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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project
Philip Rasey
(19:26)

Background Information (00:04)
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Born February 18th 1959. (00:04)
Served in the Navy on a Submarine during the Cold War. (00:07)
Born in California. (00:39)
He lived most of his life in Denver, Colorado. (00:45)
His father was an aerospace engineer. (00:55)
He has one older brother who currently holds a doctorate degree for economics. (1:15)
Philip attended Columbine High school. Philip graduated in 1977. (1:26)
His father served in the Air Force during the Korean War, and his uncle served in the Navy. (1:31)

Entering the Service (1:45)




He enlisted in the Navy in 1977. He decided to join the military because he was tired of
attending school and had no interest in attending college. (1:52)
A love of the ocean is what inspired Philip to join the Navy. (2:15)
He volunteered to work on a submarine after one of his roommates during training decided to
do so. (2:30)

Basic Training (2:53)
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

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He dreaded boot camp. He knew that it was going to be difficult. (2:55)
Philip attended basic in San Diego, California. (3:15)
He attended an electronics school, also located in San Diego. He was then sent to New England
for submarine school. (3:30)
Military life was forced upon Philip. During basic there was a lot or physical training. The food
varied but overall was fairly good. (3:58)

Service (4:46)
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Philip first served aboard the USS George Bancroft. This ship was a missile submarine. The ship
operated out of Scotland. (4:49)
Typically the men were out at sea for 65-70 days. (5:06)
After his service on the USS George Bancroft, Philip reenlisted and was sent to a training
command in Bangor Washington in approx. 1981. Here he was an instructor for 3 years. (5:25)
He then served on the USS Georgia which was a Trident Missile submarine. (5:35)
He then served as an instructor for 4 more years after his USS Georgia service. (5:38)
Because submarines operate independently, the only people who know the submarine’s
location were the men on board. (5:54)
Close friendships aboard ship were essential due to the close quarter that was a submarine.
(6:25)

�


While Philip was on a submarine, family could send family grams. This meant that people from
home could contact the ship but the men aboard ship could not communicate back. (6:47)
While on the USS Georgia, men could commonly run around the 2nd floor of the missile
compartment using it as a track. (7:35)

End of Service (7:50)





He was in Bangor, Washington, when Philip’s tour of duty ended in 1997. (7:57)
When he started, the subs would do a lot of tracking and tailing. In the later days of his service,
there was little work being done by the subs at sea. (8:40)
He was sent to TAP after discharging. This program was to get veterans to think morel like a
civilian and less like a soldier. (9:36)
Philip uses the web site We Serve Together in order to keep in contact with many other
veterans. (10:12)

Effects of Service (11:16)




His time in the service has made him more “matter of fact” and does not panic when things go
wrong in a situation. (11:32)
He values family more as a result of his service. (11:53)
The constant switching out of the crew members could be hard on the sailors. (12:17)

Service (cont.)(12:45)







His first patrol was very overwhelming to Philip. There were a lot of new things that he was
required to learn. (12:55)
Overall Philip severed 20 years in the Navy (1977-1997). (15:12)
Service on a Submarine does take some getting used to. The only test the men were given was
seeing if they could equalize pressure in their ears. (16:05)
Overall he misses being at sea and his service. (16:51)
The men had access to 2 treadmills about the submarines for physical exercise. (18:11)
Aboard ship, the sailors wore tennis shoes rather than boots. This was to reduce noise. (18:50)

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans’ History Project
John Rasmussen
Cold War (Vietnam Era); Cold War (Post-Vietnam); Gulf War
30 minutes 33 seconds
(00:00:18) Early Life
-Born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, on February 24, 1942
-Family moved to the West Coast and moved around a lot
-Yakima, Washington; Richland, Washington; Union Gap, Washington; Los Angeles;
Palo Alto, California; and Portland, Oregon
-Father worked for the government on top secret projects
-Lived in Richland during a government test on the civilian populace
-Exposed to iodine-131 to see the effects on people
(00:02:02) Becoming a Chaplain
-Family service in the military inspired him to enlist
-Two uncles had served as Air Force chaplains in the Korean War
-Influenced his decision to become a chaplain
-Attended college in Portland, Oregon, and at Foothill College in Los Altos Hill, California
-Completed his bachelor’s degree at Concordia University
-Attended Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana
-Endorsed by the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod
-Enlisted in the Army on February 24, 1968
-Part of the chaplain staff specialist program, and in the chaplain candidate program
-Graduated from seminary and got married in June 1968
-Sent to Baton Rouge, Louisiana, for his first church
-Shortly after the Martin Luther King Jr. assassination in April, and felt the tension
-Completed the basic course for chaplains
(00:06:40) First Reserve Assignment &amp; Active Duty
-Attached to an Army Reserve engineer battalion in Wallace, Idaho
-Elected to go on active duty on July 1, 1973
-Note: Later in the interview he says January 1, 1973
-Had gone down to Fort Bliss, Texas, for training with his reserve unit
-Received more education
-Went to Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri, for a year
(00:08:36) Tour in Thailand
-Sent to Thailand in February 1974
-Assigned to do spiritual coverage for the Central Identification Laboratory
-Working to identify the bodies and remains of soldiers lost in Indochina
-As of the interview, there are still three bodies that need identification
-Remains returned to the U.S. a year after he left Thailand
-Located near U-Tapao Air Base

�(00:11:03) Sons in the Military
-All four sons served in the military
-Youngest son is still in the military
-Served as a combat medic and saw the whole gamut of wounds
(00:11:44) Stationed at Madigan Army Medical Center
-Sent to Madigan Army Medical Center in Fort Lewis, Washington
-Worked with the hospital chaplain
-Became the medical center chaplain
-Went there in 1975
-No more casualties from the Vietnam War
-Combat had ceased in 1973, and wounded had gone out to different hospitals
-Interesting experience
-Got some experience with neo-natal care
(00:14:37) Return to Civilian Ministry
-Returned to parish ministries after Madigan Army Medical Center
-Worked in Libby, Montana, as a parish pastor
-Wanted to go to Alaska, but that never happened
-Enjoyed the mountains of Montana
(00:15:50) Medical Issue
-Before he left Madigan, he was diagnosed with a cyst on his heart
-Developed after returning from Thailand
-Excised without incident
(00:16:15) Army Reserve Personnel Center
-Worked in Libby for four years
-Chief of Chaplains announced a new position
-Army Reserve Personnel Center in St. Louis, Missouri
-Got that position
-Got to know the Army Reserve chaplains and some of the chaplain candidates
-Worked in St. Louis for a couple years
-Did mostly office work
(00:18:40) Chaplain School
-Went to Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, for the Chaplain School
-Stayed there for 4 ½ - 5 years
(00:19:00) Return to Active Duty
-Went back on active duty as Active Guard Reserve (AGR) tour
-AGR tour lasted seven years
-Continued to work with Army Reservists and National Guard forces
(00:21:41) Gulf War
-Served in the area-of-operations during, and after, the Gulf War
-Tasked with checking on the morale of troops
-Went to prisoner-of-war camps to check on the guards
-Ensuring they were abiding by international rules of warfare
-In one camp, the Muslim and Christian prisoners were kept separate

�-Christians were using ration boxes to do the Stations of the Cross
-Felt some unit commanders deserved to be relieved of command for their incompetence
-Tour in the Middle East lasted a couple months
-Military Police were the only units composed entirely of Army Reservists (enlisted and officers)
(00:24:50) End of Service
-Retired on September 1, 1995
-Retired with the rank of colonel
-Worked at the Chaplain School
-Worked at the Pentagon for four years
-Old office was destroyed on September 11, 2001
-Worked with Army Reserve components
(00:26:57) Reflections on Service
-Had some deeply gratifying moments during his career
-Being selected for the duties he had as a chaplain
-Doing honest work
-Testifying before Congress for a special committee supported by Colin Powell
-Disappointed to hear the secretary of defense say 50,000 lives were wasted in Vietnam
-Understand what the secretary meant, but it still stung to hear coming from leadership

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                <text>John Rasmussen was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, on February 24, 1942. He attended Concordia Theological Seminary, enlisted in the Army on February 24, 1968, and graduated from seminary in June 1968. His first assignment was with an Army Reserve engineer battalion in Wallace, Idaho. On July 1, 1973, he volunteered for active duty. He spent a year at Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri, then deployed to Thailand in February 1974. In Thailand, he provided spiritual coverage for the Central Identification Laboratory which worked on identifying the remains and bodies of soldiers lost during the Vietnam War. From Thailand, he went to Madigan Army Medical Center in Fort Lewis, Washington, and after that returned to the civilian ministry for four years. He returned to service at the Army Reserve Personnel Center in St. Louis, Missouri then served at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, for about five years. He was deployed to Middle East during the Gulf War, where he checked on the morale of troops and guards at prisoner-of-war camps. He retired on September 1, 1995, with the rank of colonel. </text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Name of War: World War II
Interviewee: Richard Rasmussen

Length of Interview: 00:59:36
Background:
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Dr. Richard Rasmussen was born in Lakeview, Michigan.
After two years, he family moved out between Greenville and Sheridan.
The family farm is still there, owned by one of the grandsons and his family.
He was born on June 4, 1913.
He went to a one room school that was a mile and a quarter from his home. He walked
all the way there and back, carrying everything they needed.
He went on to attend Greenville High School, and graduated from there in 1931.
The Depression was well under way. The principal suggested that he attend college, as
many of his other fellow students had. (2:25)
He attended Olivet College, which was paid for by a scholarship for $125.
He wanted to be a physician, and knew it was going to be a long road.
While he was in school, he also worked making $0.25/hour working in the dining area of
the college. Working at the college helped to pay for his room and board.
As many of his fellow peers called it, he worked hard to make it through the “Battle of
Olivet”
He used to communicate with a friend from Olivet up until his passing.
When he was finished with Olivet, he decided to head for the University of Chicago.
(4:00)
He received some assistance for the University and worked there also.
He believes that University of Chicago is one of the major Universities of this country
and it was there that he received his medical degree.

Medical school (4:45)
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He lived outside the campus and walked to school for classes.
He was married in 1936 to his girlfriend he met at Olivet. She eventually became a
teacher in Muskegon. When she married him, she lost her job.
He was able to get along by borrowing money from his relatives if he needed to. He was
pretty careful about borrowing.
In Chicago, he worked in the laboratories. His wife eventually got a job in the women’s
hospital. She and the wife of another friend both needed jobs, so they got positions as
clerks within the hospital. (6:48)
He earned a stipend of $100 from the University. Which helped him pay back all of his
loans with interest.

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He graduated from the university in March, 1938. That gave him a total of 7 ½ years of
college education.
He then moved to Grand Rapids, where he interned at Blodgett Hospital in 1938-9.
In the fall of 1938, he considered going into the Navy, where he would be able to give
good service.
So he took the exams in the fall of 1938 and was one of nine that were accepted.
In the spring he was ready to go to the naval hospital, when he got an invitation to return
to the University of Chicago to train in surgery. He deferred his Navy project to return to
the university. It took 3 ½ years.
He specialized in general and thoracic surgery. Thoracic surgery was just beginning to
evolved to treat things like tuberculosis. (8:50)
When he did his training, they did not have any drugs, so he had a considerable amount
of training.
He and others were very much aware of what was going on in the world, and the
possibility of a war starting.
The university was very aware of what might happen.
While he was interning, his wife returned to Michigan and taught school in Rockford.
However, when he returned to Chicago, she also returned with him and ran a switchboard
at the apartment building they lived at.
She also read to the semi-blind students at the University.
The university offered her some extra schooling, but they declined because they were
getting by. (10:54)
When the attack on Pearl Harbor happened, he was in residency at the University of
Chicago. He remembers when it happened; it was a catastrophe
He and everyone else knew that they were going to get involved in the war because they
rose up as a nation.
In 2 ½ years, which could not be done today, the US was building tanks, and supplying
the war, and the soldiers were on the beaches of Normandy.
Before the US entered the war, they were supplying the Allied forces with materials that
they needed. Ship building was also a major contribution that the US was making.
He heard most of the news through newsmagazines and the radio. (12:55)
When they listened to the radio, they heard a lot about what was going on in Poland and
other countries. After he joined the Navy, he listened to what was going on in Japan.
After Pearl Harbor, the University declared that three of them were ready and properly
trained to help out the war effort through their services. So in the summer of 1942, three
of them were sent out.
Not a lot of people needed thoracic surgery at the time. In fact, while he worked in the
laboratories at the hospital, they did all their work on dogs. (14:21)

Training 14:40
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When he first entered the Navy, he was assigned to Great Lakes Naval Training Station,
in 1942.
They had 75,000 coming in for training there. He and his friend drove there.
He was there for a month and a half helping with recruits.

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After that he was assigned to the Navy’s Seabee training facility in Davisville, Rhode
Island, near Providence. (15:30)
There he was assigned to the 66th Naval Seabee Battalion. He stayed with them until he
returned to the US.
He was very lucky in his assignment. Some of his friends were assigned to the South
Pacific, which picked up later on and was quite awful.
His and a couple other battalions were assigned to the North Pacific, to Adak Island in
the Aleutians.
Alaska was not a state at the time and would not be until 1958.
Backing up in his story, he went from Chicago to Rhode Island. He stayed in Rhode
Island for a little while. He remembers it being Christmas eve, and he was listening to
Bing Crosby sing “White Christmas.”
His wife was back in Grand Rapids. They had moved back there before he left for the
Navy.
He remembers that Roosevelt came by Adak. It was the first time he had seen any
President in his life. They all had to get their uniforms on and get out there to salute the
President.

Active Duty (18:30)
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He got out to Adak by taking the train from Davisville, RI cross-country. Two trains
took about 1,100 people across the country.
They had to pay for his meals. He did not pay for them while he was on the train, but
was subsequently billed for it after.
They arrived Los Angeles. From there, they took a train up to Seattle and from there took
a boat out to the Aleutians. On the way, they stopped at the Dutch Harbor.
They followed the islands as they got closer to Japan. They eventually landed at Adak.
He remembers some of the ship ride out there. They traveled in a troop ship. Their
dentist, a man by the name of Dempsey, was sick the entire ride out. (20:20)
It was a rough sea, but it did not bother him. Although most submarines were in the
Atlantic and had not quite made it to the Pacific, he still worried about them.
They were ultimately brought out there to build airfields.
He was at Adak for 21 months.
He made his way back by troop ship. They were all excited to be back to see civilians,
because there were not many people up where he was stationed.
He remembers going under the Golden Gate Bridge in 1944 and he saw the lights.
He then went to Camp Parks, outside of Oakland for reassignment and R&amp;R. He was
there for three weeks, before being reassigned to the Great Lakes Naval Hospital, where
he made a significant contribution. (22:05)
It was a 9,000 bed hospital, a very large hospital. They had great services and good staff.
They lived on Lake Bluff for the next two years.
Going back to Alaska, his life was very different from home. The nights were quite long
and it was cold, however, since they were next to the sea, it was not too cold.
However there was a lot of snow, which impeded the work they were doing.
He lived in the Quonset Hut, with about six other officers from the Battalion.

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He wrote to his wife every day, but sent it out every week at least. It took about 10 days
to two weeks to get anything back, so he was always behind on information about the
family.
He had two sons in Chicago before he left. His daughter was born on Roosevelt’s
birthday in 1941. His son, who became an M.D. was born on March 22, 1944. His third
daughter, who is a teacher down in Georgia, was born in 1945. (25:15)
They supplies that were received when he was in Alaska came by ship and by airplane.
Any air travel happened after they built the airfields there.
When they built the airfields, they first had to smooth out the area they were going to
build on and then place metal tracks along the way.
He was working as a Junior Medical Officer with the battalion. There was a Senior
Medical Officer as well.
It worked pretty well. They oversaw the 1,100 soldiers in their battalion and also saw
others from the other Battalions that were there as well.
They also had heavy equipment there.
It was a struggle, but they managed to build both the airfields and hangars.
The battalion that he was assigned to was made mostly of service people, such as
plumbers and carpenters.
The service people did their job a lot more efficiently than the civilians. This is because
they were not as interested in getting the job done as the service people did, so they could
get the job done and go back home.
He has a map that shows what was going on in terms of the war. That map helped him
follow the war.
He learned what was going on in the war via the small radio that they had with them.
(28:10)
Although there was an Armed Forces Network, they mostly listened to Tokyo Rose. The
truth was not always told, but it helped them to put different bits of news together to
formulate an idea of what was really going on.
He was head of the dispensary, the barber, the tailor shop and the shoe shop. He had to
make sure that things were kept in order for these places.
He also had a lot to do as a doctor. There was a sick bay building near the Quonset Hut.
Most often people came in due to injuries and routine things.
Most of the people there were older than most of the other recruits, and therefore subject
to different diseases.
After returning, he was able to move his family from a small apartment to a house in
Lake Bluff. It was a pleasant time.
After the war ended, he can recall quite vividly, there was a celebration. (30:40)
He stayed in the Navy until January… he does not remember [1946?].
After he got out of the Navy, he immediately signed up for the reserves. He continued on
with that until he retired in 1973. That required service once or twice a week during the
Korean conflict and also into the Vietnam conflict.
While he was in the reserves, he worked at an old Armory that was at the end of Wealthy
St. in Grand Rapids. He was then moved into a newer building down on Monroe St.
He was assigned to examine recruits from this area.

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He remembers during the Korean conflict, he and a dentist friend signed up to help out,
because the soldiers needed help. Other were sick of the Army and left. (33:27)

Post Duty (33:30)
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He gained a lot of experience from the Great Lakes Naval Hospital.
At first he was in charge of one ward that held 44 beds, and soon he had to take over
another one because he began to collect patients that had come back from over there.
He had soldiers from each branch of service, but mostly dealt with Marines.
The people that he cared for were the leftover problems that could not be dealt with by
other doctors. In total, he had 84 beds to watch over.
He saw a lot of chest infections and hemorrhaging. He also saw a lot of people from the
camps there.
One of the first things he truly noticed when he got back was the use of penicillin. It was
a miraculous drug. (35:05)
He got a lot of practical experience as a doctor from his time in the Naval Hospital.
He did a lot of work cleaning out infected chest wounds, which became an increasing
problem while he was there.
The experience he got from those events specifically would help him in his work during
his civilian life after.
For tuberculosis at the time, the biggest thing that he could do as a doctor was to make
sure that his patients got rest, and rested their lungs. Bed-rest was the prevailing
treatment at the time.
When penicillin was introduced, it was a miracle because it helped get the disease under
control.
Immigrants who sneak in these days still have some problems like this.
He left the Navy in August. He used the accumulated vacation time he had to try and
figure out where to go from there.
He considered Minneapolis, and St. Paul, but ended up coming to Grand Rapids and
opening up a clinic because he felt there was a great opportunity here. He believes that
proved to be the case.

Life in Grand Rapids (38:35)
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His career in Grand Rapids began by him looking for a job.
He got a hold some of the tuberculosis work that was being sent to Ann Arbor. He
convinced the people to just keep the patients here in Grand Rapids.
He knew some of the people in Ann Arbor, so he went over there to make sure that what
he was doing was going to be ok with them. They approved his decision.
He was eventually hired in at St. Mary’s Hospital, because they were the only ones who
were willing to set up an isolation unit.
He worked there from that point on, from January 1947.
He then got ahold of another job at a prison. He knew that the doctor there had died, so
he took care of the people there for about two years. Things got so busy that residents
from Ann Arbor were sent over to help take care of his people at the hospital. (40:35)

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He went to the prison in Ionia twice a week. It was an interesting experience.
He started working with congenital heart defects right away at Blodgett, which he worked
at before he got a job at the hospital.
These patients were not being treated, so he went around advocating their treatment.
Some of the blue babies died.
He ended up collaborating with the children’s hospital in Chicago and began treating
them too. It was quite interesting how things evolved.
He was part of the Chest Club, which consisted of a dozen or so people from Chicago and
himself who got together and discussed the issues at hand.
They voted him secretary of the club, and he remained their secretary for 33 years.
(43:28)
They met twice a year and talked about what they were doing. They were innovating and
experimenting on how they were building the heart/lung machine.
They ended up creating the machine that would become part of routine today.
November 11, 1958 was the day that they accomplished the first case. There is a
machine on exhibit over in Blodgett.
He had himself a partner at the time, who had worked in Chicago and came to join him in
Grand Rapids in 1948.
Since he was so busy, he was happy to accept his help. (45:30)
For some of his work, he had to travel back to the University of Chicago to work in their
laboratories, because they did not have one in Grand Rapids.
He got another person, who just got out of residency in 1955, to join him in his work.
Together they worked with dogs in the basement of Blodgett hospital. To ensure they did
not bark, the dogs cords were cut.
It was there that the first case was made in the cardiovascular system, in 1958. (47:28)
From there, he continued to develop and improve the practice. He worked at
Butterworth, Blodgett and St. Mary’s.
He did occasional work at Butterworth, but denied the job offer they gave him.
Gradually, the work moved to Blodgett and St. Mary’s, and he was able to get rid of his
job at the prison.
The Meijer Heart Center continues to do the work that he started. He knew Fred Meijer,
his father used to cut his hair when he was a kid. It cost 25 cents.

Other Medical Records (49:50)
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He was cited as an innovator in the Physician’s Society at Spectrum Health. He was
elected in 1949.
As such, he attends certain meetings, luncheons that keep them up to date on what is
going on, etc.
During his time there, he became quite interested in tobacco. He knew it was harmful
and started collecting information that dated back to 1925, when tobacco was under
suspect of being harmful. (51:02)
By 1952 he had a book that contained 17 pages about the harmful effects of tobacco. It is
a multifaceted thing. It affects the repertory, gastro-intestinal and many other systems in
the body via cancer, from the products that were put in tobacco.

�















He began looking into the history of some smokers he knew and began recording their
symptoms in 1948
He volunteered his services to the Michigan Air Pollution Commission. He knew the
physician that worked there, and was offered a position there as well.
While he was there, he got smoking out of the air commission. It was quite an
accomplishment. He advocated getting it out of public places, like schools, libraries, etc.
Even after he retired in 1983, he continues to go to schools to talk about smoking and its
harmful effects.
Now, 62 years after that, smoking is also now out of the work places.
The tobacco industry was his biggest opposition. He believes they were completely
fraudulent. They claimed that smoking was not harmful, but new research has proven
that it indeed is.
It also explains why it is so difficult to get a good set of lungs for transplant because 1/3
of our society still smokes today. (55:35)
Now the number of smokers is reducing, but is still a problem today.
It is a public health hazard. For those who smoke one pack of cigarettes a day, they lose
4.8 years of their life. It is doubled for those who smoke two packs a day.
They also learned second-hand smoke effected people as well.
He also feels the same of the gun lobby and the NRA. Unlike a person in Texas, he
believes that students do not need to have guns on campus. (57:20)
As a doctor, over the years, he and others would routinely get called out for emergency
visits to the hospital. He saw gunshot wounds and stabbings.
Today, you see more automobile accidents, not so much fighting. Also, emergency
rooms have their own physicians.
Things have also changed due to the introduction of new drugs. Tuberculosis is no longer
a problem for most people. Instead the problems that arise are from immunities to drugs
because too many of them have been used. (58:56)
He has seen a lot of medical history.

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                    <text>William James College Interviews
GV016-16
Interviewer: Barbara Roos
Interviewee: David Rathbun
Date: 1984
[Barbara]

… talking about three things that stuck out in your mind.

[Rathbun]

Two or three things. I came to William James in 1981, so I didn't have much time
in William James. But my first recollection: my first council meeting. I sat down in
the skylight room with this group of people, most of whom I didn't know yet, and
during that meeting there was a debate between Robert Mayberry and Steven
Rowe in which the two men were arguing: Socrates versus Aristotle. And I
thought to myself: "My God! Someone still cares about this stuff." And I
remember going home and carrying on a good part of the evening about what an
incredible place this must be where faculty people, instead of sitting and
bickering about small, petty stuff, argued from real philosophic basis. What an
incredible place. That's one of my favorite memories of William James and one of
my earliest memories of William James. I also remember the ordeal of
interviewing for the position here. I think my first meeting was at eight o'clock with
Glenn Niemeyer and I talked to people the entire day and the entire evening and
finally finished with Forrest Armstrong at one thirty the next morning. Pretty
incredible ordeal. Makes a lot of sense as I got another place in retrospect.
Another real strong memory in my mind, and again it’s a fairly early meeting, was
in a PCC meeting in which we we're discussing the changes in the photographic
curriculum. And the facility needs through [?] needs. And I remember there was a
room in the basement which was in question about who ought to use it and
clearly the film and video people needed for room, clearly the photography
people needed the room. And Deanna and Barb said: "We will give up that room.
You need more than we do." And it was a kind of generosity again I had not
encountered at any other institution I had taught in. The ability to put aside one's
self-interest, one’s immediate needs, in the interest of the larger program. I was
impressed. I hadn't encountered that.

[Barbara]

Let me stop your train of thought slightly while I check everything because I
couldn't [inaudible]. Let me zoom in on you a little bit and then we go on. If it’s not
interrupting you too much, I would like to know why you think this was all so
different. Don't answer yet because I have to get the shot… Right now, I have the
shot.

[Rathbun]

Okay, in the past, at the Institute of Design, which is a pretty remarkable place.
decisions were made on the basis of politics. They were made on the basis of
narrowly defined self-interest. Your sense from beginning to end was that you
better be prepared to scramble and scrap for everything you were going to get for

�your program because nobody was going to give it to you. As a result, there was
an attitude and the feeling among the faculty of distrust, of suspicion, people
were constantly tailoring their behaviors and looking over the shoulders to make
sure the right people are watching and that the wrong people one right behind
them.
[Rathbun]

I don't recall ever sensing that at William James and I think for me it was one of
the extraordinary aspects of working with a group of people that were the faculty
and the last two years of William James. The sense that people really cared
about what somebody else was doing. That they wanted to share and making it
good. That they were willing to put time and energy and sometimes give up
things that they need is in order for something else good to happen. It was not
my experience at the Institute of Design it was a very different kind of faculty.
People who were not very generous particularly with the resources, or with their
time, with their giving to students even.

[Barbara]

But there must have been structural reasons for all this. What structural reasons
can you analyze?

[Rathbun]

Well, I think one of the things that made William James such a delightful place,
for faculty, was that it really was not a competitive environment in the sense that
we had to compete with each other to succeed either within our programs or
within the institution. The fact that we didn't have merit raises, the fact that the
review process was not punitive but was rather something that was intended to
help us understand each other and to grow with each other. The fact that we met
weekly in faculty meetings, that we knew each other and we knew what was
going on that we had some control over our destiny in this building. I think all
those were important aspects of that feeling of collegiality and community. That is
not that way in very many places. For me it was probably the most extraordinary
teaching experience I've had the two years that William James was here. The
freedom to dream, the freedom to pursue the dreams, the freedom to share your
dreams with colleagues, the willingness of colleagues to dream with you, to be a
little bit crazy at times when it was appropriate to be crazy. The sense that things
were possible, and it that was good to pursue those possibilities. It was a feeling
that pervaded this place. God knows it was no joy to come to council meetings
every Friday morning. There were a number of times I would prefer to be sailing
around the lake or something. But it was never really a problem to come to those
meetings because we were doing something. We were making decisions. We
were assuming the responsibility and we were doing a pretty damn good thing
with our programs.

[Barbara]

Let me change the [inaudible]. Wonderful, very clear. Very clear. Very Clear!
You're dark on one side your face but I like it. You know what I mean? It’s not
dark, I like the naturalness.

�[Rathbun]

Now, I'm not sure, maybe you should ask me some questions, if you want more
specific kinds of things.

