done."

On German orders all windows had to be covered with black paper shades, so that
no glimpse of light would shine through. (Kees told us years later of his fear of uncovered
windows. Likely from impressions received at the age of two). Children were not allowed
to fly kites any more out of fear that they might signal to British planes flying over!
Really!
The Wehrmacht, the soldiers belonging to the regular army units, were astounded by,
what they called, 'the luxurious life style' in Holland, compared to the pre-war economy that
had been ravaging Germany for some time. Bakeries and tobacco stores were swamped
with soldiers. It should be said however, that they paid for what they bought, at least for the
time being.
When the Dutch prisoners of war returned home in July 1940, we heard many stories,
about empty store windows, women without stockings, and badly worn shoes. Surely, the
depression years had hit Holland too, and hard, but the availability of food and merchandise
had been ample. However it was not going to last. Within a few months of the occupation
we were beginning to notice the first shortages as certain food items and other products
were rationed, which aggravated, as people started to stock up in anticipation of worse times
to come.

�16

Rationing, in principle, is a flexible system, which can be controlled by determining
quantities and valid time periods, both of which can be either increased or decreased.
Retailers will only be able to stock their merchandise by delivering the ration coupons,
receive~ from the consumers, back to the wholesaler, who in tum can replenish his stock
by delivering the ration coupons to the government inventory warehouses. As a result, a
retailer who sells items without receiving ration coupons, cannot restock, etc.
This would have been too simple however, and the administration of the ever
expanding rationing system for manufacturers, stores and farmers became very burdensome
and very time consuming. It qualified by and by as a national food stamp plan, expanded
to include also non-food items.

The following is a list of the first rations in 1940:
Bread, Flour, Coffee and Tea;
Butter, Margarine, Cooking Oil, Rice, Noodles, Corn, Flour,
Soap and Detergent;
September:

Meat and Cold Cuts;

October:

Coal, Cheese (4 ounces per person per week);

November:

Grits, Eggs, Baked Goods;

December:

Cooking Gas and Electricity;

When I arrived home one day, it must have been around lunch time, I found Janny
and Kees gone. Concerned, I called both sets of parents, but no one seemed to know where

�17

they had gone. Our neighbors had seen her leave the house earlier that day with the baby
in the carriage. Finally, at the end of the day, she showed up, exhausted, but happy
nevertheless. Frightened by the shortages, she had gone out and visited every store that had
wool for sale, a commodity which was still available in ·nominal quantities without ration
coupons. Bit by bit, she had been able to fill the baby carriage, hiding it underneath the
baby. Tired as she was, her toughness and persistence proved to be providential in the years
ahead, and for what would then be our two children.
Our modest savings soon began to run low, but not until I had managed to buy a case
of twelve bottles of peanut oil at a friend's wholesale business.

Meanwhile, the German tactics showed a clear goal: By all means, keep the
population calm. After the battles during the month of May, life continued somewhat
peaceful, keeping the occupied country calm.

Before the war I had served in the National Guard and as a member in leadership
position in the N.J.V., a national youth movement of which Her Royal Highness, the Crown
Princess Juliana, was honorary Chairwoman. The N.J.V. became the first organization to be
banned by the Germans, and among the rank and file of its membership were the first
Resistance commandos to be executed in 1940.
Shortly after the fall of Holland I met Sam Wolf, the son of the Rabbi of Alkmaar.
Like myself, he too had been a member of the National Youth Organization since 1932.
Sam was depressed.

The Amsterdam newspapers had publicized the death of some

�18
prominent Jewish people. We were all aware that there had been many suicides, but except
for vile language, until this moment nothing had been openly undertaken against the Jews.
This too, however, proved to be just another tactic to lull the people into a passive frame
of mind.
Janny and I had joined the 'Nationaal Jongeren Verbond' (National Youth Union)
in 1932 following the initiation of the West Friesland Chapter. At that time there were
chapters in all parts of the Kingdom of the Netherlands with a combined membership of
1,500. These chapters formed a catalyst among loyal citizen groups on national holidays and
attracted students who would give historical and patriotic lectures throughout the year. We
felt at home because of the shared moral and patriotic high ground. In those crucial years
we worked alongside men and women who were courageous, idealistic and dedicated to a
degree which until that time had seldom been seen among other youth groups.
Our group had been preceded in 1927 by a youth organization, which mainly directed its
efforts against the marxist propaganda for unilateral disarmament. Its transformation to the
National Youth Union under the honorary chairpersonship of her Royal Highness the
Crown Princess Juliana didn't come until later. Besides the goal to strive for a strong
national defense, (not too long after the carnage of World War I, Europe was slowly coming
to a boil once again), the organization came out strongly for the unity of our kingdom as it
had existed for centuries, not only in The Netherlands, but also in the Dutch East Indies,
from Sumatra through New Guinea, the islands of Aruba, Bonaire and Curacao in the West
Indies, and last but not least Suriname.

�19
Just prior to our wedding day on April 18, 1939, an order for pre-mobilization of
specialists and strategic regiments was issued. Total mobilization followed on August 29.
1939. Recalling all too well the often critical shortages during 1914-1918, the years of The
Nether!ands' neutrality in World War I,

a distribution system was instituted in September

of that year. Ration cards were issued under the management of the Centraal Distributie
Kantoor ( Central Distribution Office) in · the Department of Commerce,. Industry and
Shipping. Allocation of food supplies was administered by the Department of Agriculture.
Thanks to proper foresight, the Cabinet had stockpiled such critical items as wheat,
vegetable oil, rice, gasoline, coffee and tea.

After the capitulation to the German Armed Forces on May 14, 1940 our youth
organization was the one which stayed on a steady course and participated in the national
public celebration of Prince Bernhard's birthday, on June 29.1940. Orange buttons were
worn by just about everyone, and orange bunting was featured all across the country. People
everywhere were wearing white carnations (Prince Bernhard's favorite flower, which he
always wears), and outside the Royal Palace in The Hague and at Royal Monuments flowers
were piled up. Thousands signed the palace register with their congratulations, which was
later confiscated by the Nazis.

In our monthly 'De Trom' ('The Drum'), we encouraged people to stay loyal to the
Queen and our fatherland and to ignore the German presence as much as possible.
Sometime after June 29, 1940 two members of our national board, Messrs. Van

�20

Santen and Schiebergen, were arrested and our organization was awarded the high honor
of becoming the first organization to be banned and we, the members, became part of the
first organization, which had now been declared illegal by the invaders. Another
organiz~tion, besides ours, which also received the honor of becoming illegal was the 'Order
Service' (O.D.), consisting of military personnel only.

May-Nov. 1, 1940:

A curfew is put into effect for the coastal provinces of
Groningen, Friesland, Noord Holland, Zuid Holland and
Zeeland. No one is allowed outside between 10:00 p.m. and
4:00 a.m.

After November 1, everyone has to be inside by

midnight.

I

A free press and radio had disappeared immediately at the beginning of the
occupation. It was forbidden to listen to the B.B.C., London and on May 13th, 1943, all
radios were confiscated. We hid ours carefully.
This gap needed now to be filled by writing or printing pamphlets with the latest
news releases clandestinely received via the B.B.C. from 'Radio Oranje' (Radio Orange),
the official broadcast of the Dutch Government in exile in London.
Insidiously, in all of Europe, the Nazis had never exercised pre-publication censure
(prior restraint) of the press. They simply rationed the amount of paper the newspapers

-

were to receive. As a result those publications not liked by the Nazis were put out of
business. The rationing, however, cut so severely into the size of the remaining publications,

�21
that nothing substantial was printed. All this took place very gradually, step by step.
However, to resist step by step proved futile. The steps were nearly always too small to
provoke any major reaction from the publishers. But, as with the rationing of all our other
needs, ~he iron ring around our necks, personally as well as a nation, became tighter with
every turn of the screw.

Starting in the fall of 1940, men were recruited to work in Germany, in factories and
on farms. In 1941, many of them were sent to help build the Atlantic Wall from the North
Cape on the Barent's Sea to the Pyrenees in Spain. It all started on a voluntary basis. Being
unemployed at home, as a result of the depression, made regular wages very tempting.
However, in the spring of 1942 this type of employment became compulsory, for German
manpower had eroded swiftly, either through heavy military losses in Russia or casualties
of bombings at home, and slave labor all across Europe was initiated. Many men refused
to go.

Winter 1940/1941: No light is allowed visible to the outside, as windows are
covered with black shades.

Store windows are kept dark. Street lighting and lights on trains and busses are
minimal. When travelling, one notices quickly that very few people read the paper.
Headlights on cars and bicycles are kept down to a narrow slit.

Flashlights are not

available; it's substitute was a hand-driven dynamo with a bulb, called 'knijpkat'.

�22

Before the start of the winter the Germans order all pigeons destroyed, nationwide,
for fear that they might carry messages to England.

Obviously, the Germans didn't

understand that a pigeon had to be brought over from England first, in order to return
messag~s.
The-winter evenings were very long and very cold, especially during this first war
winter. By the middle of December, 1940, rivers and canals were frozen solid and stayed
that way until the end of February. Powerless and angry, we had to stifle our emotions.
Braving the bitter cold, for two and one half months transported underground newspapers
to our contact in Broek op Langedijk by skating over the Hoornsche Vaart and the
Ringvaart (both canals). Among the papers I transported were 'Vrij Nederland' (Free
Holland) and many more regional papers. Fortunately, I never encountered evidence of the
enemy. To control he multitude of waterways and the low-lying soggy land was apparently
just a bit too much for them.
The bridges which were blown up by the Dutch military at river crossings had not
been repaired, and in the spring of 1941, old hand-drawn ferries, pulled along a cable, were
put back in service.

From 1940 until August 1944 the daily rations in terms of calories for adults had
been reduced to about half the pre-war intake. During these four years, the average ration
amounted to less than 1500 calories per day. Although it did not qu~e represent a famine
level, it did lead to a progressive decrease of physical energy and lowering of resistance to
disease.

�23
At that time refrigerators or freezers were not in use. People's ability to stock up was
limited to non-perishables. Thus we began stock home-canned foods, which had never been
a common practice outside farming communities. Then there was a psychological factor at
work. \Yhatever goods were made available on ration cards were purchased, whether or not
they were needed within the next week or two. A perfect example was the purchase of
cigars, cigarettes and pipe tobacco. Non-smokers would purchase whatever smoking articles
became available and either gave them to family members or friends or used them as barter
or sold them at higher prices.
From September 1939 until May 1940, when the occupation by enemy forces became
a fact, only sugar and peas had been rationed, although in adequate quantities and with
reasonable frequency. What was making things worse for the Dutch people was, that only
very recently they had begun to recover from the aftermath of the terrible depression during
the years of 1929 to 1938. Because of this depression, household items, furniture and other
basic necessities had already become depleted by the time the war started. During the first
eight months, ending December 1940, the German authorities rationed yet another 22 items,
affecting 70% of the average family's consumption, and by November 1943, 95% of the diet
was rationed.

Every person, 14 years of age, and older had to carry and I.D.
card with picture and fingerprint.

Meanwhile the list of rationed products keeps growing:

�24
March:

Milk and Surrogate Coffee
Potatoes
All articles made from copper, nickel and chrome
must be surrendered.
All Preserves

November:

Cocoa
Every day items, such as soap and towels also become very
scarce.

Jan.

19, 1941:

We receive 12" snow in one night, something almost unheard of
in the Netherlands.

Feb. 22-23. 1941:

Four hundred Jews are put on transport to Buchenwald. Dutch
Nazis are attacked by the population.

Feb, 25, 1941:

Streetcars and city services in Amsterdam go on general strike.
Initiated by the Amsterdam dock workers. The strike quickly
spreads to the cities of Haarlem and De Zaan. Heavily armed
police cars cruise the streets. There is shooting taking place
and numerous people are killed.

The system of hostage taking had started soon after the capitulation and continued
all through the five years of occupation. Well-known citizens were arrested with the purpose

-

of intimidation of the population. Some were tortured and killed. If somewhere an act of
sabotage occurred, a number of hostages were shot and their names splashed on the front

�25

page of their hometown newspaper. For the survivors it meant years of internment.
The first group of about 300 hostages had been arrested in July, 1940 - two months
after Rotterdam burned. It was publicized as a retribution against the internment of all
Germar.i citizens present in the Netherlands East Indies~
These acts went so much against our ingrained feelings of justice, that the resistance
of the people grew stronger day by day, as did the realization of the risks and sacrifices that
we would encounter.
The women, serving in the Resistance, are fantastic. They act as couriers, transported
weapons, distributed underground newspapers and microfilms, and were active with illegal
newsprint. They assisted in falsifying documents, helped those in hiding, used secret radio
equipment and distributed stolen ration cards to tens of thousands of fugitives.

March 13. 1941:

The first execution takes place.

On March 13, on the Waalsdorper Vlakte, near the Hague, eighteen resistance
fighters die by firing squad, which act will become known as the "The 18 Dead", after a
poem by Jan Campert, a Senior at the Amsterdam University's Medical School. It proved
to be prophetic, as, later on in the occupation, Jan himself was captured and executed for
his resistance activities.

�26
THE SONG OF THE EIGHTEEN DEAD

A cell two meters long for me,
but not two meters wit:{e,
that plot of earth will smaller be
Whose whereabouts they hide.
But there unknown my.rest I'll take
My comrades with me slain,
Eighteen strong men saw morning break
We'll see no dawn again.

Oh bright and lovely land farewellr
Farewell free dunes and shore/
I vow that from the hour you fell
I thought of ease no more.
What can a loyal man and true,
At such a time essay,
But bid his wife and child adieu
And fight the useless fray?

My task was hard, my duty stern,
It brought me toil and strife,
But yet my heart would never tum
Back to my easy life.
Freedom was once in Netherland
Both honored and maintained,
Until the savage spoiler's hand
Its dwelling place pro/an 'd.

�27
Until that lying boastful one
Lengthened his tale of shame
When Netherland was ovenun
And we his serfs became.
Honour he claims, but knows it not,
he glories in our grief
And so"ows on our people brought,
That false germanic thief.

Berlins Pied Piper pipes a tune
Seductive, false and sweet,
But sure as death is coming soon,
My love no more I'll greet.
Nor ever sup with her again,
Nor by her side will lie,
His seeming kindnesses disdain
That fowler cruel and sly.

Remember always, you who read,
These friends who with me die,
Kinsmen and all for whom we bleed,
Keep green our memory.
As we have seen in days now gone
These words to you we say:
'The darkest night precedes the daw74
All clouds must pass away'~

�28
The early morning light I see
Gleams through that window high,
Dying, 0 God, a light make me,
My failures justify.
All men will e" though they may plan;
Thy mercy, Lord, I pray,
That I may quit the world a man
Before the squad to-day.

Jan Campert

In Germany, the extermination camps of Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Auschwitz,

Treblinka and many more, process their victims evermore efficiently.

Unauthorized possession of firearms or other war materials will be punished by
execution, as will the hiding of Allied air force personnel.

April 1941;

Bicycle tires are becoming very scarce, in a country where
virtually everybody uses this as a common means of
transportation

May 8, 1941:

It is still cold, but the first swallows have returned.

What was still an exception in 1940 - offering aid and helping to escape bailed-out
allied crews - becomes an active part of the Resistance movement in 1941.

�29

June 1941-1945:

Twenty thousand Dutch Nazis are killed in action in Russia and
Germany.

July 1941:

Leather is no longer available and soles on shoes are being
replaced by wooden soles, tied to the feet by silk-like straps,
that come loose with every step.

Fall of 1941:

Streets, squares, schools, public buildings, businesses and
products may no longer carry names of living members of the
Royal House of Orange.
Major portion of the harvest is sent to Germany.

November 1941:

Cars are disappearing rapidly. Coal and charcoal gas motors
are being built. Cylinders with compressed gas and gas balloons
appear on taxi cabs.

There is a squeeze on distribution, as a continuous lowering of quantities, and
tightening of rations continues. The results are visible in the faces of the Dutch people, as
they are beginning to lose weight. Both, Janny and are slimming down. Kees has first choice
to the food supply.

The black market is born.