[Barbara]

You were very specific then. I pushed a little on your work.

[Rathbun]

Because those are… that was the sort of thing I was thinking about saying was
those two events, the room generosity from you and Diana. I don't remember the
first one now. It’s a good thing you're taping this. And then just the sort of overall
sense of what an incredible thing this place was.

[Barbara]

There are two things that I'd like to ask on the basis of what you said already.
You said you taught very well and it’s not clear to me why one would teach
better. I can understand why one would be happier as an individual. But why
teach better?

[Rathbun]

If you think that being happy as an individual has nothing to do with teaching well
– it has everything in the world to do with teaching well. At the Institute of Design,
I never felt support particularly from colleagues or from the administration. That
began to chip away and erode my commitment to the place. The more times I
was worked over, the less excited I became, and the more I had to turn to purely
an internal discipline to keep things going well. And I did that, but it was not with
great effort. The feeling of support of collegiality, of sharing both a destiny and
also shaping that destiny was absolutely vital to feeling good about teaching and
being here and being with students.

[Barbara]

Were students different? We just have a different breed of students here.

[Rathbun]

Its apples and oranges. It's difficult to compare. We're talking on one hand about
a very expensive private school in Chicago that draws a national constituency of
generally wealthy and well-educated students. As opposed to a state college that
draws essentially from one area within the state. But the differences I think
ultimately are sort of superficial. They have remedies. The biggest difference was
simply one of experience and visual literacy Those kids in Chicago have seen a
lot and the kids initially here haven't seen very much. Even allusions to people as
like Edward Weston drew blank stares when I arrived here. It was changing. The
William James students were different in the sense that they were much more
aware of what they were up to with their educations, I think, for the most part. I
remember when, in the last year of William James, when there was all this
rumors and talk and almost every day brought a new scenario of what the
reorganization was going to be like. I remember that Provost Niemeyer appeared
at a student forum in the Campus Center and there were probably a couple of
hundred students who were there. It was interesting to me as I looked around the
room that good percentage, perhaps the majority of those students, were William

�James students and that the questions that were being asked the hard questions,
and the appropriate, questions were coming almost uniformly from William
James students. In that respect I think William James is doing something very
well for students, making them understand that they had responsibility for their
education.
[Rathbun]

That they had the right to ask questions and to expect answers about their
educational experience and about what was going on. And they were asking
pretty intelligent questions and Niemeyer wasn't entirely happy about that. He
squirmed a lot. He clearly wasn't pleased with some of the questions that were
being asked. But it occurred to me and watching that whole thing transpire: that if
really interested in an educational experience for students in which they
understand that they have control over their lives was working here, he should
have been tickled that those people were asking those kinds of questions,
because it meant that their education was working.

[Barbara]

Do you remember what they were asking?

[Rathbun]

I don't remember the specific questions, Barb, I just remember that during that
whole discussion the questions and seem to be right on the mark, that seem to
be the right questions that students ought to be asking, the William James
students were asking. And it was not entirely comfortable for the administration to
have to try to answer those questions. But it was precisely an indication of
success in the educational experiences that students were having here.

[Barbara]

Let me ask you this but let me change the shot and zoom. Woah, that's darker
zooming in. Okay, good. I want to ask you: this is all very well to talk about how
we taught them to ask the questions, but it didn't save us. What could have
saved us, or what was your experience in the process of closing James?

[Rathbun]

Well, it's all too easy in retrospect to understand that nothing could have saved
us, short of moving the school somewhere else. And it's hard for me to really
understand how all of that transpired Barb because I wasn't here during most of
William James. I had really sort of one good year and then the second year,
which was the last year of William James, everything was in turmoil and up in the
air. I seriously doubt that there was anything significant the faculty could have
done, or the students could have done. I think the decision was made, I think it
was simply a matter of how to implement the decision and dissolve the units. And
I think after that happened the degree to which there was hostility, it was like
someone turn on the tap, it was like packs of dogs were being held at bay and
suddenly been released and it seems so unnecessary.

[Barbara]

Tell me, that's too vague, I don't know what you mean.

�[Rathbun]

Well, the attempt in an early discussion in the School of Communications to
eradicate all evidence of William James having been in Lake Superior Hall. The
suggestion on the part of some faculty from a previous unit that the portrait of
William James be painted over with post-haste, with great haste. That's the right
way to say that.

[Rathbun]

The articles that appeared in the Lanthorn characterizing William James’
students and faculty as some sort of malcontents. Things which under a healthy
old division probably would not have been printed suddenly were popping up all
over the place. It seems clear to me that the decision was made and it was only a
matter of how to work it out with the least damage from their perspective.

[Barbara]

Do you see any organizational or other holdovers from James in the new
structure?

[Rathbun]

Well, I don't see very many and I'm so busy that it's hard for me to look very far
away. And I thinks that's one of the problems of the new structure. Certainly, we
don't have the kinds of collegial possibilities that we used to have. I think it's clear
that those holdovers or those instances where the William James philosophy
carries on are to be found in individuals, and mostly individuals that were in
James, although it is interesting that there are other faculty who continue to be
sympathetic and espouse certain ideas. And I'm not, again… because I wasn't a
part of William James from the beginning and for years and years and years, I
don't know whether I am really Jamesian in the sense of wearing a badge. I think
that I'm interested in intelligent educational experiences for students. I don't think
of myself as trying to teach them something. I think of myself as a fellow traveler
with them. I think of myself as someone who is growing with them, and what I try
to do is provide environments and experiences which hopefully allow the
students to learn something. And I think that maybe is a part of what William
James College was about at its best. I think it's just damn good teaching and I
think wherever people are teaching in that kind of way, where they understand
that they really are involved in this with students and perhaps at best what we
can do is try to create a series of experiences from which students can learn
something. And I think that's living. I think it continues to live. But I don't think
you're going to find it in any particular unit; I think your going to have to look at
individual people.

[Barbara]

I'm out of questions. Do you have anything else to say?

[Rathbun]

I don't think so. I mean, I can stop at this point.

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                    <text>ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW
MICHAEL RAUDENBUSH

Born: Harvey, Illinois
Resides: Rockford, Michigan
Interviewed by: James Smither PhD, GVSU Veterans History Project,
Transcribed by: Joan Raymer, January 21, 2013
Interviewer: Mike can you start us off with some background on yourself and to
begin with, where and when were you born?
I was born in Harvey, Illinois on August 5, 1944.
Interviewer: Now did you grow up in that area or did you move around?
We moved around, my mom moved to Philadelphia for a job in 1945, and we lived in
that area for four years. My mom was--well very honestly, my dad took off and my
biological dad, they were married, but I don‘t consider him my dad. 1:07 I never saw
him and my mom got divorced and she met my dad who adopted me. They got married
and we came—my dad worked for the Railway Express in shipping. They shipped mail
and everything, but that was starting to go out back in 1949 and he got laid off. They
talked it over and they decided they were going to go to the Chicago area, where my
mom was born and I was born and she grew up there, and see if he could find a job. 2:00
On the way there I had an uncle and his family in Grand Rapids and we stopped for a
three day visit. That was in august of 1950 and my uncle said to my dad, ―You know
they‘re hiring like crazy for jobs right now‖ because the Korean War had started and they
were taking healthy young men out, so my dad went out with him for a day and came
back with a job working for a bakery. From then on we lived here. Both of my parents
have passed away, but we lived here the rest of the time.

1

�Interviewer: Now, were you in the city of Grand Rapids when you were growing
up?
Yes
Interviewer: What high school did you go to? 3:03
Well, I wasn‘t in the city for the whole time growing up. For the first three years we
were and then we moved, which is well part of the city now, we moved by—not far from
the—just off Ball Avenue from the Kent county Jail, which wasn‘t there when we first
moved over there. It was a new housing project at that time and my parents got a home.
I went to a very small school, a grade school, five class room, the only—the
Kindergarteners and the eighth grade were the only ones that got their own room. The
others were in two classes, and we were not in any school district then, we were just
outside of the city limits. 4:02 My parents--we had been going to the Trinity Methodist
Church all the years we lived there and my parents knew a lot of people‘s kids went to
East Grand Rapids High School and I could go anywhere, so they decided I was going to
go to East. I went to East for two years and then we got annexed to the city and I ended
up two years at Central High School, so I graduated from Central in 1963.
Interviewer: All right, now what did you do at that point?
I lettered in football in—and I ran track, but I didn‘t run track in my senior year because I
got a job at downtown Grand Rapids, was downtown Grand Rapids where everybody
shopped. 5:00 I got a job working in a meat market down there, Beazley‘s Meat
market, so I was working at the meat market and I don‘t know what to say after that.
Interviewer: Well, you wind up in the army at some point, how did that happen?

2

�Well, it had to do with the meat market. I had no intentions of going in the service, it
wasn‘t even on my mind, and at that time there was, except for the cold war, there wasn‘t
a lot going on. Vietnam was a little thing once and a while in the paper, and I became
friends with this one other guy that worked. He was going to Creston High School and
had just graduated and wanted to go into the army because he had been in high school
ROTC. 6:05 Where Beazley‘s was in town, there was a little—between us and Sears
next door was a little alley. If you went out the back of our meat market and down the
alley and came out, they had the army recruiting right there. He was talking to me and he
said, ―You know, I‘m going to go over there and see about enlisting. Could you just
come, I‘m nervous, and just help me?‖ I said, ―Sure‖, so we went over there and I just
sat down away from him talking to the recruiter and he‘s talking to the recruiter about
this and that and I‘m just looking at things. 7:02 The recruiter turns to me and the
recruiter says, ―What do you want to enlist in?‖ I said, ―Nothing, I‘m not here to enlist.
I‘m just here because he asked me to be moral support‖, and the recruiter says, ―Well,
what are you going to do?‖ Like I said, I had already been accepted at JC, which is now
Community College, but I said that I really wanted to be a minister at that time. He said,
―What if I send you some material?‖ Well, he said, ―Did you ever think about going into
the service?‖ I said, ―No, I want to be a minister‖, and he said, ―Well, you know we have
a thing called Chaplain‘s Assistant. You could go in the service and be a Chaplain‘s
Assistant and see if you like it?‖ I said one more time, ―No, I‘m not going in the
service‖, and he said, ―What if I just send you some literature on it?‖ To get him off my
back I said, ―Fine‖. 8:03 Two weeks later, it was summertime, and I came home from
working and I walked in and my parents were just sitting there and my mom said, ―You

3

�didn‘t tell us you joined the army‖, and I went, ―What?‖ She said, ―We got a phone call
from the army recruiter said that he‘s got you all set up and you leave August 15th. They
got the bus ticket for Wayne, Detroit where they check people in and that‖, and I started
to say, ―I didn‘t sign anything and I‘m not going‖, and they said, ―You will not go in the
service‖. 9:01 Unfortunately, I was a just turned, just turned nineteen year old, and I
went, they couldn‘t tell me what to do, so like an idiot I went. There were a lot of nights
there that I went, ―What did I do?‖ But that‘s how I ended up in the service.
Interviewer: Okay
The whole thing was, being a volunteer you could—you went through all the physicals
and everything and then the Captain came in to swear us in and he said, ―All of you that
are volunteers, at this time, have the right to walk out that door, we‘ll give you a bus
ticket home, but if you‘re drafted you have to take the oath‖. 10:03 I‘m looking around
and thinking, ―One person, one person walk out and I‘m gone‖, well, nobody did, so I
ended up in the service.
Interviewer: Did you have any sense of what portion of them were draftees or were
they not talking about that?
Oh yeah, the draftees, they wanted all the persons that were volunteers to know that
they‘re stupid, they‘re volunteering, you know.
Interviewer: Were there a lot of draftees there when you were doing the physical or
just a few of them?
I would say two thirds were draftees.
Interviewer: Had you had any expectation, before you wound up accidentally
enlisting, that you might get drafted?

4

�No, it wasn‘t even on my mind, you know. At that time, again, it was just the cold war
and I didn‘t really know that many people that got drafted. 11:00
Interviewer: There was a draft, but it wasn’t taking huge numbers of men at that
time.
No
Interviewer: So you might well not have to worry about it anyway, and planning to
go on to college and so forth.
If you were in college you were exempt anyway, while you were in college.
Interviewer: So there you are—did the draftees make an effort to find a way to get
out of it at that point? Were they trying to fool the recruiters or mess with the
physical or anything like that?
Not that I saw, no, they were understanding that they were drafted and I think, from what
I saw, they must have been pretty patriotic, you know. They just took their fate. They
did talk about, ―Just two years and I‘ll be out of it‖.
Interviewer: Now, when you went in, had he, had the recruiter set things up so you
would get a particular variety of training or did you get option for what kind of
training you would get going in? 12:05
Well, he kind of set me up for—to see if I could get in Chaplain‘s Assistant—kind of ,
and in my eight weeks of basic, I think it was the sixth week, they called out all those
that—there were four companies, I think, of trainees going on at the same time, and we
were sent down to be interviewed by the base Chaplain. 13:00 I walked down there and
there was just a whole bunch of—and I realized talking to these people that, I‘m just a

5

�high school graduate, and the next person had two years of college and the rest were three
years graduated, you know, so, needless to say that I didn‘t make the cut.
Interviewer: Did you talk to the Chaplain or did you just turn around and leave?
I talked to him and you know hope springs eternal and somewhere there was this little
maybe, but I didn‘t get it and again, there was only a couple, even with all these people
there was only a couple of vacancies. So, I went back and I was going to go to clerks‘
school because my mom made sure I took typing in high school and all that besides my
other classes. 14:08 I was going to be a clerk and when you go in the service you take a
battery of tests, at least back then a battery of tests. It turns out I scored, I couldn‘t
believe it, but I scored pretty high on leadership and all these other things, so I got
interviewed for possibly going into the ―ninety day wonder‖ group, you know, and take
the ninety days of Officers Candidate School. Here I am a nineteen year old and I passed
the first round of questioning. 15:05 I passed the second round and I was getting to
the—pretty close into the group, and then they sent in the ―who can we scare guy‖, you
know. Again I‘m just nineteen and these other guys are twenty one, twenty two, and
have been around a little bit. He started talking about all the harassment and that, and he
said, ―You know, if you want to think about it you can sign this paper and at any time
you can say, ―you know, I‘d like to take a crack at it‖‖. That wasn‘t really the truth, and
once you signed that paper you pretty much were not in it anymore, so I ended up being
sent to Fort Polk, Louisiana as a heavy weapon [specialist], mortars and the 106 recoilless
rifle. 16:05
Interviewer: Let’s back up a little bit to your arrival at boot camp. They send you
to Fort Knox.

6

�Right
Interviewer: What sort of a reception do you get when you get down there?
This was still the old army and you took this bus all the way straight to Knox from
Detroit. They get you off at—early in the morning and to kind of set this up, Bobby
Bare--I don‘t know if you know who Bobby Bare is, but he‘s a singer and he had several
hits back in the early sixties and one was ―Detroit City‖, ―I want to go home‖, you know
and just as—they had a radio that played music, you know, a radio station on the bus and
just as we‘re getting in, driving into Knox, that‘s what they played. 17:04 I said, ―This
is some kind of a thing telling me, ―you shouldn‘t be here‖‖, but as soon as that bus hit,
the training sergeants were out there, ―boom‖ you‘re here. Not being too nice for a
training site, and I don‘t understand that, but they put you to your company and off you
went.
Interviewer: Are they shouting orders at you as you arrive?
Oh yeah, oh yeah—the first thing they did once they got you, they marched you right
over to the barber. 18:00

And we had this guy from Detroit on our bus that had long

curly red hair and that was his pride and joy. When we got to the barber shop guess who
they took first? The barber went, you know, ―How would you like this?‖ He goes, ―A
little here‖, and the barber goes whish, whish, all gone. He got up and he looked in the
mirror and he cried, you know, and I went, ―Oh, man‖, but I kind of knew this was going
to happen. My uncle, my mom‘s youngest brother, had served in the army in the Korean
War and that and he said, ―Just know that these things are going to happen and just take it
in your stride. They‘re just trying to break you in so you take orders and that‖. 19:00
Then we went to basics.

7

�Interviewer: What did they have you spending most of your time doing in basic?
What kind of training were you getting there?
Pretty much marching, close order drill, learning how to use—at that time it was the M-1,
a lot of military classes on proper military etiquette and a lot of PT, a lot of PT.
Interviewer: How much emphasis was there on discipline?
A lot, which brings me to a little story--we were out learning close, learning close
drilling, marching, and I‘m out there and I‘m sneaking a peek at the guy ahead of me.
20:03 Trying to make sure I stayed in step because the first sergeant was leading the
drill and he‘d change directions, you know, so I‘m glancing down and he catches me. He
decides this is a good time to have a little lesson learned for everybody, so he pulls me
out and he says, ―Soldier, you‘re standing—you‘re marching looking at the guy's feet.
You can‘t march and look at the guy‘s feet, it doesn‘t work. You get behind me and I‘m
not giving any orders, I‘m just going to change and you‘ve got to change too‖, and I
made the mistake of keeping up with him. 21:00 And that night we were up in the
barracks and we had an inspection the next day, and I‘m in there, and I got my foot locker
and your underwear has to be rolled just the right way and I get it all done and it‘s
looking good. He comes walking in, he‘s usually home, but he comes walking in and it‘s
about nine at night, he‘s looking around and he gets to mine and says, ―I‘ve never seen
such*#! looking locker in my life‖, and he took it and threw it. My clothes, and just
everything, went all over, and he said, ―Soldier, redo that locker‖, and I learned a lesson
right then. Never show up a higher ranking person. But it was—of course everybody
else was gaping and they learned a lesson too.

8

�Interviewer: Aside from that particular incident, how easy or had was it for you to
adjust to life in the army there? 22:06
To me it was easy and I don‘t know why.
Interviewer: You were in pretty good shape when you went in though.
Yeah, I played sports in high school and not like I am now. Of course I‘m much older,
but I—we actually, we had to run and make at the end, and if you didn‘t pass all of your
things you were recycled, in other words you had to redo the whole thing. We had this
guy from New York, he was more than slightly overweight and he tried like crazy, but he
was not really going to make a good soldier. He had joined the National Guard there in
New York to keep from having to serve the two years. 23:04 He was a drummer in a
popular singer‘s, in his band we, another guy and I on the run, we almost helped carry
him to get him under the time and he just got under the time. I didn‘t want to see the guy
fail, you know. But, that kind of stuff—my dad was a strict person, so I was use to rules
and that, and you know, I didn‘t grow up doing whatever I wanted to do, so I didn‘t have
that big of a problem.
Interviewer: Within your company there, were the soldiers all white or did you
have some black guys in there?
Oh yeah, we had a mixture. We had a group, two white guys from New York and two
colored from New York, and they could all harmonize well, and they did. 24:16 they
drove me crazy because there was this one song, something about ―Don‘t let your mama
come knocking on my door‖, it was a song that was popular back then and I got—I listen
to the oldies once and a while on the radio and that, and when that comes on I say, ―Oh

9

�no, they‘re trying to torture me‖. We pretty much—I don‘t remember any racial
problems in our company. 25:00 I never heard a slur.
Interviewer: So, the drill sergeants didn’t use them or anything like that?
No, no, you got to remember Kennedy was in office and he was pushing civil rights
pretty good, so it got pushed pretty good in the service.
Interviewer: In the military, yeah, they had been a little bit ahead of that game, in
terms of desegregation anyway. There were blacks in the regular army units since
the 40’s.
Yeah
Interviewer: You get to the end of basic training, they send you down to Fort Polk,
and how do you get down there?
Train
Interviewer: What do you remember about that trip?
That we were not allowed in the cars that had the general public, and that‘s one thing I
remember. 26:03 Well, we—I had several guys that I went to basic with, they were my
basic platoon and they were gone to the same place, so I had people to talk to.
Interviewer: How long did it take, do you think?
I‘m saying two days, I think one night.
Interviewer: Did you ever get out of the car? Did it stop places or do you think you
were in there most of the time.
It stopped in a couple of places, let off people and picked up people, and no, we weren‘t
allowed off the car.
Interviewer: Physically, what was Fort Polk like?

10

�A lot of people hate Fort Polk. 27:04 I don‘t, I had a pretty good time there. There was
no big buildup at the time I was there.
Interviewer: At this point, this is a little bit before the big Vietnam buildup. There
was a point where an awful lot of guys who went in, went in after you went through
Fort Polk for AIT, and it had all kinds of reference to Vietnam simulation and that
kind of stuff. For you, what was it about fort Polk that you liked? Why did you
have a good time there?
Well, after AIT I was sent two blocks, like I talked earlier to you, two blocks to the
assistant instructor of the 106 recoilless rifle, anti-tank weapon, and I got treated like I
was a regular higher rank because I was a trainer. 28:03
Interviewer: So, you went from trainee to trainer almost overnight?
In a couple days—it was unbelievable, you know. I had one thing a lot of people did, I
still had to pull KP, but I also had several people from my heavy weapons platoon in AIT
that went with me, so I had a built in friendship too, and I was lucky enough to—our
sergeant, our barracks sergeant, he was from Detroit and he had only been in the service a
couple years, but he was fantastic in sports and he won the base several titles. 29:00
Baseball, football, football back when they had rivalries with other bases and that, so his
rank went up every time they won another championship, he got another stripe, you
know. But, he took me under his wing and he went—he explained thing to me, he went,
―Michael, you don‘t just want to spend time going into Leesville‖, which is the town
right outside of—he said, ―Find a way to get away, get twenty, thirty, forty, fifty miles
away, and when you do that don‘t act like some stupid idiot, and don‘t put down the
people because they talk different from you or do different things‖. And I took that

11

�into—I believe that today and it happened that one of the guys that was in basic and AIT
with me, he was a draftee, and he went home and got his car because he could then, he
was permanent party. 30:07 And we‘d go on weekends to a place called Ville Platte,
about forty miles from the base. They had a bar with a band and that, and the thing was
nineteen year olds could drink down there, and I met a girl there and at the same time, my
buddy with the car met the girl's girlfriend, and we‘d go up on a Saturday night and the
parents—were kind of leery of me at first, but they decided they liked me and allowed
me, him and I, to sleep on their couch and that. 31:05 Making sure that the daughter
was---which I would have done too as a father. We had a good time it was just—I
enjoyed my work, I enjoyed teaching the 106, I enjoyed the life, I loved the live fire we
did. At the end of training, what we did was, we had a range out, I guess its called North
Fort now, but it was just out, and we‘d fire live rounds and the 106, I don‘t know if
you‘re familiar with it, but it‘s got two different types of rounds and they‘re twenty one
and twenty three, if I remember right, it‘s been a long time, but in weight, pounds and
weight. 32:07 Its got a modified M-50 machine gun, so it only fires one time, and it‘s
got a back blast because you put these charges in and it‘s got a back blast that will go
back to about up to twenty feet, depending on what you got, and you know the sits on, the
gunner sits on the mount and he looks through this scope and then he pushes in and the
machine gun bullet goes out and its phosphorus and if it hits the tank then he knows he‘s
in and he fires the real round. 33:02 But I had to grab a whole bunch of guys that were
the loaders—we spent time, we‘d show them, we‘d fire a round and show them the back
blast and then they would get—they were standing right behind me and you had to go,
‗Don‘t shoot, don‘t fire yet‖ and pull them off.

12

�Interviewer: They directly behind the barrel of the gun, right where the back blast
would hit them.
Oh, it would kill them, kill them in a minute.
Interviewer: Do you have any idea how you wound up becoming an instructor out
of that? Were you just good with the weapon when you were training on it?
Well, I got good grades and everything, as far as the training, but it was the luck of the
draw in some way, it really was, it was just kind of the luck of the draw.
Interviewer: When you were growing up, had you done any hunting or shooting, or
things like that or were you new to guns when you went into the army?
No, back in 1955, at the age of eleven, you could go hunting, at that time, with hunting
licenses if a parent was with you. 34:10 Where we lived, now it‘s all kinds of buildings
and everything else, condos and you name it, but at that time, we walked down to the end
of our street, across Plymouth, which was a road that went this way, and it was all woods.
We would go pheasant hunting, my dad and I went two years and my dad got mad
because we never shot any and we never went hunting again. I had nothing against
weapons, except that I don‘t think weapons should be around where little kids are.
Interviewer: But you didn’t have a lot of experience with them before you went in
the army. 35:06
A couple of years of hunting with my dad and that was it.
Interviewer: But without much to shoot at.
Well yeah, but you know, we did some target practice. You have to learn to shoot before
you can go out there and try hunting, so we did target practicing and that, but I just liked
firing a weapon, I don‘t like firing at people.

13

�Interviewer: How long did your assignment at Fort Polk last?
Let‘s see, I graduated the week before Christmas, and I went to Berlin in August. 36:08
Interviewer: So, about eight months or so?
Yeah
Interviewer: Did you just—was it normal for them to take people who were
assigned to things on the base and then just give them orders to go somewhere else?
Oh yeah, it was the army and whatever their need is, you know. I just thought I was
blessed getting that time there and the people I met.
Interviewer: Had you—did they ask you if there were places you wanted to go, or if
you had preference for overseas assignment?
Not back then
Interviewer: So, basically one day you come in and you have orders to go to Berlin?
I had orders to go to Germany, and I had a thirty day leave and I had to go to Fort Dix,
New Jersey and we were going over by boat, or ship, excuse me. 37:11 I just had orders
for that and I got to have my leave and got to Dix and I got orders for Europe and we
sailed to Bremerhaven and they lined us up, and actually, I got a group number on the
boat the day before. These are the people you‘re going to be with. We got off and some
went to, you name it, in Germany and my orders said Berlin.
Interviewer: Okay, what kind of boat did you go over on? 38:02
We went over on a liberty ship.
Interviewer: Did you have an easy ride or a rough one?
Oh, it was August and I slept on the deck most of the time. Seriously, it was great going
over, however, coming back.

14

�Interviewer: So, you get to Bremerhaven okay, and you go to Berlin.
Yes
Interviewer: do you remember, did they fly you out or put you on a train, how did
they get you there?
No, there wasn‘t any flying at that time--by train through East Berlin [East Germany],
which I found very interesting. Of course, they pulled down the shades and they‘d come
in and check everybody‘s ID.
Interviewer: East Germans?
Yeah, it‘s their territory
Interviewer: Because you had to cross through East Germany to get to West Berlin.
Yeah, yeah
Interviewer: So, when you hit the boarder they stop the train and they come in and
they check everything.
Yeah 39:05
Interviewer: All right, then what kind of an assignment did you have when you got
to Berlin?
I ended up in a 106 squad in—I‘m trying to remember.
Interviewer: Was that when you were with the 1st Armored Division, was that the
parent unit?
No, Berlin Brigade is a unit itself, yeah; it‘s a unit by its self.
Interviewer: So, you were basically an anti-tank guy?
I was, I was that for a while and then they needed mortar men and I was in mortars, and
then one day I get called to see the company commander. 40:03 He said, ―I got orders

15

�to send you to headquarters in Headquarters Company for an interview for the room to be
an honor guard, I got accepted and my job was to guard the Allied Kommandantur,
which was the old Gestapo headquarters and they had three guards. The French had a
unit of offices, you had your British and you had your Americans, and we had a place set
up and cleaned every day, and set up every day, for the Russians if they decided to come
back. 41:05 In there we had an armed French, a British MP, and us, and it was twelve
on and twenty four off.
Interviewer: Were you just standing guard basically?
Well, we had two rooms, one on this side of the steps, big steps, you go up, big Oak door,
and then you went up another set of steps, then you came in and they had, it looked like
mirrors, but they couldn‘t see us, but we could see them. Then whoever‘s month it was
on the desk would check ID‘s and that. 42:03 One time I went--we got three pistols
here, pistols—we got the army--anyway, their pistol 1914 was it? Anyway, and that fired
a total of nine rounds, the British had a pistol and I think his shot six rounds, and the
French had one and it fired somewhere around six. I‘m thinking, ―We‘re gone‖, you
know, but in the back they had a full tactical squad of German police heavily armed,
heavily armed, so that was good duty. 43:13
Interviewer: Did you have a lot of high ranking officers or VIP’s going through
there?
Oh yeah, that job was to control the airways, the land, and the sea. Yeah, we had a lot of
diplomats because it was basically where most of the diplomats were.
Interviewer: Now, did you see anybody that was famous or heard of at the time?

16

�It wasn‘t there, but I got to meet Natalie Wood. 44:07 You know, we were on
headquarters grounds and across the street was the base theater where all the high ranking
people went, so they had ―Sex and The Single Girl‖ with her and Tony Curtis in that, and
I got to escort her in, which was the highlight of my military career. I grew up idolizing
Natalie Wood.
Interviewer: What kind of accommodations do they give you when you’re in the
Berlin Brigade?
We had rooms; we had three-man rooms, which is much better than the base. 45:06
Interviewer: In general, how did the people in West Berlin treat the American
soldiers?
Excellent, I never ever had a fight; I never ever had a problem. The only funny thing
was, I never met a German guy that fought in WWII that fought against the allies, except
they all fought the Russians.
Interviewer: An awful lot of them did.
I know, I just thought it was funny, there had to be one, but we also, on holidays, because
the Allied Kommandantur would be closed, I would guard the headquarters there. I saw
a lot of high ranking Generals in my time there. 46:02
Interviewer: Did you ever go into East Berlin itself?
Yes
Interviewer: What was that like?
Night and day, night and day—you had to get a security clearance to do, but that was
easy because I was doing security stuff. So, you go in and they check you at the border
and the East Germans made sure that you—you had to buy their exchange for their marks

17

�and that, and they checked you all out. Then you go in, you go in uniform, and there was
always somebody right close to you because they didn‘t want their citizens to be talking
to you. 47:08 I went twice and that was more than my fill.
Interviewer: what condition was East Berlin in physically? How did it compare to
West Berlin?
Again, night and day—they still had ruins that they hadn‘t cleaned up and we were a
modern new city. What worried me was, between us, the allies; we had three tank
companies, one American, one French, and one British. They had thirty tank divisions
between us and West Germany.48:00 We were given three minutes to live if they
decided to attack us. One night—our barracks were kind of like this (in a circle), and in
the middle we had a track and a football field, and they dropped a dud mortar round right
in the middle of that field one night. Diplomatically they apologized, but they were
sending a message that ―we gotcha‖, but luckily nothing ever happened.
Interviewer: How long did you spend in Berlin?
Eighteen months
Interviewer: Was sort of that a normal length for a stay at that time as far as you
can tell? Were guys rotating in and out at about that pace?
Most were
Interviewer: When did you leave Berlin then?
I left two days—the 26th, 27th of February. 49:09 I didn‘t get on the USS Patch until the
first day of March.
Interviewer: In what year?
1966

18

�Interviewer: The USS Patch, was that a naval ship or another troop transport?
Another old liberty ship
Interviewer: What was that trip like?
Awful, again I was on the last floor, or the first floor, whichever way they count a deck,
and right at the front of the ship, and going through the North Atlantic at that time of year
was awful. 50:07 You had to climb up all these steps to get-- and, of course, all these
waves were coming over, so they ropes and you had to hold on to the rope, and I‘d get to
the mess hall and I‘d smell it and It‘s not that anything was wrong with the mess, I was
just so sea sick that I‘d get there and say, ―I can‘t eat‖, so I lost a few pounds on the way
back.
Interviewer: How long did the trip take?
Thirteen days
Interviewer: Was it stormy the whole time, or rough seas?
Up until we got close to New York, the old Brooklyn naval yard.
Interviewer: From there did you get to go home for a while?
I did, I got thirty days
Interviewer: Then what’s your next assignment after that?
Fort Hood, Texas
Interviewer: What unit was based down there, who did you join? 51:06
I was, I don‘t remember the name of the unit now, but I got it in my paperwork there, but
it was a—they were just starting a—go back to training a whole companies for--it was a
training unit, for sending over to Vietnam all together one unit. I got there and because I
could type--was the company commanders‘ driver, part time clerk, you know, that kind

19

�of stuff. Once in a while I‘d actually give a training thing to the recruits on Molotov
cocktails and how to do that if you had to, you know. 52:03 I had a good time at that
time.
Interviewer: You were—you did fairly well there at Fort Hood, right? You got
some special recognition.
Yeah, I was there over a month and I got called into the company commanders‘ office
and the first sergeant was there and they said my platoon sergeant had put me up for
―company soldier of the quarter‖, and I said, ―What‘s that?‖ Seriously, I didn‘t know and
he said, ―Well, all four platoons put up there candidate and we select one as the best
soldier for that quarter in our company‖, and I went, ―Okay‖, so I said, ―What kind of
questions di you ask?‖ 53:07 He said, ―All military, it could be weapons, it could be
etiquette, document, what‘s going on in the news about the military‖, so I went, ―Okay‖,
and one day, it was just a couple days before we had the interviews, I was walking by the,
not trying to listen, but we didn‘t have air conditioning, so they had the window up in
the—and the first sergeant and the company commander were talking about what is
coming up and the company commander asked the first sergeant if he‘s got any real
tough ones and he said, ―I always ask the same ones‖. 54:06 I always ask, ―What army
document is A-2?‖ the company commander said, ―I never heard of it‖, and he said,
―That‘s because nobody ever looks at their military ID‖, and I went, ―Okay‖, and of
course he asked that and I came up with the answer and I think that got me it right there,
because he kind of looked at me like, ―Nobody‘s ever answered that before‖, but I was
told that I got two weeks of battalion rights, so I—but he said, ―You have a partner now‖,
because the NCO for the quarter for the company they select too, and we studied

20

�together, you know. He was really sharp. 55:03 I hope I was pretty helpful to him too,
but we both went up and guess what? We both made it, so now we went to battalion.
Interviewer: Brigade
Brigade, I get these things mixed up anymore, but anyway, I made it again , and so far
I‘m—I get a little thing in the ―Daily Orders‖ thing saying that, but what am I getting out
of it? Not anything that I see, but I went up then for division level and I‘ll be darn if I
didn‘t get that one too. For Division soldier of the Quarter I at least got-- in the Killeen
paper I got an article and I finally got a twenty-five dollar bond, which is only twelve
fifty. 56:12 I did get a chance to become the brigade commander driver and that was a
good duty. Wherever he went and whatever he did, he was a full bird Colonel, I got to go
along If he had a meeting with a luncheon, I got to sit and eat what everybody else did,
you know. It was a good job, but it also led me into Vietnam.
Interviewer: What’s the connection there?
I got close to my ETS, you know, end time service, and I had to see a recruiter. 57:07
Well, I saw the recruiter and the recruiter was trying to get me to –and I went, ―No‘, and
he said, ―How do you like your job?‖ Knowing how I like my job, and he also knew that
I was dating a girl not far from there, and he said, ―Do you ever think about extending for
a year? The Colonel likes you and you got your job and you see a girl.‖, and I went,
―Mmm, I don‘t think so‖, and the next thing you know I‘m thinking, ―Well‖, and he said,
―It‘s guaranteed in writing, in writing, that you will stay here‖. 58:00 I went and talked
to the Major and the Colonel and the colonel swore me in and I took an extra year and
things were going good. One day I had a friend that had a 1956 T-bird, something I had
always wanted to have as a kid growing up and he got orders for Vietnam and he talked

21

�to me and said, ―Mike, I don‘t think I‘m coming back and I know you like my car and I
want somebody to have it that will enjoy it‖. We talked it over what it would cost me and
I needed two hundred more, so I went to see a bank loan officer and he told me, he said,
―You know, you‘ll get this money today if this is right‖. 59:00 He calls the personnel
office and said, ―I can‘t give it to you‖, and I said, ―Why?‖ He said, ―You‘re going to
Vietnam‖. I went, ―No I‘m not‖, and he said, ―Yes you are‖, and I said, ―There has got to
be a mistake‖. He told me, ―If you can clear it up, if it‘s today, come back and you‘ll get
the money, but I have to have proof‖, so I got into the orderly room, the brigade orderly
room, and the Sergeant Major‘s there and he looks up and says, ―What‘s up Mike?‖ I
told him, I said, ―I got a problem. I went to get this load and the loan officer called up
personnel and they said I‘m going to Vietnam‖. The first sergeant said, ―That‘s got to be
a mistake‖, not the first sergeant, the Major, and he gets on the phone and when he gets
off he looks up and he said, ―Raudenbush, you‘re going to Vietnam‖. I was very lucky
that he was a tolerant man because to a higher ranking personnel I blew my stack. 00:04
he just kind of sat there with me calmed down and he said, ―Son, this is the army and no
matter what you sign, if they need you someplace, your MOS, you‘re gone‖, so I went.
Interviewer: At this point in time, what did you know about what was going on over
in Vietnam?
I knew—I knew fairly a lot, and I‘m a paper reader, even to this day I‘m a paper reader. I
read from the front to the back of newspapers and my mom got me in that habit when I
was young. I remember, in Berlin, reading when the president, whatever his title was,
was killed. 1:10
Interviewer: President Diem, yeah

22

�I remember reading that, but it didn‘t mean anything to me, and to be honest with you,
most of the Stars and Stripes, which was the military paper, at that time—of course then I
kind of started following it. I knew that it where the French and Dien Bien Phu got
massacred and that, so I never thought I‘d go. After a while you couldn‘t help, it was in
the news, it was all over, you know.
Interviewer: So when do you get—now, before you go to Vietnam do you get a leave
or what happened?
Thirty days, a thirty day leave, and something that surprised me, my parents said, ―If you
want to go to Canada we‘ll understand‖. 2:06 I went, ―You know, I can‘t do that, I
raised my hand and said, I‘ll go wherever the United States military needs you the most‖.
That shocked me because I never thought they would do that, you know.
Interviewer: Physically then, how do they get you out to Vietnam?
I flew, when I finished my leave I took a plane to Oakland and they had a bus at the
airport that would pick up any that were going to the Oakland army base. I got there and
I wasn‘t supposed to go for four or five days, so I was going to go and spend a few
evenings enjoying the local culture. 3:17 They had their formation and I was put into
quarantine. The quarantine was all those going on the next day to Vietnam was put in
this and locked and that‘s how it was that they locked the doors, so people couldn‘t desert
during the night. The next day we got on the bus and went to the plane, which was—the
United States rented regular planes. 4:09
Interviewer: Regular civilian aircraft.
Yeah, and with the stewardess and all, you know. We flew to Hawaii first. Hawaii,
Guam, Okinawa and then into Saigon

23

�Interviewer: What was the mood like on the plane going over?
It was—the first—until we got to the last one and we knew we were coming into--the
next landing would be Vietnam, there was joking and normal army people stuff, you
know, card playing and just the normal stuff. 5:02 When he came over the loud
speakers, the Captain said, ―We have now entered into the flight pattern of the Republic
of Vietnam‖, it changed. I‘m sitting at a window and I see illumination flares, you know,
and it seemed like all the time, but it probably wasn‘t, but I‘m thinking, ―What‘s going on
down there, are they fighting somebody?‖ 6:00

Then we landed at three in the

morning and they opened the plane door and this was in Tan Son Nhut and they had,
from the plane to the building we would be brought to, lined with APC‘s with machine
guns and guys in flak jackets and in between these were more guys with flak jackets with
heavy weapons, and the said, ―Run‖, and I went, ―Oh, darn‖. I used stronger words than
that, but that was our welcome to Vietnam.
Interviewer: What did they do with you then? You ran off the tarmac.
We got into the terminal and they started calling off names. 7:03 They put us in busses
and we went to Camp Alpha, which is where they processed you. I got to Camp Alpha
and lucky me, I pull guard duty at one of the gates. No weapon and not even knowing
who‘s the good guy and who‘s the bad guy, but then the next day we went through the
assignment and I got the 1st Infantry Division, and that‘s all I knew at that time. Then
they sent me to the group that was going to the 1st Infantry Division, loaded on a truck
and they drove us to Long Binh, which was the headquarters at that time for the 1st
Infantry. 8:17
Interviewer: So the divisional headquarters was based there?

24

�Right, and we got there and it was just getting lunch time and they said, ―Okay, there‘s
the chow hall, go in and get your lunch and stay in there and we‘ll come and get you‖.
We just walked in and all of a sudden I heard this ―Bing Bing‖, and everybody‘s
dropping to the floor. They‘re taking shots outside of the—outside of Long Binh, and
that‘s when you knew it was the real thing, you know, because I‘m standing there and
everybody else is—and I went, ―Oh‖. 9:00 Then I was down, and after a few minutes
they got up and I guess this was kind of a daily thing, I don‘t know, but it was a
welcoming. Then they put us on a truck and those that were going to Phuoc Vinh, which
is where I had my—the next day we got on a truck, we got weapons, but no bullets and
there we go down and all of us were just thinking, ―If they attack us what are we going to
do, Bang, Bang, you‘re dead?
Interviewer: Were you just on one truck, or was there a convoy?
This was—we might have had one Jeep with a 60 mounted on it behind us because we
didn‘t have any weapons, none, well, bullets.
Interviewer: Right
I understand that, later when I thought about it, because we‘d be taking pot shots at
everything. 10:01 Anything that moved, but we got to Phuoc Vinh and the company
was out, we got put in our company, our platoons not company, and I got called up and
they said, the lieutenant that was staying back as an officer said, ―I see you can type‖, and
I said, ―Yeah‖, and he said, ―Good, we need a clerk, ours is getting ready to rotate, get
your stuff and come on back up‖. I get back down there and I wasn‘t even—and I‘m
gone, ―Hey you guys enjoy yourself‖, you know, I‘m going up and be company clerk,
and down comes the company clerk saying, ―Who‘s Raudenbush?‖ 11:05 I said, ―I am‖,

25

�and he said, the company commander, the acting company commander, wanted to see if I
went back up there and he said, ―You‘re not going to be the clerk, you‘re a mortar man
and we need you‖, so not only didn‘t I get that, but they just had a couple wounded
mortar men. So, there‘s a three day jungle school you got to go through there, at that
time, and I got to go right then, pack your stuff. The rest of the guys were not going for
another few weeks.
Interviewer: What was the jungle school like?
It was three days of trying to learn how to go through. 12:02 And one night where you
go out and set up a perimeter and do the two man fox hole, and the one hour on and one
hour off all night.
Interviewer: Do they teach you about booby traps and things like that?
Oh yes, you get a fast thing on everything. That one night when we were out, I didn‘t
sleep. I‘d take my hour on, or off, but I couldn‘t sleep.
Interviewer: Now by this time you have weapons and live ammunition and
everything. You got your full kit now? 13:00
Yeah, well we got the 16 and that was just really coming in then, the 16, and we went
back and they buy you free-- we had a little EM club, which was hooch with beer. You
had to be an E5 or above to get hard liquor, but the group that I was with at the jungle
school, we did well for the beer, we had a good, good time and then I got sent out on a
chopper, which was interesting because it was the first ride I‘d had. 14:03 I got in a
love hate relationship with that, I loved it when it came in and hated it when it went out.
I got in and they flew us and dropped us off with a hot meal for the hot meals. Our
division was good, if they could fly in a hot meal, they did, you know.

26

�Interviewer: What company were you assigned to?
B-1st of the 26th Infantry, 1st Infantry Division
Interviewer: And you were a mortar man in the company?
Yes
Interviewer: Now, was there a sort of—were there mortars attached to platoons?
Does the company have a mortar section, how does that work?
The company has a mortar section. There can be at times, and it all depends, again, on
what‘s going on. You could be with a platoon or you could be—most of the time we
were right in the middle of the company when we dug in and that for the night, or
whatever. 15:09
Interviewer: So you’d be somewhere around where the company CP was?
Yeah
Interviewer: Now, what kind of reception did you get? You arrive, a helicopter
brings you into the company, and what did they do with you once you get there?
One of the older guys took me under his wing. I don‘t know if he decided he liked me or
what, but he took me under his wing and showed me the right things to do and the wrong
things to do. How to make a covering from the sun if you‘re going to be in a place for
several days, you know, so you don‘t fry. 16:02 We had a very close company in my
opinion. I had friends, all the rifle platoon, you know, and that was, and still is, for those
of us that are still—we have a reunion every year.
Interviewer: Now, what was the company doing at the time you joined it?
They were in a perimeter for—I think they were there three days, and honestly, I‘m not
sure because I‘m just trying to—I don‘t know what their exact mission was there, but

27

�whatever it was, it was finishing up. But Charlie was nice, the first night he sent in one
mortar round just to welcome me there. 17:05 I thought that was very nice of them. I
was lucky; I got accepted, pretty much, right away.
Interviewer: They take you in and they’re looking after you to some extent. You’re
not just left to your own devices.
Yea, which taught me and I did it to others as they came in.
Interviewer: Which is how the rotation system is supposed to work, and it doesn’t
in all situations, but for you it did work the way it was supposed to.
But still it‘s hard—I don‘t, you know, not knowing the people, but our company was, like
I said, they looked after each other and I‘m sure all companies did, or most.
Interviewer: So, you’re out of the field, and do you go back into a larger base camp
perimeter?
Yes, Phuoc Vinh
Interviewer: What happens from there? 18:06
You clean you weapons, you get a shower, which is fifty-five gallon drums of cold water
and you get three people for each shower head, seriously. You run in, get wet, soap up
out, and then your turn, because water was precious, and they had a really good meal for
coming back in.
Interviewer: How long would you stay in?
It wasn‘t long, it wasn‘t long because they had lost some guys the day before I got there
and they had a memorial service for them. 19:03 You don‘t have to know somebody to
be deeply affected. Cleaned up weapons and got ready to go out again.

28

�Interviewer: Now when you go out again do you go in helicopters or on foot, or in
trucks?
We went out on a battalion move and that‘s the first full one I went to. I was there on the
landing pad there for the helicopters and you got—were B Company and you had C
Company over here and A Company, and I‘m just kind of standing there and all of the
sudden I get a pat on the shoulder and it was a guy that I served in Berlin with. 20:04
He had volunteered for Vietnam and his name was Samuelson. He was from Michigan
and he went, ―What the hell are you doing here? I thought you were out of the service‖, I
was the only one, but it was nice to see somebody you knew. Unfortunately on
Thanksgiving Day we were out with another full battalion and we set up the perimeter
and it was C, B, A, and kind of this way, we were the, whatever, out front, and I know
because I was there. 21:09

My mortar platoon sergeant had his wife leave him and left

his kids, so he got an emergency leave to go back. I was there kind of in his place and
going over where everybody was and I know because they pounded that in everybody‘s
head, ―this is where these coordinates‖, and we send out ambush patrols, you know, kind
of guard our flanks and that. There was this Lieutenant from C Company and he was
sent there by the company commander because he was going to lead the ambush.
They‘re down and the battalion commander says, ―Now, has everybody got where
everybody is?‖ 22:05 ―Yes sir‖, and it was right at dusk and we had just set up out trip
flares and our claymores for the night. Our trip flare goes off, of course somebody blew
the claymore, which you‘re supposed to, and all of a sudden we hear, ―We‘re Americans,
We‘re Americans, stop shooting, we‘re Americans‖. The Lieutenant had put that up right

29

�in the middle of our company. He was set up, he had the ambush set up for right in the
middle of our company and Samuelson lost his eye, a bullet got his eye.
Interviewer: That was friendly fire in effect.
Yeah, Of course, and I don‘t know if I want this on the—because he got a Bronze Star
and a Purple Heart and they said it was enemy fire. 23:14
Interviewer: It’s almost an apology.
It was an apology, it was.
Interviewer: Was the Lieutenant inexperienced or do you think the Lieutenant was
a new guy or someone that didn’t know what he was doing?
I don‘t think he was paying attention. I just don‘t think he had his mind on that. It could
have been who knows where, but you got to have your mind on it when you‘re doing a
full battalion meeting. 24:06
Interviewer: Describe a little bit what happens when a battalion goes out as a unit.
What goes on, you load up in the helicopters, or whatever, and then what?
You go out and you start landing and it depends on what you‘re going to do. You could
be, the helicopters for A company could be two hundred meters that way, and you‘re in
the middle, or it could be your full—companies are still together, and you just—and they
always have their meetings, which is good, because everybody knows where everybody
else is and doing. 25:01 You go about making your foxhole and pits and loading up
ammo and pit behind the mortars.
Interviewer: Now, would you normally stay within a perimeter with the mortars, or
would you go out in the field with the rest?

30

�I‘ve done both. I‘ve done with the mortars and if they don‘t use mine, I‘ve gone out as
a—I‘m trying to think of the word—as the guy that would call in the mortars.
Interviewer: Forward observer?
Yes, thank you, it was on the tip of my tongue and it just would not come out, but I‘ve
gone out that way too.
Interviewer: When you had that duty did you have a radio, or would you call in
with somebody else?
I had my own radio. 26:00
Interviewer: Okay, what kind of terrain were you in? What was the country like
you were operating in at that time?
Actually it was one of two things. It was dense second growth forest, or it was the rice
paddies, lots of rice paddies, lots of dense forest.
Interviewer: Now, when you were going through the forest did you stay on trails, or
did you cut your own?
We tried to do our own, because if you follow a path that‘s already there, too many bad
things can happen. Claymores, what was the mine they had? ―Bouncing Betty‖, step on
it and ―poom‖, so we tried to do our own.
Interviewer: With the paddies, would you just slog across the paddies, or use the
dykes? 27:06
It depends, we‘ve done both—walk in some excrements, but it depended on what was
going on, or how you were trying to get somewhere. If you think you got NVA around
you‘re not going to walk on top of those, you know.
Interviewer: You’re a good target.

31

�Yeah, but I think I saw about every terrain in that area.
Interviewer: How much enemy activity was there at the time? Were you making a
lot of contact?
Sometimes, a lot of times they‘d skip out before we get there. 28:01 It turns out from
reading history and everything else, they had a tunnel system that we had no idea we
were walking right on top of. Thinking that these little holes that are holes that guys
would go down in, tunnel rats would go down, there‘s brave men, but they were just
decoys, a lot of them. We went pretty much anywhere.
Interviewer: You were ultimately involved in some of the larger operations in the
field. There was one called “Cedar Falls”.
Yes, Cedar Falls was working when I got there, and then Junction City was one too.
29:03
Interviewer: As far as you can tell, what was the purpose of those operations?
Search and destroy, all of it, that‘s what I can see the whole thing was. Go out and hope
they attack us, so we can destroy them.
Interviewer: How often would that happen? Did these operations have a certain
amount of success as far as you can tell?
Somewhat—obviously not enough, but they knew who we were. I mean, we stood out,
but we didn‘t know who they were, you know. We‘d go through a village in the morning
and give C-rations and candy to the kids and that. 30:04 They‘d say, ―Oh, number one,
number one‖—come back and they‘d blow claymores at you, you know, their own. So
it‘s like you didn‘t know who was what.
Interviewer: The NVA though, would normally fight in uniform.

32

�Oh, no
Interviewer: Or would they also wear civilian clothes? The NVA and Vietcong, but
were they interchangeable in your experience, or were they both active?
The one big battle I had with the NVA was at Ap Gu, which was our 1st Infantry's biggest
battle of the war, and they were in uniform. 31:00 The rest of the time I didn‘t know if
they were NVA or not, and in uniform, NVA or Vietcong, because they wouldn‘t be in
uniform. Probably both, I probably saw them both.
Interviewer: Now, would you actually see much of the enemy or would you just get
fired on from somewhere?
No, we didn‘t see much of the enemy, a lot of hit and run.
Interviewer: When you were camping out at night and so forth, would the
perimeters get hit by these mortars, or snipers, or zappers/
Very seldom, very seldom, and I can only remember mortars coming in, maybe, four
times at night. 32:02

Of course, I wasn‘t there for that second day of Ap Gu, but they

were coming in hot and heavy.
Interviewer: Would you get sniper fire? Was sniper fire more common?
Yeah, if they fired mortars it was only one or two and they were gone.
Interviewer: Now, if your company made contact, or whatever, and you were with
the mortars then, would they call in support from you, or how would that work?
Yeah, we charted every inch of where the guys would go, and they always had one guy
out there from the mortar platoon to do the coordinates. You have to or you‘d be killing
your own guys left and right. 33:04

33

�Interviewer: You’d have the quickest response time, wouldn’t you? You’d get the
call and do something right away as opposed to calling in for artillery from
somewhere else?
It all depends, if we‘re going into someplace, we call the artillery because we‘re just
setting up, but the artillery is what—artillery and bombers are what saved Ap Gu , so
we‘re kind of the back up to the artillery, I really have to say, because they can do much
more damage.
Interviewer: Were you firing 81mm mortars?
Yes
Interviewer: So they’re much smaller than a 105.
The four deuces were so big you couldn‘t carry them out in the field. You would have to
be provided some kind of transportation set up, so yeah, it was all 81‘s.
Interviewer: Did you have, in these operations you conducted, would you have any
kind of mechanized support, APC’s or tanks, or things like that? 34:05
We had a couple times and it depended on where we were and if they could be there,
number one. We had the artillery once and we got—they had the bee hive rounds—took
out everything, the trees and when they fired those it didn‘t last long, the battle didn‘t last
long, but then I dreamed about that too. People getting sliced up, but of course they were
saving our lives, so it‘s a two way street, but most of the time we were on—we always
had birddogs and this guy that flew in a Piper Cub. 35:01 He had more guts than
anybody I know, I think. That‘s all wood and could be shot down easily.
Interviewer: Was he flying low looking for targets?
Yeah, looking for—call in the artillery or whatever.

34

�Interviewer: Did you get helicopter gunship support too?
Oh yeah, oh yeah, and the—oh, what was the name of the Gatling gun? The plane,
dragon, something dragon
Interviewer: Puff the Magic Dragon that was one label.
We had that one night--the
Interviewer: Gatling gun?
Yeah, but I‘m trying to think of the bullet, the one that has the red
Interviewer: Tracer? 36:05
Yeah, one every five it looked they were hailing nothing but tracers, oh, man that tore up.
Interviewer: How long, basically did you spend in the field before you got hurt?
Seven months
Interviewer: Over the course of that time, how much turnover was there in your
company?
The first month a lot, because there were all the replacements coming in and after that,
not much
Interviewer: Did you take many casualties at Cedar Falls or Junction City, or was
that fairly light?
We had some casualties, but not a great amount of casualties. 37:04
Interviewer: So you spent a lot of those seven months, pretty much, with the same
group of guys, or there were a fair number of them you were there with together?
Yes
Interviewer: what did you think of your commanders, the sergeants, Lieutenants
and commanders you had to work with?