�30
Nov. 22. 1941:

The "Kultuur Kamer' ('Chamber of Culture') is initiated with
compulsory membership for artists. It turns into a fiasco. The
Nazi regime tries to exercise total control.

Dec. 1941:

Hotels, bars, movie theaters and all public buildings become:
'FORBIDDEN FOR JEWS'.

Dec, 12, 1941:

The traitor Mussert, 'leader' of the Dutch Naz~ Party, swears
the oath of loyalty to Hitler in Berlin.
Bicycles are confiscated at fifty guilders per bicycle, about 20%
of the value, which is little better than stealing. The goal is ten
thousand. Actually taken are three thousand six hundred.

And the rationing continues ....
1942:
January:

AH silver and copper coins are replaced by zinc coins.

May:

Chocolate and sugar candy gone.

~

Private persons may not transport vegetables.

lYJy;

Drastic cuts in the rations of butter, cheese and fats.
Bicycles are only available with a special permit.

September:

Skimmed milk

December:

Apples

�31

Living from September, 1942 on in a rural and fertile area, a typical meal would
consist of meatballs without meat, although made from home-grown kidney beans, onions
and oatmeal, it turned out very nourishing; "Hutspot", made from mashed potatoes, onions
and carrots, mixed, and if available a tiny piece of bacon to add to the flavor; "Cement",
named for its consistency of a mixture of mashed potatoes and navy beans; pea soup or red
bean soup and cabbage.
Already in 1940, the Department of Agriculture has decreed that the emphasis should
be shifted from dairy farms to agriculture. Cattle breeding is to be curtailed, and meadows
turned into arable land, with emphasis on the production on potatoes, rape seed, sugar beets
and rye.
Chemical fertilizers however are in short supply and the shrinking cattle herds
diminishes the change-over.
Farm power begins to depend more and more on horse power, but they too are
requisitioned by the Germans, as their supplies of oil and gas start to dwindle.
During 1942 some poor farmers are seduced into going east, with the promise that
they will own their own farm. In reality, however, they are used as front laborers in Russia.

Janny Termaat relates ...
By now everything was rationed and as a young housewife (I was 26 at the time) with
small children it was very difficult to make food, and other necessities of life, last from
coupon day to coupon day. Children, fortunately, do not understand including our young son,
Kees, who had an enormous taste for butter. After I had just finished setting the table for

�32
lunch, one day, with all its pretty dishes but not much food to put on them, I had briefly
returned to the kitchen to make a pot of fresh tea. When I returned to the dining room I
found our son, two years old, seated in the middle of the table consuming the butter. He
sure had his fill and he seemed very content. But only for the moment. Besides a terri~le
case of diarrhea, he broke out in great big lumps all over his body. The doctor was called
but there was not much he could do about it. Nature had to run its course and we had to
live without butter that week.
Janny, pregnant with our second child, receives a modest extra ration. We arrange
to have the baby born in the hospital where food is more plentiful. On New Year's eve, at
11 o'clock p.m., we check into the hospital oblivious to the New Year. At 4:30 a.m., January
1, 1942, Nicolaas Pieter Jan is born, named after his maternal grandfather.

FebruaQ'., 1942:

A telephone cable of the German army has been cut on two
different occasions, for which the city of Alkmaar is punished
with a fine.
Signs saying: "JEWS NOT WANTED' are posted everywhere.
Under protection of darkness, the word 'not' is often blacked
out.

March 11. 1942:

The Japanese occupy the Dutch East Indies.

Because the

Dutch Government has put Germans, livjng in the Dutch East
Indies, in internment camps, movies or slide presentation about
these colonies are no longer allowed.

�33
Because of the massive unemployment, plans had been made in 1938, at the national
level, to separate the Unemployment Reduction Program from the other Social Services
Programs. In 1941 the Plan had finally gone into effect, and I became a federal employee.
pie occupied Netherlands East Indies were subjected to forced labor on a la~ge
scale, and delivered at ten cents a head by the communist Sukarno.
Some one hundred twenty thousand laborers from our country had found work in
Germany, because trading, shipping and fishing on the high seas had come to a standstill.
In the spring of 1942 the German Nazi, Boening, issued a directive, forcin~ unemployed
people to accept work in the German war factories. Large German losses at the Russian
front combined with Allied bombing was putting a heavy drain on German manpower and
on the rebuilding of bombed-out factories.

As mentioned earlier, at the depth of the economic depression, I had switched study
directions, just to get an ever so modest paying position. After eight years, I had progressed
to the position of Regional Manager for the evaluation and placement of the unemplyed.
Suddenly, in April of 1942, I was faced with an order from the occupation forces to select
and send men to Germany over my signature.
On May, 1942, I wrote a letter to the Regional Direct, which read as follows:
"I hereby confirm my verbal communication that, for my conscience sake, I cannot
execute the latest directive about placement of members of the Dutch labor force in

-

Germany. I, therefore, request that you will grant me an honorable discharge from federal
p.

employment. Signed: The negotiator for Traffic and communication, P. Termpiat."

�34

Shortly after I received an answer, which read as follows:
"In answer to your letter, you are notified that, on the basis of a directive from
President Boening, no discharge may be provided to those who do request this on the basis
of conscientious objection against the execution of the labor draft."
After receiving this reply, I resigned. As it turned out, I had been the only one.

Janny and I had unanimously decided to take this step. Having been married only
three years, with two small children, the oldest, two years of age, and the youngest only four
months, and no money in the bank, it had been a difficult decision, however principle won
over self-interest. We fully realized the political and economic consequences, but our prayers
sustained us powerfully. My career, which had been rapidly moving upward, had now come
to an end, with no other financial resources to fall back on.

Meanwhile the availability of food, textile, coal and other utilities, as well as cleaning
supplies reached unknown low levels. From 1944 to 1945 food rations would reach a low
of 350 calories a day, if available.
Those, who had refused to work in Germany had their ration cards canceled because
of non-compliance. Now, besides trying to find hiding places for them to protect them from
being arrested, we also had to find ways to provide them with ration cards as well as I.D.
cards, both of which were difficult to produce, and many a time we_had to take by force,
that of which we were short. In a decent and non-violent society, this was a difficult turn
around, which weighed heavily on our conscience.

�35
As time went on, the number of fugitives steadily increased. Among them were flight
personnel of the British Bomber Command, which had bailed out of their crippled planes.
In 1943, the American Air Force began their air attacks, flying the more dangerous daytime
missions. Naturally, our rescue missions were more difficult by day than by night. Vje
began to receive some weapons, as they were parachuted to us at night in remote areas by
pre-arranged signals.
I vividly remember the first American I rescued. He was an Oklahoman. Most fliers
were hidden at first, their uniforms and identifiable items destroyed. Then, after being
furnished with used civilian clothing, false I.D. cards, ration coupons, as well as escape and
evasion kits, the contents of which were coins, sometimes hidden in the hollowed heels of
their wooden shoes, they were passed along the underground railway through the
Netherlands, Belgium, France, and Spain to Lisbon, Portugal, from where they were
returned to England. How many of them ever made it back to fly just once more? We
could only hope, and hope was in ample supply among our forces. It was the only thing that
helped us to see it through, along with iron determination .
Sometimes a parachute was being kept as a trophy and carelessly used to make a
woman's blouse. And sometimes a parachute had failed to open. At the point of impact we
could see a piece of the parachute sticking up out of the mud, and we realized that, several
feet down in the soft wet soil, a brave allied flier had perished.

We were frightened by the risk we were taking, to say the least. If an Allied flier or
a Jew was found hiding, all family members of the Resistance family, except for their

�36
children, were sent off to the concentration camps in Germany, and their worldly goods
confiscated. If a man was caught hiding because of his refusal to work in Germany, he would
be sent there under armed guard.

May 2. 1942:

All Jews are ordered to wear the five-point yellow Star of
David, with the word JOOD (JEW) printed in the center. They
have to purchase them themselves at the cost of four cents plus
one textile ration coupon!

After that another step is taken. Jews are ordered to live in a certain section of
Amsterdam. Barbed wire fences are quickly put up to surround this section, and SS guards
keep a twenty four hour watch at all control points.
Strikes are breaking out everywhere out of sympathy for this tiny and defenseless
group of people. Who can choose his own heritage?
Despite the pre-war publicity, we did not realize, nor could we imagine the horrors
that were yet to come.

May 15. 1942:

Two thousand Dutch military officers are sent to P.O.W. camps
in German.

140,000 Jews are at risk, as are the resistance fighters and their families, the
resistance SWAT teams, as well as those men who refuse to work in Germany, gypsies,

�37
hostages and political prisoners.

July 1942:

The first group of Amsterdam Jews amve in the Dutch
concentration camp of Westerbork, a 'holding tank' for furt~er
transportation to Auschwitz.

August 15, 1942:

The first political prisoners are executed.

The resistance loomed high in the mind of the German Command, but in realistic
terms, it was a modest-sized force, relentlessly pursued by the Nazis. One of us paraphrased
it as follows: 'One can squeeze a bee between two fingers until it dies, but while dying, it
will sting the hand that kills it. You might say that this is precious little, but if the bee did
not sting, bees would have become extinct a long time ago.'
During the course of 1942, armed resistance is getting organized. resistance fighters
of every sector of the population, cooperate in damaging the enemy, whenever and wherever
possible.

Fall 1942:

An old, historic theater at the Plantage Middenlaan in
Amsterdam is put to use as a central point from where Jews are
being sent to the concentration camp Qf Westerbork in the
province of Drente. From there they are sent through the
concentration camps located mainly in Austria and Poland.

�38

Amsterdam alone lost 80,000 Jewish citizens.

A despicable Dutch Nazi supporter, by the name of Puls, who is president of a
moving and storage firm, collects Jewish possessions from their empty houses. These are
shipped to_ Germany and marked 'Love gifts from the Dutch people.'

By the end of 1942 my resistance group begins to receive requests from the
Amsterdam Resistance groups to find hiding places for the few Jews who have escaped the
Nazi dragnet. Ultimately, by the end of the war only some fifteen thousand will have
survived, either through hiding or as wretched survivors of the extermination camps. This
number represents ten percent of the pre-war Jewish population.
It is obvious that, when we compare the number of Jewish survivors with the number
of other fugitives, the aid to the Jews accounted for only a small part of the Resistance
work, but they were the first to express their appreciation, once the war had ended.
Did the Resistance, and the European population as a whole, do enough to save
those hunted down? Many of us who lived are still being plagued by that thought. More
could possibly have been accomplished if more people had taken heart.

Wherever the Germans marched in, too many citizens collaborated. However, when
the Americans, Canadians and British marched in, their excuse was: "We resisted." The
record of heroism, courage, hypocrisy and compromise prompts one to wonder. Which of
today's intellectuals would collaborate if the Russians were to appear in their countries?

�39
Does lack of perception of the immensity of the crimes planned and committed provide
sufficient excuse? I think not. Retroactive observation, weighing the pros and cons, fortified
by intuition and association, do fully justify our efforts during those five years. Jan Campert
express~d it so well in his poem The Eighteen Dead'.

Every decision by the group to protect and rescue was made individually, one by one,
often on impulse. Every day yet another person had to be taken care of. Our staff
meetings, opened and closed with prayer, were held as often as possible within the rural
confines of the maze of narrow waterways of our small country. These historical safe places
had proven to be so decisive in the Eighty-year War against the Spanish Inquisition.

In 1982, when we were decorated by His Royal Highness Prince Bernhard at the
Embassy of His Excellency Dr. J.H. Lubbers, the Dutch Ambassador the United States, we
received wholehearted support and cooperation from Congressman Harold S. Sawyer.
Among his many actions on our behalf was a commendation from President Reagan. It
mainly mentioned our aid to the Jews. Having been cited honorably by Israel and the local
Congregation Ahavas Israel, the President's commendation only added to this particular
aspect of our resistance work. It did not acknowledge, however, the Commandos' wide
range help and support to the Allied cause, actions which lead to the death or crippling of
many comrades-in-arms. To provide a more balanced view, and to ~onor those comrades,
I deemed it necessary to present my view.

�40
After 40 years, it is very difficult for us to understand that most of the Jews let
themselves be deported without much resistance. However, one has to understand the
many, often complicated causes. The hard rule of the occupation authorities and their ilk;
their si!}ister cleverness to play different groups against ·one another; the tragic role of the
Jewish Council, which thought it could choose between lesser and greater evil, by
cooperating in selecting who could and who could not be sent away; the idea of many Jews
that they were only sent out to Germany or Poland to work, and of course also the nonJewish Dutch who did not wish to get involved, and failed to help.
Few indeed, were the Dutch who helped Jews hide, trying to suppress their fear for
their own well being, and that of their families. Occasionally, some of those Jews were
caught, either through treason or by accident, but always with the ultimate consequence for
their protector - death.

Anne Frank is the symbol of this perilous existence.

Besides Westerbork, several other Dutch concentration camps began to appear on
the scene, such as Amersfoort, Ommen, Schoorl and Vught. From the concentration camp
of Westerbork alone, a total of ninety three trains, each consisting of twenty nine freight
cars, loaded with Jews, departed for concentration camps outside the country.
Dutch railway personnel carried out all transports.
A Jewish girl, from my own Almere College, managed to throw
a postcard from the train. It read: "We are going to leave Holland. Mom is going too.

�41
Hope to see you soon." Three days later she died at the Mauthausen Concentration Camp.

Inhumanity by the occupied forces increases. Cruelty without mercy reigns. But in
the

faU_of 1942 the tide of war begins to tum.

British troops from all parts of the Empire

defeat Rommel's army at El Alamein. At Stalingrad the German armies are halted at first,
then surrounded. At German Headquarters reality comes to pass, and the possibility of an
Allied landing on Europe's west coast looms and seems more and more possible. Hitler and
Goebbels are convinced that the Allied landings will take place in the Netherlands.

Dr. Joseph Goebbels, who had acquired a Ph.D. in 1921 at the age of twenty four,
(few Nazis were that literate) was a most skillful and immoral liar. He writes in his diary
(page 494 ): "The Fuehrer expects the Anglo-American invasion attempt to come in The
Netherlands. We are the weakest there, and the population would be most inclined to give
the necessary local support to such an undertaking. As everybody knows, the Dutch are the
most insolent and obstreperous people in the entire west."
In the dunes around the Hague thousands of pill boxes and hundreds of gun turrets,
made of reinforced concrete, are being built, all connected by paved roads. The German
thinking is clear: 'the shortest way to their war production center of the Ruhr leads from
The Netherlands to Dusseldorf - 135 miles. The Netherlands and Belgium were conquered
in May 1940 primarily for the attack on England, but also to protect G:rmany's war industry
in the area called 'the Ruhr', where Albert Speer kept his war production in full force until
late in 1944.

�42
Church bells are hauled away for the German war industry, and a new sign appears
clandestinely: 'WHO SHOOTS BY MEANS OF GOD'S BELLS, CANNOT WIN THE
WAR'.

!n The Hague and Scheveningen a steel wall is to be built as an important bulwark.
To make this possible, a colossal demolition plan is taking place. Houses, stores, office
buildings, even entire neighborhoods are flattened in furious tempo. Through The Hague
a gigantic tank ditch is being dug, very deep and miles on end, thereby creating a crosswise
excavation, which hides inventive obstacles, which are to impede the breakthrough of tanks
and other attack vehicles.
Among the German army units along the Dutch coast are battalions, forced to serve,
from India and Russia (specifically from the Caucasian region of Georgia). Nazi mayors
publicly forbid women and girls to consort with 'non-germanic' soldiers!

October 14. 1942:

First armed attack by the Resistance on a distribution center in
Joure, Friesland takes place.

That fall a characteristic incident occurs. The Military Police, still in their pre-war
uniform, and one hundred percent trustworthy in their dealings with the Underground,
usually patroled at night. I had just picked up a Jewish man at his hiding place in order to
take him to another one. I remember that he had a valise and an umbrella with him.
Between the tiny village of Broek op Langedijk and St. Pancras a Military Policeman
appeared, identifying me with his flashlight. "Out for a walk, Mr. Termaat?" he asked. We

�43

chatted for a while, and as we did, the policeman completely ignored my companion. It
came off so naturally, that only later it hit me: he had protected both of us, me and my
Jewish companion.