35

�All but one, it was a Lieutenant, all but one were great. Our company commander was
Jouwin [?], who returned and became head of NATO, but the battalion commander was
Hage, Hagen Lincoln was our—we had good officers.
Interviewer: You had good officers.
Some of the younger officers, not so much, and I had one that when I was down at Fort
Hood. 38:06 This ROTC--2nd Lieutenant comes in and he just graduated from Notre
Dame. A little guy, but thought he was— that he knew everything. The commander one
time-- we had full—we were going on a march, the whole company, and he went over to
the Lieutenant and went, ―That‘s a trenching tool and you‘re going to have to use it to
make a trench so the handle won‘t come off‖, but he ended up in my company over in
Vietnam. 39:10 You couldn‘t tell him anything or advise him. We hit a Vietcong
village, and of course, they were gone, and right in the middle, in the middle was a big
clay pot, huge, and right in there was GI equipment, and he said, ―Raudenbush, take that
stuff out of there‖, and I said, ―No sir‖, and he said, ―That‘s an order‖, and I said, ―No sir,
not until we know that it doesn‘t have a booby trap ―. So, I got a rock and that and he‘s
still telling me, ―You don‘t have to do this‖, and I threw the rock and it cracked the clay.
40:04 And they had a cylinder that exploded, it popped and exploded if we just reached
in there and got it. I did report that to the company commander. When it‘s obvious,
when it‘s the centerpiece of everything, but that‘s the only officer I could never [not]
warm up to.
Interviewer: Did you spend pretty much all your time in Vietnam either in the field
or in base camps, or did you go anywhere else?
Yes, in the field or in base camps.

36

�Interviewer: How much contact did you have with the Vietnamese themselves,
either civilian or military?
Except for those we hired to do things around the base, and the local village of Phuoc
Vinh, not a great deal because we were on the move all the time. 41:10 of course when
you go through—like I said, we carried candy with us and stuff that and we‘d give it to
kids when we went through a village.
Interviewer: What kind of impression did you form of the Vietnamese at the time?
You just couldn’t be sure who to trust or did it go farther than that?
Yeah, but I also thought most aren‘t on one side or the other, all they want to do is work
their rice or buffalo or whatever just like anybody else, and to this day I don‘t have
anything against the Vietnamese people.
Interviewer: Did you ever see much of the Vietnamese military or police forces or
things like that?
We had an interpreter, Vietnamese, with us, a great guy, great guy. 42:08

One day we

had been out in the field and we came back and we were going to get hot chow in the
mess hall and he was right in front of me and all of a sudden he dropped his—you know
where they put the food, his tray, and jumped over and just started berating this guy. It
turns out he knew he was a VC, you know. He was a great guy, except one time he
wanted me—one of their delicacies is to take an unhatched egg, boil it, put a little hole in
it, suck it out and eat the whole thing, and he kept wanting me to have one. 43:01 I said,
―No sir, I don‘t think so, but thank you anyway‖.
Interviewer: You have to draw the line somewhere. How do you characterize
morale in the company when you were with it?

37

�Pretty good, pretty good—again we were a fairly close company. You can‘t spend a lot
of, well you can I guess—the war hadn‘t go to a point that it did in the late 1969-70
where people—we still had a lot of volunteers and ―one for all and all for one‖, don‘t
leave your buddy behind.
Interviewer: All right, now what kind of ethnic mix did you have in the company?
44:00
We had everything, we had Hispanics, we had colored, we had Indians, Caucasians and
I‘m sure I‘m missing a couple, but it was a mixture.
Interviewer: How did they work together?
As far as I saw, good-- I never saw any kind of racial, or any kind of remark about racial.
I‘ve seen people risk their lives for other people that weren‘t the same ethnic group and
that. Our medic was colored and from Detroit and I‘ve been trying to find him ever
since. When he got out he just disappeared from the radar. 45:03
Interviewer: At this stage was there anybody using drugs or things like that on the
base camp?
One person I knew, one person I knew and I had to do an ammo count and he was in our
platoon one time and he had a total of three bullets and I had to report him and they took
him out of the field. He ended up at base camp doing guard duty there. I thought, ―Still
got the same problem up there‖.
Interviewer: Maybe less dangerous there than he would be in the field.
We didn‘t get too many problems there at base camp. I think because of what all the
helicopters we had there could do with their machine guns firing. 46:04 That‘s the only
one that I personally saw.

38

�Interviewer: But, basically as far as you’re concerned your unit was a pretty
effective one and could do its job well?
I think our unit was one of the best. I think our battalion was one of the best.
Interviewer: Tell me a little bit about Ap Gu because that’s sort of you last day.
What happened then?
Okay, we‘d been building, guarding a bridge that had been blow up by the VC and had to
be replaced and that was—we got there the last of February, the beginning of March and
I had R&amp;R coming, coming up. 47:02 We called this the dust bowl because it was
pretty much dust. Every time they would ship out a hot meal to you and the helicopter
would take off you had do this because it would be all over your meal. We spent almost
a month there and probably a month. I‘d gone on R&amp;R and I came back and we had one
more week and then we had three battalions move and I never saw as many helicopters at
one time as when I was over there. That‘s when we went into—landed at Ap Gu and the
thing that got me right away was the number of helicopters. 48:03 We were being told,
―This is nothing. We‘re just going to be out a few more days and we‘re going back to
base camp because we‘ve been out for over a month‖. We only had one shot at us, one
shot, which is nothing, it‘s VC, bang, get the hell—only once. And digging in where we
were digging in, you got stones; you got everything, so it‘s hard digging in your foxhole.
This was a dream, boom, boom, boom, and that night, the first night, which had been the
30th we didn‘t have any—except for that one shot. 49:02 The next morning we get up
and the company recon troop was going to do their usual recon and one of my buddies,
probably one of my best friends during my time there was in that group. He was a radio
operator for the Lieutenant, the platoon leader, and they went by and made a comment to

39

�me that, this was the 31st, ―Some people are lucky‖, and I said, ―‖No some people have
brains and know not what to get into‖, and he goes on by and it wasn‘t—see take this rug
here and it‘s almost a box, trees all over here, landing here and we‘re here and I‘m
watching them. 50:11 They get into the tree line and all hell breaks loose. I‘ve got the
radio for the mortars and I‘m hearing my buddy, ―Lieutenants been hit, I‘ve been hit, we
need help, we‘re under heavy attack‖. He didn‘t make it, he passed away later. They
started sending in a whole platoon, of course I‘ve still got to stay there with the gun, and
what happened is we only had one gun up at that time because they didn‘t think we
needed it, the other one, so my platoon sergeant, Dave, he said, ―Go help bring in the
wounded‖. 51:11 They‘ve been ready for us a couple of days and they got snipers in all
the trees no matter where you went and that‘s where I got hit, out trying to bring back the
wounded.
Interviewer: Was that the first time you’d gone out or had you gone out and
brought some back and gone out again?
Not the first time out
Interviewer: Was this the action that got you the Bronze Star citation?
Yes
Interviewer: So, you’re going in under enemy fire and pulling guys out and you
keep doing it and you get hit in the process. Where were you hit or how badly were
you hurt?
Actually right there and it did a good job on my artery and I got the last rites on the field.
52:02 I‘m a Methodist, but our Chaplain was Catholic, but I didn‘t know it because I
was under morphine, but I kind of came to for a minute and he‘s asking me if I want to

40

�be forgiven for my sins and I‘m thinking, ―What the heck is he asking a question like that
for now‖, but then when I was at the hospital, the 96th—I think it was the 96th Medevac in
Saigon, and because I lost so much blood, they rushed me—I was one of the first to get
operated on. A couple days later when I was done with the effects of my surgery and
everything, I was talking to the guy in the bed next to me and I said, ―It‘s the craziest
thing, I don‘t know if it happened, but I‘m lying there and the Chaplain‘s asking me if I
want to be forgiven for my sins‖. 53:08 The guy goes, ―Oh my God, he gave you the
last rites‖, and I went, ―What?‖ Yeah, I was extremely lucky that I got— that one of the
medics was probably where that camera is from me when I got hit, and I hollered,
―Medic‖, and that he was able to stop the bleeding before I bled out.
Interviewer: Before you bled out, yeah. Did that end you r combat career?
Yeah
Interviewer: How long did you stay in the hospital?
I spent ten days in Saigon and then I was flown to the 106th general Yokohama and I was
there for five or six months and then I went to Island Army Hospital in Knox where I was
in the hospital holding company seeing Doctors and doing a lot of work on PT on my leg
to strengthen it until I got discharged. 54:17
Interviewer: All right, What did you do then once you got discharged?
I partied for three days, came home thinking I was going to have a few weeks to—I got
home about two o‘clock Monday morning and I unlocked the door because my parents,
naturally, were sleeping. I get there and there‘s a note on the table that said, ―Get up by
nine, your dad‘s got it set up for you to have a job interview at General Motors‖, where
he worked. 55:02 I thought, ―Okay, they‘re not going to hire me right away; I‘ll still get

41

�a couple weeks to unwind‖. I go there and, ―Oh, you‘re Charlie‘s boy, you got wounded
in Vietnam‖, and I went, ―Yeah‖. They had their own doctor and their own x-rays and
everything. The doctor said, ―Can I see the medical report?‖ I said, ―I didn‘t bring it
because I didn‘t think I had to‖, and he said, ―Go home and get it and come right back, so
I did. I came back and he did an x-ray to make sure that nothing that happened there they
would be liable for, you know. He said, ―Go back to personnel now‖, and I did, and they
said, ―Wait until the doctor calls‖. The doctor called and they said, ―Okay, be here at two
thirty to start working at three, which was good for money. 56:06 I was out of the
service one day and at work three days later.
Interviewer: How long did you stay with that?
Six years, I did not—my dad loved the factory, I didn‘t, and then I was a mess.
Physiologically, very honestly, I was a mess. I had a marriage and that went south,
between the two of us, and I quit, one day just quit General Motors. I went to the VA
hospital for, down in Kalamazoo, and I was there five weeks. 57:02 Of course, they
didn‘t know PTSD because this was in 1971 and, of course, everything had to be from
your early childhood, which was good, but that wasn‘t where the problem was. So, I
ended up—I lived on the street for a year and a half.
Interviewer: What got you out of it?
I finally was able to get another job. I was able to get money to get my own—well I had
a friend and he had an apartment and he said, ―You know, you can live with me. It‘s got
two bedrooms‖, but it was a small place, but it was a place. 58:04 Then I got a job
working at another factory, but it was—I held on to that one for a long time. We moved
into a better apartment and life slowly changed. I still have PTSD, I‘m going to a

42

�meeting down in Kalamazoo every Wednesday. Wednesday, and then they have a
smaller group on the second or forth Thursday that I go to.
Interviewer: When you came back, did you pay any attention to the news about the
war and the anti-war activities and that stuff? 1:17
A lot, you couldn‘t help it, it was everywhere.
Interviewer: What kind of view did you have of the people who were in the protest
movements and stuff like that?
Not much, everybody‘s got an opinion, you know. There were some that really believed
it, but I think the majority were just didn‘t want to go fight. See, again, this was the first
war where people saw, they saw dead bodies, they saw people dying, they saw all those
ruins that happen in war. 2:16
Interviewer: The government hadn’t necessarily done that good of a job of
justifying, or explaining to people why.
Johnson bragged about he could—we couldn‘t fire a bullet unless he gave approval and
how do you fight a war like that?
Interviewer: Did you ever encounter that kind of issue or were you mostly fighting
in placed where you could shoot when you had to?
The only time you could really shoot when you had to was when you were doing it after
they opened on you, which is not a good way to fight a war. Johnson was—and I voted
all different ways in presidential elections, but I voted for Johnson. 3:16 Then I said,
―Well, that didn‘t work‖, so I voted for Nixon and there really wasn‘t much change, but I
had a hard time because I‘d see these fights and I‘d see the Americans being hit and

43

�you‘d see them being pulled out and you knew they were dead, and it was hard, it was. It
was to the point that I didn‘t watch TV much.
Interviewer: Now, to look back at the full range of the time you spent in the service,
do you think you took anything positive out of that?
I took a lot that was positive out of it. 4:08
Interviewer: What did you gain from it do you think?
Working with all kinds of different people, great friendships that I still have today, and I
Just came back last week from going down and seeing my buddy that was the mortar
platoon sergeant. We became really good friends after Vietnam and he passed away with
Lou Gehrig‘s disease last year. We went down to see—it was going to be the anniversary
of his death, so Kathy and I, and my buddy Duane, who was over in Vietnam with us, and
his wife Mary Ellen, we went down, they live in Tennessee, and we went down to see
Dave‘s wife and we spent a couple days at their place. 5:07 I got to the reunion every
year. There‘s a group that I‘m with, the Vietnam PTSD group, and I like every one of
those guys. I just feel sad that nothing came out of that with all those people getting hurt
and dying.
Interviewer: What do you think about the way, sort of the people in society today,
are treating veterans, especially the ones coming back from Iraq or Afghanistan?
6:00
Very honestly, I‘m happy they do it for them, I do it, but I feel like we were the Guinea
Pigs, and we‘re the only veterans who didn‘t come back here welcomed. Actually, envy
would be the word I would use for it. You can‘t change what‘s happened, you can‘t
change the past. I just feel it was the wrong generation, I guess.

44

�Interviewer: Well, it makes for a pretty powerful story and I just like to close here
by thanking you for taking the time and sharing it today.
Thanks you for inviting me.

45

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veteran's History Project
Vietnam
Sam Rawlinson
Total Time (00:46:43)
Introduction (00:00:22)
 Sam Rawlinson was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania in 1948; he grew up in Spartanburg,
South Carolina (00:00:50)
 He graduated from high school in 1967; after he graduated he decided to join the Army with a
buddy of his although they were separated immediately (00:02:49)
◦ Sam did his basic training at Ft. Bragg in North Carolina; he completed basic training
although he fractured one of his ankles during his time there (00:03:14)
◦ During high school, Sam went to cadet school on Tuesdays and Thursdays which helped
him deal with the discipline during Basic Training (00:05:45)
▪ He was told he was going to be a mechanic after he took the ASVAB; Sam says he loved
that type of stuff and was fine with it (00:07:46)
▪ Sam went to Ft. Dix in New Jersey for advanced infantry training (00:08:15)
 He mentions he was trained to fix anything on military jeeps from bumper to
bumper, there was no part on a vehicle he wasn't trained on (00:09:30)
Vietnam (00:10:23)
 After AIT, Sam got orders to be sent to Vietnam; He and his wife got married August 31st, 1968
and was in Vietnam by October (00:10:57)
 He traveled from New Jersey to California to Vietnam; he mentions he had one of the best
flights while flying into Vietnam (00:11:59)
◦ They landed at Cam Ranh Bay; he says that you wouldn't think you were landing in a war
zone- he says this feeling last only four hours (00:13:08)
◦ Sam was part of the 131st Quartermaster company in Qui Nhon; he describes Qui Nhon as a
garrison area with barracks, motor pool, battalions (00:14:59)
▪ Sam estimates that they had around 60-80 people in his company (00:16:09)
▪ One of his jobs was as a recovery specialist- he would have to go and bring broken
down vehicles back to their base; these trips took place at all times from six in the
morning to ten at night (00:18:22)
▪ He never had to go out alone on these missions has he had a few support vehicles on his
side (00:20:16)
 Sam estimates that he went on about 100 recovery runs in a seven month period
(00:21:31)
 He received a military R&amp;R (rest and recuperation) with his wife for his honeymoon
in Hawaii (00:22:37)
◦ Sam says he never encountered any problems with racism in his 20 years with
the military (00:24:35)
Back Home &amp; Out Again (00:25:48)
 Sam was sent back to Ft. Meade in Maryland and spent a few years there (00:25:58)
 He eventually became in charge of a 64 Charlie unit which included ammo pick up, transporting

�rations and ammo as well (00:29:32)
◦ Sam worked at Ft. Hood in Texas for three years; after that he was sent to Germany for two
years (00:30:24)
◦ He estimates that he spent about eight months in the field while he was over in Germany
(00:33:16)
◦ Sam got an opportunity to travel while he was there as well (00:34:14)
▪ After Germany he went back to Ft. Meade; he worked on a transportation motor pool
(00:37:53)
▪ He worked on the transportation motor pool for seven years (00:40:30)
▪ Sam had to maintain a top secret clearance in order to work on that job; after that he
went to Ft. Leonard Wood, Missouri (00:42:16)
 After achieving a rank of E7, he became an instructor for AIT; he performed this job
until he retired from the military in 1988 (00:43:39)
 Six months after he retired from the military he got a job in the transportation
business as government civilian employee; he did this til 1994 (00:44:38)
 He retired from the work force in 2008 (00:45:15)

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                <text>Sam Rawlinson was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania in 1948 and grew up in Spartanburg, South Carolina. After graduating from high school in 1967 he decided to join the Army. He did his basic training at Ft. Bragg in North Carolina. He then went to Ft. Dix in New Jersey for AIT as a mechanic. Sam received orders to go to Vietnam by October of 1968. After Vietnam he worked at Ft. Hood in Texas for three years</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Frederick Rawsthorne
(42:20) Pre Enlistment
Born in St Helens, England, June 6, 1922
Family immigrated to America when very young
Returned to England with Mother and Father few years later, back to St Helens.
Returned to the United States to find Work. Ecorse, Michigan (1929 6:08)
Father Was Foundry worker
Five to Six sisters of father migrated to same area.
(5:03) Depression
Father was unemployed for long periods of time during great depression
Family was on welfare for long time, father finally found work at Wyandotte Chemicals
Moved to Wyandotte, began to attend public schools. Moved several places within city,
attended several different schools. Enjoyed English, chemistry didn’t like math.
Was in glee club, tried for swimming team, played role in an Operetta.
(11:20) War
Started working at gas station for 12$ a week for uncle.
Attended apprentice school for Tool and Dye
Didn’t finish, Joined Marine Corps in 1942.

(14:40) Service
Boot Camp in San Diego went home on furlough via train.
Was stationed in San Diego, and worked as a Machinist in the reclamation Salvage Dept.
Year later he was sent to Camp Pendleton, was moved to Hawaii until reassigned for a
few weeks. He was reassigned to Guam, and given a mobile machine shop.

�2nd Marine Division 2nd Amphibian Truck Company, vehicle repair.
Later moved to Saipan, always just behind the big battles. Was still on Saipan when
Atomics where dropped on Japan.
He was stationed in area of Nagasaki. The surrounding and was devastated.
Japanese were polite and did not give the military any problems.
(24:12) After War
Shipped home April of1946.
No serious relationships.
He joined the Masons in 1967. Went Back to Ford, finished his apprenticeship.
Was laid off, didn’t have job for period of time.
Took Postal examination around Christmas 1949
(30:24) Post Office and Masons
Started at the bottom level, eventually achieved Post master Status by appointment.
He retained position for 20 years since JFK’s presidency.
Became master of Lodge in of Trenton, MI ‘77
They initiated 2-4 candidates a week.
(38:20) Family
Met wife in Trenton in ‘46
Had Boy and a Girl
Daughter Beth is a school teacher in River View
Son is a Doctor.
They paid for their children’s first four years.
(42:20) Reflections on Life
Service had little impact on his life.
Did not join any Veterans organizations

�Masonry helped him a great deal.
Wife developed Alzheimer’s Ended up in nursing home in 2005. 
 

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Boring, Frank</text>
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                <text>Frederick Rawsthorne was born in St. Helena, England, but migrated to the United States at an early age with his family. He returned to England with his family, then ventured back to the United States, with his family yet again. His family struggled to support itself during the Great Depression. Frederick found work, and then became a machinist's apprentice at Ford. During his apprenticeship, he joined the Marine Corps and was stationed in noncombat zones throughout the Pacific, eventually Japan. After WWII he became a full time machinist. He was laid off in 1949 and went to work at the post office in Trenton, MI. Eventually he rose to high status as postmaster of his town and master of his Masons' lodge.</text>
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                    <text>I

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TOWNSHIP OF RAY

Township Board
Donald E. Maertens, Supervisor
Betty Grader, Clerk
Rita Harman, Treasurer
Jim DeMar, Trustee
J. Robert Devers, Trustee

Township ·Planning Commission
Craig Christensen, Chairperson
Sandra Birkenshaw, Vice Chairperson
Jim DeMar, Secretary; Board Representative
Lou Jacobs
Ron Steffens
Alvin Strauchman, Jr.
Lyle Winn
Past Members
Clark Green
Wilber Kuchenmeister

Consultant
Community Planning &amp; Management, P.C.
Dennis Meagher
Glenn Wynn

�TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

REGIONAL ANALYSIS
INTRODUCTION
REGIONAL SETTING
GROWTH CORRIDORS
Southeast Michigan Growth Corridors
Macomb County Growth Corridors
M-59 Growth Corridor
Conclusions
OTHER REGIONAL INFLUENCES
Southeast Michigan Council of Governments (SEMCOG)
Regional Development Forecasts
County Airport Study
Huron-Clinton Metropolitan Authority
LOCAL PLANNING INFLUENCES
Washington Township
Armada Township
Macomb Township
Lenox Township

POPULATION ANALYSIS
INTRODUCTION
POPULATION CHANGE
POPULATION GROWTH TRENDS
AGE CHARACTERISTICS
Median Age
Population by Age
Age by Life Cycle Category
HOUSEHOLD AND HOUSING GROWTH TRENDS
POPULATION PROJECTIONS
Constant Proportion Method
Growth Rate Method
Arithmetic Method
Southeast Michigan Council of Governments
Projection Summary
Conclusion

1
1
1
2
2
3
8
8
9
9
10
11
11
12
12
12
13
13

.14
14
14
15
17
17
18
19
21
22

23
23
23
23
24
25

�.:

Table of Contents - Continued
Page
PHYSICAL FEATURES
INTRODUCTION
EXISTING LAND USE
Residential
Commercial
Industrial
Public/Semi-Public
Recreation
Airports
Roads
Agricultural or Vacant
FLOOD HAZARDS AND FLOODPLAINS
WETLANDS
WOODLANDS
SOILS
Conover-Parkhill-Locke Association
Hoytville-Sims-Nappanee Blount Association
Toledo-Paulding Association
Lenawee-Corunna-Lamson Association
Oakville-Boyer-Spinks Association
Cohoctah-Ceresco-Shoals-Sloan Association
Agricultural Capabilities
Residential Capabilities
PRIME AGRICULTURAL LAND
CONCLUSIONS

ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS
INTRODUCTION
EXISTING COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT PATTERNS
MARKET ANALYSIS
RETIAL SALES POTENTIAL
EMPLOYMENT CHARACTERISTICS
Economic Activity Centers
Industrial Development Potential
Industrial Planning Concepts

OCCUPATION AND EMPLOYMENT CHARACTERISTICS

PLANNING POLICY
COMMUNITY ATTITUDE SURVEY
Typical Ray Township Resident
Wants and Desires for the Future

26
26
26
27
27
27
27

28
28
28
28
31
33
35

36
36
37
37
37
37
38
38
38
38
42
43
43
43
44
44

49
49
50
51

52
55

55
55

56

�L

Table of Contents - Continued
Page

PLANNING POLICY - Continued
GOALS AND OBJECTIVES
Preservation of Community Character
Preservation of Agricultural Land and Open Space
Preservation of the Environment
Provide for Quality Residential Development
Control and Management of Growth
Provide for Necessary Municipal Services and Recreation

58
58

THOROUGHFARE PLAN
INTRODUCTION
CONCEPT AND STANDARDS
EXISTING CONDITIONS
Street Inventory
Traffic Volumes
Accident Locations
Bridge Closures
Freeway Availability
Traffic Generation
THOROUGHFARE PLAN

61
61
62
66
66
66
68
68
68
68
71

LAND USE PLAN
INTRODUCTION
CONCEPT FOR DEVELOPMENT
Natural Resources
Man-Made Influences on Resources
Summary
PRESERVATION OF AGRICULTURAL LANDS AND OPEN SPACE
Agricultural Zoning
Farmland and Open Space Preservation Program
Purchase or Transfer of Development Rights
Open Space Zoning
Residential
COMMERCIAL
INDUSTRIAL
PUBLIC/SEMI-PUBLIC
Town Center
Recreation

72
72
72
73
74
74
75
76

~~~

FLOODPLAINS
ROADS
LAND USE PLAN SUMMARY

56
57

58

59
59

n

78
78
79
82
82
82
83
83
~

87
87
87

�C

UST OF TABLES
Page

Table
Population Change by Growth Corridors
Macomb County - 1970-1980

3

2

Population Change by Growth Corridors
Macomb County - 1980-1990

5

3

Housing Change by Growth Corridors
Macomb County - 1970-1980

6

Housing Change by Growth Corridors
Macomb County - 1980-1990

7

1

4
5

Comparative Population Growth Trends

15

6

Population Change by Decade

16

7

Median Age

17

8

Population by Age

18

9

Age by Life Cycle Category

19

10

Household Growth Trends

22

11

Household Size

22

12

Population Projection Summary

24

13

Existing Land Use - 1988

29

14

Estimated Spending by Retail Category

45

15

Estimated Retail Needs - Ray Township 1990

46

16

Estimated Retail Needs - Ray Township 2000

47

17

Estimated Retail Needs - Ray Township 2010

48

18

Industry of Employment
Ray Township and Macomb County - 1980

53

Occupational Characteristics
Ray Township and Macomb County - 1980

54

20

Summary of Roadway Planning Standards

64

21

Road Mileage

66

22

Trip End Generation Rates by Land Use

70

23

Planned Acreage Allocations - Ray Township

88

19

�~

;,

,

LIST OF FIGURES

,,

Page .

Figure
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9

Ray Township Growth Trends - 1940-1990
Comparative Growth Trends - 1940-1990
Population Change by Age - 1970-1980
Age by Life Cycle Category - 1970
Age by Life Cycle Category - 1980
Age by Life Cycle Category - 1990
Population Projection Summary
Developed/Undeveloped Land
Developed Land Summary

15
16
19
20

20
20
24
29
29

UST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Illustration

Page

1
2
3

Location Map
Southeast Michigan Regional Growth Corridors

4
5
6

Wolcott Mill Metropark Location
Existing Land Use - 1989
Natural Resources

7

Wetlands Map
Generalized Soils
Agricultural Capabilities
Residential Capabilities
Important Farmlands
Shopping Center Locations
Economic Activity Centers
Road Classification System
Cross Section Standards
Traffic Volumes
Traffic Accidents
Design Concepts
The Planning Process

63
65
67
69
81
89

Ray Township Master Plan Illustration

90

8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17

18
19
20

SEMCOG Sewer Service Area

1
2
9
11

30

32
34
36
39
40
41
43

49

�REGIONAL ANALYSIS

INTRODUCTION

The growth and development of a community is strongly influenced by its position within
the larger region in which it is located. This position represents a factor that realistically
cannot be changed, but which must be recognized and accommodated. Local policies
and decisions impacting land use, therefore, must take these regional influences into
account to be relevant and effective.
Many factors influence the growth and potential of a given community. Some relate to
local decisions and can be controlled by the local community. Others result from actions
or developments outside the community and are, therefore, subject to somewhat less
control.
The purpose of this chapter of the Ray Township Master Land Use Plan is to identify a
framework of those factors that influence growth in Southeast Michigan and to provide
information to Ray Township concerning its growth potential due to its position in the
region. This information will provide a basis for Mure planning decisions and serve as
a background for understanding the dynamics of the community's growth. This chapter
will also consider the plans and
policies ·of other governmental
agencies that have an impact on
ST
CLAIR
land use patterns and growth in
•
the Township.

.

REGIONAL SETTING

Ray Township is located in the
north central portion of Macomb
County, approximately 30 miles
north of Downtown Detroit. Four
communities share a common
boundary with the Township,
which include Armada Township,
Lenox Township, Washington
Township and Macomb Township.
The Township's regional setting is
shown in Illustration 1.

WA SHTENAW

ILLUSTII.ATION 1

LOCATION MAP

-1-

�GROWTH CORRIDORS
Southeast Michigan Growth
Corridors

ST

.

CLAIR

:i

Within the Southeast Michigan
region, there are a number of
corridors along which growth has
traditionally occurred. Each of
these corridors originate in, or
traverse, the core City of Detroit
and migrate into the surrounding
communities along established
transportation routes.
These
corridors originally followed the
major surface streets that radiated
outward from downtown Detroit
like the spokes of a wheel.
Today, they largely follow the
interstate freeway system and
complementary major highway
systems.
These corridors are
identified below and shown in
Illustration 2.

- Detroit to
- Detroit to
Detroit to
- Detroit to
- Detroit to
- Detroit to

WASHTENAW

t
2
l

t,!T CLEMENS &amp; POAT HUAON
UTIC A l'I ~OM f0
PQkTIAC &amp; FLINT

• El'f!GHTON 5 LAkS1NG
S ANN AA80A' 8 JACKSON
6 MONROE 8 TOLEDO

IU.USTRATION 2

SOUTHEAST MICHIGAN
REGIONAL GROWTH CORRIDORS

Mt. Clemens and Port Huron along 1-94 east and Gratiot Avenue.
Utica and Romeo along M-53 north (Van Dyke Road) and Mound Road.
Pontiac and Flint along 1-75 north and Woodward Avenue.
Brighton and Lansing along 1-96 west, the Lodge Freeway and Grand River.
Ann Arbor and Jackson along 1-94 west and U.S. 12 (Michigan Avenue).
Monroe and Toledo along 1-75 south and Fort Street.

Growth in the metropolitan area originally occurred along the shoreline areas north and
south of the City of Detroit and along Woodward Avenue to the northwest. Many of these
earlier growth communities have since matured, with new development activity shifting to
other growth corridors in the metropolitan area.

-2-

�.,

Macomb County Growth Corridors
Population Growth Trends-Within Macomb County, growth traditionally occurred along
the Lake St. Clair shoreline communities, which is consistent with historical urban
settlement patterns. The establishment of Mt. Clemens as the County Seat also
contributed to the predominant development pattern along the eastern portion of the
County.

TABLE 1
POPULATION CHANGE BY GROWTH CORRIDORS - MACOMB COUNTY
1970-1980

..............
·-····............................ _..............................._..____ ..._...............................................................
_.........-.................................................................................................
..
..

.

.

.

t·····-····- ·- -~~~~~',;~~~~-------~;;;;~;;; -1--- -------- ···---~...-;:~::;~~,.·-·- · · ~;;;;~;;; I
j

1970

1980

Number

\ Bruce Twp.
\ Romeo

2,213
4,012

3,823
3,509

1,610
• 503

72.8
-12.5

r 32Mileto38Ma. .

6,225

7,332

1,107

17.8

( Washington Twp.

5,651

8,637

2,986

52.8

COMMUNITY

:

j

"'

l Richmond City

f 26 Mile to 32 Mire
\ Shelby Twp.
Utica

!

j Richmond Twp.

·, :

i

•

COMMUNITY

8,637

2,986

52.8

29,467
3,504

38,939
5,282

9,472
1,ne

50.7

3,536
2,453

302
734

j

9.3 \
42.7 j

I:

5,989

1,036

j
!;

Lenox Twp.
New Haven

2,869
1,855

3,028
1,871

159
16

5.5 j
0.9 i

4,724

4,899

175

3.7

New Baltimore

9,378
4,132

18,276
5,439

8,898
1,307

M-59 to 26 Mile

13,51 o

23,715

10,205

75.5

Clemens
Harrison Twp.

11 ,868
48,865
20,476
18,755

14,560
72,400
18,806
23,649

2,692
23,535
-1 ,670
4,894

22.7
48.2
-8.2
26.1
29.5

!

32,971

44,221

11,250

34.1

!

j

Sterling Heights

61 ,365

108,999

47,634

77.6

l Fruer
l Clinton Twp.

i

! Mt.

l

3,234
1,719

%

4,953

M-59 to 26 Mile-

i
l
;

Number

32Mile-to38Mile

l
i

1980

!

j 26 Mile to 32 Mile
32.1 l Chesterfield Twp.

5,651

1970

!

20.9

i

j

94.9 \
31.6 l

!
;

!
i
i
!

I

61 ,365

108,999

47,634

n .6

r 14 Mlle to M-59

99,964

129,415

29,451

j Center Line
; Warren

10,379
179,260

9,293
161 ,134

-1,086
-18,126

•10.5 \ Eut Detroit
-10.1 ! Roseville
St Clair Shores

45,920
60,529
88,093

38,280
54,311
76,210

-7,640
-6,218
-11 ,883

-16.6
-10.3 j
-13.5 l

, 8 Mile to 14 Mile

189,839

170,427

-19,212

-10.1

8 Mile to 14 Mile

194,542

168,801

-25,741

-13.2

295,851

339,616

43,765

14.8

TOTALS

317,693

332,819

15,126

4.8

14 Mile to M-59

l
j

TOTALS
00

••

• • • • • • • • • • . . • • . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . ..... -

... ... •

..

!

!

!

•• ••• •- •n•• • .. ... • .. •• ••- .. n,.. .. - • .. •• ••• • ......... • •• • .. •• •••-.. •.. •••.. -•• ••••-•--••..,•·•nn,

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census

-3-

!

l
l

........... • • •·• •••• • - --u- u •u •u u • .. • .. ••• .. ••.... • .... •••u• u•-- • .. • •oo•oonooo•ooooo •

�Following the Second World War, most metropolitan areas experienced a sweeping wave
of population migration from traditional central cities into emerging suburban
communities. In Macomb County, this migration first occurred within those suburban
communities located along the perimeter of Detroit. The second wave of suburban
growth in the County accelerated north along the Van Dyke/Mound Road corridor in the
western tier of communities.
By 1970, population levels in the western corridor communities (295,851 persons) nearly
equaled the population along the eastern or shoreline communities (317,693). During the
1970's, population growth in the western corridor surpassed increases in the eastern
communities. The 1980 Census revealed that the Van Dyke/Mound Road communities
had a slightly higher population (339,616 persons) than the eastern corridor (332,819
persons).
The dramatic growth experienced by the City of Warren during the 1960's and Sterling
Heights in the 1970's accounts for this shift in population. For example, in the ten-year
period between 1970 and 1980, Sterling Heights grew by more than 47,000 persons.
This gain more than offset the population loss experienced by the City of Warren during
the decade of the 1970's.
North of M-59, Shelby Township and Utica combined to report a population increase of
11 ,250 persons. Small increases were noted in those communities located north of 26
Mile Road. The increases do, however, provide evidence of a trend of population
accelerating in a northerly direction within this corridor.
To the east, the greatest population increases occurred in those communities located
between 14 Mile Road and 26 Mile Road. Clinton Township (23,535 persons) and
Chesterfield Township (8,898 persons) made the greatest contribution to the overall
growth of this corridor during the decade. North of 26 Mile Road, the amount of growth
was less than for the parallel communities to the west.
Results from the 1990 Census suggest a leveling off of the explosive growth that occurred
within the western corridor. Eastern corridor communities out-gained their counterparts
in the west over the past decade. Today, these two portions of the County share nearly
equal population levels.
Smaller population increases were observed throughout both corridors. For example,
within the M-53 Corridor, Sterling Heights reported a population increase of 8,811
persons, down from 47,634 the previous decade. Shelby Township, on the other hand,
matched the increase that occurred during the 1970's, providing additional evidence of
the continued movement of population north within this corridor.

-4-

�Clinton and Chesterfield Townships continued to be the major contributors to growth in
the eastern corridor. These two communities experienced population increases of 13,466
and 7,629 persons, respectively, since 1980.
Growth over the decades proceeded along the two corridors, with population filling in as
the corridors developed. Macomb Township is now the growth community which is
developing after_the corridors on either side developed. Ray Township, which is the next
community in the corridor in-fill, has different characteristics and may be the exception
to the path of urbanization. This will be explored in greater depth elsewhere in this report.

TABLE 2
POPULATION CHANGE BY GROWTH CORRIDORS - MACOMB COUNTY
· 1980-1990

..

. . _ . _ _ . . _ _ _ . . _ _ _ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .0

1·····-··············..······............~~;::~~~~~~-..........

l

-

..

...

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

~~~~·;·········t··. · · · · ·. . . . . . . . . . . . . . ._. ~.~;::;;;:~::~-·. ·-··········~~~~·;;. . . . . .,
j
l

1980

1990

Number

\ Bruce Twp.
j Romeo

3,823
3,509

4,193
3,520

370
11

9.7
0.3

l 32 Mlle to 38 Mn.·

7,332

7,713

381

5.2

Wahington Twp.

8,637

11,386

2,749

31.8

!l

COMMUNITY

....... -

COMMUNITY

1980

1990

Number

j Richmond Twp.

3,536
2,453

4,1 41
2,528

605
75

17.1
3. 1 \

j 32 Mlle to 38 Mlle

5,989

6,669

680

11.4

1

3,028
1,871

3,069
2,331

41
460

1.4
24.6

.

4,899

5,400

501

10.21
:

%

~

1 Richmond City

il

Lenox Twp.

N- Haven

;.

\· 26Mlle.to32Mh

l:· 26Mlleto32Mlle

%

j

il

8,637

11,386

2,749

31.8

38,939
5,282

48,655
5,081

9,71 6
-201

25.0
-3.8

1 Chesterfield Twp.

Utica

j

New Baltimore

18,276
5,439

25,905
5,798

7,629
359

41.7 j
6.6 \

M-59 to 26 Mile

44,221

53,736

9,515

21.5

M-59 to 26 Mile

23,71 5

31 ,703

7,988

33. 7

i Sterling Heights

108,999

117,810

8,811

8.1

.l
l

14,560
72,400
18,806
23,649

13,899
85,866
18,405
24,685

~1
13,466
-401
1,036

-4.5 1
18.6 j
-2.1 [
4.4 j

:.

1 Shelby Twp.

l

l.

Fraser
Clinton Twp.
l Ml Clemens
1 Harrison Twp.

j

j

i

i
j 14 Mile to M-59

lj

Center Line
Warren

108,999

117,810

8,811

8.1

9,293
161,134

9,026
144,864

-267
-16,270

-2.9
-10.1

j

1 8 Mile to 14 Mile

l

TOTALS

170,427

153,890

-16,537

-9.7

339,6.16

344,535

4,919

1.4

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ._

1.

l

~

14 Mile to M-59

129,415

142,855

13,440

10.4

l

East Detroit
Roseville
St Clair Shores

38,280
54,311
76,210

35,283
51,412
68,1 07

-2,997
-2,899
-a, 103

-7.8
-5.3
-10.6

l

8 Mile to 14 Mile

168,801

154,802

-13,999

-a.3

1

TOTALS

332,819

341,429

8,610

2.6

!

Il

l
♦

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . ._

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census

-5-

lj
l

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . _ . . . . . . . . . :

�Household Growth Trends - In recent decades, population change alone has proven
not to be the most accurate barometer of community growth and vitality. Much of the
population decline experienced by the ring of maturing suburban communities surrounding Detroit is the result of declines in household size, rather than an exodus of residents
from the community. Population decline should, therefore, not necessarily be interpreted
as an indicator of community decline. Frequently, a community will experience an
increase in the number of households concurrently with a decline in population. For this
reason, household growth trends are considered to be a more valid measure of growth.

Applying this measure of growth to the two identified Macomb County growth corridors
reveals an overall balance between these two areas. Between 1970 and 1980, western
corridor communities held a slight edge in the number of new housing units constructed.
In spite of this increase, the eastern communities had some 5,000 more housing units.

TABLE 3
HOUSING CHANGE BY GROWTH CORRIDORS - MACOMB COUNTY

1970-1980

I

I Bruce Twp./
l

-:::=~• Nu=

8

COMMUNITY

1,179

1,825

646

LOMMUNITY

\

54.8

'

I 32 Mile to 38 Mile

!l
~

Washington Twp./
Romeo

I' 26Mileto32Mlle

1,825

646

54.8

2,171

3,322

1,151

53.0

1,151

53.0

\ Shelby Twp.
Utlca

7,571
1,265

12,319
1,952

4,748
687

62.7
54.3

) M-59 to 26 Mile

8,838

14.271

5,435

61.5

Sterling Heights

17,571

34,517

16,948

96.4

;
j

14 Mile to M-59

17,571

34,517

16,948

96.4

3,129

3,642
54,532

513
4,923

16.4
9.9

:

[ Center Line
[ Warren

49,609

j

:

\ 8 Mile to 14 Mile

:

52,738

58,174

5,436

\ TOTALS

82,495

112,109

29,614

10.3

!

982
434

1,282
676

300
242

30.5
55.8

1

1,416

1,958

542

38.3

l

no
508

919
613

149
105

19.4
20.7

.j 26Mileto32Mile

1,278

1,532

254

19.9 1

j

N- Baltimore

2,789
1,353

6,075
2. 118

3,286
765

117.8 1
56.5

l

M-59 to 26 Mile

4,142

8,1 93

4,051

i
i

Fruer
Clinton Twp.
Mt Cleme,,.
Harrison Twp.

3,067
13,436
6,823
5,797

4,832
24,752
7,363
9,332

1,765
11,316
540
3,535

57.5
84.2 1
7.9 1
61 .0 1

14 Mile to M-59

29,123

46,279

17,156

58.9

East Detroit
Roseville
St. Clair Shores

13,214
16,751
24,882

13,458
18,491
27,154

244
1,740
2,272

1.8
10.4 ;
9.1 ;

8 Mile to 14 Mile

54,847

S&amp;,103

4,256

7a

90,806

117,065

26,259

28.9 [

l 32 Mile to 38 Mile

ll

Lenox Twp.
N- Haven

i

i

3.322

j

I

Num:NG\

•

1,179

2,171

!
!;

i Richmond City

j Richmond Twp.

Romeo

•~::o:::

l Chesterfield Twp.

li
!
:

j

j

i
!
:i

ii
~

.

I

97.8

l

i

I
:

35.9 [ TOTALS

!
;

.

l
;

................... .a••·············.. ······...................................................... _............._ _ ........ _.,•• ·-·---.....................-..···· -··---·--···----·.. •·••· . •··· .... ---................. ._ ........................... :
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census

-6-

�..
During the 1980's, 18,536 new units were added in the eastern communities, giving them
a slight edge in the total number of dwelling units. Sterling Heights, Warren and Shelby
Township made the greatest contribution to the housing unit increases that occurred in
the western corridor during the 1970's. Nearly 90 percent of the total increase took place
in those three communities. The greatest contributors to the housing unit growth in the
eastern corridor were Chesterfield, Clinton and Harrison Townships. Collectively, these
three communities accounted for nearly 70 percent of the corridor's total housing unit
increase for the decade.
Following the pattern of the previous decade, Sterling Heights and Shelby Township
again made the greatest contribution to total housing unit gain. To the east, Clinton
Township, Chesterfield Township and the City of Roseville had the greatest housing unit
increases during the 1980's. Housing growth in the 1980's totalled 15 percent in both
corridors, while population growth only averaged about two percent.

TABLE 4
HOUSING CHANGE BY GROWTH CORRIDORS - MACOMB COUNTY
1980-1990

-

..................... ......................... . . . . . .............................................. . .... . . . .............................. .

...................... ................ . ...... ...... .................. ............... . . . . . .. ...... . ........-......................
.._

M-53NAN DYKE/MOUND

.

:

I

H::NG UN:

COMMUNITY

il
!

Bruce Twp./
Romeo

j: 32 Mii. to 38 Mlle.
!

i Washington Twp./

.1 Romeo

.
.

I

Num:NGE"

I!

.

COMMUNITY

1,825

2,062

237

13.0

1,825

2,062

237

13.0 ) 32 Mile to 38 Mile

3,322

4,668

1,346

;

.

1-94/GRATIOT/M-3

:

.

:

.

H::NG UN~:

Richmond City
Richmond Twp.

Num:ANGE"

1,662
783

380
107

29.6
15.8

1,958

2,445

487

24.9 1

919
613

1,018
824

99
211

10.8
34.4

i

:

l Lenox Twp.
l.

Il

1,282
676

;

40.5

l

N- Haven

l
l.

3,322

4,668

1,346

40.5

l. 26 Mile to 32 Mile

1,532

1,842

31 o

12,319
1,952

17,630
1,962

5,311
10

43.1
0.5

j
j

ChesterfieldTwp.
N- Baltimore

6,075
2,118

9,594
2,459

3,519
341

j. M-59 to 26 Mile

14,271

19,592

5,321

37.3

M-59 to 26 Mile

8,193

12,053

3.860

47.1

\ Sterling Heights

34,517

42,317

7,800

22.6

Mt. Clemens
Harrison Twp.

4,832
24,752
7,363
9,332

5,342
33,938
7,727
10,616

510
9,1 86
364
1,284

10.6 l
37.1 \
4.9 1
13.8

14 Mile to M-59

46,279

57,623

11 ,344

9.4 l East Detroit
3.0
Roseville
1 St Clair Shores

13,458
18,491
27,154

13,684
20,025
27,929

226
1,534

ns

1.7 1
8.3 1
2.9 1

59,103

61 ,638

2,535

4.3 1

117,065

135,601

18,536

\ 26 Mlltl to 32 Mlle
'

l ShelbyTwp.
\ Utica

l

l.

1 Fraser

l Clinton Twp.

l

;

j

;

j 14 Mile to M-59
I Center Line
1 Warren

34,517

42,317

7,800

3,642
54,532

3,986
56,189

344
1,657

[

.

j
:

8Mileto14Mile

! TOTALS

22.6

l
i

.

58,174

60,175

2,001

3.4

112,109

128,814

16,705

14.9

l 8Mileto14Mlle
l TOTALS

l.
57.9 l
20.2
16.1

. . . .. . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . ... . . . .. . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . ... . .. . . .. . . . . . . . .

-7-

'

24.5

i

.
i

• . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . .. . . . -

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census

l
i

i

. . . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . . . . . . .. . . . . ..... . . . . . . . . . . u

j

15.8

l

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

�.

'

M-59 Growth Corridor
As reflected in the preceding analysis, the rapid rate of population and housing growth
experienced by communities in western Macomb County over the past 20 to 30 years has
brought both growth corridors into an overall balance in the number of residents and total
housing units. The pace of population and housing unit change experienced by these
two corridors does not, however, fully explain overall County growth patterns, for an eastwest corridor has emerged along M-59. This corridor provides a bridge across the
County linking the east and the west. Plans to widen and improve M-59 in the near future
reinforce its importance.

The communities most impacted by this corridor include Shelby Township, Chesterfield
Township, Sterling Heights, Utica, Macomb Township and Clinton Township. Collectively,
these communities, excluding the City of Utica, experienced a population gain of 48, 106
persons during the past decade. More than 28,000 new housing units were constructed
in these communities since 1980, accounting for more than 80 percent of the total
housing unit increase for both corridors. Communities located proximate to M-59 are
clearly positioned to be further impacted by future County development trends.

Conclusions

Several conclusions can be drawn on the basis of this analysis. The first is that growth
in the County has shifted from the eastern-most Gratiot Avenue Corridor along the
Lake St. Clair shoreline to the western-most tier of communities located along M-53.
With the exception of Macomb Township, these communities located along North Avenue
have yet to experience the pace of population and housing growth evident elsewhere in
the County. The growth in Macomb Township is the result of its location along M-59
which is emerging as an important east-west growth corridor. North Avenue has yet to
provide evidence of the continuous growth noted in the two flanking corridors. It should
also be noted that growth in neither the M-53 nor the Gratiot Avenue corridor has yet to
reach the County's northerly tier of communities. It is also noted that growth trends for
Michigan and Macomb County are decreasing substantially and can be expected to
decline for the remainder of the decade. While Ray Township will likely continue to
experience some population and housing growth in the future, the Township is located
outside of the County's two predominant growth corridors. This location, as well as
natural resources, will continue to influence future planning policies for the Township into
the next century.

-8-

�OTHER REGIONAL INFLUENCES
Southeast Michigan Council of Governments (SEMCOG)
Historical Perspective - Over the past decade, the Southeast Michigan Council of
Governments has emerged as the primary regional planning organization for the sevencounty Southeast Michigan region. SEMCOG's influence originally stemmed from its role
as the Federally-mandated regional review agency for this region. This role, commonly
referred to as the A-95 review process, provided SEMCOG with an opportunity to review
and comment on all State and Federal grants offered to local communities in the region.
This review was intended to provide an opportunity to input a regional perspective to
grant programs and ensure coordination among programs and avoid duplication of effort.
The A-95 review process was subsequently terminated by the Federal government
pursuant to Executive Order 12372. The process has been continued in Michigan,
however, through the authority of the Governor's office.
SEMCOG's role in regional planning over the years has expanded well beyond their
original function of monitoring local participation in Federal grant programs. Today,
SEMCOG is involved in many other important regional planning activities, including:
transportation planning, the development of population, household and employment
forecasts, water quality planning and economic development, among others. Certain of
these activities should be considered in the development of the Master Land Use Plan
for Ray Township. The more relevant activities for the purpose of this Plan involve
SEMCOG's Land Use Policy Plan, small ar,ea forecasts and transportation planning
activities.

Sewer Service Area Map • In response
to increasing concerns regarding urban
sprawl, SEMCOG recently amended their
sewer service area map. The purpose of
the map is to assist SEMCOG in
determining which sewer projects qualify
for funding assistance available through
either State or Federal sources.
The map recognizes that urbanization is
highly dependent upon the availability of
utilities and seeks to direct growth to
areas where existing sewer lines are
currently available.
Ray Township is
located outside of any existing or
proposed sewer service areas reflected
on the SEMCOG map. An existing sewer
along 26 Mile Road and Hayes Road
does, however, touch the southwest
corner of the Township.

-SERVED

c:=JUNSERVED

ILLUSTRATION 3

SEMCOG SEWER SERVICE AREA

-9-

�Regional Development Forecasts
Every five years, SEMCOG prepares a series of population, household and employment
forecasts on a regional, county and individual community basis. These forecasts are
prepared for five-year intervals between 1990 and 2010. The results of this process are
summarized in the chapter describing Ray Township's population characteristics.
Regional Transportation Plan - Transportation planning is another important regional
planning activity undertaken by SEMCOG. The primary purpose of SEMCOG's
transportation planning process is to identify the region's major transportation system
problems and recommend alternative solutions for dealing with these problems.
SEMCOG's Year 2005 Regional Transportation Plan for Southeast Michigan identifies
anticipated transportation deficiencies to the year 2005, based on projected population,
household and employment growth levels.
SEMCOG's plan identifies "Improvement Corridors", which include those major regional
thoroughfares that demonstrate the -greatest need for additional capacity. Of the 24
improvement corridors identified by SEMCOG, none pass through Ray Township.
A total freeway design has been prepared by the State of Michigan Department of
Transportation (MDOTI for the M-53 corridor from 28 Mile to 34 Mile Road. As an interim
measure, MOOT has constructed the at-grade service drives which handle existing
north-south traffic. As traffic demands increase, the freeway design can be completed.
The existing M-53 improvements have already had a notable impact, with the reduction
of traffic volumes along Romeo Plank Road.
Regional Aviation System Plan
This Plan, presented in 1991, makes
recommendations on public and private airports throughout the seven-county region.
Recommendations specific to Macomb County are:
• Macomb County is the only County in the region which does not have a publiclyowned, public-use airport.
• A growth of more than 500 additional turbine-powered aircraft is forecast for Macomb
County by the year 2010.
• Berz-Macomb should be a publicly-owned Transport Category airport.
• Romeo Airport should be a publicly-owned General Utility Category airport. If Berz is
not developed as a Transport Category airport, then acquisition and development of
Romeo as a Transport Category airport is highly recommended. Such development
would require construction of a new runway and addition of navigation technology.
• No public development of Macomb-New Haven Airport is recommended, because
development to a higher level than present service would require construction of a
complete new airport on the site.
• Selfridge Airport is not currently available for civilian use. It could serve the County's
significant needs only if the site became available.

-10-

�Regional Development Initiative (ROI) - This report, introduced in 1991 , has as its
basic framework the conclusion that continuing the pattern of "urban sprawl" is
unacceptable. This sprawl will diminish the quality of life in southeast Michigan, both in
the suburban fringe development and in the disinvestment and abandonment of the older
communities. The framework plan suggests that Mure growth must bear its own real
costs; legislative action must be taken to redevelop and improve older urban
communities; actions must be taken on social problems; and changes must be made in
the way southeast Michigan is taxed, governed and managed. This study, which is still
in draft farm, will undoubtedly be hotly debated for some time before its
recommendations are adopted or implemented.
County Airport Study

Macomb County recently evaluated the need for a public airport serving the County and
the suitability of specific sites for meeting these requirements. Among the sites
considered in this study is the Romeo Airport, which is located along the Township's
northern boundary. The Executive Summary of the Macomb County Aviation Feasibility
Study made the following conclusion relative to this airport: "It is assumed that Romeo
could continue to function unthreatened and adequately serve its users without public
intervention." While this site may not be considered suitable for improvement as a public
airport, this does not preclude its continued expansion as a private facility in the future.
·The airport has the capability of accommodating turbo props and small jets. The location
of this facility in the Township will undoubtedly have an impact on long range planning
in Ray Township, particularly in relation to surrounding development patterns.

Huron-Clinton Metropolitan Authority

In the 1970's, the Huron-Clinton
Metropolitan Authority (HCMA)
established the Wolcott Mill Metropark to
be located in Ray Township. This park
straddles the North Branch of the Clinton
River and its proposed limits of 3,000
acres extends from 26 Mile Road to
32 Mile Road. The Wolcott grist mill,
located on Wolcott Road north of 29 Mile
Road, is the focal point of the park
development plan. The mill has been
reconstructed and an interpretive
program is offered which provides
visitors with an opportunity to see how a
mill operated in the past. Other facilities
planned for the park include a saw mill,
covered bridge, waterwheel and mill
race.

+-'

--+
I
I

I

..
C

i:

•

.•
I

0

I
I

+--

----------ILLUSTRATION 4

WOLCOTMILL
METROPARKLOCATION

-11 •

I
I

--t

�..
In addition to the Wolcott Mill site, HCMA also owns property north of 30 Mile Road,
which is contiguous to the existing park site. HCMA has preliminary plans for the
development of this adjoining property as a demonstration or interpretive farm. Activities
proposed for this site include the raising of various crops, using different tillage and
fertilizers, 4-H club animals, hayrides, canning, quilting, and other similar activities.
Completion of this project is scheduled for the 1990's.

LOCAL PLANNING INFLUENCES

In addition to the other regional planning issues identified earlier, Ray Township is also
influenced, to some extent, by planning and development activities occurring in
neighboring communities. Four communities share a common boundary with Ray
Township, three of which have adopted master plans that need to be considered in the
development of this Plan. While it may not always be in the best interest to mirror the
examples established by surrounding communities, cooperative planning activities should
be encouraged whenever practical and feasible. Summaries of the master plan designations for those communities where they abut Ray Township are included as follows.

Washington Township

Washington Township shares a common western boundary with Ray Township. Unlike
the Township's north and south boundaries, only a one-mile section of road (Hayes
Road) is located along this boundary. Single-family is the predominate proposed
long-term use along the boundary. Multiple-family use is proposed along 26 Mile Road
in the southeast corner of Washington, and public/semi-public use is the proposed use
for a small portion of the northeast corner.
Armada Township

Ray and Armada Townships share a common boundary for approximately six miles along
32 Mile Road. Most of this boundary in Armada Township, from Romeo Plank Road east
to Omo Road, is planned for agricultural or residential uses. The only exception to this
pattern is at the southwest corner of Armada Township where a somewhat more intensive
Mure land use pattern is anticipated. The Romeo Airport and adjacent industrial
development in the Village of Romeo account for this increase in the planned future land
use. Land reserved for floodplains is noted at those locations, where the Clinton River
and both branches of the Coon Creek cross 32 Mile Road. An area designated for
utilities is shown at the southeast corner of the Township, reflecting the current use of this
area as a gas storage field.