November 1942:

The start of the British offensive from the Egyptian border to
the west, and the Russian offensive along a three thousand mile
front from the Wolga and Don rivers to the west.
But for us the allies are still far away.

Targets in the Netherlands, such as airfields, harbors, ship yards, and factories, are
more frequently attacked by Allied Bomber Command.
Bomber sorties against The Netherlands' industrial and mining targets result in many
civilian casualties.

Rationing and confiscations continue.

lW
Au~st:

All vegetables and fruits rationed

November:

Textile available with special permit .only
Fish is not rationed, but rarely available.
When a store has some, queues immediately begin to form.

�44
At the same time, the meat ration of four ounces per week per person is cut to four
ounces per two to four weeks per person. Prices skyrocket; precipitous drop in purchasing
power; real poverty has come to most people. The task of the house wife is getting tougher
all the time, as endless repair of clothing and mending of socks is being performed with only
daylight to-work in.
Life is continuously in a turmoil, and it seems that 'make do', 'improvise', 'look and
plan ahead', 'be prepared for the unexpected' and 'make the most of what you have on
hand' are the order of the day. So says Janny, as she relates the following story.
We were now burning wooden shutters in order to save fuel, and this morning I had
made pea soup on our potbelly stove, and to enhance the flavor I had added a small square
of bacon. I had made enough to last us at least three days. But wouldn't you
know, at about 5:00 p.m. we were unexpectedly visited by Piet's brother, Cor, and his
Jewish 'house guest' Mr. Mau Kleinkamer. They had just escaped a raid in Alkmaar and
decided to come over to our house where they knew they would be safe. Having waded
through a shallow, flooded polder for about 8 kilometers, they were soaking wet, cold and
obviously in need of a meal. I didn't know whether or not Mr. Kleinkamer adhered to the
Jewish dietetic laws, so I said: 'I have just made a large pot of pea soup, but I've put some
bacon in it. Would you mind having some?' He didn't seem to have a problem with it,
because in just one meal the three days-worth of pea soup was completely gone.
After dinner Mr. Kleinkamer asked if he would be allowed to d_ry his underwear? Cor
had already taken some of Piet's underwear and exchanged it for his wet ones. But how
about the proper, well-educated Mr. Kleinkamer? Well he decided to remove his underwear,

�45
(in private of course), put his wet pants back on, and seated in front of the potbelly stove
held his underwear up to dry.

Feb.

5,

1943:

Dutch General Seyffardt, ·commander of the Dutch Nazi
Volunteer Regiment, which serves at the Russian front, 1s
executed by the Dutch Resistance.

Mar. 11, 1943:

The 'Landwacht' (Military Dutch Nazi Organization) under
command of the 'Waffen SS', receives extra rations, as well as
financial aid for their families, and free medical care for all
their dependents and parents.

Mar, 27. 1943:

The Amsterdam SWAT team, lead by Gerrit-Jan van der Veen
attacks the building in which the Population Registration is
kept. Despite the quiet support of the fire brigade, which tries
to maximize the damage, 85% of the registers remain in tact.

Crippled Allied planes sometimes come down on cities; bomb bays are opened
prematurely, mistakes in navigation over populated areas, all of which results in many
casualties.

Apr. 1943:

A new German edict: three hundred thousand former soldiers
are to be shipped out as P.O.W.'s.

�46
The real reason is germany's shortage of manpower in their war industry. This,
however, backfires and from April 29 to May 3, 1943, general strikes paralyze industry and
striki:r;ig men gather threateningly. The strikes are total in the provinces of Gelderland and
Friesla:pd. The German command is taken by surprise, but they react quickly; summa,ry
justice by the Gestapo and soon the first death sentences are handed out - about 200. Many
of those arrested are sent to concentration camps, but the goal of the strikers is achieved,
and the P.O. W. scheme is dropped. Only eight thousand are sent to Germany.
The normal complexity of pre-war human existence is now shot
through with a new miserable tension; the antitheses of 'good' and 'bad', who can you trust,
who talks too much.

The velvet glove which Seyss-Inquart had offered m 1940,

to Hitler's great

satisfaction, has turned into a mailed fist.

May 13, 1943:

As Germany suffers military setbacks on many fronts, SWAT

team action against traitors is stepped up. Two Frenchmen, who
turned Nazi, are shot in The Netherlands, while in Alkmaar the
former Sergeant Hogeweg, now a Nazi police officer in
Alkmaar, is shot down for treason.
Summer 1943:

Radio receivers are being confiscated.: Possession will be
severely punished.

�47
Systematic raids continue to take place. Jews are concentrated in a section of
Amsterdam, and on May 27, 1943 this section is surrounded, the Jews are arrested, and via
the Muiderpoort Depot transported to Westerbork and from there in ever increasing
transp~_rts to the destruction camps in Poland and Austria.

Sept. 1943:

The last large group, exempt till now, which includes the Jewish
Council, are put on transport.

After this date, there are only one kind of 'free' Jewish citizens in The Netherlands these who are in hiding.
At this time we had taken in a Jewish boy, fifteen years old, who we would only know
as Ben Nijdam, his forged name. His real name, Jaap Lobatto, would not be revealed to us
until after the war. Hiding people was very frightening for all parties, as Janny relates.

It was late summer or early fall of 1943 in the small village of Broek op Langendijk.
I was at home alone with the children and our Jewish teenage 'house guest', Ben Nijdam.
I wasn't expecting Piet until late. We were having a cup of surrogate tea. Ben was sipping
his tea, standing away from the window, looking out into the garden. I was having mine,
seated at our dining room table in the garden room, doing the endless task of mending
clothes. Suddenly, Ben dropped his cup, calling out: 'Look there!' About a dozen German
helmets were bobbing behind the wooden fence bordering ou! property; stopping
occasionally to look at our house. Talking among each other, they continued to walk around
the free standing house. I said: 'Ben, you better get back into your hiding place!' Ben's

�48
hiding place was in the attic, between a wall and the sloping roof. It had no light, and
the only furnishings were a pillow and blankets. The entrance to it was covered with a large
pile of branches of lima bean plants. He obeyed and quickly went upstairs, wondering what
was gotng to happen, while I kept a close eye on the intruders. Then suddenly they left, just
the way they had come, without ever having rung the doorbell. What were they up to? I
continued my sewing, and after a while Ben decided to come downstairs again.
Pretty soon it was time to get dinner ready. Since Piet would be home late decided
not to wait for him.
The house was very quiet and quite dark, with only the sporadic flickering of a
candle. All of a sudden we heard someone walk across the pebbles on the south side of the
house towards our back door. We heard the latch being lifted, but the door did not open.
Ben and I looked at each other and he immediately sneaked back into his hideout. What
was I to do? It had to be a friend, I told myself. I opened the door slowly and in the
darkness of the night a figure rose in front of me. 'I am Herman Barners', he said. He didn't
give me much time to recover, when he continued. 'What did you think was going on this
afternoon?'
'No idea.' I replied.
'Well, let me tell you. The Germans are looking for homes they want to take over
for their own use including everything that's in them; putting the owners out on the street.
I have been appointed to show them possible houses. When the Ge~ans began to discuss
the merits of this old house, I casually made the remark: 'You don't want this one. It's a
pigsty. I know the people. She is a terrible housekeeper. Nicht Sauber.' Indeed, that was not

�49
what they wanted. I was dumbfounded. Thanking him, I closed the door, realizing that in
the pitch-darkness I hadn't even been able to make out the man's face. Again we had been
saved because of some quick thinking. Ben was able to leave his hiding place and we were
safe ag_~in for another night.

October 1943:

The Dutch Nazis, known as the 'Landwacht' is changed to
'Landstorm' and a new corps is initiated to serve as auxiliary
police in the fight against the Resistance, but in the year and
one half that follows, until VE-Day, they will have also
terrorized their own people, especially during the war winter,
when they robbed and beat up people at random.

The occupation starts to weigh still heavier on the population as German reverses
on the battle fields increase. The active Resistance, though still limited in numbers, acts
bolder as the pressing need for shelter, food and I.D.s as well as safe passage from hiding
place to hiding place becomes more pressing. We are facing the grim prospect of the
fourth winter under enemy occupation with less and less of life's necessities available.
A carefully planned attack by boat on the ration office in the next village of Zuid
Scharwoude has come off like a charm. The only bad moment came when we had to cross
under the connecting bridge between the two villages, Broek op Langedijk and Zuid
Scharwoude. Suddenly, there were foot steps and voices. We stayed under the bridge while
spying the street before proceeding. We had taken off from the west side and had to cross

�50
underneath the bridge to the east side where the ration office was located. We unpacked
the stolen coupons in the carpenter's shop of Jacob Balder nearby, and began repacking for
distribution the next morning. Female couriers, the packages hidden underneath their
clothing, would take them for delivery in the larger cities~ An inventory list was hidden until
we had a chance to hand it over to our contact at the local IRS office. Their files would not
be touched. Our district Internal Revenue Service hid many documents. We gambled that
the occupation forces could hardly be interested in these offices.

In October 1943, while walking the short distance from our home to the office, I
passed the manse of our Reformed church, when the minister Marius Koole hailed me with
some urgency. Locking the door behind us we sat down and I learned the reason for his
calling me in. After three and one half years of occupation nothing surprised us anymore.
Marius related how he had just received a call from a fellow minister, who now was minister
in the Reformed Church of Rumpt, Reverend Koole's previous parish. It appeared that the
Gestapo had raided a small monastery in the neighborhood of Rumpt, which had been
providing hiding places for Jews. Several of them had managed to escape and two of them
had found a very temporary hiding place in the house of the school principal of Rumpt.
They were a German Jewish couple, engaged to be married.
Since the Gestapo was searching and raiding the surrounding areas, it had become
necessary to find another hiding place farther away, and as quickly as possible.

The

difficulty however, was that Rumpt was situated in the province of Gelderland, sixty miles
south, one of the four provinces with territory south of the Rhine, Waal and Meuse rivers.

�51
These four provinces formed a buffer zone just west of the heavily industrialized German
Ruhr district and had been put under martial law. Passes were required to cross back and
forth. Moreover, these passes had to be signed by German authorities. The Rhine and
Meuse _rivers flow from the south to the north until they reach the alluvial hills north , of
Arnhem. There they bend to the west. The Rhine divides itself into two river beds, called
the Waal river and the Neder-Rhine river, which is named 'the Lek' to the west.
These rivers form a natural barrier of which one, the Neder-Rhine, would have to
be crossed to reach the village of Rumpt. Marius was not too hopeful whether we could be
of help, but I told him that we would try. Opposite the manse was the Post Office and next
to it, the carpenter shop of Jacob Balder, also a member of our Resistance SWAT team.
Jacob and I sat down to talk things over. We would be able to reach the Rhine river, south
of Utrecht, by train. But, considering the martial law, how were we to cross the river
unnoticed? Who would be willing to venture a boat of some kind to help us cross the fast
flowing river to Rumpt and back? To what extent were there German guards patrolling?
How about on the train, and at the last stop before the Neder-Rhine bridge? Maybe at the
first stop across the Neder-Rhine river bridge? Were they patrolling the river banks? Were
there fixed defenses along the river banks? There simply were no immediate answers to
most of our questions. We were facing a task wrapped in uncertainties, and time was of the
essence. Finally we agreed on a plan that seemed to offer not only a possibility, but also
the necessary expediency. Jacob, the couple and I would be at high ~sk, but not to try was
to virtually condemn these people to a terrible fate.
Jacob and I agreed to buy two round trip tickets to 's Hertogenbosch, the first sizable

�52
town south of the rivers, but beyond the place where we wanted to go. Before that city,
there would be only one stop, called Geldermalsen. It had only a small station which
accommodated the rural area between the Neder-Rhine river to the north and the Waal
river to_the south. We would try to leave the train at Geldermalsen, if we could get there.
Geldermalsen is situated some seven miles from Rumpt. Would this prove to be impossible,
we would then continue to 's Hertogenbosch, and on the way back, have another try at
Geldermalsen. The risk of having I.D. control on the train would have to be faced, but we
counted on the possibility that control might not affect all passengers, and we would use a
ruse by buying two newspapers, one printed in German and the other one a Dutch Nazi
publication. Furthermore, we would not sit together, and would not take a gun. If in a
bind, we could at least try to pull the emergency brake and try to jump out.
We boarded the train in Heerhugowaard after leaving a message for the other SWAT
team embers to find a hiding place for the couple, and to look out for us in the evening.
At the depot in Alkmaar we bought the newspapers, and agreed to meet in the Amsterdam's
Central Station, where we would switch trains for the direction 's Hertogenbosch. The trip
from Alkmaar to Amsterdam was uneventful. An armed German soldier kept pacing back
and forth between compartments but never bothered anyone.

Switching platforms in

Amsterdam went off without a hitch and we boarded the train for 's Hertogenbosch without
every seeing a German guard on the platform or on the train. After several stops we
crossed the Neder-Rhine river bridge without stopping on either sid~ of it. When we got
close to Geldermalsen the train slowed down and we opened a window to have a look at
the small platform. A lone German soldier sauntered back and forth, visibly bored stiff.

�53
When the train came to a halt, we waited for a moment until his back was turned, then·
quickly we got out and hid behind the small building that served as a depot, until the train
had left. The road to Rumpt was about 50 yards away, and we reached it unhindered. We
set off _on foot, but after a few miles we were passed by a flat bed wagon pulled by two
horses, and loaded with bales of flour. We asked for a ride and we were allowed to jump
on the backboard. It was a beautiful sunny·day, and the countryside was a delight to watch
as we rode by.
Once in Rumpt we had no difficulty finding the school principal's house. He opened
the door himself, and after we identified ourselves by mentioning Marius Koole's name, he
invited us in. He was very surprised to hear how we had managed to get into this closed
military district of the country.

In a room at the back of the house we met the frightened couple. They were tense
and nervous because of being moved around, being hunted, and not knowing what the
immediate future would bring. We tried to reassure them, and it did calm them down
somewhat. Then we got together with the principal and one of his teachers to plan for the
return trip. They put a basket with apples before us to munch on while we planned, a luxury
as we did not have orchards up north. The principal and the teacher were able to provide
us with four bicycles to enable the six of us to get back to the Geldermalsen depot. It would
get us there three times faster than it would if we had to walk. After dropping us off, the
principal and the teacher would return on their bicycles, leading t~e extra two by hand.
They insisted on buying train tickets for the couple from Geldermalsen to Heerhugowaard,
but in order to cover our trail, we suggest that they better buy tickets from Geldermalsen

�54

to Alkmaar. Once in Alkmaar, we would buy tickets for them to Heerhugowaard. It was
agreed that we would leave at dusk. The principal and the teacher were to take the couple
on the baggage carriers of their bicycles, while Jacob and I would go ahead together and
leave t~e bikes in the back of the depot. Jacob and I arrived there safely with our large
bags of apples, which they had given us. Luckily the guard had left and so the four of us
would be the only passengers boarding. we signalled to the oncoming foursome that all was
clear, and the couple joined us. the teachers purchased the tickets, shook hands, and waited
for the oncoming train to stop. On boarding we found a compartment for six with only one
passenger in it. Though the trains were lighted by small blue light bulbs, in order not to be
detected by planes at night, we noticed that the man wore the uniform of the Dutch Nazi
Youth Group. Jacob and I looked at each other, and from long standing cooperation,
reacted in the same way, motioning the young couple to take the seats next to the Nazi,
while Jacob and I took the opposite seats. During the ride between Geldermalsen and
Amsterdam an armed soldier passed us twice but paid no attention, other then a quick
glance into our compartment. Did the young Nazi's uniform satisfy him? Who knows? The
young man, with his elbow on the window sill, his chin resting on his hand, kept looking out
into the night until we reached Amsterdam. He never moved. We could only wonder what
was on his mind. Maybe the battle reverses for the Nazis?
All five of us left the train in Amsterdam. The Nazi went right to the exit, while the
four of us went down the stairs t~ transfer to the platform for the tra~n to Alkmaar. At the
bottom of the stairs we turned right, be we were stopped by a curt 'Halt!' It was definitely
a German accent, but the man was wearing civilian clothes.... Jacob and I were carrying the

�55
apples, and the man wanted to know where we got them, and where we were going. We
told him that the apples were a gift from friends who lived on a farm and that we were
going home. 'Too few for the black market', he said, and let us go. Meanwhile, the couple,
who had walked behind us, had upon hearing 'halt', simply continued walking while yte
talked to the man, a presence of mind we truly appreciated. We boarded the train for
Alkmaar without having our papers checked, and upon arrival purchased two one-way tickets
for the Heerhugowaard station. We arrived at 10 p.m. and were met by three SWAT team
members who took the Jewish couple to their new hiding place, which they had been able
to secure. The whole operation had lasted not quite twelve hours. The couple survived the
war and saw freedom return to their land.

During the winter of 1943/44 a very small German garrison was moved to Broek op
Langedijk. These were mainly older men, and their equipment included a truck, which used
smoldering wood blocks to produce gas, piped to the engine, to run it. They also had
horses. Their truck was carelessly parked next to some bales of hay in the auction hall,
normally used for flower expositions. The truck caught fire and a good part of the building
burned down. Living only three houses further down the street, J anny and I, as well as our
boys, Kees and Nico, slept right through the commotion. We later learned from the
neighbors that the Germans had been running around, yelling: 'sabotage!'

Peter relates .. .In order to save our precious fuel, we were living in the smallest room
of the house, because it was easier to heat. Kees and Nico used to play quietly with their

�56
blocks while Janny sang to them. At bedtime, I would read them stories. They each had
their favorites and after reading the same ones over and over again, I got to know them by
heart. Kees would catch me on a missed word. Weather permitting, the boys would play in
the yar~ and their greatest pleasure was to let our two rabbits out of their cage.
Kees often wanted to go to the horses, which the Germans had brought with them.
and which were stables next to the bakery ·a t the corner. Even though the Germans were
friendly to the little three year old, we could not allow him to go there. Besides, the
neighbors had warned us, that he had told them that 'daddy had a shooter, and he was going
to shoot the krauts.' In order to keep Kees and Nico on our premises, it became necessary
to lock the gate to our yard.

February 22, 1944 Nijmegen's city center is hit. Situated only one mile from the
German border, this too is a navigational error, causing eight
hundred deaths.

The same type of error causes nine hundred deaths in Arnhem and Enschede, both
equally close to the German border.

April 11. 1944:

Six low-flying Mosquito light bombers destroy the building of
the 'Central Population Administration Bureau' in Amsterdam,
guided by Resistance Intelligence.

�57

On May 8, 1944, one month before D-Day, our home was raided by a ten-man squad
of the Gestapo led by SS Commander Viehbahn. Only the fast and timely actions of our
Intelligence Group saved my life, but our home was no longer a safe haven. During the
year th_at followed I was forced to live somewhere else, staying away from our home
al together.,
The traitor, a member of a communist resistance group and forced into being a
counterspy, was caught by our Commandos within 6 days and ordered executed. Looking
back, to be betrayed by a communist to the Gestapo, and live to tell about it, almost seems
impossible. The events evolved as follows.
This particular Sunday morning had started out quietly, in spite of the fact that
during the night the heavily vibrating drone of allied bombers, on their way to their assigned
targets, had kept everyone awake. After the last squadrons had passed however, there had
been the usual lull until the first planes returned. No message had been received by the
resistance of any bail-outs from crippled planes that night, at least not in our area. When
daylight came, we could see the tight formations in seemingly endless squadrons fly
overhead. Fighter planes, flying protective cover as far as their range would allow, looked
tiny from down below, as they maneuvered their faster planes to stay with the bomber fleet.
How far did their protection reach? Certainly not as far as their farthest targets. Still,
maintaining their original formation, while bound for home base, we could count the missing
planes, by the empty places. Frequently, some of them would be flY!_ng lower than others,
and we wondered if they would make it back to their bases.
Our children were up early too, and already quietly absorbed with their building

�58

blocks. Stillness enveloped the village on this early Sunday morning. Janny had started our
simple breakfast, a kind of porridge made out of ground wheat and water. Once a year,
ever since 1942, the brothers Tijssen, wheat farmers from the town of Oterleek, had
provided
- us with a bag of 150 lbs of wheat A great gift; considering that they charged only
.

10 guilders per bag, or some 6 cents per pound. Black market prices for such commodities
had gotten entirely out of reach. One of the brothers, Jan Hendrik, had mentioned to me
quietly that he supported the cause for which I worked. "Just stop by one evening. I'll have
it ready for pickup. You may count on it as long as the war lasts." It truly became a matter
of equilibrium as I rode my old bicycle, loaded with one hundred and fifty extra pounds of
wheat, along the dike until I reached the Middenweg, through the town of Heerhugowaard,
along the Stationsweg, past the farms of Gootjes and Wagenaar, where so many fugitives
had found shelter, and finally along the dike of the canal to our village of Broek of
Langendijk. (Both Gootjes and Wagenaar later emigrated to the U.S.).
We had rationed ourselves to a few pounds per week, which we shared with our
parents. It was heavy work to grind wheat with an old hand mill, but what excellent
nourishment it was.

My resistance to infection had gone down to the extent that the

slightest scratch caused blood poisoning. Armed with a prescription from our family doctor,
Willem Verdonk, I had visited some of the outlying dairy farms. The prescription simply
stated that for health reasons I needed half a liter of milk every day. One farmer, by the
name of Zuurbier at the Middenweg in Heerhugowaard, immediately_agreed to sell it to me
at the going ration price. Later in the afternoon, after the milking was done, Janny would
go and pick up the bottle of milk. Many were the farmers who helped their compatriots

�59

without barter or charging them exorbitant prices. And so, on this quiet Sunday morning,
our breakfast consisted of coarse ground wheat with some milk. Saying grace had become
more meaningful than ever. Since one of us had to stay with the children, Janny had gone
to the morning church service, while I planned to go that night.
In this land of market-gardens, it had become against the 'new' law to sell directly
to the consumer. However, when in season, such items as cabbage, carrots and potatoes,
even though in very small quantities, were still sold, in spite of the 'new' law. The meat
rations, as well as butter and margarine, had shrunk drastically, and were usually saved for
the Sunday dinner, and it was for those few potatoes, and a cabbage, that we had become
so very grateful. We were still able to send some of our ration coupons to friends in The
Hague, where the population suffered real hunger.
And so, on this quiet Sunday morning our breakfast consisted of coarse ground wheat
with some milk. Saying grace had become more meaningful than ever. Since one of us had
to stay with the children, Janny had decided to go to the morning church service, while I
planned to go that night.
In the afternoon the four of us had set out for a walk along the village street.
The Dorpstraat was the only street then, and traffic was almost non-existent. Most
I

agricultural traffic moved along a network of canals that surrounded the village.
Later that day, as I was getting ready for church, the doorbell rang. On our doorstep
stood Evert Brink, one of our best friends, and a staunch Resistance man. He started right
off. "Gestapo is going to arrest you. Let's clear the house ... rehearse the cover story and
have the papers ready...come with me ...you will learn more later!" Speechless, Janny and

�60
I looked at each other and immediately set to work. A few false ID cards, pistols, ration
cards for people in hiding, micro films from air drops, and illegal news bulletins were
quickly gathered, and all hiding places double checked. Young Arie Boon, our neighbor
from across the street brought over a wooden box in his flat bottom boat and we packed
everything ·away. Then, after one more quick check of the house, Arie Boon took off to
bury the box in one of his far away island acres for the time being.
Meanwhile, Janny and I went carefully over the cover story and papers. Then the
most difficult moment had arrived, a tight embrace, and a hug for the children. A few
moments later Evert and I were on our way, heading our bicycles in the direction of the
village of St. Pancras, were we parted.

Evert took the road straight ahead, direction

Alkmaar, while I took the narrow bike path behind the 'Witte Kerk' (the Reformed Church,
commonly known as 'the white church'), west to the village of Koedijk, which stretched
along the Noord Hollands canal. Across from the canal lay the main road between Alkmaar
and Den Helder. Before the war Den Helder had been our main naval base. When I
arrived at the canal, the wide open country side allowed me to scan the road in both
directions. There was no traffic of any military convoys in sight. A few hundred yards
south, in the direction of Alkmaar was a bridge. It had short ramps on either side, and two
floating ramps, which could be withdrawn under the entrance ramps to allow boats to pass
through. It was typical for this part of the country. It appeared I was able to cross the
bridge safely at that point to get to the main road to Alkmaar. So I Qid. turning right into
the first side street, I at last reached Evert Brink's house through the back entrance, and
that Sunday evening I learned the chain of events that had led Evert to warn me.

�61

Earlier, that Sunday afternoon, Police Officer Jacob van Dijk had been alone on duty
in Alkmaar's Police headquarters, when a young woman had entered the building,
identifying herself as a member of the Gestapo.

She had demanded the use of the

telephone to contact her headquarters, which were · located at the Euterpestraat in
Amsterdam. Jacob had offered her the phone of his desk, and as he continued his work,
he was able to overhear the conversation during which she reported to have received a false
identification card from a Pieter Termaat. She called for his immediate arrest, giving his
home address in Broek op Langedijk. the woman left. Shortly after, at 3:00 p.m. Jacob
completed his watch.
It just so happened, that Jacob's mother and one of my uncles were sister and
brother. Both of us were born in the town of Kampen, where we had lived through our
teens. Needless to say, Jacob and I knew each other quite well. Besides, he and I belonged
to the same Resistance group, covering Alkmaar and the surrounding areas. Jacob was
aware of the fact that I had been living in the village of Broek op Langedijk since 1942, He
also knew, that a very close friend of mine, Evert Brink, was living nearby, in the town of
Alkmaar, and so on his way home he stopped at the Brink's house and told Evert what had
transpired earlier that afternoon. Evert immediately left on his bicycle for my house.
Treason had been committed ..... somewhere ...by someone ...., resulting in Evert's visit to our
house, leaving Janny and the children behind in Broek op Langedijk, along with a welldesigned business cover and a 'clean' house, while I joined Evert at this home in Alkmaar.

In neither home there was much sleep that night. On Monday morning Janny had managed
to get a message to me, telling me that nothing had happened during the night. A hurried

�62

conference took place, during which we had to decide what to do, or what not to do. The
fact remained that the woman had warned the Gestapo. Unfortunately, Jacob's description
of the woman had left us without a clue, and so the decision was made for everybody to
remain in place, while the woman's description was being circulated among the members
of our resistance circle. We could taste the danger, as the hours of the day crept by and the
nights seemed longer yet.

Meanwhile the nights for Janny were not only very long but quite eventful at that,
as she relates .....
The first night after Piet's departure I hardly slept at all. The following day I was
totally exhausted, and it didn't take long to fall into a deep sleep that night. It must have
been somewhere between 3:00 and 4:00 a.m. that I suddenly was awakened by heavy blows
on our front door. I ran to the window and peeked through the curtains, and noticed several
trucks, cars and a number of men, some in uniform, others in civilian clothes, in front of our
house. I knew, that if I didn't open the door soon, they would no doubt force their way in,
so I quickly turned around and grabbed the first piece of clothing I could find to wear over
my nightgown. It happened to be my light grey spring coat, which had 13 buttons, and to
this day I remember buttoning every single one of them.
The moment I opened the door, the men entered our house. Equipped with rifles
some of the men in uniform posted themselves at the windows, while the rest of them made

-

their way to the bedroom, where they checked the bed for 'another warm spot' besides
where I had been sleeping. Although satisfied that I had been sleeping alone, they continued

�63
searching the rest of the house, opening each and every closet, leafing through our books,
and asked question upon question, demanding answers from me while holding a flashlight
in front of my face. I noticed that one of the men, obviously their leader, was not only
imma~lately dressed, but was also wearing a very strong scented perfume (quite unus1;1al
for a man, -especially in those days!). Little did I now what an important part this perfume
would play later on in our lives. While they continued interrogating me, I told them my
'cover story' without hesitation, telling them 'that plans were in the works to built a deep
freeze installation locally, once the war was over. (Which was true and indeed has been
built), and that heavy financing was needed, which was not entirely available locally. As a
result, Piet had been put in charge of finding possible investors for the project and as a
result was of town visiting and interviewing prospects.' I must have been very convincing,
because they seemed to believe my story and left.
And what about our two young sons? Believe it or not, but they slept through the
whole ordeal. But not so our neighbors, who had been watching the whole drama unfold
from behind their curtains, because unlike me, they had been expecting the raid, as the
following story became unraveled.
First thing next morning I went over to see our neighbors, the Jacob Balder family.
Jacob was deeply involved in the Resistance and had until only a short time ago 9 Jewish
people hidden in bis home. His wife was pregnant and expecting their sixth child. Jacob
wasn't home, but I told his wife that something was up in the air, and I begged her to make
Jacob go underground. My pleading fell on deaf ears, because she told me that, considering
her condition, Jacob had refused to go into hiding. He wanted to be near his family.

�64
As I had feared not too long afterwards, Jacob was arrested, and shot in the dunes
along the Dutch coast, where many of the members of the resistance faced their death.
(Jacob never saw the baby, which he and his wife had anticipated so eagerly).
9n that same day, May 10, while I was visiting the Balders, I also learned the facts
about the visit of the Gestapo, the previous night. Jacob Balder's daughter, who occasionally
did baby sitting for us, was employed at the town hall at the time. The mayor of our town,
who had decided to join the Nazi Party, had come up with a deceitful plan to try and arrest
Piet for reasons described previously, but unbeknownst to us. He had made up a list of
people whose homes would supposedly be searched during the night of May 9th, 1944,
conspicuously leaving the Termaats off his list. It was that list, that Jacob's daughter
happened to see. Excited about her discovery, she told her father about it, and as a result,
the people on the list were warned, but not the Termaats. Again we had been just one step
ahead of the traitors.
Soon after my visit with the Balders, I rode my bicycle to my mother's house, having
one boy seated in front of me, and the other behind me. On arrival I told her: 'Please don't
ask any questions. I have things to do. Would you please look after the children for me?"
And with that I got back on my bicycle again and via alleys and other roundabout ways, I
rode to the house were Piet was hiding. I reported the happenings, said goodbye to him and
left.
My message on that Tuesday was: 'They were at th~ house during the
night ... everybody safe ... business cover story listened to without comment....house surrounded
by at least 10 men.... all were dressed in uniform, except Nazi mayor Stoutjesdijk. ...and

�65
someone else, who smelled heavily of perfume. When leaving, the police van went into a
southerly direction ......
The latter part of the message clearly indicated that they had made their approach
north along the road Alkmaar-Den Helder, then east to 'the Langedijk and south along the
only road across the dike to our house.
It had become obvious, that Piet could not return home. In Alkmaar, as well as in
several surrounding villages, he was too well known. It meant that he had to leave the city.
A quick consultation took place. For one, he needed transportation, other than a bicycle.
Since members of the medical profession were the only ones allowed cars, a message was
sent to Nico Louis M.D.
Pieter relates that Dr. Louis arrived that same afternoon. "I wiggled myself into the
back seat of his small Renault, and the two of us drove off from the Bleau Straat, along the
Bergerweg to the Westerweg, then in a southern direction, through the Heiloo forest. Once
outside the city, I changed to the passenger's seat, so we could talk more easily. We
planned to drive as far as Uitgeest where I was to board the train in the direction of
Amsterdam. We arrived about fifteen minutes early, which allowed me just enough time
to explain what had happened.
'Any unfinished business?' He asked. I told him that a resistance group, located north
of Amsterdam, had been arrested. From what we had learned so far, the wife of the leader
had escaped, and had found temporary shelter in a home at Lange&lt;!ijk. The woman had
escaped without I.D., money, clothing or ration cards. I had been able to furnish her with
an I.D. and some ration cards. At the time, she'd told me that she could not remain where