-12-

�..
Macomb Township
Macomb Township lies south of Ray Township, with 26 Mile Road running the· length of
the common six-mile boundary. The Township's Master Land Use Plan proposes singlefamily use all along the 26 Mile Road boundary. Small pockets of commercial use are
proposed for the southeast and southwest corners of North Avenue and Romeo Plank
Road at the 26 Mile Road intersection. Floodplain designations are also shown where
both branches of the Coon Creek flow from Ray Township into Macomb Township.

Lenox Township
Agriculture and rural residential development is planned for a large portion of the
common boundary between Lenox and Ray Townships. Public and semi-public uses are
planned for the southwest corner of the Township. This designation coincides with the
planned development of Wetzel State Park at this location. Land reserved for floodplain
is shown where Coon Creek passes through both communities.

-13-

�POPULATION ANALYSIS

INTRODUCTION

The characteristics of a community's population are among the key ingredients that
require consideration in the long-range planning process. Historical and current
population trends have several useful applications. They are especially relevant in
identifying the need for various types of community facilities. Future land use and public
utility demands are also related to demographic trends and characteristics.
The following review considers several items, each of which are important to more fully
understand the characteristics of Ray Township's total population. These individual topics
include the following:
•
•
•
•

Population change over time.
Age characteristics.
Household characteristics.
Population projections.

· The most current available population data for Ray Township is employed in the
examination of each topic listed above. Wherever possible, comparable data for Macomb
County is also included. Information for this wider geographic area is provided for the
purpose of understanding the relationship of the Township to the larger related
geographical areas that it occupies in southeast Michigan. Conclusions and the potential
planning policy implications of this data are also noted.

POPULATION CHANGE

At the national level, the U.S. population exceeded the two hundred million mark for the
first time in 1970. An increase to 226 million was recorded in 1980. National population
data for 1990 indicates just under 250 million persons. Michigan's share of the national
population has remained a stable four percent since 1930.
During the 50-year period between 1930 and 1980, Michigan's population nearly doubled
from 4.8 million to 9.2 million. The State's greatest periods of population growth over
these five decades occurred between 1940 and 1970. During this thirty-year period,
Michigan gained more than one million people for each ten-year census interval. Since
1970, however, population growth has slowed considerably. Michigan grew by only
380,252 persons during the 1970's. Final 1990 U.S. Census data for Michigan gives the
State a population of 9,295,297, or 33,219 persons, over 1980 levels. This is an increase
of less than one percent.

-14-

�POPULATION GROWTH TRENDS

Ray Township's population grew during each ten-year recording period between 1940
and 1990. In 1940, the Township reported a population of 1,439 persons. By 1990, the
Township's population stood at a level of 3,230 persons, for a SO-year increase of 1,791
persons, or 124 percent.

TABLE 5
COMPARATIVE POPULATION GROWTH TRENDS

.j Community

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

1
RayTownship
;

1,439

1,671

2,086

2,683

3,121

3,230

1; Armada Township

1,064

951

1,336

1,601

2,495

2,943

1; Macomb Township

1,935

2,715

4,807

6,140

14,230

22,714 l

.l Lenox Township

1,710

1,993

2,356

2,788

3,028

3,069 1.

.j Washington Township

1,607

2,087

3,124

5,651

8,637

11,386 .j

107,638

184,961

405,804

625,309

694,600

j Macomb County

••-uu ................. •u•••••• ..••• .. ••••••••••••••·.,.••• .. • .... ■ . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _. . . . . . . . . . . . . -

Over the last five decades, the Township
averaged a population increase of
358 persons over each ten-year period.
The largest single gain occurred between
1960 and 1970, when the Township's
population increased by 597 persons.
The Township's share of Macomb
County's total population has remained
at a consistent level of approximately
0.4 to 0.5 percent since 1960.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ••••• . . . .

717,400

.j

.j
l
.
:

l

••u•••••••••• .. ••• .. •••••••••• .. ••••••••••• .. • .. ••• .. •••ao••••••uo ■■'

FIGURE 1
RAY TOWNSHIP GROWTH TRENDS

~1100---------------3,230

~000

~2,1100

f

2,000

l'l

r -500
1,000

1100
0

HIik)

18110

11170

YEARS

-15-

11110

�..
TABLE 6
POPULATION CHANGE BY DECADE

. .. u .... ......... ........ .....

- ••o.-••••• .............. •••• •••••••• .. ••• .............. .... ............... ........................... .. ........... .. .,, ................ ............ .., . ................ ............... . 00••••

1940-50

1:

l

Community

1950-60

1960-70

1970-80

1980-90

1!

l

Number

%

Number

%

Number

%

Number

%

Number

%

232

16

415

25

597

29

438

16

109

4

l;

Armada Twp.

• 113

11

385

41

265

20

894

56

448

18

j

l Macomb Twp.

780

40

2,092

77

1,333

28

8,090

132

8,484

60

l

j Lenox Twp.

283

17

263

18

513

22

159

6

41

1

480

30

1,037

50

2,527

121

2,986

35

2,749

~

/ Ray Twp.

j

!

Washington Twp.

\... Macomb County··········..

I

32 I

'!.!:.~~.........'. ~.........~:~ .......~.~.~..-.... ~~:.~ .........~......_....-.~:~.........~.~.........!~!:.~ ............3 .. l

FIGURE2

COMPARATIVE GROWTH TRENDS

1940-1990
25,000
MACOMB1WP _-

en
z
0
en

ffi

20,000

····················································•..·························································································································/··············

15,000

Cl.
LL

0

ffiCD

/

10,000

~

=&gt;

z

5,000

--

WASHINGTON 1Wf.

..···
.................................................................................. ..................................................·..............................
:;·.;;·.-,t···········

-

·······:.-. ,,
················ ........................................................ :::: . -· ··~:::·.::::·.·:.-.; ·. __":':..-:. ..........................

.

··········

··············

··········-·······-····························

RAY TWP

--- --- ---

- -- ;;: _ - - --- -- --·---- -------·---· -----·- ---·--·- -·- -------- 0 ...........____......______,_____

AAMADA1WP

...L....._ _ ___J__ _ _ _..J......J

1940

1950

1960

1970

YEARS

-16-

1980

1990

�AGE CHARACTERISTICS

An important demographic factor influencing planning is the age composition of a
community and the extent to which this composition has changed over time. They are
useful indicators of anticipated demands for various types of municipal services and
programs, including parks, employment needs, job training, day-care, schools, and
various services for the elderly. These needs, in turn, influence a community's land use
requirements.
Median Age

The steady aging of this Nation's population was among the more important trends
dimensioned by the 1980 census. After reaching a high of 30.2 years in 1950, the median
age for the Nation declined the following two decades to 29.5 years in 1960, and 28.3
years in 1970. These declines were largely a response to the high birth rates that
occurred during the baby boom years following World War II. The aging of the baby
boom children, during the 1960's and 1970's, partially explains the rise in median age
revealed in the 1980 U.S. Census. Lower fertility rates and increasingly longer life spans
have also contributed to the increase.
The aging trend is clearly reflected in the median age figures noted in Table 7. Each of
the different geographic areas included below experienced an increase in median age
levels between 1970 and 1980. The Nation's population reached a level of 30.0 years in
1980, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. Both Michigan and Macomb County
reported median age levels approaching the National level in 1980. Ray Township also
experienced an increase in median age levels between 1970 and 1980 from 26.5 years
to 29.0 years.
Over the past decade, the Township's median age rose six years to a level of 35.1 years.
This more than doubles the increase of the previous decade. The Township's 1990
median age is slightly higher than the total for the County _as a whole.

TABLE 7
MEDIAN AGE

I Geographic Area

1950

1970

1980

-~·;~~·· ···1

26.5

29.0

35.1

I

24.8

24.6

29.1

33.9

j

28.3

26.3

28.8

1960

:

:

j Ray Township

!

Macomb County

j

Michigan

31 .5

j

~~:.~.................~ :.~................~.~:?. .............~:.~........-..................... . j

1...united States........................................

-17-

�Population by Age

By reviewing the various age categories that make up the Township's population, it is
possible to determine how various segments of the population have changed over time
and which groups made the largest contributions to Ray Township's population increases
over the past two decades. The distribution of the Township's population into designated
age categories for 1970, 1980 and 1990 is shown in Table 8 and Figure 3.
•

J

TABLE 8
POPULATION BY AGE
RAY TOWNSHIP

'

.
........•.....·-··-···-··......................................................................................................................................................................................... ..

l

1970

l

I Age
I

-

..

1980

------

Change

- - - - - - 1t1o-ao

Number

%

Number

%

1990
-----Number
%

Change \
1980-90 1

l
- !

j

Under 5

226

8.4

204

6.5

- 22

204

6.3

I!

s-11

840

31.2

858

21.5

+ 18

593

18.4

• 265

! 1S-20

121

4.5

164

5.3

+ 43

144

4.5

- 20

I; 21-24

101

3.8

151

4.s

+so

1sa

4.9

+ 1 ;

1 25-44

641

23.9

930

29.8

+ 2ss

1.035

32.o

+ 1os I

li

45-54

297

11.1

300

9.6

+3

481

14.9

+ 1s1 1
;

I 55-59

115

4.3

156

5.o

+ 41

148

4.s

-a

.I 60-64

94

3.5

133

4.3

+ 39

139

4.3

+s I

i ss-14

133

5.o

148

4.1

+ 15

208

6.4

+ so I.

75+

115

4.3

11

2.5

. 38

120

3.7

+ 43

2,683

100.0

3,121

100.0

3,230

100.0

+ 109

i

;

l

j Totala

............................... ..............- ........................................................ u. ■ UOUH■ n••u••• .. h - • •

+

438

...........

• • • • • • • • • . . . . ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

I!
j

I

I
;

.

I
I

o .... , .................... .. ·

Between 1970 and 1980, all but two of the individual age groups experienced a
population increase. Only those two categories located at opposite ends of the age
distribution lost population. The number of residents under the age of 5 declined by 22
persons. While persons over the age of 75 declined by 38 persons. The single largest
population gain occurred in the 25 to 44 age group, which experienced an increase of
289 persons.

-18-

�FIGURE 3
POPULATION CHANGE BY AGE

Since 1980, however, a more
variable pattern of population
change among these different age
groups is evident. For example,
the number of children under the
age of five remained the same in
both 1980 and 1990. Schoolaged children declined by 265
persons; and young adults, those
between the ages of 18 and 20,
declined by 20 persons. The
largest increase is noted for
persons aged 45 to 54, which
increased by 181 persons.

1,200.-------------,
01 1170
01 1180

1 ,ooo

m, 11110

200

0

L..u;,JiiLJ.J4J,l.J..I;.W..J...l;.WU..

Age by Ufe Cycle Category

Und« 5

~17

1&amp;-20
25-44
55-511
85-74
21-24
45-54
ec&gt;-e4
75+

A more meaningful picture of the Township population's age distribution is possible when
the individual age categories shown on the previous table are combined into a smaller
number-of groups, which more closely resemble identifiable stages of a normal human
life cycle. Selected categories and the age intervals that they represent include:
pre-school (0-4), school (5-17), family formation (18-44), middle-age (45-64), and seniors
(65+). The percent of the Township's population that falls into each of these categories
is shown in Table 9. Similar data for Macomb County is also provided for comparison
purposes. Each of the life cycle stages reflected in Table 9 has important meaning for
planning purposes.

TABLE 9

AGE BY LIFE CYCLE CATEGORY

·-·-----.....--.....-..-····..·--·-···........ _........
ii

_.

(In Percentagee)

________......

--..........______..............._......._........._..................................-....................................

1110

l Category

Ray Twp.

1ta0

Macomb Co.

Ray Twp.

l

1990

Macomb Co.

Ray Twp.

;

Macomb Co.

I

Pre-School (0-4)

8.4

10,3

6.5

6.7

6.3

6.8

j

School Age (&amp;-17)

31.2

30.5

27.5

23.2

18.4

17.1

32.3

36.9

39.9

41 .6

41.4

43.2

18.9

17.5

18.9

20.8

23.8

20.6

'

1 ~~~

1
'

(18-44)

l Middle Age
i (4&amp;-64)
i

\

I
\

.

Ii
.
Ii
•

l·--------·-···
S.niol'8 (65+)
9.2
4.8
7.2
7.7
10.1
12.3
l
.........-.....................·-··-····. ······--·....···--··········..····..-··---- ........... ____·-•-·····--··..····--·······..................._................... -......................-..... ·
-19-

�The pre-school category is a good short-range indicator of future school enrollment
trends and the impact that these trends may have on the use of existing or planned
school facilities. Between 1970 and 1980, the percent of the Township's population under
the age of five declined from 8.4 percent in 1970, to 6.5 percent in 1980. This proportion
has remained relatively stable at 6.3 percent in 1990.
The school-age category also provides some evidence of the demand for school and
recreation facilities. This category's share of the Township's total population is declining.
In 1970, for example, slightly less than one-third (1/3) of all Township residents were
between the ages of 5 and 17. By 1980, this group declined to 27.5 percent. A sharper
decline to 18.4 percent is noted in 1990 Census data.
The family formation and middle-age
categories comprise more than one-half
{1/2) of the Township's total population
and are increasing their share of the
Township's overall population.
Collectively, these two categories
represent the foundation of the
community. These categories represent
the community's largest share of
property owners and taxpayers. They
are also consumers of goods and
services, thereby serving as a catalyst for
economic growth. Between 1970 and
1980, the percentage of the Township's
population in these two groups increased
from 51 .2 percent to 58.8 percent.
Another increase to 65.2 percent
occurred in 1990.

FIGURE 4
AGE BY LIFE CYCLE • 1970
School 31 .3%

S.,,io,. 11.2%

FIGURE 5
AGE BY LIFE CYCLE -1980
School 27.!5%

Fam lly Formation
311.11%

Nationwide, senior citizens are becoming
a more important segment of the overall
population base. As the number of
seniors continues to grow, greater
demands will be generated for passive
recreation opportunities, convenient
transportation, as well as specialized
housing and health care services.
National trends showing an increased
senior citizen population do not reflect
trends in Ray Township.
In 1970,
· residents over the age of 65 comprised
9.2 percent of the Township's population.
By 1980, this dropped to 7.2, reflecting a
decline of 38 persons over the age of 65.
A slight increase to 10.1 percent is noted
for 1990.

Seniora 7.2%

FIGURE 6
AGE BY LIFE CYCLE -1990

Family Formation
41 .4%

Senio,. 10.2%
Middle Age 23.8%

-20-

�HOUSEHOLD AND HOUSING GROWTH TRENDS

Household characteristics, in general, and the rate of new household formations, in
particular, have become increasingly important as indicators of demographic change and
economic growth. The growth of new households, in fact, may be a better determinant
of economic growth within a community than absolute increases in the population itself.
Household growth trends represent another important trend revealed by the 1980
Census. Michigan offers a good example of this trend. In spite of a low population
growth rate of 4.3 percent between 1970 and 1980, Michigan experienced the formation
of 500,000 new households during this period, for an increase of 20 percent.
Accompanying this change in household formations was an equally noticeable decline
in the size of the average household. At the national level, household size declined to a
record low of 2. 75 persons per household. Between 1980 and 1990, the pace of new
household growth slowed down. A total of 224,118 households were formed in Michigan
during the 1980's, for an increase of seven percent.
Three factors are largely held responsible for these trends: 1) increased numbers of
people living alone either before marriage or after divorce; 2) smaller families with women
having fewer children; and 3) more elderly women outliving their husbands. (1l The aging
of the 11 baby boom 11 generation has also had an impact on the rate of new household
formations. Many members of the baby boom generation reached the age when they
began forming their own households during the 1970's, contributing significantly to the
number of new households.
Both Ray Township and Macomb County shared in the rapid rate of household formation
that characterized the ten-year period between 1970 and 1980. During this period,
approximately 212 new households were formed in the Township, for an increase of 30.0
percent. This is nearly identical to the rate of household formation of 30.3 percent which
occurred on a County-wide basis. Approximately 0.4 percent of all new households
formed in the County between 1970 and 1980 were established in Ray Township.
The rate of new household formation slowed over the past decade. Since 1980, 121 new
households were created in Ray Township, for an increase of 13 percent. The pace of
household growth in Macomb County during this period was slightly higher {15.1
percent).

(iJ

Russell, Cherly. "Inside the Shrinking Household," American Demographics.
Volume 3, No. 9; Ithaca, New York; American Demographics, October, 1981;
pp. 28-33.

-21-

�TABLE 10
HOUSEHOLD GROWTH TRENDS

I! . ·. .

1110

RavTownehip'''.

1ta0

929

71J7 ·.·

=~
222

1110

3t.4

1,0152

==
123

c:.,g•
13.2

Ij

229,805
58,227
33.9
264,991
35, 186
15.3
··..····---···. ····-··-·-···-·····--····..171,578
-..........________
.........................................
-.................
_..................... _
.... _..........-................
_...........................
·l

) Macomb County

Consistent with National and State trends, the size of the average household in Ray
Township declined over the 20-year period between 1970 and 1990. For example, in
1970, the Township reported an average household size of 3.71 persons. By 1980, this
figure had declined to 3.36. Preliminary 1990 data suggests that household size has
again-declined to a level of 3.03. In spite of these declines, the average household size
for Ray Township remains slightly higher than similar figures for either the County or the
State. See Table 11.

TABLE 11
HOUSEHOLD SIZE
(Persons per Household)

I.

1960

1
RayTownship·
;

.I Macomb County

L

Michigan_____

3. 79

1910

19ao

1990

3.71

3.36

3.03

3.63

3.00

2.68

.I
i
;

j

'

· -···----~·4~---··?:~?-...._.__~~~---···--········-··. j

POPULATION PROJECTIONS

Projections of Mure population growth provide the bridge between the present and the
Mure in the comprehensive planning process. These projections help dimension future
land use requirements, as well as the demand for various municipal services.
Projections of future population growth need to consider the growth of the larger
geographic region within which the community is located. For the Township, this involves
considering Mure population growth within the community as it relates to growth for
Macomb County and Southeast Michigan as a whole.

-22-

�Several techniques are traditionally used to project future population growth. These
alternative approaches to population forecasting, and the results that they yield, are
summarized in the following discussion. Also included as part of this analysis are
population projections that have been prepared by the Southeast Michigan Council of
Governments.

Constant Proportion Method

The constant proportion method of projecting population assumes that Ray Township will
maintain the same share of Macomb County's population in 2000 and 2010 as it did in
1990. Applying this projection method yields the following projected population levels:
2000 - 3,954 and 201 O - 4, 145.

Growth Rate Method

The growth method is an alternative projection technique that assumes that the
Township's growth rate between 1990 and 2000 will be similar to that which occurred
between 1980 and 1990. This method further assumes that the Township's 1990 to 201 O
growth rate will be identical to the rate that occurred between 1970 and 1990. Based on
these assumptions, the anticipated number of persons for the year 2000 is 3,343, and
3,889 for the year 2010.

Arithmetic Method

The arithmetic method is similar to the growth rate method in that the population
projections are based on the growth that occurred in the preceding decades. This
method, however, uses actual numbers rather than percentages. This method projects
future population levels of 3,339 and 3,770 for the years 2000 and 2010, respectively.

Southeast Michigan Council of Governments

Population projections to the year 201 O were developed by the Southeast Michigan
Council of Governments (SEMCOG) as part of their updated Small Area Forecast process
for 1989. SEMCOG's projections anticipate a year 2000 population of 3,778 and 4,104
by the year 2010.

-23-

�Projection Summary
The anticipated population levels for the Township, using each of the different projection
techniques, are summarized in Table 12.

TABLE 12
POPULATION PROJECTION SUMMARY

= :.: : i

.··•··•·····-··--····.............__ ......................................................... _.......... _. __ ...................................... .

I
;

Constarn Pro~n

:.:

.j Growth Rate

3,230

1 Arithmetic

j SEMCOG

i

3,343

3,889

3,230

3,339

3,770

3,230

3,778

4,104

.l
l

l

=......... -·•••.. •• .... • ..• - - • • • • - u • • • •.. ••.. •nnu•••••• .... • .... •••••••.. •- .. •• .... ••••••••••••• ..••• .. •• .. •................. :

FIGURE7
POPULATION PROJECTION SUMMARY

5,000 . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ~

cn 4,000

z

0

3,2

~

~ 3,000

LL.

0

ffi

CD

2,000

:E
::&gt;

z

1,000

Constant Proportion
Arthmetic
Growth Rate
PROJECTION METHOD

1 □ 1990

□ 2000

-24-

•

2010 1

SEMCOG

�Conclusion
Each of the preceding techniques offer what are essentially textbook approaches to
projections of Mure population levels. The range of projections needs to be evaluated
in relation to Ray Township's position in the region, as well as other variables influencing
population growth trends. Considering the range of possibilities offered by these
projections, it appears that the Township will have a population approaching 3,500 by the
turn-of-the-century, and 4,000 by 2010. For planning purposes, the following projected
population levels appear to be achievable: 2000 - 3,500; 201 O - 4,000.
It is further assumed that the size of the average household in the Township will continue
to decline to the levels anticipated by SEMCOG for 2000 (2.90) and 201 O (2. 72).
Applying these household size figures to the projected population levels anticipated
above, yields a total of 1,200 households for 2000, and 1,470 households by the
year 2010. This would mean a small increase in household growth to 150 units in the
decade of the 1990's, and 270 units in the first decade of the next century.

These projections anticipate modest growth for Ray Township through the first decade
of the next century. The projections do not contemplate Ray Township's full participation
in the growth that has occurred in those portions of Macomb County located to the east,
west or south. The Township's lack of utilities or well-defined transportation corridor
serve as constraints to the more accelerated population and household growth that has
occurred elsewhere in the County.

-25-

�PHYSICAL FEATURES

INTRODUCTION
The manner in which the land in a community is being used is one of the basic
determinants of the general character of the community and its development potential.
Land use patterns on the periphery of a community also influence planning activities
because of their potential impact.
The use or misuse of a community's unique physical features can also have significant
and long-term consequences for the development of an area. It is, therefore, important
to consider these physical characteristics as part of any comprehensive planning process
and the extent to which these features offer either opportunities or constraints for Mure
land development activities.
The following study provides a detailed explanation of Ray Township's physical land use
features. The main component of this study is an examination of existing land use
characteristics on a category-by-category basis. This study also examines other aspects
of the physical environment that may influence Mure development patterns. These
include an identification of designated wetlands, significant woodland areas, soil types,
prime agricultural lands and parcels enrolled in the State farmland and open space
preservation program.

EXISTING LANO USE
Existing land use data for Ray Township was derived from a field study of the entire
Township which was conducted during the Summer of 1989. Information obtained from
the field was subsequently transferred to a Township base map. The total amount of land
area occupied by each category was also measured. The results of this process are
summarized in Table 13 and Figure 8 and in the following narrative descriptions of each
category.
The arrangement of Ray Township's existing land use features are portrayed graphically
in Illustration 5. Ray Township has a total land area of 23,322 acres, or 36.4 square miles.
Slightly more than 86 percent of this total land area is undeveloped.

-26-

�Residential

Residential uses, including both single-family homes and multiple-family dwellings,
collectively, occupy 784.8 acres of land. Single-family homes represent 98 percent of
residential development within the Township. No significant concentrations of residential
development are currently evident in the Township. This can be attributed to the lack of
developed subdivisions generally associated with the absence of municipal sewer and
water facilities and soils poorly suited to septic systems. In light of these conditions,
single-family uses are generally found on the frontage of major roads, although recently
two small subdivisions were developed in the northeast sector of the Township.
Multiple-family units occupy approximately 13.2 acres of land. Existing multiple-family
development in the Township consists primarily of two-family units. The conventional
duplex homes are found in scattered locations throughout the Township. Several
multiples are located near 27 Mile road and Romeo Plank Road. Others are located at
Wolcott Road and 31 Mile Road.
Commercial

Ray Township has an existing commercial base of approximately 15.2 acres. This
represents approximately 0.1 percent of the community's total land area. The largest
share of this commercial development consists of convenience commercial uses. The
Township's commercial land uses are distributed throughout the community and are
located primarily at the major road intersections.
Industrial

Industrial establishments occupy only a small portion of the Township's total area. A total
of 45.3 acres have been developed for industrial purposes. Lack of industrial
development can be associated with inadequate Interstate and State Highway access,
along with an absence of railroad services.
The Township's industrially developed land includes a combination of light manufacturing,
extraction and transportation-related establishments. Although the industrial uses are not
concentrated in any one area, a significant portion lies in the Township's northwest
quadrant.
Public/Semi-Public

Public/semi-public category consists of schools, government buildings, churches and
institutional uses. The most identifiable site on the map is the 29 Mile Road and Wolcott
Road area. This is the location of the Wolcott Mill Metro Park, which covers
approximately 194 acres of land north of 29 Mile Road. Other uses in this category

-27-

�include Seifert Elementary on 26 Mile Road and several churches, cemetery sites and
nursing homes on 29 Mile Road near the proposed park and on Romeo Plank Road
north of 31 Mile Road.

Recreation
The Recreation classification includes the Pine Valley and Northbrook golf courses.
Another large use in this category is Camp Rotary at 29 Mile Road and Wolcott. Two
private gun clubs and a private park-picnic area are also included in the recreation
category.

Airports
The Existing Land Use Map also shows the location of Macomb Airport, Romeo Airport,
· and two private landing strips, one off 30 Mile Road east of Romeo Plank Road and the
other at the southwest corner of 29 Mile and Kunstman Road.

Roads
A direct relationship exists between the amount of land used for road purposes and a
community's degree of urbanization. Land being used for road right-of-way represents
one of the Township's single largest land use categories. Slightly more than 1,140 acres
of land are currently being used in the Township for this purpose. Ray Township's road
system consists almost entirely of County grid system roads. The absence of collector
or other local roads, as well as a relatively low right-of-way acreage, indicate little
urbanization.

Agricultural or Vacant
Agricultural, vacant or undeveloped land is the Township's single largest individual land
use category. A total of approximately 20,194.7 acres are currently in agricultural
production or undeveloped, representing 86.6 percent of the Township's total area.
Significant quantities of agricultural or vacant land are available throughout most areas
of the Township.
Differences in single-family acreage from past studies reflect the technique and definition
used in conducting the study. Past studies conducted by the County use three (3) acres
as a single-family unit on a farming operation. This study uses one (1) acre for all singlefamily units.
Land owned by Consumers Power within the gas fields is indicated as vacant or
agriculture.

-28-

�TABLE 13
EXISTING LAND USE - 1988
RAY TOWNSHIP

I

.n•-••---•--•H•H•-H•.. ••u-u••--u• ..•..••••-•-••••• ..•••.. •-••••••••••• ..
Land Use Category
Acreage

-u•---•••--•••••••••-♦ HOOHH

I Residential

I

.. OHHHo ♦ .O

Percentage

784.8

3.3

I

!

Commercial

15.2

0.1

!

li

Industrial

45.3

0.2

li

I

Public

! Recreation
! Airport
j

!
2.0 !
1.6 !

307.1

1.3

467.6

364.9

Roads

1,142.4

j Vacant or Agricultural

4.9

20,194.7

j

86.61

I.......................................
Totals
23,322.0
100.0 \
-................. ..................................................................................
.
._.

FIGURE 8
DEVELOPED/UNDEVELOPED

13.4%

AgrlcultureNacant 86.6%

:-:-: · :-:-::: :---:-:-:-·-:-:-·

FIGURE 9
DEVELOPED LAND SUMMARY

Comm/Ind 1.9%
Residential 25.1% ·

-29-

�0
0

VACANT
SINGLE
TWO

•

OR

AGRICULTURAL

FAMILY

FAMILY

OR

MULTIPLE

COMMERCIAL

~ INDUSTRIAL

®

PUBLIC

•

RECREATION

OR

SEMI - PUBLIC

lll.USTRATION 5

EXISTING
LAND USE 1989
RAY

TOWNSHIP

MACOMB

COUNTY , MICHIGAN

RAY TOWNSHIP PLANNING

Co,u,uNiTy

-30-

COMMISSION

PluNiNG &amp; MANAGEMENT, P. C.
uTicA , Mick iGAN

�•

FLOOD HAZARDS AND FLOODPLAINS
The Natural Resources Map (Illustration 6) indicates areas of alluvial soils (material which
has been deposited by previous floods). This flood hazard area extends along all or part
of the North Branch of the Clinton River, Coon Creek and the East Branch of Coon Creek
and Tupper Brook. A total of 2,016 acres of Ray Township are found in the flood hazard
area:(2)

Clinton River North Branch
Coon Creek
Coon Creek East Branch
Tupper Brook

1,216
436
213
151

Total

2,016

The report "Clinton River Recreational Potentials" indicates that the various floodplain
areas within Ray Township are an important natural resource which should be preserved
to the fullest extent possible.
The floodplain area is an important natural resource for several reasons. Not only is it
necessary for the prevention of flood damage to development within the Township, but
it also serves as an important wildlife habitat with its unique types of vegetation providing
food and cover to many types of animals. In addition, floodplain areas provide a valuable
scenic resource and can be utilized for a wide range of recreational activities.
It is noted that the actual floodplain limits have never been mapped by the Federal
Government. A request to have them mapped should be undertaken so that flood
hazard limits are known and residents would have the opportunity to purchase flood
hazard insurance if they wished.

(2)

Source: Clinton River Recreational Potentials, H.C.M.A.
Macomb County Drain Commission,
Macomb County Planning Commission, 1967.

-31-

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'·

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TWP

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-

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MAJOR

DRAINAGEWAYS

- ··-

MINOR

DRAINAGEWAYS

PIT
HAZARD

AREA

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-

ELECTRIC

TRANSMISSION

.=;:' ; = = t =

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RESOURCES

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TOWNSHIP

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COUNTY • IIIICHlo.t.N

RAV TOWNSHIP PLANNING COMMISSION

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�.,.
WETLANDS
Wetlands serve a number of important environmental functions that need to be
considered during a community-wide planning process. Among other functions, wetlands
affect water quality by trapping and storing the nutrients from upland runoff in plant tissue
and serving as a settling basin for silt generated from upland erosion. This natural
filtering function, however, can be seriously damaged by poor land use practices. Since
every wetland has a unique tolerance for filtering runoff from the uplands surrounding it,
development in these adjacent areas can create more nutrient and sediment inflow than
the wetland is able to absorb. Moreover, development in and around the fringe of the
wetland itself can destroy its ecological health and, thus, its filtering ability. Sediments
and nutrients from upland development can overload and damage the natural system,
turning the wetland into a settling basin of polluted and unpleasant smelling water.
While wetlands operate as natural nutrient filters, they can easily be overloaded and, thus,
destroyed. Through increased storm water runoff and nutrients from fertilizers and urban
development, this entire process is accelerated as much as one hundred times as fast
as the natural process. Consequently, a wetland that may have served as an important
nutrient filtering area for 1,000 years may only function that way for ten (10) years once
it has been overloaded. Even more serious is the removal of wetlands. The removal of
these natural features by dredging or filling will have an immediate impact on the water
quality of streams and lakes below them in the watershed system. Preserved wetlands
improve water quality, moderate floods, and stabilize water supplies, thereby providing
for overall environmental health and stability.
Development in and around wetlands are regulated by the Michigan Department of
Natural Resources pursuant to the provisions of the Goemaere-Anderson Wetlands
Protection Act. This legislation generally regulates the development of wetlands over five
(5) acres in size, or which are contiguous to the Great Lakes or to a river, stream, pond
or inland lake. Permits are required by this legislation for the following activities: 1)
Depositing or placing fill material in a wetland; 2) dredging or removing soil from a
wetland; 3) constructing, operating or maintaining any use or development in a wetland;
and 4) draining surface water from a wetland. State law does provide procedures
whereby these activities may be permitted in a wetland, depending on whether or not
certain criteria are met.
Numerous State-designated wetlands are located in Ray Township, as shown on
Illustration 7. They are most commonly located along existing drainage courses, including
the north branch of the Clinton River, Coon Creek, and Camp Brook Drain. Other
wetlands coincide with the Township's wooded areas. Two predominant categories of
wetlands are found in the Township. These include shrub/emergent/aquatic bed wetlands
ano lowland hardwood wetlands. The former are found along drainage courses, with the
latter found along both streams and in interior portions of the community. Identification
of these wetlands is based on aerial photography interpretation. Actual on-site inspection
of these areas may result in wetlands of substantially different sizes and configurations.

-33-

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ILLUl'TRATION 7

WETLANDS MAP
RAV
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COUNTY • MICHIGAN

RAY TOWNSHIP

PLANNING

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SHIU. EMERGEHT, Ml!MTIC BED 161Z,621.622.62'3I

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TOWNSHIP

LOIIL#C) CONIFER 14Z31

FOLLOWING LEGE/Cl C£SCRll'TION IICIICATE
NINIERS
RESOlJICE INVENTORY CUSSIFICAT!CIN CCtES

-34-

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COMMISSION

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WOODLANDS
Large wooded areas also serve significant environmental functions that need to be
recognized and acknowledged. A wooded area can be of great value to a watershed
area. The canopy of trees aid in breaking the force of precipitation, thereby decreasing
erosion. Erosion is further inhibited by the fibrous root system of the understory plants,
as well as the layer of leaf or needle litter. Woodlands can also reduce the volume of
stormwater runoff. Clear-cut lands can produce excessive runoff unless trees are
replaced by other vegetation with comparable water retaining capacity. With no soil and
vegetation to moderate runoff from precipitation, flooding may result, in addition to a loss
of precipitation ordinarily retained and recharged into groundwater reserves by the
woodland.
Woodlands improve air quality and afford protection from wind and erosion. Leaves and
branches moderate the strength of winds and, when moistened with dew or rainwater,
reduce suspended particles in the air, which are later washed off with rainwater. Plants
also serve to moderate the effect of chemical pollutants in the air by absorbing some
ozone, carbon dioxide, and sulfur dioxide.
A dense stand of trees can significantly cut noise from adjacent factories or highways by
six to eight decibels per 100 feet of forest. Moreover, the moderating effects of forests
on temperature and wind can significantly cut the sound-carrying capacity of the
atmosphere.
The resilience of woodlands creates a microclimate around the tree stand itself.
Woodland. qualities which moderate and buffer temperature, precipitation, runoff, wind
and noise are features of this microclimate effect. The benefits of this microclimate effect
to surrounding urban and suburban areas can be significant. An urban area devoid of
vegetation is the exact opposite of the forest microclimate. It increases the ran·ge of
temperature fluctuations much like the climatic extremes of a desert.
The sun's energy striking streets and buildings is changed into heat, further increasing
the temperature on a hot day; at night, the buildings lose heat and offer no protective
cover from night chill or winter winds. Thus, if woodlands are interspersed among builtup areas, the effects of their microclimates can be felt in adjacent urban areas,
moderating fluctuations in temperatures by keeping the surrounding air cooler in the
summer and daytime and warmer in the winter and evening.
The significance of woodlands is given added weight by the less quantifiable benefits that
they provide to the public. Not only are woodlands important buffers, they also add
aesthetic values and provide attractive sites for recreational activities such as hiking,
camping, and other passive recreational pursuits. Continued stability of good real estate
values is a secondary benefit offered by woodlands. Since people choose to live in and
around woodlands, providing for woodland protection in the planning of development
projects will rt1aintain favorable real estate values.

-35-

�Significant quantities of wooded land are evident throughout the Township. These
wooded areas are distributed fairly evenly throughout the community and are confined
primarily to interior section acreage away from the major road frontages. The
characteristics of these woodlands likely vary from site-to-site. An examination of existing
woodlots, however, should be conducted in conjunction with each development proposal
brought before the Township. Incorporating woodlands as integral features of all future
development will significantly enhance the quality of life for the Township. Many of the
Township's existing woodlands also share previously described wetland characteristics.

SOILS
Soil characteristics are an important determinant of land use potential. Not only do soils
influence the suitability of land for agricultural purposes, they also help determine whether
or not a parcel is suitable for more intense forms of urban development including
housing, roads, and utilities. The suitability of different soil classifications for the
installation of on-site sewage disposal systems is particularly important for areas that are
not served by municipal disposal systems. Ray Township is composed of six generalized
soil associations, which vary somewhat in their ability to support various types of land
use. Each association is described briefly below and shown in Illustration 8.

Conover-Parkhill-Locke Association
This soil association occupies the
northern and western-most portions of
Ray Township.
Land within this
association consists of nearly level to
gently sloping, somewhat poorly drained,
and poorly drained soils.
This association is one of the best in the
County for crops. The soils in it are
medium to high in fertility and respond
readily to management. Nearly all areas
have been cleared and are cultivated.
Excessive wetness is the main limitation.
Excessive wetness and slow runoff are
severe limitations to use of this
association of residential and recreational
areas. These limitations cause difficulty
in laying out streets and utility lines and
in constructing houses. Highways break
up readily because of frost heaving and
excessive wetness.

ILLUSlRATION I

GENERALIZED SOILS
Z.
.S ,
' •

CounT • PnklUll • Loch
Ho~'l'Uh • SLu • NapplllLH • llouat
Tohff • Pau141AI
Coruaa.a • Luso1t

5. Oakville
L•••..• ·•

,.
I.

-36-

loyu . Splni•
Coikoc tall • Cu"c.o • Shoah • s1o ..

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• 1

Hoytville-Sims-Nappanee Blount Association
This is the Township's other prominent soil association. It can generally be found in a
band running diagonally across the Township from the southwest to the northeast.
Poor drainage is among the most significant features of these soils. While these soils are
well suited to farming, drainage remains a problem that needs to be overcome. Water
collects in low areas during spring months and after heavy rains. The lack of suitable
drainage outlets and the high clay content of the soils explain the drainage problem.
These drainage problems also offer restrictions for residential development.

Toledo-Paulding Association
Soils comprising this association occupy a small portion of eastern Ray Township, lying
generally between North Avenue and the Township's eastern boundary line. These soils
have significant clay content and present drainage problems for both agricultural and
residential development. These soils also have a water table that is near the surface and
dry out slowly in the spring and after rainy periods.

Lenawee-Corunna-Lamson Association
A small portion of south-central Ray Township has soils included in this association. This
association shares many of the drainage problems associated with the previously
identified categories. Farming is a suitable land use provided that drainage problems can
be overcome. Limitations also exist for residential development.

Oakville-Boyer-Spinks Association
This association is made up of well-drained, nearly level to hilly soils. These soils are
largely confined to the northwest portion of the Township. The landscape is one of hilly
areas, numerous narrow outwash plains and small wet depressions.
Most of this association has severe limitations for use as cropland. Many areas are too
steep or too sandy and generally are draughty in midsummer. The slopes, which are
short and irregular, make contour farming and construction of terraces difficult.
Slope is the main limitation to use of this association as residential and recreational areas.
The limitation is slight in the nearly level and gently sloping areas. It is severe in the
steeper areas, where it is difficult to lay out streets and utility lines and to construct
houses. Boyer soils are a potential source of sand and gravel and of good foundation
material for houses, streets, and highways.

-37-

�Cohoctah-Ceresco-Shoals-Sloan Association
These soils occur mainly along existing drainage courses. In Ray Township, they are
confined to land contiguous to the North Branch of the Clinton River. The excessive
wetness associated with these soils and periodic flooding offer severe constraints to both
farming and various urban development features.

Agricultural Capabilities

As noted in the soil analysis, most of the soils in Ray Township are well suited to some
type of agricultural production. The only soils with severe limitations are those within the
flood hazard areas. The soils with moderate limitations are those that are more sandy.
Together, these soils represent less than 20 percent of the entire Township.

Residential Capabilities

As shown on the capabilities map, most of the Township has severe limitations for
residential development with septic systems. The central to northwest area is the largest
area with slight limitations for septic systems. For most of the Township, engineered
septic systems must be constructed.

PRIME AGRICULTURAL LAND
One of Ray Township's most significant land use characteristics is the abundant quantity
of existing farmland. Evidence of the suitability of land within the Township to support
agriculture is verified by several sources. First is the fact that more than 20,000 acres of
land in the Township are not developed. A substantial quantity of this land is being used
for agricultural production.
Soil data, as noted previously, is the principal source of information used by the U.S.
Department of Agriculture Soil Conservation Service (SCS) to determine those areas of
the Country that have the greatest potential for long-term agricultural production.
The location of important farmlands in Macomb County were mapped in 1979 by Soil and
Conservation Service. As a direct consequence of the County's rapid urbanization in the
second half of this century, significant amounts of agricultural land have been converted
to other uses. Construction activity since this map was prepared has even further
reduced the amount of land available for agricultural purposes. In general, land identified
by SCS as being well suited for farming is located throughout most of the Township.

-38-

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ILLUSTIIATION I

AGRICULTURAL CAPABILITIES

D
rW:7
~

Slight Limitation

Moderate Limitation

Slight - Moderate
Limitation

-

-39-

Severe Limitation

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ILLUSTRATION 10

RESIDENTIAL CAPABILITIES

Slight Limitation For Septic Systems
Moderate Limitation For Septic Systems

-40-

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IUUBlRATION 11

IMPORTANT FARMLANDS
RAY

TOWNSHIP

MACOMB

COUNTY • MICHIGAN

RAY TOWNSHIP PLANNING COMMISSION

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�Based on soil data, large portions of Ray Township have been classified as prime
farmland. For the most part, this land is located in the eastern and western portions of
the Township. Much of this land is not contiguous and is separated by other land not
considered to be suitable for farming. This pattern is unlike Armada Township to the
north, where nearly the entire Township is blanketed by soils considered to be extremely
well-suited for agricultural purposes.
Another measure of the Township's agricultural base is the amount of land enrolled in the
State of Michigan Farmland and Open Space Preservation program (P.A. 116).
This legislation, signed into law in 1974, enables a property owner to enter into a
development rights agreement with the State. The owner receives specific tax benefits
in return for agreeing to maintain his land for either agricultural or open space purposes
for a specified period of time. Approximately 1,000 acres of Township land are enrolled
in this program. Property enrolled in this program is shown on the Agricultural
Capabilities Map.

CONCLUSIONS

The Township's established land use pattern and those physical features occurring in Ray
Township represent the context within which future development will occur. Collectively,
these physical characteristics offer both opportunities and constraints that need to be
considered when fashioning a strategy for the Township's long-term growth. The same
physical features that attract residents to the Township also pose important constraints
that need to be considered. Portions of the Township that contain environmentally
sensitive features will not be able to support the same density of development that may
be appropriate elsewhere. A balance, therefore, needs to be achieved between the need
to preserve these sensitive natural areas and the desire of property owners to use their
land for development purposes. Policies developed to address this concern will provide
the basis for determining the direction of future growth for Ray Township.

-42-

�..
ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS

INTRODUCTION

Commercial and industrial needs vary substantially between communities. The growth
and development of a community's economic base is influenced by a number of factors,
including its regional location. Other factors influencing commercial and industrial
development patterns include transportation systems, the availability of land, and the
characteristics of a community's population.
The purpose of this study is to analyze the economic characteristics of Ray Township and
to identify its economic base. This study seeks to dimension Ray Township's commercial
and industrial needs for the Mure, with benchmarks at the years 1990, 2000 and 2010.

EXISTING COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT PATTERNS

As revealed by the current land use survey, a small quantity of land is being used for
commercial purposes in Ray Township. Most of this commercial development consists
of convenience oriented uses located at major road intersections. No significant quantity
of commercial is available within the boundaries of the Township.
The demand for commercial uses in
Ray Township should, however,
consider the availability of existing
commercial development in
surrounding communities. More than
one dozen major shopping
complexes are located within a
reasonable driving distance from
Ray Township.
The greatest
concentration of centers is located
along M-59 near the Schoenherr and
Hayes Road intersections. Several
planned shopping centers are also
available along the Van Dyke corridor
in Shelby and Washington Townships
to the south and west, and along 23
Mile Road in Chesterfield Township to
the east. The locations of these
centers are shown in Illustration 12.

ILLUSTJIATION 12

SHOPPING CENTER LOCATIONS

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�..
The lack of commercial development in Ray Township can be explained by the following
factors: 1) the lack of any substantial concentration of residential development; 2) the
Township's location outside of any established commercial growth corridors (i.e.,
Van Dyke Road, Hall Road or Gratiot Avenue); and 3) the availability of numerous retail
opportunities in nearby communities. The need for additional commercial development
is evaluated in the following portion of this study, which considers the need for retail
goods and services based on analysis of the community's trade area.

MARKET ANALYSIS

i

•

.s

The market analysis for Ray Township mathematically defines the commercial needs for
the area. It derives a statistically reliable commercial planning base from an examination
of trade area statistics. Such an analysis, however, is not capable of forecasting actual
retail sales. Rather, the market analysis can only predict future market performance on
an "all things being equal" basis.
The market analysis is capable of describing the potential spending available to a given
shopping location on the basis of trade area demand. The willingness of consumers to
actually purchase goods or services at a given location becomes a question of consumer
motivation. Often, consumers are motivated to travel greater distances to a newer,
planned shopping center than to an older, deteriorating commercial area or dispersed
commercial establishments located closer to home. Equally important to consumer
motivation are matters of access, traffic, parking availability and aesthetics.
The statistical market analysis provides only a numerical answer to the question on what
Ray's potential is in terms of Mure retail sales. The actual sales that the community can
expect to realize are highly contingent upon the willingness of consumers to patronize
commercial establishments in the area in light of alternative shopping centers available
to them in nearby and surrounding communities.
In the final analysis, Ray's ability to fully capture its economic potential becomes a
question of whether ancillary programs involving items such as access, parking,
circulation and beautification will be encouraged by the community in conjunction with
commercial development proposals.

RETAIL SALES POTENTIAL

Several factors and assumptions need to be considered in determining anticipated retail
demands for Township residents. Two of the most important determinants in preparing
these estimates are income levels and the anticipated number of households residing
within the trade area. Assumptions also need to be made regarding the amount of
money spent on various categories of purchases.

-44-

�...
Ray Township's estimated household income for 1988 was $36,645. Assuming that
household disposable income is equal to 60 percent of total income, Ray Township's
disposal household income for 1988 was $21,987. Subsequent retail projections are
based on constant 1988 dollars. This is done to allow for a comparison of anticipated
changes in retail demand over time. The estimated number of households for the
projection periods of 1990, 2000 and 2010 are 1,050, 1,200 and 1,470, respectively.
The next step in determining retail sales potential involved distributing Ray Township's
estimated disposable income into various retail categories that can be related to
commercial land use. Information on total retail sales in Macomb County was broken
down by percentage for ten (10) retail categories and applied to Ray's disposable
income. See Table 14.
TABLE 14
ESTIMATED SPENDING BY RETAIL CATEGORY

i

Macomb County &lt;1 &gt;

1

Sales ($)
(x 1000)

Percent

Sales ($) &lt; &gt;
(per household)

367,238

5.7

1,253

! Food

801,368

12.3

2,704

1,259,764

19.4

4,266

j Auto

1,860,898

28. 7

6,311

457,895

7.0

1,539

Retail Category
Lumber/Hardware

j General Merchandise

!

Gasoline

! Apparel

j

Ray Township

!
j
j
j

i

I

!

j Furniture
j Eating/Drinking

295,227
332,605

4.5
5.1

9 89 ·':
11121

590,345

9.1

2,001

j Drugs

299,363

4.6

1,011

j Other Retail
l Total

231 ,382

3.6

6,496,085

100.0

. . . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . .. . .. . . . .. _

1
( )

. .. . . . . . . . .. . . .. . . . . . . . . . .... _ . .. . . . . . . . . .. .. .. .-

792 1
21 ,987

l

. .. . .. . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Publisher and Editor Marketing Guide, 1990.

The number of potential dollars spent in each retail category is then converted into
square feet of retail space using dollar/ volume standards for each use. The amount of
retail floor area is then factored to take into account needed land area for parking, service
drives, loading and unloading space, landscaping, and required setbacks. The resulting
figures for anticipated commercial acreage are included in Tables 15, 16 and 17.

-45-

�TABLE 15
RAY TOWNSHIP
ESTIMATED RETAIL NEEDS - 1990
Disposable Household Income: $21,987
Number of Households: 1,050

___

..........·-······-····....·····-············--····-··--···............._._··-··..······-··-····-····-············..·········•·•·..-····-·-··-................................. .

I Retail Group
I

% of
Retail
Salea

Retail Salea
from Study
Area *

Sale• per

Sq. Fl **

.~

Sq. Ft.
Supported
by Study
Area

Equivalent 1
Commercial \
Acreage

!
1

CONVENIENCE:

l

Food

I

19.4

$ 4,479

$ 278.48

16,083

2.2

j Drug
i Lumber, Building,

4.6

1,062

175.40

6,055

0.8

1 Hardware

29

670

84.13

7,958

EatiDrink

4.6

1,062

140.42

7,563

!
1.0 I

j Other Retail

1.8

416

101.01

4,114

0.6

41,773

S.7

I

I

Subt-

$ 7.689

"

1.1

I COMPARISON:

I

12.3

$2,840

$ 133.24

21,312

3.9

Apparel

4.5

1,039

129.81

8,003

1.5

Furniture

5.1

1,1n

102.81

11,452

21

j Eat/Drink

4.5

1,039

136.70

7,600

j Other Retail

1.8

416

117.43

3,539

General Merchandise

1

I

I

Subtot•

i GENERAL:
j
!

Lumber, Building,
Hardware

! Auto

!

i

Gasoline

Subtotala

1 TOTALS

$ 6.511

l

l
!
!

I

!
0.6 l
1.4

51.906

9.5

I
.

646

$ 114.42

5,650

28.7

6,626

117.60

56,342

!
6.5 !

7.0

1,616

121.27

13,326

1.5

8,888

75,3HJ

8.51

$ 23,088

168,997

28

$

0.5

•,. ..... . , - • - • - - • - • • • -..•• .. ••••• .. •• .....•..••-••••••.. •-• .............•u•o•uou•M-•-•-H•..••• ..,...•-n•-,..•-•-..•••• ..••••• ........-••••••-•-••n•-••••

*

1,.

**

In Thousands of Dollars

-46-

23.7

l
l

-•u••-••-••n•uuun••••

In Dollars

�..
TABLE 16
RAY TOWNSHIP
ESTIMATED RETAIL NEEDS - 2000
Disposable Household Income: $21,987
Number of Households: 1,200

Ii

I

% of
Retail
Sain

Retail Sain
from Study

Sales per

*

Sq. Ft. **

Sup::rt:;
by Study
Area

Food

19.4

$ 5, 119

$ 278.48

18,380

2.5

j Drug

4.6

1,214

175.40

6,920

1.0

2.9

765

84.13

9,095

4.6

1,214

140.42

8,643

1.8

475

101.01

4,702

j
1.2 j
0.6 !
•,•,·
=

! Retail Group
I CONVENIENCE:
!

Area

Equivalent
Commercial !
Acreage

j Lumber, Building,

j Hardware
j Eat/Drink
j Other
Retail
t
.:•:. ·.•'.•, . .
.

:

rsu&amp;1ota1a,

$ a;181 :

.. _.,

47,740

I

COMPARISON:

I

General Merchandise

j

1.3

,·

a~s 1

I

"

12.3

$3,245

$ 133.24

24,357

j Apparel

4.5

1,187

129.81

9,146

1.7

!

j

Furniture

5.1

1,346

102.81

13,088

2.4

j

Eat/Drink

4.5

1,187

136.70

8,685

1.6

!

Other Retail

1.8

475

117.43

4,044

O. 7

j

59,320

10.9

j

i

!

I Subtotals,

$ 7,440

4.51

I

GENERA~
i

Lumber, Building,
Hardware

j Auto

!

Gasoline

I

Sllblotala

i•........
TOTALS
_ .. _ _ _..._
*

2.8

$ 739

$ 114.42

6,457

0.6

j

28. 7

7,572

117.60

64,391

7.4

!

7.0

1,847

121.27

15,230

1.71

10.158

86,07&amp;

9.

$26,385

. 193,138

$

71

27.21

.......- ..............•---••••UMH-·--••••-•..••------------.-.--•u••---•••-•-•••-••-••-••-•••--•-•••••..·-••·..•••••..•••-•••

**

In Thousands of Dollars

-47-

In Dollars

�..
TABLE 17

RAY TOWNSHIP
ESTIMATED RETAIL NEEDS - 2010
Disposable Household Income: $21,987
Number of Households: 1,470

-·--····--···--··-······---··-·-··-·---···--·-·····---··. . .-.. . . ______. _. ___. . . . . .--~·~·~. ;~-··. .-.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..!
l

% of
RetaJI

Retail Sain
from Study

Sale• per

Supported
by Study

Equivalent
Commercial

Sain

Are• •

Sq. FL ••

Area

Acreage

19.4

$6,270

$ 278.48

22,516

3.1

4.6

1,487

175.40

8,476

1.2

I Hardware

2.9

937

84.13

11,141

1.5

Eat/Drink

4.6

1,487

140.42

10,588

1.5 ,

l Other Retail

1.8

582

101.01

5,760

0.8

58,481

8.1

'

!l

RetaU Group

i
i:;:,,';,

CONVENIENCE:

'. Food

!

Drug

1 Lumber, Building,

i

!

$10,763

Subtotata

i COMPARISON:
!

General Merchandise

:,.!

l
l

I
.

!

12.3

$3,975

$ 133.24

29,837

5.5

4.5

1,454

129.81

11,204

2. 1

Furniture

5.1

1,648

102.81

16,033

2.9

! Eat/Drink

4.5

1,454

136.70

10,640

2.0 '.

1.8

582

117.43

4,954

0.9

72,668

13.41.:,'i:_

l Apparel

!

I

Other Retail

I

s·9,113

Subtotals

l
1
!
I
!

!
l
j

GENERAL:
Lumber, Building,
Hardware
Auto

i

Gasoline

*

$ 905

9,276

$ 114.42
117.60

7,909
78,878

0.7 ·':
9.1

7.0

2,262

121.27

18,656

2.1

105,443

11.9

$12,443

Subtotals

L. TOT~

2.8
28.7

l

i

___'"...----·..··-·----··-·--- $: 3Z31~-------···--~·~-----·~·~.J
**

In Thousands of Dollars

-48-

In Dollars

�Based on this methodology. the Ray Township trade area generates a need for
approximately 23. 7 acres of commercial land in 1990, which is more than the quantity that
was observed in the existing land use inventory. Projecting this demand into the future,
commercial needs are expected to reach 27.2 acres by the turn-of-the-century, and
33.4 acres by the year 2010. The need for this additional commercial acreage should be
evaluated in relationship to the quantity and location of substantial concentrations of
commercial uses in nearby communities.
Based on this projected demand and the convenient availability of shopping centers in
the region, it is unlikely that the Township could support any more than a small convenience commercial center in the future. The population projections offered in the
previous chapter expect the Township's population to remain under 5,000 persons for the
next two decades. Convenience shopping centers generally require a supporting
population of between 5,000 and 10,000 persons. The Township's dispersed population
distribution and lack of continuity of the road system at several locations offer additional
constraints to the development of much additional commercial development in Ray
Township.