�66
she was, and was looking for a place to stay. She was willing to do household work or baby
sitting. {A preliminary check had indeed verified the arrest of the group, which had
included the woman's husband). My request to Nico Louis was: 'Would he follow up?' He
promised he would.
Meanwhile, the train had arrived and I boarded with the intention, at least for now,
to go as far as Koog aan de Zaan, where Janny had a cousin living. When I arrived at Koog
aan de Zaan, I got off with some twenty other passengers. As we began walking along the
highway in the direction of Amsterdam, which ran parallel with the railroad track, a boy in
his pre-teens stopped us, and told us that there was a Nazi roundup going on further down
the highway. Without another word, all of us turned into the next road to the left. Looking
back, we should at least have thanked the boy, but we had taken the warning very seriously
and were only too anxious to get away.
Walking along, my thoughts raced over the happenings of the last few weeks; some
of the people we had seen in our village, mainly outsiders, who hadn't given us reason for
suspicion. Then there had been the call from our Minister, Marius Koole, who had been
contacted by one of his colleagues, the Reverend Nell, who lived in the town of Noord
Scharwoude (the northern part of Langedijk). It was concerning a woman, who was hiding
with a Mr. Keeman, one of his parishioners. Reverend Nell had requested help for her,
following which Marius Koole had contacted me with the problem. I had given the initial
help. But what could have gone wrong? Why was the Gestapo on mr trail? Janny and the
children were all right, but she would undoubtedly be watched.
When I arrived at cousin Peter's home, I was warmly welcomed, and given the guest

�67
room. When I was ready to leave, cousin Peter had gone ahead to scout the train station in
Zaandam to see if there were any round-up activities. Fortunately, there weren't any, and
I boarded the train for Amersfoort, via Amsterdam. In Amersfoort I knew the family
Bouma. At the beginning of the war they had been liVIng in Den Helder, the naval b~e.
During the-early fighting they had been bombed out of their home and had been evacuated
to the Langedijk, where we first met them. From there they had moved to Amersfoort,
where Mr. Bouma had been appointed to the local college.
My plan was to proceed from Amersfoort to Kampen, my birthplace, where I still had
some relatives, who would undoubtedly be helpful in finding a new hiding place for me.
The Bouma's however told me that, where the road to Kampen led to the bridge across the
IJssel river, by rail or otherwise, I would run into a 24-hour guard. The risk of trying to cross
at that point was too great. Why not stay with them for a short while until more was
known? I accepted the invitation gratefully.
There was a Resistance group operating in Amersfoort out of the train depot, which
had their phone system operating independently from the national system. We transported
mainly ration cards to a contact at the Amstel train depot in Amsterdam.
Mr. Bouma turned out to be an avid walker, and while out on our walks, we
sometimes passed the Cavalry barracks across from the house where my family had lived
for 11 months in the year 1924. The neighborhood did not seem to have changed much.
Occasionally we saw a group of prisoners from the nearby co_,!lcentration camp of
Amersfoort, as they marched under heavily armed guard. Staring straight ahead, their heads
shaven, their cheeks hollow from malnutrition, dressed in flimsy prison clothes, they were

�68
ordered to sing. They were forced to work on a network of trenches, but were so obviously
underfed, that one had to question their value of performing heavy work. Needless to say
that my blood began to boil when I saw the group pass by. To talk to them was impossible
even t~e slightest eye contact was being watched.
The concentration camp of Amersfoort was notorious. It's camp commander, 35 year
old Joseph J. Kotaella, was a brute nicknamed 'the Hangman'. He would hit his prisoners,
while egging on his two large German shepherds, his constant companions.

He had

personally ordered and participated in the execution of prisoners. He seemed to especially
enjoy watching the bodies of his victims drop, as garrote the noose tightened, and the last
spastic struggle ceased. Some prisoners spent many days and nights in the open, surrounded
by barbed wire, without any food or drink. By means of the Red Cross, a certain Mrs.
Heemstra had, at times been allowed to take some food parcels into the camp. At such
times Kotaella turned on his fake charm and requested to be photographed with her against
the camp background.
It was not until much later that I learned that my brother-in-law, Jacob, Janny's
brother, was a prisoner at this camp at this time.

The number of planes passing overhead seemed even greater here than in the
Langedijk. One night, as we were sound asleep, a bomb exploded. Curled up in a fetal
position, I awoke from a deep sleep by the terrible noise. It scared the wits out of
everybody. All the windows were blown out, but the house was still standing. Hans Bouma,
the family's youngest son, already having a broken arm from a fall off his bike, had stepped

�69
in some glass causing severe bleeding, which we were finally able to stop by holding his foot
very tightly. There was glass all over the floor, the furniture and the blankets. At day break
we learned that a bomb had been dropped just east of the train depot, only five hundred
yards from the house. The Bouma's were lucky to get off with merely glass damage.
The_Bouma's lived at the Korte Bergstraat 8, and during my stay I had become
acquainted with some of their neighbors. ·
On the night of Monday, June the 5th, one of them had invited the entire family and
me over for a birthday celebration. By bartering some items from their clothing store they
had even been able to lay their hands on some pastries.
The following morning, on June 6th, I had left the house via the back yard to get a
haircut, when the neighbor lady came running out of her house. "Mr. Termaat!" She called.
"Don't go out in the street. .. the Allies have landed ... you never know what may happen ... they
may get here too!"
I quickly went back into the house. Mr. Bouma and I discussed this unexpected news
and decided to take a walk to the newspaper building nearby, where a billboard next to its
front door usually displayed the latest news items. Needless to say the unexpected surprise
when we read the bulletin confirming that small scale landings had taken place on the coast
of France. Amazed that the occupation forces would let this news leak out, we surmised
that it had to be more than a small landing, which could hardly be covered up, since the
BBC had warned everybody to stay away from Europe's coastal areas. We walked back to
the house. Shortly after that the door bell rang. It was my good friend Evert Brink, who
had come to bring me letters from Janny, clean underwear, as well as the latest news. Still

�70
in shock by the news of the Allied landing, I blurted out: 'What are you doing here?'
'Hell, what kind of a greeting is that!' He replied. 'You knew I was coming!'
'But the Allies have landed!' I retorted.
~You're crazy!' He commented.
Without wasting another word, I took him over to the newspaper building. Evert was
as taken aback as Mr. Bouma and I had been.
'You cannot stay here!' He said. 'They (the Allies) are going to bomb the railroads
and highways. If you stay, you will never be able to get out!'
That seemed sensible enough, and so after a hasty good-bye and many thanks to the
Bouma's, Evert and I boarded the train from Amersfoort to Amsterdam, where we changed
trains to Alkmaar. We agreed not to talk, and each bought a German newspaper. We
reached Alkmaar without any problems. Neither did we see or hear about any military
activities in our area, except the regular drone of bombers flying over.
My emotions ran high. I was getting closer to home, and Janny and the children
were once again within reach ... the Allies had landed!...Would they land at other areas,
besides France? ... Would they succeed? .... And if so, how quickly would they be able to
proceed? .. .I was filled with questions, tension, wishful thinking ... and hope.

But I also

realized, that if further landings would not take place, it could be a long time yet before I
would be able to surface, and until then I would have to keep moving around in the dark.
The internal railroad telephone had been a real blessing, b~t being back on the
national network made one once again alert to listening devices from radio detection units
of the Gestapo.

�71
We again spotted some troops from the Russian state of Georgia, as well as some
from British India, imprest battalions to fill in for the heavy losses of Germany's army. They
were obviously shifted around often.
~e people of the Dutch East Indies, residing irt Holland, had freely offered their
share in the struggle for freedom also. It was amazing how close we had grown during these
adversary times.
Still, German infantry battalions continued to march through the towns, but much
more disheveled looking, and not by far as cocky as four years earlier.

During my absence, there had been a notice from the Probate Court in connection
with the inheritance of my father-in-law, who had passed away the previous year. On the
day I had been scheduled to appear, I had been in Amersfoort and unable to comply. How
intensely dangerous the Gestapo was became quite clear, when they showed up at the
Probate Court and arrested my two brothers-in-law. It was obvious that the Probate Court
had connections with the Gestapo.

Even though my brothers-in-law didn't know my

whereabouts, their homes were searched, nevertheless. First the home of Jacob Schuurman,
resulting in the arrest of a man whom they had kept hidden because he had refused to go
to work in Germany. They also found a clandestine long wave radio receiver, which allowed
them to listen to the BBC. Moving alongside the house, Jacob tried to escape via the meterwide gutter connecting his home to the house in the street behin&lt;!_ bis. He was shot at
immediately. Fortunately, they missed him by a hair. The center button of his coat had been
replaced by a hole. He was arrested and sent to the concentration camp in Amersfoort. Any

�72

further evidence against Jacob failed to tum up, and after four months of imprisonment a
contact group of the Reformed Church managed to purchase his freedom, as even camp
leaders were not beyond corruption.
J.,ikewise, my other brother-in-law, Henk van Zuylen, also had his house searched.
He too, wasn't aware of my whereabouts. And although the search didn't deliver any
results, he was nevertheless taken to prison in Amsterdam (Huis van Bewaring), were he
remained from May 17 to June 7, before he was let go.
The day after, Nico Louis, the doctor who had smuggled me out of Alkmaar in his
little Renault and had taken me to the train depot of Uitgeest on that Wednesday, May 20,
had taken up contact with the woman courier by means of Rev. Marius Koole the very next
day. She had shown up at his office that same evening. Cautiously, Nico had asked her what
he possibly could do to help her. Then, she had related the same story to him, namely that
she was in dire need of an I.D. card, as she was without one. Nico's quick mind was
immediately put on alert. Had it not only been yesterday at the train depot of Uitgeest, that
Peter had told him the story about the woman walking into the Police Station, calling the
Gestapo, ordering the arrest of Peter Termaat because he had furnished her with a false
I.D.? Nico kept his cool, not promising her anything. He told her to come back Friday
evening, May 12.
After she'd left, he'd alerted the local Resistance and that Friday evening, 5 days
after her initial call to the Gestapo, she was captured and made

~

full confession. The

question now was, what to do with her? Treason was proven and confessed to. She could
not be kept a prisoner. The vote was unanimous and the matter was referred to the National

�73
Resistance Organization. A terse order was sent back: 'Liquidate her!' Having been locked
up since May 12th, the woman was transported out of town to the east near the village of
Rustenburg, where the road runs across the dike. Here an injection ended her life and on
May 19_th, her body was hurried in the dike. A bloody mess. Only the slapping and sloshing
of the breaking waves would be heard. Then all became quiet.
A report was sent to Headquarters that the order had been carried out. How long
would it take before the Gestapo would catch on and begin their manhunt? Our Resistance
group immediately began searching for hiding places. It was none to soon.
Dr. Louis realized that the time had come for him to disappear, after all, it was more
than likely that by now, the woman had informed the Gestapo of her visit to his office.

In these last days of the war, fear had begun to grip the Nazis, leading to hysterical
actions, such as trying to remove all records, containing all names and address of men who
at any time had been unemployed, from the District Bureau of the Department of Social
Affairs. This was the office where I had worked until my resignation on May 1, 1942, when
I had refused to obey and execute their new laws, which would have sent men to Germany
as forced labor to assist the Nazi war industry.
Every evening, at about five o'clock, files containing these records were loaded on
a wagon and brought, under armed guard, to the vault of the Twentsche Bank near the town
square with its beautiful medieval tower. The route to the bank was not a direct one; a
block from the bank, the wagon would tum into a side street. Our plan was to destroy the
records before they reached the bank. In order to do that we needed gasoline, and Dr. Louis

�/

74
had just what we needed, five gallons of it, which I had previously smuggled into town and
stored at his home. We would attack the guards, pour the gasoline over the files and set
them afire. The point of attack was ideal - a maze of narrow side streets. The importance
of our plan was clear. If successful, all data concerning the total labor force of the district
would be destroyed.
Faced with an almost certain visit of the Gestapo, the Louis's packed a few suitcases,
loaded their car and disappeared. Nico was realistic enough to take the gasoline along on
his flight. They would not return to Alkmaar until VE-Day.

June 6. 1944

D-Day

Hitler and his staff now expected the main landing to occur in Calais, on the narrow
passage from Dover, and kept his 15th army with 100,000 soldiers at the Channel until
September. But on June 6th, the Allied invasion in Normandy had begun. Low flying Allied
planes flew in low formation over Europe's west coast, attacking Nazi traffic where visible.
Nazi losses of military vehicles were heavy, but what hurt most was the loss of military
personnel. To give them a better chance of survival, much of the traffic was conducted
during the night, while men were rounded up as forced labor to dig manholes along the
roads, and into the dike itself.
While digging near the town of Rustenburg, a crew discovered a lady's shoe. And it
was only moments later that they dug up the body of the liquidated..§py.
On June 17, 1944 an ad appeared in the paper, which read as follows:

�75
BODY FOUND IN RUSTENBURG
The Head of the Criminal Investigation Department in Amsterdam, located at the
Keizersgracht 103-105 (telephone 49055), requests on behalf of the Group Commander of
the Mi~itary Police in Heerhugowaard, to be informed of the identity of the body of a
woman found on June 13, 1944 on an elevated spot in Rustenburg (North Holland).
Description: Between twenty and thirty years of age;
height 1.63 meters; dark hair; small nose, wider at the end, blue-grey
eyes; well maintained teeth, fully intact; scar on right side of abdomen,
probably from appendectomy.
Clothing:

Short, dark blue coat with dark belt made of connected leather bands;
white blouse with blue-green checks, brand 2330 Margo 17144
Frulensis mit den 7 punkten Gesla; Erpco Compagnie KoelnNeumarkt, Gegr 1901; black flat-heeled shoes, light pink petticoat,
white panties, brand: 'Butterfly, Bijenkorr, pink camisole with the
letter 'N' inside the shoulder strap, ankle-height woollen socks.
Information urgently requested by the Criminal Investigation
Department.

Interestingly, no information was ever offered; the solidarity of the population showed
once again.

Soon after VE-Day the investigation, which had been going on during the last few

�76

weeks of the war, is completed with the following information.
One of the members of the Resistance group, operating just north of Amsterdam, had
an affair with his wife's sister. Infuriated, when discovering the affair, the wife decided to
go to th,e Gestapo and betray not only her husband, but the rest of his Resistance group as
well.
After giving her testimony, the Gestapo gave her two choices. Either she'd become
one of their informers or be sent to a concentration camp as an accomplice. She decided
to take the first option. The Gestapo relocated her to the village of Noord Scharwoude, one
of the four villages of the Langedijk, where she stayed with a certain Mr. Keeman, a small
exporter of produce, who was under no particular suspicion by the people in the village. It
was Mr. Keeman who introduced her to Rev. Nell with the story previously mentioned.
Having no connections himself, Rev. Nell called his colleague, the Rev. Marius Kool in
Broek op Langedijk, who in turn introduced her to us. A quick investigation of her story
confirmed that the resistance group, to which she and her husband belonged, had indeed
been arrested and imprisoned. Consequently her amateurish operation led to her speedy and
untimely demise.
When VE-day finally arrived, Keeman was instantly killed when his motor cycle hit
a tree. Suicide was suspected.

On that day, in addition to the three strongholds we had held for several weeks, we

-

also took over the town hall. While standing in front of the town hall with two fellow
officers, waiting for the first units of the First Canadian Army to arrive, Dr. Nico Louis

�77
hailed us and joined our group. After some light banter we were interrupted by an MP on
a motor cycle, who informed us that the father of the executed woman had been spotted in
town. He apparently was armed and had announced that he was going to kill Dr. Louis,
whom be blamed for the death of his daughter.
We guided Dr. Louis into the Town Hall and sent out a patrol to bring the man in.
It appeared that he had only partial information of what had transpired. After talking to
him and pointing out to him, how his daughter, through her actions, had caused her own
death, he accepted our explanation. He surrendered his gun and promised to leave town,
not to return or to bother Dr. Louis again. Truly a rotten deal for a father to be faced with.

By 1944 the number of refugees, men and boys between the ages of sixteen and sixty
had grown to five hundred thousand. Needless to say, our task became increasingly more
difficult, and we began to experience heavy losses among the ranks of Resistance fighters.
But we helped wherever help was needed, no questions asked. By D-Day, June 6, 1944, we
figured we had lost about two thousand fully active commandos. Latest evaluations showed
that their life expectancy, from the day they entered the Resistance movement, had been
three to six months.

Their strength was augmented by many trusted contacts in a

homogenous populations.
After a month of fighting and building up the armed forces in Normandy, Eisenhower
unleashed General Patton, and the Allied Forces began to make fast aEvances against strong
German opposition. By the end of August the northern part of France and part of Belgium
were free once more.

�78

On September 1, the harbor city of Antwerp fell to the Allies, and on September 4,
Hitler personally ordered the destruction of the harbors of Rotterdam and Amsterdam,
which order did not go into effect until September 21. Heavy detonations could be heard
twenty ~les away. So heavy were the continuous explosions, that in the Rotterdam sub~rb
of Katendrecht four thousand families saw their homes destroyed. The destruction in
Amsterdam was proportionate to that of Rotterdam, and that which once took decades of
hard labor and persistence to built, in true entrepreneurial spirit, was destroyed in a matter
of days. In Rotterdam, nine miles of wharf embankment was destroyed as were more than
half of the hoisting cranes, all floating docks, all petroleum tanks ( even though they had
been empty for a long time), shipyards and engineering works.

Raw materials were

transported in barges to Germany, were they would be used to rebuild Germany once the
war was over.

Ships were sunk in the main waterways connecting Amsterdam and

Rotterdam to the open sea, obstructing all maritime traffic.

Then there was the Field Marshall Montgomery blunder at Arnhem, when he
ordered the British Airborne, ten thousand men strong, to land too far from the last bridge,
needed by the Allied Troops to do any good. His miscalculation resulted in eight thousand
either killed in action, or wounded and taken prisoners of war. Only 2000 survived.
HRH Prince Bernhard, Commander of the Interior Forces, sounded bitter when he
stated: 'My country can never again afford the luxury of another M~ntgomery success'.
Meanwhile a mistaken radio news item in London named the Dutch city of Breda
as the first liberated Dutch city. If true, there was only a fifty five mile gap left from Breda

�79
straight north to the Zuiderzee, through which flight to Germany would still be possible.
Wild panic broke out among the Germans and Dutch Nazis, as they fled all through the
night towards Germany, either by foot or by any means of transportation they were able to
steal. The German Command however regained contr"ol once again, as they opened the
locks, flooding the low lying areas.

Having to leave home as a fugitive, our first thoughts were for the family's well being.
Part of that were the finances. Being self-employed in a partnership, we could count on a
small monthly draw to continue. Furthermore, the L.O., organized underground, (L.O.
stands for 'national organization') paid Janny a small stipend. They occasionally also
provided some scarce food, such as cheese. The surrounding market gardens contributed
cabbage, carrots and potatoes. These were sold in small quantities outside the rationing
system. Janny only spent money for what was available on ration coupons and on what the
village provided and not wanting to buy in the black market, items such as butter and meat
were simply not on the menu. And that way she even managed to save some money.

1944:

The rationing continues.

September:

All food and fuel rations are drastically cut.

The remaining

electricity ration is cut in half. We are forced to surrender any
kind of textile products left in our homes.
The city kitchen has opened her doors to the public and is
allowed to supply a ration of maximum 600 calories per person.

�80
December:

Bread ration is cut to two pounds per week per person. Ground
up bulbs (mainly tulips) are used as a substitution for flour. A
total ban on electricity is announced.
Homes are being tom up for firewood, kitchen doors, closet
shelves, etc. The need is great for a little warmth or just to heat
up a single pan. And as far as our beautiful trees
are concerned, there are none left.
'Hunger trips' are a common occurrence in the farm country, as
people knock on farm doors trying to buy, barter and, in some
instances, 'steal'. Many people are utterly despondent,
and desperate. Many die en route.

September 17. 1944 OPERATION MARKET GARDEN

Successful but not across the bridge, this operation imprisoned the population ~f the
western Netherlands for its last, but most terrible war winter. For them freedom would still
be eight months away, until May, 1945.
To add to the devastation, we got hit with an unusually severe frost which lingered
on. The only coal mines in Holland are to be found in the south eastern province of
Limburg, but because of the railroad strike, coal was out of reach for the rest of the nation.

-

The strike, which had been ordered by the Dutch Government on September 17, 1944, at
the time of the Allied airborne landings, was a total success.

�81
As a result, however, we had to find hiding places for three hundred thousand men
to protect them from being rounded up. Their families had to be paid a basic amount of
money to be able to buy what little was made available on ration cards. The finances needed
to keep_ the hiding places going and the care for the families of those men, who since 1940
had foughton the seas and in Normandy, had been guaranteed by our government in exile.
The financing through the banking system was a major help in the underground struggle.

Following the disastrous failure of the British Airborne attack near the city of
Arnhem in September, 1944 food rationing was decentralized and became now a local
responsibility. The size of the rations and its content depended fully on what was on hand
locally. Furthermore, the German army closed off the western seaboard provinces by a 20
mile long cordon, which ran from the Rhine river, just west of Arnhem, all the way to the
Zuiderzee. These provinces, the most heavily populated ones in the country, suffered
terribly. The order by Nazi governor Seyss Inquart, to put an embargo on all shipments of
food to the west of that cordon, was a major factor for the starvation rations.

Food

rationing in October, 1944 dropped to 1300 calories per person per week. In November it
decreased to 950 calories, in December to 550 calories, ending in January, 1945 with only
340 calories per person per week. The north-eastern provinces of Groningen, Friesland,
Drente and Overijssel managed to scrape by on 1300 calories per person per week from
September 1944 till May, 1945.
We weren't spared by the hunger either, which was weakening the health of our
family. Infections were chronic, and on November 9, 1944 (the birthday of father C.B.

�82
Termaat), Janny experienced a pre-mature birth in her four and one half months of
pregnancy. Our family doctor, Willem Verdonk, feared for her life, and urged me to come
out of hiding that night to be with her. Doctor Verdonk assisted us. It was a boy, so tiny
in death, is features resembling those of Kees and Michie!. But there was no time to lose.
I had to be gone by dawn. A box had to serve as a coffin and with our prayers, I carried him
outside to the backyard, where I dug a grave. Then Janny and I said our goodbyes and I left
again for my hiding place to continue the bitter struggle. Janny did not receive adequate
food to regain her strength. Her mainstay was thin buttermilk porridge. A neighbor lady
sacrificed some of her rations. "You need it more than I do", she said.
In order to look for food, Janny's sister, Lyda, and I decided towards the end of
December, 1944 to pay a visit to Oma (Grandma) Schuurman's relatives, who were still
living on active farms. Riding our bicycles, we met the day after Christmas, early in the
morning on the road towards the town of Purmerend. One bicycle had no tires at all, while
the tires on the other one were in bad shape. We had planned to go through the Schermer
polder towards Purmerend, and from there to the ferry in the Amsterdam harbor, if it
seemed safe to do so. But a little ways outside of Alkmaar we experienced an unexpected
obstacle. The Germans had flooded the polder to head off airborne attacks. So we rode our
bicycles through the water as far as possible until we finally had to start walking. With cold,
wet legs we at last reached Purmerend, and continued our journey along the canal towards
Amsterdam. When we arrived at the ferry, we scanned for German u~forms. We were able
to cross safely. We chose to find our way through east Amsterdam, thus avoiding the city
center, which we knew was infested with Nazis. Once we reached the outskirts, we continued

�83
to the town of Diemen, which was only a few miles down the road and from there we took
the country road to Over-Diemen. The last farm on that country road, just east of the
Amsterdam-Rhine canal, was the farm of Oma Schuurman's brother, nestled along the dike
of the Zuiderzee. This was the family farm of the Hennipman's (Oma Schuurman's maiden
name). Oma Schuurman, born in 1889 and her eldest daughter, my wife Janny, born in 1916,
were both born on the same farm in the same room and in the same bedstead.
We were warmly received, along with a hot meal. As we took our leave, we were
given butter, cheese and some bacon to take back home with us. We chose the road to the
west in order to cross the canal in the direction of the town of Hoofddorp, which was
situated to the south of the Schiphol airport. However, when we arrived at the canal we
noticed that the bridge we had wanted to cross was under construction. Only the piling, the
side railings and a one foot long ledge, on which the steel beams were to be laid for the
road deck, was all that existed. Neither the beams nor the deck were there. We had no
other choice, however, but to get across and thus I took one of the bikes under my arm, and
while holding on to the railing, walked across the ledge to the other side. Fifteen feet below
me, the water with its floating ice, looked very uninviting in the gathering dusk. Coming
back, I carried the second bike the same way. Next, I helped Lyda across. Safely back on
our bicycles, just as we passed the Schiphol airport, we ran into a heavy fog. Finding the
main road to Hoofddorp was not easy, but we did find it, nevertheless. Suddenly, from out
of the fog, came a voice: "Wer da?" ("Who's there?"). We heard the bolt of a rifle thrown.
Ignoring the command, we sped along the Middenweg till we reached the Roodenburg farm,
which belonged to Opa (Granndpa) Schuurman's sister, who was married to Jacob

�84
Roodenburg. Here too, we were warmly received. They fed us and invited us to stay
overnight, since by now darkness had set in. The following morning, after breakfast, we were
sent off with an amply supply of whatever the farm produced, among others several bags of
beans and peas, which would go a long way to supplement the starvation diet of which we
could not subsist. We thanked the Roodenburgs and left, carefully watching out for enemy
checkpoints and platoons of the 'Landwacht'. These platoons were a particularly vicious
uniformed group of Dutch Nazis, who roamed about roughing people up, sometimes even
arresting them, confiscating whatever they carried on them. As a result, we occasionally
checked with people before we decided to proceed in one or the other direction. Eventually,
we decided to return to Alkmaar by making a wide circle around the Schiphol airport in the
direction of the town of Velsen, where a ferry would take us across the wide and deep
Noord Zee (North See) canal, which runs from the Amsterdam harbor into the North Sea.
Once across, we would have a choice of several roads leading to Alkmaar. We made it
safely across, but shortly afterwards we lost yet another tire. We managed to reach Limmen,
a village several miles south of Alkmaar, and as dusk settled over the unlit road, we
proceeded slowly with our precious load along the main road. When we reached Alkmaar
we took the smaller side streets, which were so very familiar to us, until we at last reached
Oma Schuurman's house, just before curfew time.

Because of Janny's weakened condition, Oma Schuurman had ~aken her and our sons
into her apartment in Alkmaar in February, 1945. As far as our home in Broek op Langedijk
was concerned, we had gathered all our possessions into one large room and safely secured

�85
it with a heavy lock. The remainder of the house was then rented out to a refugee family.

My parents, Opa and Oma Termaat, were supplied with provisions by former soldiers,
now farmers again. (My dad had been an aide-de-camp with the 15th Regiment Infantry).
By March, 1945 however, their food supplies as well as those in Oma Schuurman's house
had dwindled considerably and was reduced to a level of scarcity that begged for
supplementation. Worsening the situation even more was the fact that Captain Vels Heyn
was also in need of food for Resistance fighters hidden in the city. And so one day, I
decided to make the four mile long walk along the back roads to the Langedijk were I knew
a man by the name of Jonker, who operated a one-man transport business, using a horsedrawn flat-bed wagon with canvas sides and top. After talking to him, I found him willing
to make a trip from Broek op Langedijk to Alkmaar. Several farmers on the way, who (
knew very well, were quite willing to sell us potatoes, huge carrots (in better days used for
horse fodder), and cabbage at reasonable prices. I then returned to AJkmaar by myself and
ventured into the city to visit a friend's house, who was the district president of the Chamber
of Commerce. We discussed the various problems I was faced with, and what I had done so
far to procure and transport food. It was now a matter of distribution. He was able to locate
a dozen or so large, sturdy crates at no cost, as long as they were returned intact. Next, Mr.
Jonker, once he had arrived in Alkmaar, loaded the crates onto his wagon and took them
to Broek op Langedijk, stopping at the various farms I had suggested and fill them up with
produce. I familiarized Jonker with his final destination, the house of Opa and Oma
Termaat, and a day for the transport was chosen. Seated on a box, Jonker gently, and at a
leisurely pace, guided his horse along. He managed to get into Alkmaar, across the Frisian

�86
bridge, which was used by all traffic to and from all eastern directions and, with our help,
unloaded the crates into the small barn behind the elder Termaat's house. The following
days, as soon as dusk had set in, but well before curfew, an orderly distribution took place.
For many it meant a lifeline during those last six weeks of occupation, and no one tried to
profit unseemly from this operation.

In the eastern part of Holland the battle still raged on. German anti-tank ditches

needed to be dug and temporary airfields built, and thus the chase for forced labor was on.
On October 7, 1944, raids on males between the ages of 16 and 60 take place in
Amersfoort, Kampen and Utrecht. Soldiers seal off the streets and break into homes,
carrying men and boys away like cattle, straight to waiting trains ready to take them to slave
labor camps in Germany. The enemy uses any kind of tactic to make men between sixteen
and sixty their target and sometimes they are caught by ruse. The moment the sirens go off
and as people find shelter in their homes, the German troops move in, blocking every street.
Then, as soon as the 'safe' sign is sounded, and the people are once more free to leave their
shelters, the men are caught and marched to the train stations with only the clothes on their
backs - destination: East. The first such raid takes place in Rotterdam on November 10 and
11, soon followed by the Hague, Amsterdam and Utrecht, the four largest cities. Rotterdam
is sealed off by two German divisions, seven thousand men strong armed with machine guns
and anti-aircraft guns. On November 10, between 4:00 and 7:00 a.m., the police has been
disarmed and all telephone cables are blocked. Everyone has been given a written order to
take warm clothing (few of them have any clothing left after four years of occupation) sturdy

�87
shoes (wooden shoes were already at a premium), a blanket, a raincoat, eating utensils and
food for one day. In return they are promised 'good food', cigarettes, 5 guilders a day and
care for the family members who stay behind. Homes are broken into and combed for
members of the Resistance, while others are driven irito the streets, marched off under
armed guards and taken to large buildings.
Many women assemble in front of the buildings where their loved ones are kept and
in their burning hatred hurl verbal abuse at the German soldiers. When the men are being
marched to the waiting trains or boats, they line up along the route, women and children,
trying to get one last glance of their husband's or son's face. Men and women call to each
other 'Courage', 'Orange forever'. Women cry, many pushing strollers. And then there are
the elderly women losing their husbands, and young girls with their arms around their boy
friends.
The total catch in Rotterdam is sixty thousand men, of whom some then thousand
are transported by train, two thousand five hundred by ship and some twenty five thousand
on foot. And then the amazing solidarity of the Dutch people shines through. During short
rest periods for those on foot, people from the neighborhoods, which they pass through, will
give them what they think may be useful to them. The same thing is repeated where the
barges are moored and at the locations where the trains stop. A large contingent of those
on foot are forced to march to Amsterdam, where they are loaded onto small freighters and
taken across the Zuiderzee to the cities of Kampen and Zwolle. In Kampen they are housed
in the former van Heutz military barracks. The weather is cold and unsanitary conditions
prevail. There is hunger and thirst and no medical assistance of any kind. Various kinds of

�88
shock, caused by anxiety and rough treatment, begin to affect the nervous system as well as
moral sensibility, but even more seriously and permanently affected is loss of personal
dignity.

Januaiy. 1945:

5 degree Fahrenheit

In the big cities, the ties between the tram rails are broken out for fuel. No
electricity, no heating gas, no food. Even the central kitchen, which has offered a thin soup,
with unrecognizable content, comes to a halt. Babies and old people are the first victims.
Mortality jumps three-fold. The dead are transported by push carts to the cemeteries. There
is no wood for caskets and they are buried in mass graves. In the big cities, the dead are laid
out on the stone floors of the old cathedrals.

A Resistance SWAT team attacks S.S. Chief Rauter. The result is that two hundred
political prisoners are shot. Between January 1 and May 1, 1945 a total of one thousand five
hundred and seventy nine political prisoners are executed, which is three hundred and fifty
one more than during the total period of 1940-1944.

Meanwhile, as mentioned above, Janny had moved in with her mother. The following
is her story.
The final winter of the war was a terrible one for everybody. We knew that the Allied
Forces were south of the rivers Rijn and Maas, but when would they come to free us? It had

�89
been almost five years since the occupation and the tension was thick. The questions was:
"When would we be free?"
I had been alone since May, 1944. I was very weakened by the stillbirth of our third
son, an9 I was glad when my mother invited me to move in with her and my two younger
sisters, Lyda, twenty four years of age, and Greet, ten years old. This way, I would at least
have some relief in the care of our children.
At this time we were practically hiding in our own houses, trying to survive the
ordeal. The Nazis were still after my husband and had even searched my mother's
apartment, including the roof, but to no avail.

In order to have some light in the evening we took turns riding the stationery bicycle,
to which a dynamo was mounted, but most of the time we went to bed early. There, under
the heavy covers, we could at least keep warm. Some times, while one pedaled the bicycle,
one of the others would try to read in the light beam of the bicycle, but the moment the
person would stop pedaling it became pitch dark.
We kept ourselves busy with such daily chores as personal hygiene, the most
necessary laundry and the preparation of meals. Toward the end we had to haul water in
pails from an emergency community pump not too far away.

Meanwhile, the rumors of the approaching Allies were flying and the Nazis were very
jumpy. One had to be very careful not to become to daring.
My brother Cor called attention to the fact that the family of Dr. J.B. van
Amerongen, who made their home at the Wilhelminalaan in Alkmaar, had employed a

�90
German nanny by the name of Ella Peterman, who hailed from the city of Cottbus. As it
turned out, this city later became the final prison camp for Nel Lind, a young woman from
Alkmaar, who, as a member of the Resistance, had been captured in Amsterdam by the
Gestapo, and had subsequently received the death sentence. In the Cottbus camp, Ella
Peterman had apparently been one of the wardens, but she had treated Nel Lind decently,
as well as Gre Hekket, another death row candidate, and a distant relative. of ours.

We were living on the Langestraat (the main street in Alkmaar) in an upstairs
apartment. One afternoon, a German patrol came through the street, fully armed, carrying
ammunition bands, wrapped around their shoulders, and pointing sub-machine guns at the
windows. They were obviously trying to intimidate the population. We stayed away from the
windows, but my husband, who had just recently joined us, awaiting the end of the war, had
reached the end of his endurance. He could not take it any longer. He suddenly drew his
revolver and aimed at the patrol. He was ready to shoot at them. Understandable but not
smart. I begged him not to do it. For all our sake. After all, none of us would survive and
we were so close to the end! He finally gave in to my reasoning and begging and had once
again regained his self control.

During that same week, on May 8, the Canadians came and freed us as they paraded
past our apartment. We were so happy! We opened all the windows and while I played he
piano, we all sang our national anthem and other patriotic songs. What a relief! Now we
could begin to rebuild our lives and our country once again. Times were still very difficult

�91

with everything still rationed, but we were free. Free to express ourselves, free to move
about and free to walk the streets with no fear of curfew.

Jbe little bit of food that is left is yet being rationed.

1945:

January:

Sugar Beets
City kitchen ration is down to one pint per person per day.
Water is only available per pail from newly dug wells in the
city.

January 28:

A neutral Swedish ship, loaded with food, sails into the harbor
of Delfzijl, a city in the far northeast part of Holland, which is
now liberated. The provinces of Noord Holland, Zuid Holland,
Utrecht and part of Limburg are still occupied.

April 24:

The city kitchen is forced to close, since food is no longer
available. The German High Command refuses to allow food
drops by the Allies.

April 26:

German Governor to the Netherlands, the Austrian born Seys
lnquart, designates a

few cities where food drops by

Allied planes is allowed without German interference.

April 29:

R.A.F. food drops take place near the Hague, Amsterdam,
Rotterdam, Haarlem, Alkmaar and Gouda.

�92
May 2:

Allied food transports by road are allowed to pass through
German lines.

Sprin~. 1945:

Bomber Command tries to bomb the rocket sites in a park in
The Hague. A mix-up in the coordination causes the bombs to
drop on a densely populated area. More than 500 dead, many
more wounded, three thousand three hundred houses destroyed,
one thousand two hundred houses heavily damaged, twelve
thousand people homeless.

During the five years of war a total of between forty and fifty five million soldiers and
citizens have been killed.

Burning dry eyes in a drawn face, embittered to a skin tight mask, the young widow
stood in front of the window of her neighbor's farm. Carrying her baby on her arm, she
stared at the still smoldering ruins of the small farm house and barn, which until a short
while ago had been theirs.
In young married bliss their first child was born just a few months ago, but their
happiness was not meant to last. The SS had swooped down in their vehicles from both
sides of the road, and surrounded the farm. They had driven her husband, herself and their
child out of the home, while they had searched the house throughout, breaking open the

-

walls, ceilings and floors. Angered by the fruitless search, they had put a revolver against
her husband's head, demanding to find out the whereabouts of two American flyers who had

�93
been hidden in the area some weeks prior.
Then, the Dutch Nazi, standing behind the SS officer, had spoken up: That's the
man, Herr Kommandant'! Next, there had been a sharp sound, and her husband had fallen
to the ground of his own farm yard, his hands digging the good earth, in a final sp~m.
Before they had left, the SS had torched the buildings, preventing anyone of trying to rescue
anything inside. A few of the Germans had walked up to the barn and had methodically shot
the cows. Our longtime friend, Jan Walter, was shot nearby.

Monday. May

7.

1945: Amsterdam liberated.

Enthusiastic crowds gather on the Dam Square, in front of the Royal Palace. Women,
who have fraternized with the Germans, have their heads completely shaven. A German
naval detachment fires at random into the crowd. Twenty two dead, sixty wounded - the
compliment of a sore looser.

At the start of the war no one knew what the future would bring, nor how long the
occupation would last, but one unyielding conviction we maintained: 'liberation from this
evil regime must come.' It would later be said that the imperviousness of the Dutch people,
as a whole, to Nazi contamination must be credited to the basic characteristics of its society,
rather than to external circumstances. It was foremost the fact thatjn Holland the family
and the churches had not abdicated their character-shaping and opinion-forming functions
to the state and political groupings. The basic family unit and the churches were

�94
comparatively inaccessible to Nazi ideology and could not be made to conform.

The following is a summary of the losses suffered by the Railway System:

12J2

1945

Steam Locomotives

872

126

85.5

Passenger Cars

1702

146

85.9

Luggage Cars

1236

0

100

and Cars

667

0

100

Gas-driven Vehicles

38

I

99

Loss in%

Electrical Locomotives

Freight Cars

26856

445

98.3

Total Losses

31371

718

97.7

�</text>
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                  <text>Adriana B. and Peter N. Termaat collection</text>
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                  <text>Termaat, Adriana B. (Schuurman) </text>
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                  <text>Termaat, Peter N.</text>
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                  <text>Collection contains genealogical, personal, and family papers and photographs documenting the lives and interests of Adriana and Peter Termaat. The bulk of the materials are related to family history and genealogical research carried out by the Termaats, including research notes and materials about places in the Netherlands that were significant to the Termaat and Schuurman families, such as the city of Alkmaar.&#13;
&#13;
Other materials in the collection are related to the Termaats' experiences on the eve of and during the Second World War, especially the German occupation of the Netherlands and the Termaats' participation in organized resistance to the Nazis. Also included are materials that document the family's post-war life in the United States, including their public efforts to recognize, commemorate, and honor people and events significant to World War II.</text>
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                  <text>1869 - 2012</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/719"&gt;Adriana B. and Peter N. Termaat collection, RHC-144&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                    <text>Our Hearts Are Restless Until…
Text: Acts 17:27; John 1:9
Richard A. Rhem
Christ Community Church
Spring Lake, Michigan
Epiphany III, January 23, 1994
Transcription of the spoken sermon
“Our hearts are restless until . . .” so goes the title of the message and it comes, of
course, from the oft quoted statement of St. Augustine, whose claim was “Thou
hast made us for Thyself, O God, and our hearts are restless till they find their
rest in Thee.” I do believe that. The longer I am in the ministry, the more I am
convinced of that. I remember coming into the ministry a rather scared and
fearful and defensive person, wondering whether or not this enterprise into
which I was entering had a future. Being very fearful for the faith, worrying about
what seemed to be, at that time, the unraveling of the world. I was not a child of
the 60s – the 50s, for goodness sake. Such was my narrow, cribbed
understanding of things.
Now, looking back over more than three decades of ministry, I know that
Augustine was right because God has created the human person with a hole in the
heart, with an empty space in the soul, which nothing can satisfy save resting in
the grace of God. We may in restlessness struggle to stuff it full of all sorts of
things—some destructive, some delightful, but finally all of us really need to
know, want to know, long to know that God is, and that God is for us, and that
grace is ours. Yes, Augustine was right. I am sure of that. “Thou hast made us for
Thyself, and our hearts are restless till they find their rest in Thee.”
It seems as though we have come to a period in the human experience when
maybe there is again a more general recognition of that. Dietrich Bonhoeffer,
incarcerated for his attempt on the life of Hitler in the dark days of national
socialism in the depths of the Second World War, wrote Letters and Papers From
Prison, which is a marvelous spiritual testament. He spoke about “man come of
age,” and he had the sense that God was being edged out of the world. We all
speak out of our own context, and his context was so vivid in his experience, of
course. He was reflecting the high point in human culture, in the German
civilization of the day, the high point in so many respects—highly educated, the
arts, culture, technology, scientific achievement. It was as though in Bonhoeffer’s
perception the human perception and human society had come to the point
where we could do without the hypothesis of God. The human person in charge,
shaping and determining his or her own world, having the reins of one’s own
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destiny in one’s hands. I am sure as Bonhoeffer traverses the celestial courts in
the company of the Church Triumphant he must shake his head at this near end
of the 20th century.
For, less than half a century later, there are all kinds of evidence of belief on the
part of the human person. Some of it is rather bizarre. But it is not at all true that
the human person has come through stage after stage after stage to where finally
superstition or belief or faith are no longer necessary or present. We are as
believing for good or ill, as superstitious, as gullible for good or ill, as I guess any
previous generation. There’s a positive side to that, and that is a new openness, a
new recognition that, as Bonhoeffer was living at the end of a couple hundred
years of constant development and achievement through the exercise of human
reason, human rationale, he recognized the faithlessness of that—the assertion of
human rationality and human autonomy, and he saw it almost as the end of the
process. We can look back over the last decades and see that making the human
mind the measure of all things has brought us up empty. We have come to see
that it’s not seeing is believing but that, in that invisible world of spirit, it is
rather believing is seeing that is the perceptive mode by which we gain insight
and understanding.
In this season of Epiphany we celebrate the fact that that which is not available at
the disposal of our human investigation has been given to us as gift in the
gracious God who unveils that heart of love at the center of things deep down.
This is what Paul discovered. I find myself returning to this experience of Paul in
Athens again and again. It fascinates me. He had such hutzpah. Here he was, this
Jew, who was convinced that God spoken supremely in Jesus who was the
Messiah. He goes to the very font of western culture and civilization, to the height
of academic achievement, to Athens itself, and has the audacity when asked about
his beliefs to say, “I saw an image. You are very religious, and I saw an image with
an inscription to an unknown God. This unknown God whom you worship, I
proclaim to you.” Is that boldness? Is that daring? Is that the passion of faith and
conviction? I guess it is.
Some of you were with me in Athens this past September as I stood at Mars Hills.
I even have a photograph to prove it. We talked together about the experience of
Paul in Athens. It disturbs me a little bit that Paul was disturbed when he came
there having done the city tour, because he was at the center of the highest
achievement of human culture and civilization. He was provoked. At least as Luke
tells us the story, he was provoked because of the pantheon of gods and
goddesses. I wanted to say, “Paul, don’t you have some appreciation for the
marvel that is this cultural achievement? Don’t you have some sense of the glory
that is Greece?”
But then I remember that Paul was catching that culture and civilization as its
fame was fading. He was seeing only the dying embers of what once had been the
brilliant light, the most brilliant light of human achievement. Cultures have their

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dawn and their zenith and their fading away. So perhaps I can forgive Paul for
not standing in awe on Mars Hill in the presence of the Parthenon, because what
he saw in the marketplace in that time, 500 years after the Golden Age of Greece
– what he saw there were the academic intellectual discussions that had become
mere play, mere games. They weren’t serious any more. They lacked passion and
conviction. They were just philosophical discussions, the way to spend an idle
hour. They enjoyed this kind of thing. Luke tells us that they did nothing but
discuss things and ideas all day long. Well, that can be a wonderful pursuit, but it
can also be an empty pursuit, a superficial pursuit, a pursuit that has not the
pulsing passion of life and conviction about it. That’s what Paul ran into. When
he came to Athens he was at a hinge point in history. Five hundred years after its
glory, it had degenerated into mind games.
And he proclaimed Jesus, and he said, “The God whom you grope after—you’re
very religious.” Paul didn’t say that was of no account. He didn’t denigrate it. He
acknowledged the quest. He honored the yearning. And then he said, “Let me tell
you about the one who is behind all of those representations that you have set out
in your pantheon of gods and goddesses. Let me proclaim to you the one who is
the font of life, the creator who gives us life and breath, the one in whom we live
and move and have our being. This one I declare to you, this one who has become
unveiled to us in Jesus, this man appointed by God to reveal, to redeem, to judge
and to save.”
Paul proclaimed Jesus as the light that gives insight into the heart of God, which
is what John, of course, testified to in the marvelous prologue to his gospel—this
one who is light and life coming from God who is the source of life and light—this
one becoming flesh and dwelling among us so that we could behold him. “No
one,” John says, “has ever seen God.” But this one, as a father’s only son, this one,
has made God known. That’s what Paul believed. He had his own Epiphany
experience. Paul never turned his back on his own tradition either, nor did he
disparage Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and Moses and the Law. But he had
come deeply rooted in all that, then to be uprooted suddenly in the brilliance of
the light of the risen one who encountered him and called him to take this light of
the knowledge of the Eternal God to the nations, this God whose heart was laid
bare in the flesh of Jesus.
So at that critical hinge point in history, Paul was able to let go, as it were, and
not to cling to all of what had absolutely shaped him and formed him and about
which he had conviction and passion. He was able to let go in order to respond to
the heavenly vision. He said, “I was not disobedient to the heavenly vision,
believing in the Christ, reigning present in the Spirit.” He came to Athens, mighty
Athens itself, in a time of its own decline to say, “Here’s light and here is life.
Here’s the Eternal God whom you seek, the God whom you grope after; this
insatiable hunger of the human heart, this inevitable yearning and groping
satisfied through the God unveiled in Jesus Christ.” That’s the story of Epiphany

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and that’s the God in whom we believe. And our hearts are restless until we find
our rest in that God.
I used to wonder whether the enterprise into which I was entering as a young
preacher had any future. With white-knuckled intensity, with great defensiveness
and fear, overcompensating I suppose with bombast, I tried to hard sell the
Gospel, not knowing that there’s a hole in the human heart. If only we can find
access, because the human heart is hungry for God, and human beings are
insatiably religious. We are learning again in our day that is not seen as believing,
but that faith itself is a manner of perception, and in believing we see. But, even
then, I can’t stop there, for the moment I believe and I see, I’ll begin to think
again. And, when I begin to think again, I’ll find that my heart cannot long rest
where my mind cannot follow.
I was going to bed last night at midnight. I set the alarm and suddenly I got the
note pad out and scratched something down. Nancy said, “Bingo.” I said, “Bingo,
that’s it.” The heart cannot long rest where the mind cannot follow. If that
resting place in God, which might happen in an overwhelming moment, cannot
be tested by our experiences in full light of all that we know and understand, its
foundation will not last. Therefore, for our day, just as Paul did for his day, as
Martin Luther did for his day, at every hinge point in human history, what we
need to do today, – also at the end of an age, perhaps at the twilight of western
culture and civilization: twilight, not because of some inevitable historical
determinism, but because conviction and passion dissipate, confusion reigns, and
easy tolerance and lack of conviction may be at the end of this our western
cultural experience – what we need to do is find a way to say, “Jesus Christ,
today—for tomorrow.”
I heard a very eloquent speaker recently who represents the very finest of
evangelicalism, who gave a very accurate and articulate description of our
contemporary situation—with its confusion, and its chaos, and with its crises. His
call was to go back and to capture the clarity and conviction of the 16th century. I
wanted to stand up and say, “No. You can never go back.” That which ignited
passion and instilled conviction because it was the confession and profession of
the moment in its context can never be simply dusted off and polished up and set
in use again.
What we need to do is to believe so deeply today in the grace of God that we’ll be
able to let go, let go of all of that that has shaped us and formed us, not afraid but
trusting in the Spirit who beckons us into the future, the Spirit whom Jesus said
“would come and lead you into all truth.” Even John in that day recognized that
there were things that they could not handle, but that would be revealed
subsequently by the Spirit. Why should we believe that process ever stopped?
Just as Paul had to let go in order to proclaim something grander and brighter
than ever he knew, so we today have to be able to let go and to rest in that grace.

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Richard A. Rhem

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Our hearts are restless and we rest in God, but resting there with freedom and joy
to find the way to say to our neighbors, to those with whom we work, our family,
our children and grandchildren, “Come, walk with us in the Light, which is the
Life, which has come to us through the Eternal God who created all things and
whose heart was laid bare in Jesus Christ, our Lord. Come walk with us, for you
are hungry, and there’s food and drink in this One.” Said, maybe in a new way, in
new shapes and forms— nonetheless, the same Light, the Light of the world,
Jesus Christ, our Lord.

© Grand Valley State University

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                    <text>Our Little Systems Have Their Day…
Text: John 4:21-24; Acts 7:51
Richard A. Rhem
Christ Community Church
Spring Lake, Michigan
May 5, 1996
Transcription of the spoken sermon
"Our little systems have their day,
They have their day and cease to be,
They are but broken lights of Thee,
And Thou, O Lord, art more than they."
It was my first appointment with Professor Dr. Hendrikus Berkhof in Leiden, The
Netherlands. His study, every wall bookshelves from floor to ceiling, was in his
home at 18 Julianalaan, Oestgeest, a suburb of Leiden. A drape separated the
study from the next room. On the drape was pinned a sheet of paper with the
lines of Tennyson [quoted above]. I had come to determine if I should pursue my
studies with Professor Berkhof at Leiden and to determine if he would be my
mentor. My question was answered immediately as I read those words. I do not
remember encountering the words before. Perhaps I had sung them as we so
often sing our hymns - without the words registering. I do not know. But I know
that the moment I read them in that place at that time, the words leapt out at me.
It was an epiphany moment. I was about to embark on a serious graduate study
in systematic theology - the discipline that seeks to bring coherence to the whole
biblical tradition. I had from a child wrestled with theological ideas and enigmas.
My major in college was philosophy, in seminary Systematics. For some reason I
had always been fascinated with, perhaps obsessed with, the knowledge of God,
the systematic theological understanding of God in my own Reformed tradition. I
had been preaching for seven years, four here and three in New Jersey. Those
seven years of pastoral experience had challenged the neat and well-defined
theological system I brought with me from seminary; I had learned that there was
human experience that did not fit with my system. My European educational
venture was not so much to secure a degree that would open for me the academic
world, as it was an existential quest for understanding. I needed to go back to the
foundations. I needed a new foundation for my preaching and my pastoral
ministry.
© Grand Valley State University

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My little system had reached its limits. I'm certain it was my own deeply felt need
that caused my heart to beat more rapidly as the words of Tennyson met my eye
and found lodgment in my soul.
That was a moment of recognition - my little system had had its day. But there
was more - and even now I can hardly sing the words without emotion rising
within me - They are but broken lights of Thee and Thou, O Lord, art more than
they.
That was the realization that washed as a great wave of grace over me - Thou, O
Lord, art more than they. My little system may be in trouble but I am not in
trouble.
The poem turns to prayer , to direct address - Thou, O Lord, art beyond all our
frail human attempts to define Thee, to capture Thee. Thou, O Lord, art more
than they!
If Professor Berkhof, an eminent scholar of international reputation pinned such
lines to the drape of his study lined with books, chuck full of "little systems," then
this was the mentor I needed.
The rest of the story most of you know. For four years I studied with him.
Returning here, this congregation graciously invited me once again to become
their pastor, understanding I would complete my dissertation. But things began
to happen. Renewal, explosive growth - there was little time to get back to
writing. After two years, Professor Berkhof wrote, "I no longer expect you to
complete your dissertation. Theology is for the building of the Church and God
has called you to do the greater work."
He was a wise and great teacher. He gave me my freedom and affirmed my work.
And as you know, he and Mrs. Berkhof became in subsequent years our dearest
friends. He preached here in 1978, the first service held in this sanctuary, and we
had Tennyson's words printed in calligraphy, matted and framed and presented it
to him. It hung over his desk and, in March, when I visited Mrs. Berkhof, I took a
photograph of the framed words as I was picking out books for myself from his
library.
I share this autobiographical sketch with you today because Christ Community is
at a crossroads and, in some sense, I think we are where we are because of the
personal history I've just related - My recognition of the need for a sounder basis
for my ministry; Tennyson's lines as I encountered Professor Berkhof ; my
formation under his tutelage; his deep faith, warm and generous heart, open,
searching mind.
All of that mixed with my own personal circumstances and the experience of
God's grace through the love and acceptance of this congregation, set the stage
for the past quarter century. Christ Community as we are now constituted is the

© Grand Valley State University

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Page 3	&#13;  

fruit of my encounter with one who was the embodiment of Tennyson's poetic
expression of the limitedness of all human formulations and the limitlessness of
the one eternal God for Whom all our gropings strive.
Now all that has been for these past twenty-five years is being challenged. This
week you received in the mail a resolution for the separation of Christ
Community from the Reformed Church in America. The congregation would not
have to leave, but the Muskegon Classis is forcing me to leave because of my
theological views. Therefore, you are faced with a choice of remaining in the RCA
without me or leaving with me. The vote will be two weeks from today, May 19.
Thus, I have today, next Sunday and the 19th in which to preach with this critical
matter pending. I cannot act as though nothing is happening.
Yet, for me, worship is sacred and preaching the most sacred trust that is mine. I
have endeavored never to use the pulpit for promotion of the institution or for
personal gain. How, then, can I use these Lord's Days such that God is honored,
the Word is preached authentically, and you, the people, are spiritually
nourished?
I have concluded that this is possible only if I am open and honest with you. If I
tell you honestly that this ministry and this congregation is my life and I pray that
you will stay in solidarity with me. And, further, let me say that my messages will
be an attempt to set forth why I am so bold as to seek your solidarity.
I am the reason Christ Community has been placed at the crossroads. I am your
leader. Frankly, at times I tremble at that, but I cannot now abdicate my
leadership role. It was never my intention that we should leave the denomination
but, faced with this situation, I believe Christ Community has a significant calling
to fulfill and that there is a great work for us to do.
Being thus honest with you, you will have to hear me critically, judging what you
hear in terms of my own personal investment in our future.
I do believe. That is the Eastertide theme, a theme for our present circumstance
in which I wanted to affirm the faith we share - the great Christian convictions by
which we live That the end is life,
That the news is too good not to share,
That good religion opens the mind and warms the heart.
And now today - a mid-course correction.
Our little systems have their day...
Let me put that in other words, words that capture the heart and spirit of what it
means to be Reformed -

© Grand Valley State University

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Page 4	&#13;  

I do believe that the Church needs to be re-formed
by the Word of God and always being reformed.
I believe this is true of the manner in which the Church is governed,
the ways in which the Church worships,
and the understanding by which the Church professes her faith.
It is the latter issue that is before us - our understanding of the faith. Thus, my
message today will make the claim that the theological tradition of the Church
needs ongoing revision so that there is available to each generation a fresh
translation of the Gospel.
We are not speaking of a new Gospel; rather, a fresh expression of the one Gospel
of the grace of God that we have experienced through Jesus Christ our Lord, the
same Gospel that Jesus proclaimed, that St. Paul preached, that has come to new
expression again and again down through 2,000 years so that each generation,
each historical period hears itself addressed by the Living God and is able to
experience the immediacy of that address in its own context and situation.
Let me point you to the Lessons from John and Acts, both familiar narratives the one, the encounter of Jesus and the Samaritan woman; the other, Stephen's
speech before the Jewish High Council.
The conversation of Jesus and the woman of Samaria recorded in John 4 is rich
and could occupy our attention for several messages. I will limit myself to a few
comments that illustrate the claim of this message that the faith tradition grows
and develops and must come to ever-new expression.
Let me remind you that the writer of the Gospel is in such a new situation writing for a Jewish Christian community probably situated in a center of
Hellenistic culture - maybe at Ephesus. He is encouraging them to hold on to
their faith in Jesus as the Messiah. It is 85-95 C.E. The expected end of the Age
has not come. Jewish tradition and identity is being determined by the
Rabbinic/Pharisaic Party. There is now in the synagogue liturgy a benediction
against heretics and to claim Jesus as Messiah is heresy, as determined by the
established Jewish authority. It is now obvious that Israel will go on its way not
recognizing Jesus as God's promised one.
The community for whom this Gospel is written is experiencing a crisis of faith.
The writer tells the story of Jesus, not simply to teach history but, rather, to
enable the community some 60 years later, through remembering, to experience
in their own situation the presence of God Whose presence was experienced in
the Word made flesh.
The conversation with the Samaritan woman brings out the newness created by
God's embodiment in Jesus. The woman senses Jesus is a prophet. She raises the
critical question that separated the Jews and the Samaritans. They were sharp

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antagonists. The Samaritans' worship center was Mt. Gerizim. The Jews' worship
center was Jerusalem. Who was right?
Jesus answers that in the newness created by his presence - that is, God's
presence in Jesus - both geographical locations were being transcended.
Not here or there. Rather, in spirit and truth.
Jesus does not say neither place of worship had served its purpose in the past, but
he is pointing to a new reality. The time has come when the true worshiper will
worship God in spirit and truth. God is Spirit. No place, no creedal formula, no
sacred text, no ritual form can capture God Who is Spirit.
The one who would worship God must worship in spirit and truth - that is,
according to the nature and character of God - the nature and character now
revealed in the Word made flesh - that Word made flesh was there speaking to
the woman.
In his action he was revealing a God of limitless embrace beyond the limited
understanding of the Jerusalem Cult or the Samaritan Cult. The God present in
the Word made flesh was in the very action of Jesus breaking down barriers:
He was speaking with a Samaritan -something a Jew would not do. He was
speaking with a woman - something a Jewish man would not do. He was
breaking down ethnic and gender walls as he spoke.
Now think of John's community - being thrust out of their spiritual home - out of
the Synagogue whose true home had been the Temple at Jerusalem. John is, in
effect, saying, so you are put out, you feel abandoned, homeless? Not so. That all
changed in the coming of Jesus. Those historical particularities - Jerusalem,
Gerizim, the Synagogue at Ephesus or wherever, have no claim on God. God is
Spirit and thus Present beyond any human institutional forms or geographical
locations.
That was Stephen's claim, as well. His speech to the Jewish High Council was a
sharply adversarial recounting of Israel's history. He was arrested for his
preaching of Jesus as God's promised Messiah. He was charged with denigrating
the Torah and the Temple and Jewish ritual. Luke records his defense, the
longest speech in the Book of Acts and thus, in Luke's view, a critical piece.
Luke's intention in Acts is to play down the tension between Paul's Gentile
mission and the Jewish Christian movement headed by James. In the story of
Stephen we have a Hellenistic Jew arguing with the authorities of Hellenistic
Judaism, that is, the Judaism of the Jews living in the broader Hellenistic culture.
The tension is the same that John's community is struggling with.

© Grand Valley State University

�Our Little Systems Have Their Day…Richard A. Rhem

Page 6	&#13;  

Stephen gives an extended treatment of Israel's history showing that there was
always conflict. The authorities claim to follow Moses but Stephen shows that
Moses was rejected by Israel in his day. Finally he comes to the building of the
Temple and then, quoting from II Chronicles 2:6, Psalm 11:2, and Isaiah 66:1-2,
demonstrates from the Hebrew Scriptures that it was always recognized that God
cannot be contained in a building made with hands and, by inference, we can say
that Stephen was arguing against any historical, human form or structure to
encapsulate the Living God.
He then bitterly charges his opponents with replicating the sin of Israel
throughout the generations. "You are forever opposing the Holy Spirit..."
Remember this is not a Christian against a Jew. This is an intra-Jewish conflict.
And Stephen's bitter words must be heard as coming from one who will be
martyred for his faith, representing a small, persecuted movement of Jesus Jews.
If we would hear this text in our own situation two millennia later, we must
recognize that the Christian Church is now a world-dominant religious
institution. We must remember that the charge against Stephen was actually
innovation. The Establishment was putting down the challenge to its structures
and forms. The concrete historical established religious institution was resisting
the Jesus Jewish movement.
Stephen claimed such resistance was opposing the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of the
God Who would not be captured and contained in human containers, be they
Torah or Temple or religious authorities. Stephen was simply giving expression to
the claim Jesus made to the Samaritan woman Not here, Not there, But in Spirit and Truth, for God is Spirit transcending
all human historical creeds and institutional forms.
Religious institutions have throughout the centuries lost the sense of the Spirit's
freedom and thus, over and over again, the religions have been embroiled in
conflict, and the charge of heresy has been leveled, often issuing in violence and
even Holy War Jesus was crucified. Stephen was stoned.
Jesus prayed,
Father, forgive them for they do not know what they are doing.
Stephen prayed,
Lord Jesus, receive my Spirit. Lord, do not hold this sin against them.

© Grand Valley State University

�Our Little Systems Have Their Day…Richard A. Rhem

Page 7	&#13;  

If you choose to go with me it will not be my intention to win an argument, to be
proven right, to prove others wrong. It will be to follow Jesus' way, open to the
Spirit to find new and creative ways to embody the grace of God and create here
an ongoing community of compassion. The RCA cannot remove my ordination
without a formal charge and trial. But no one wins in such a contest. Sometimes
religious institutions must simply be left to go their way.
For some of you, that is painful. Long identification with the Reformed Church
has been meaningful and separation is cause for grieving. I am aware of that and
I never wanted that to happen.
But, faced with the alternative of leaving or denying the larger vision that I do
believe is of God's Spirit, I have no choice.
I do believe in what the community embodies. I do believe I have personally been
faithful to the tradition that has shaped me - seeking a revision of our faith
understanding in light of ongoing human and historical development.
I do believe God's Spirit creates a newness and beckons God's people to an
ongoing adventure of embodying and mediating God's grace in concrete
community.
Finally, I do believe we can trust the experience we have shared together - for it is
my deepest desire that it be true of us as it was of the Samaritan village who
heard the woman's witness.
They said to the woman, "It is no longer what you said that we believe, for we
have heard for ourselves, and we know that this is truly the Savior of the world."
I dare invite you to follow me, not simply because of my word, but because I
know from your own witness that here in this wonderful, probing, searching
place you have experienced the Presence of God and known God's grace
embodied in this people.
And as I said to the Classis of Muskegon - If you would test my theology, read my
people! I am eager to see what wonders the Spirit has yet in store for us.
Our little systems have their day,
They have their day and cease to be,
They are but broken lights of Thee,
And Thou, O Lord, art more than they.

© Grand Valley State University

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                    <text>OUT
IN THE
WORKPLACE

TUESDAY, OCTOBER 19

7-9 PM

LGBT RESOURCE CENTER
(KIRKHOF 1161)

OnGoing LGBT Conference: LGBT &amp; Leadership

Whether you identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender or a straight ally, join us to discuss preparing
resumes, interviewing, and best practices for being OUT
in the Workplace.
Co-sponsored by Career Services and GVSU Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, &amp; Transgender Faculty and Staff Association
For more information, please visit www.gvsu.edu/lgtrc. If you need special accomodations, please call 616.331 .2530

;PROVED POSTlNG FOR
SALESISERVlCE

NOV O1 2010
__

' ~- '!(!dEY STME UNIVERSITY
·-✓

:;c:: OF STUDENT LIFE

@~=~
Approved

HUMAN RESOURCES

�</text>
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                <text>eng</text>
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            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/InC/1.0/?language=en"&gt;In Copyright&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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          <element elementId="42">
            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <text>image/jpeg</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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