EMPLOYMENT CHARACTERISTICS
To more fully understand the Township's future industrial needs, it is first necessary to
examine the Township's relationship to the larger southeast Michigan regional economy.
Southeast Michigan consists of more than 200 individual units of government. Economic
activities within each of these communities collectively comprise the region's economic
base. This larger regional economy
transcends municipal boundaries and is
the sum of many individual parts. Any
realistic opportunities for future industrial
development in Ray Township depends,
in large part, on the Township's relation
to major economic activity centers
located elsewhere in the region.

Economic Activity Centers
The Southeast Michigan Council of
Governments (SEMCOG) has identified
13 separate economic activity centers in
the seven-County SEMCOG region.
Each center reports total employment
exceeding 20,000 workers. The location
of these areas is shown in Illustration 13.
Two of these centers are located in
Macomb County and are described as
follows.

IL1.UBTRAT1ON 13

ECONOMIC ACTIVITY CENTERS

-49-

�MoundNan Dyke - The Mound/ Van Dyke Corridor is the region's most intensively
developed industrial corridor. It extends from the City of Detroit's northern boundary in
a northerly direction through the Cities of Warren, Center Line and Sterling Heights as far
north as 19 Mile Road. This corridor is approximately one mile in width and ten miles in
length.
Eleven (11) manufacturing facilities containing at least 1,000 workers are located within
this corridor. Most of these establishments are owned and operated by either General
Motors, Ford or Chrysler. The 7,500,000-square foot General Motors Technical Center,
located in the City of Warren, is the most prominent facility located within the corridor.
Several industrial parks providing locations for smaller industrial support and service
facilities are located in the northern portion of the corridor in Sterling Heights.
The U.S. Census Bureau reports that 86,516 workers were employed at businesses within
this corridor in 1980. Manufacturing jobs accounted for two-thirds of this total, which is
more than double the regional percentage. Auto manufacturing is the corridor's most
dominant economic activity.

Groesbeck - The Groesbeck Corridor extends for approximately ten miles along
Groesbeck Highway and the parallel Grand Trunk Western Railroad from Detroit on the
south to Metropolitan Parkway on the north. This corridor has a variable width of
between one and three miles. It crosses the communities of Warren, Roseville, Fraser
and Clinton Township. Two manufacturing facilities with more than 1,000 workers are
located within this corridor. Unlike the Van Dyke/Mound Corridor, smaller establishments
are more common along this corridor. There is also a large amount of outdoor storage
located within the corridor.
Employment at businesses within this corridor exceeded 40,000 persons in 1980. Onehalf of all jobs are manufacturing related. Many of these establishments depend on
business with one of the region's three major automobile companies.

Industrial Development Potential
Ray Township's location outside of these two corridors explains the Township's absence
of any significant identifiable base. Approximately 45 acres of land are being used for
industrial purposes, according to the existing land use survey. This industrial acreage
consists largely of small establishments distributed somewhat randomly throughout the
northwest portion of the Township.
The Township's absence of any major industrial base is largely due to the lack of any
major transportation corridors proximate to the community. Considering the Township's
existing industrial development characteristics, it is not surprising to note that only 229
persons were employed at locations in the Township in 1980 when the last census was
conducted. It is unlikely that this percentage would have changed significantly over the
past decade.

-50-

�This leads to the fairly obvious conclusion that Ray Township -has not functioned, nor will
likely function, as one of the County's leading employment centers. Ray 's principal roles
have been that of an agricultural area and a bedroom community. While it may be
desirable to provide employment opportunities within a community for local residents,
from a practical standpoint, a substantial percentage of the Township's resident labor
force will likely continue to commute to work locations outside of the local community.
Ray Township may be able to support a broader industrial employment base than
currently exists. The likelihood of this occurring rests largely on the policies of the
community and whether or not appropriate locations and necessary infrastructure are
available to support this type of use. It further depends on regional economic growth and
extent to which Ray Township can expect to share in the growth.

I

•

I •

The Contribution of Agriculture - This traditional industrial needs analysis fails to take
into account the contribution made by agriculture to a community's economic base. A
substantial quantity of the Township's total land area is being used for the production of
various crops. Those crops and the land upon which they are grown represent a source
of considerable value.

AgrictJltural production in Macomb County is largely confined to the northern-most tier of
communities which include Ray Township. South of 26 Mile Road, large tracts of farm
land have been converted from agriculture to urban uses. Once an acre of farm land is
converted to another use, the physical character of the land is forever changed, effectively
preventing its future use as farm land.
The number of farms in Macomb County has declined over the years. For example, in
1978 the County had 838 farms. By 1987, this had declined to 667. The quantity of farm
land has also declined from 91,222 acres in 1982 to 79,683 in 1987. In spite of those
declines, the total value of agricultural products sold from Macomb County farms
increased from $25.8 million in 1978 to 30.5 million in 1987. The value of agricultural
products raised on individual farms also rose from $30,778 in 1978 to $45,683 in 1987.
In Ray Township, agricultural land is responsible for approximately one-quarter of the
Township's total tax base.
Industrial Planning Concepts

Industrial land uses have identifiable land use requirements and impacts that need to be
considered in the context of the Township's comprehensive development plan.
Successful industrial development opportunities depend on the suitability of designated
sites to accommodate these frequently intense land uses.
A variety of site characteristics affect the suitability of a particular parcel for industrial
development. Most manufacturers will look at the following site characteristics in
determining whether or not a specific parcel is suitable for industrial purposes:

-51-

�..

Size and Shape. The usual preference is for a site of regular shape and otherwise
suitable from such standpoints as building layout, access to transportation, parking, and
Mure expansion.
Topography. Most industries require a level site with just enough slope to provide good
drainage. In some cases, a sloping site may be preferred for specialized plants, such as
those with shipping and receiving on two levels.
Utilities. The utilities with which manufacturers are chiefly concerned include electric
power, water, natural gas and sewerage. The principal difference in utility cost between
sites is found in the cost of extending the lines to the plant site.
Flooding. The possibility of flooding is always a major site consideration. Some firms
are willing to incur the risk of occasional flooding in order to gain other site advantages.
The customary policy, however, is to insist on a flood-free site.
Drainage and Soil Conditions. It is important to avoid a site that is a natural low spot.
Test borings by soil engineers should be made, as adequate drainage will have a
significant bearing on foundation conditions and site development costs.
Location Within the Community. One major factor of location is accessibility for
employees, customers, and movement of goods and raw materials. The immediate
surroundings in relation to other land uses are also important if the industry is to avoid
possible community relation problems.
Transportation Facilities. These are highly dependent on how the individual firm plans
to ship its goods. Adequate sites must be available that provide good access to main
highways and/or retail transportation facilities with the ability to extend rail sidings where
needed.

OCCUPATION AND EMPLOYMENT CHARACTERISTICS

In 1980, Ray Township had an employed resident labor force of 1,147 workers. These
workers are employed in a variety of different industries and have a wide range of
different occupations. Information on both subjects are available through the U.S. Bureau
of Census and are reflected in Tables 18 and 19. The first of these two tables offers a
summary of the Township's resident labor force by industry category. Similar data for
the County is also provided for comparison purposes.
By and large, Ray Township's resident labor force reflects the composition of the County
as a whole. For example, more than one-third of the County's labor force is employed
in manufacturing industries, particularly those involved in the production of durable
goods. Approximately 36 percent of the Township's labor force is employed in
manufacturing-related industries.

-52-

�..
TABLE 18
INDUSTRY OF EMPLOYMENT
RAY TOWNSHIP AND MACOMB COUNTY

1980
/

Ray Township

j

Category
/ Agriculture, Forestry,

Macomb County /

"

54

4. 7

1,856

0.6 /

/ Construction

122

1o. 6

11,999

3.9 J

/ Manufacturing

417

36.3

106,800

35.0 /

17

1.5

7,446

2.4 .:,.!

Public Utillties

15

1.3

7,565

2.5

j

/ Wholesale Trade

24

2. 1

12, 143

4. o

/

Retail Trade
/ Finance, Insurance and

l

99

8.6

57,001

18.7

i

/ Real Estate
l Business and Repair

30

/ Fishing and Mining

/ Transportation
Communications/

l

I

Ij

No.

j

No.

"

'
2.6

15,924

j

5.2

l

Se,vices
Personal, Entenainment

74

6.5

12,363

4.1 /,_

/ and Recreation Services
Professional and

19

1.7

8,695

2.8 ·:'·/

249

21.7

51 ,264

27

2.4

12, 186

100.0

305,242

i

/ Related Services

/ Public Administration

1 Totals

•••..•••••••..••-•••••••••u ••• .. ••-u••.. •••h•• -

1,147

· · •••••u•••••••U•ou,••·

16.8

j

4.O /
100.0 1

••••••uu •••••••••••••••n ••••o••••••• u ••••••••••••••••u•••u ••••••H•••••••••• •

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census.

Some differences between the Township and the County are noted in this comparison.
The first difference is evident relative to the agricultural, forestry, fishing and mining
category, which employs 4. 7 percent of the Township's labor force. For Macomb County
as a whole, the figure is less than one (1) percent. Other differences are noted in the
retail trade and construction categories. A smaller percentage of the Township's labor
force, 8.6 percent, are employed in retail businesses, compared to the County-wide
percentage of 18. 7. Construction-related businesses, on the other hand, proportionately
employ a greater share of the Township's resident labor force, 10.6 percent, than is true
for the County's 3.9 percent.

-53-

�The only other significant difference involves the professional and related services industry
category. Approximately one-fifth (1/5) of Ray's resident labor force are employed in this
category, compared to 16.8 percent for Macomb County.
The occupational characteristics of the Township's labor force are shown in Table 19.
A greater percentage of the Township's labor force are employed in farming occupations
than is the case for the County. Extensive areas being used for agriculture in the
Township explain this difference. The single greatest difference, however, is evident in
the technical, sales and administrative support categories. On a County-wide basis,
nearly one-third of the County's resident labor force are employed in these occupations.
In Ray Township, only 22.8 percent report similar occupations. Another difference is
noted in the last two categories: precision production, craft and repair and operators,
fabricators and laborers. Approximately 45 percent of the Township's labor force are
collectively employed in these two categories compared to 34 percent for Macomb
County.

.,

TABLE 19
OCCUPATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS
RAY TOWNSHIP ANO MACOMB COUNTY
1980

.

.

H...................................................................... ·•••··••O•o ...................................... _ •• ••••·•• ..··••••··•• ....• .. ·•· .. ·••o-o••HHHOOHU . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

/

Ray Township

! Category

Macomb County /

No.

%

No.

% /

/ Managers/Professionals
j Technicians, Sales &amp;

197

17.2

61,053

20.0 J

/ Administrative Support

262

22.8

100,449

32.9 j

/ Service

120

10.5

38,521

51

4.4

1,698

0.6 /

/ Skilled Workers

257

22.4

14,503

15.6 /

1 Operatives, Laborers

260

22.7

56,018

18.4 /

/ Farming, Forestry &amp; Fishing

12.6

l

i._T!~ ....................-....- ..........................................!.:.~~-·····~·~:.~......................~~:~~~.......~.~. . ~ .. l
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census

-54-

�PLANNING POLICY

COMMUNITY ATTITUDE SURVEY

Successful planning for a community is much more effective when the basic living
patterns and desires of the residents are known. This information includes the type of
living, working, education and recreation demands the residents expect from the
community. In addition, personal preferences and attitudes on future development, as
expressed by the residents, must be understood. This essential information is most
readily assessed by means of a Community Attitude Survey.
To assure as much participation as possible and to avoid a biased report, questionnaires
were mailed to every home or post office box in Ray Township. Approximately 1,060
questionnaires were distributed in November of 1989. The survey was designed as a
pre-mailer, with the return address and stamp already provided. There were 500, or
48 percent, of all questionnaires returned. This high rate of return, taken by itself,
provides an indication of the interest and concern the residents of Ray Township have
for their community. In addition, in more than half of the questionnaires, respondents
indicated their interest in the Township's Mure by including written comments and
expressing personal preferences in addition to answering the questions.
The 25 questions of the Community Attitude Survey provided a clear understanding of
wants and desires of Ray Township residents. The following profile highlights the
findings:

Typical Ray Township Resident:

•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•

Homeowner
Head-of-household: 48 years old
Three (3) persons in household
Owns five (5) acres of land
Resident of Township for the past 13 years
Selected Ray Township because of the rural setting
Very satisfied with living in the Township
Remains a Ray Township resident because of the rural setting and safe environment.

-55-

�Wants and Desires for the Future:

• Encourage single-family development:
- 2.5-acre minimum lot size preferred
some one (1) acre lots
- some ten (10) acre or greater lots
• Encourage the retention of farming
• Encourage:
- bike/hike trails
- playgrounds
- community recreation center
• Encourage strong environmental protection
•

Limit or Discourage:
- Commercial development
- Industrial development
- Public water and sewer

GOALS ANO OBJECTIVES

Goals and objectives formulated by the Township are the cornerstone of the planning
process. They are the framework for public and private decision-making. Goals and
objectives, in the context of planning, should be the guiding influence in determining
public policy. They should be idealistic to the extent that they provide a desirable "state"
to strive towards. However, in order to be reasonably capable of being achieved, the
goals must be tempered by recognition of financial, social and political realities.
Ray Township is a rural community of thirty-six miles which possesses the following
attributes:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•

rural setting
small town atmosphere
farming
large lot residential
open space
woodlands
wetlands
streams and rivers
rural roads

-56-

�The Town Center includes the historic Ray Township Hall, a library, and an active
recreation facility. The adjacent area to the south is being developed by HCMA as a
regional park, with the historic Wolcott Mill, a youth camp and the Township Fire Hall.
The social fabric of the community is woven through the Town Center, the quarterly
newsletter and the small town atmosphere of neighbors and friends.
Over the next two decades, urban pressures from the south, west and east are going to
create tremendous demands upon Ray Township. In order to preserve and enhance the
ecological and social environment that makes the Township such a desirable community,
the Township has chosen to adopt the following goals and policies to maintain its
standard of living.

Goal:

Preservation of Community Character
As clearly stated in the community attitude survey conducted during 1989,
residents live in Ray Township because of the rural character, small town
atmosphere, the open space, agriculture and farming, the woodlands, rivers,
streams and wetlands. In order to maintain that community character, Ray
Township shall:
•

Adopt these goals as the development policies of the Township.

•

Develop and adopt a Master Land Use Plan based on these
adopted policies.

•

Develop design standards and review criteria to guide all public
and private development.

•

Review all future land use developments, whether public or
private, to assure that they meet the Township's goals and the
design standards.

•

Promote the public interest of Ray Township as a whole, rather
than the interests of individuals or special interest groups within
the community.

•

Separate incompatible or adverse land uses by distance, natural
resources, or by man-made greenbelts and buffers which
adequately screen or mitigate the adverse impacts.

-57-

�Goal:

Preservation of Agricultural Land and Open Space

Goal:

I

•

Agriculture and farming shall be a dominant feature of the
Township, and its preservation is a primary goal.

•

To preserve or conserve agricultural lands, it may be necessary
to purchase development rights, establish conservation
easements, provide tax incentives, or secure similar legal tools
that maintain the lands for agricultural use only.

•

The gas storage fields are considered as an agriculture and open
space resource to be protected and enhanced.

Preservation of the Environment

•

The natural environment shall be protected and preserved. This
includes open space, woodlands, wetlands, rivers, streams and
floodplains.

•

In all development, the natural environment shall have dominance
and the man-made activities shall function as a coordinated and
functional part of that environment.

•

The natural amenities of the Township, the topography, drainage,
rivers, floodplains, soils and woodlands, have a natural and scenic
beauty which must be preserved for the public's enjoyment and
benefit. Such areas shall be preserved under both public and
private ownership.

•

Goal:

Provide for Quality Residential Development

•

Residential development shall include major areas of open space
in a suburban or rural setting.

•

Encourage residential development which respects and preserves
the low density character of the Township and preserves the
natural environment.

•

Insist upon quality housing development, regardless of price
range.

•

Recognize the relationship of demographic and ecological
characteristics to various housing types and ownership.

-58-

�Goal:

•

Encourage open space and recreation within higher density
residential areas so that it will relate functionally to the needs of
the residents.

•

Encourage innovative residential development practices.

Control and Management of Growth.
Ray Township shall use the principles of the Master Land Use Plan to guide the
type, rate, location, timing and the quality and character of development for the
purpose of achieving its goals. The Township shall guide and coordinate
growth, rather than merely react to it.

Goal:

•

The Township's growth management program shall be based on
those activities over which the Township has considerable control:
public land and facilities and services provided by public
agencies.

•

Careful planning to avoid development of key natural resources
and environmentally sensitive areas will help define future
development options.

•

The Township shall limit commercial and industrial development
in keeping with the character and needs of the Township.

•

Discourage sprawling and scattered development which
consumes extensive land areas, creates higher community costs,
generates traffic problems, and increases land speculation.

•

The Zoning Ordinance, Subdivision Regulations, and Capital
Improvement Program shall be refined or written to accomplish
the Township's goals.

Provide for Necessary Municipal Services and Recreation within
the Scope of the Plan.
•

Public utilities, such as water, sewer or storm drainage, shall not
be extended into the Township.

•

Village or cluster development may have package sewerage
plants or central water or storm drainage, provided they are
constructed to meet the demands of that development and further
the goals of the Master Land Use Plan.

-59-

�•

Regional and Township-wide·recreation facilities shall be provided
to meet the active recreation needs. The individual residential
developments shall provide for the open space, environmental
and passive recreation needs.

•

The goals and policies embodied in the 1985 Ray Metro Park Plan
(from 29 to 31 Mile Roads) fit into the overall development
concept for the Township.

•

Utilize natural features (topography, floodplains, and etc.) for
recreation.

•

Development plans shall not be approved by the Planning
Commission unless the roads which provide access to the
development have the necessary capacity to handle the projected
traffic volume.

-60-

�..
THOROUGHFARE PLAN

INTRODUCTION
The automobile has had a dramatic impact on land use development and human
settlement patterns. Improved transportation facilities are, in large part, responsible for
changes in our urban landscape from a more physically compact to a dispersed
development pattern. Direct evidence of this change is apparent throughout southeast
Michigan. Household growth in Wayne, Oakland and Macomb County over the past 40
years would not have been possible without the automobile and the extensive network
of roads serving the region.
Recognizing the direct functional relationship that exists between land use patterns and
the movement of goods and people, there is an obvious need to coordinate land use
planning activities with plans to upgrade and expand the capacities of the local and
regional thoroughfare system.
Preparation of a Thoroughfare Plan has several practical applications that have important
consequences for the community's ultimate development pattern.
Through the
identification of fu·t ure right-of-way locations and standards, a community establishes the
system of streets and roads that will provide access for future development.
Furthermore, the cost of acquiring future road right-of-way can be significantly reduced
if the necessary reservation is done well in advance of future road construction.
Establishing right-of-way locations and standards through the Master Plan process
provides the community with some authority to request right-of-way reservations through
the land development process.
Designating right-of-way widths also helps a community establish consistent setback
requirements, which is accomplished through the administration of a Zoning Ordinance.
This minimizes the potential of having to acquire homes or businesses when road
widening becomes necessary.
The Thoroughfare Plan provides the community with an opportunity to coordinate local
transportation planning activities with those occurring on a regional or State-wide basis.
Roads are the physical improvements that link communities together. Coordinating the
planning associated with the regional transportation system offers some opportunities to
consider mutually compatible land use policies relating to these needs. Finally, roads
make a significant contribution to the community's image and identity. Streets offer an
opportunity for urban design improvements in the way of landscaping and monuments.
Too often, this opportunity is neglected with streets becoming cluttered with excessive
signage and overhead utilities.

-61-

�"

Three topics are considered in this report. The first of these is an identification of
thoroughfare planning concepts. Broadly accepted concepts are offered as a way of
providing a common basis of understanding or vocabulary.
The next section describes the characteristics of Ray Township's local road system. This
includes a calculation of linear road miles by road classification, traffic volumes along
major roads, accident locations, an identification of major traffic generators, among other
factors.
The report concludes with a description of the Thoroughfare Plan and how the Plan
relates to Ray Township's Land Use Plan. Major proposals and recommendations for the
future are.also offered.

.-

Orderly development and a desirable environment can only be achieved if full
consideration is given to the relationship between the type and intensity of land uses and
the need for proper access and the resulting traffic generation movements. Improved
planning of the thoroughfare system will likely result in a better urban development
pattern and, consequently, a much improved environment and efficient use of land.

CONCEPTS AND STANDARDS
Transportation Planning Concepts

Roads are grouped into a number of different classifications necessary for administrative,
design and planning purposes. Most classification systems make a distinction based on
the intended purpose of the road and the geographic areas it is intended to serve.
Common road classifications include freeways, arterials, collectors and local roads. Each
classification carries with it suggested minimum design standards.
The benefit of a classification system extends beyond providing a common understanding
or transportation planning vocabulary. Such a system establishes a functional system,
permitting a community to relate categories of streets to various categories of land use
activities that they are best suited to serve. Classification systems should reflect the
specific category and intensity of land use that they are designed to serve. In applying
a classification system, the through-traffic movements and the access requirements of
abutting property should be considered.
A commonly accepted classification system prepared by the National Committee on
Urban Transportation is on the following pages and shown in Illustration 14.

-62-

�Expressway - This class is devoted
entirely to traffic movement with little
or no land service function. Thus, it .
is characterized by at least some
degree of access control. Except in
rare instances, this classification
should be reserved for multi-lane,
divided roads with few, if any,
intersections at grade. Expressways
serve large volumes of light speed
traffic and are primarily intended to
serve long trips.

.•.•

.

.::•

"=
C

0

'

,

.,u•

Arterial - This class of streets brings
traffic to and from the expressway
and serves those major movements
of traffic within or through the urban
area that are not served by expressways.
Arterials interconnect the
principal traffic generators within the
community, as well as important
rural routes. Arterials handle trips
between different areas of the
community and should form a
reasonably integrated system. The
length of the typical trip on the
system should exceed one mile.

;;
;;
i'

2

Second1ry

Thoroughfare

ILLUSTRATION 14

ROAD CLASSIFICATION SYSTEM

Collector - This class of streets serves internal traffic movements within an area of the
community, such as a subdivision, and connects this area with the arterial system.
Collectors do not handle long through trips and are not, of necessity, continuous for any
great length. In gridiron street patterns, however, a street of several miles in length may
serve as a collector rather than an arterial if the predominant use is to reach the next
junction with an arterial and there turn off.
Local - The sole function of local streets is to provide access to adjacent land. These
streets make up a large percentage of the total street mileage of the Township, but carry
a small proportion of the vehicle miles of travel. In and around the central business
district (CBD), local streets may carry traffic volumes measured in thousands, but this is
the exception. Local residential streets, in most cases, carry daily volumes of 1,000 or
less.

-63-

�Standards

The configuration of the highway system throughout much of the nation, including
southeast Michigan and Ray Township, is, in large part, a product of the Northwest
Ordinance of 1787. This noteworthy legislation continues to exert a broad and lasting
impact on land use and transportation patterns.
The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 divided the Country into one-mile square grids, which
serve as the paths for an extensive network of major thoroughfares. The alignment of
collector roads generally follows quarter section lines. The pattern of roads in Ray
Township does not fully conform to the square mile grid pattern. The location of several
water courses which flow through Ray Township has resulted in a different road
configuration. This pattern is further impacted by the closure of several bridges along
section line roads which interrupts the flow of traffic through the Township.
Road standards, including rights-of-way and pavement widths and specifications, were
developed by the Inter-County Highway Commission and remain in use today by the
Macomb County Road Commission.
Cross-section standards and right-of-way
designations recommended for various categories of road are specified in Table 20 and
Illustration 15.

TABLE 20
SUMMARY OF ROADWAY PLANNING STANDARDS*

•u•ow--.-u••• ......... . ... _. . .... . .......... • ••••••••••• ••u •o••H uo

.......... •••• • -•-••uu ..,.u ouoo u .... •••••• •••• •• .... • ••••••••••••U•H• ••••••••u oauouu••••• ••••••••• •••Hu •

Standards For:

j

Element

Major Thoroughfares

Secondary
Thoroughfares

Collector

Local

1 Right-of-Way

150 feet

120 feet

120 feet

86 feet

60 feet

1 Pavement Width

84 feet

63-84 feet
(24 feet)

59 feet
(24 feet)

36-50 feet

28 feet

7

4 or more

Urban - 4
Rural - 2

2-4

2

! (initial stage)
l Number of
j

Lanes

~.-~!!!....-...·········-··~··~·(!!.....................~.(.~..~!!.~.... .............................·

1...spacing............................................. _..........

* Adapted from Macomb County Road Commission, Macomb County, Michigan

-64-

�[

I

lw

I

I

28'

36'
50'
86'

I

60'

LOCAL

11

7

SUBDIVISION

WI

I

COLLECTOR

I

•

··-

-W
l
I

~

r

l
59'
120 '

I

I

~

SECONDARY

THOROUGHFARE

-W

1 - - - - - - Medium-ACT 6 3 ' * - - - - - . - .
t - - - - - - - - - Hl9h- AOT 84 ' --'-*----------!
1
--- - - - - - - - - - - 120' - - - - - - - - - -* AOT- Av1,a;t
Da ll y T r aff i c .
MAJOR

-

-

THOROUGHFARE

1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 120 '

----------------l

In i tia l Sta9e

MAJOR

l

THOROUGHFARE

ILLUBTRATION 11

CROSS SECTION STANDARDS

-65-

�EXISTING CONDITIONS
Street Inventory

Ray Township contains approximately 72.4 linear road miles, as measured from the
current Township base map. This mileage is allocated among the various road
classification categories reflected below:

TABLE 21
ROAD MILEAGE

I

.r -

Road Clasalflcatlon

! County Primary

l

Unear MIieage

j

25. 7

i

6.6

j

j County Local (paved)
j County Local (graveQ

37.7

l Subdivision and Other

l

2.4

j

. 72.4

j

r....•Total,
.._. _, -

··••.W•-··········· ........ _ ....- ......... -_..........................

County roads in Ray Township are divided into two principal classifications: primary and
local. Paved primary roads located in the Township include Romeo Plank Road, North
Avenue, 26 Mile Road, 29 Mile Road, New Haven Road, and 32 Mile Road. Paved local
roads include 27 Mile Road from the Township line east to Teller Road, Wolcott Road
between 29 and 32 Mile Roads, and Indian Trail from Wolcott to 29 Mile Road. The
remaining roads consist of local gravel-surfaced roads.
Traffic Volumes

The heaviest traffic volumes in Ray Township are along those designated County primary
roads identified earlier. The highest volumes are observed along Romeo Plank, where
average daily traffic volumes range between 8,500 and 9, 100 vehicles. These volumes
have decreased substantially with the completion of the M-53 bypass to 32 Mile Road.
North Avenue, which is the Township's other principal north-south route, averaged daily
traffic volumes exceeding 6,000 vehicles during the late 1980's. The two busiest
east-west routes through the Township are 26 and 32 Mile Roads. Volumes along
26 Mile Road range between 7,400 and 7,700 vehicles per day. A two-mile segment of
32 Mile Road, between Powell and Wolcott Roads, averages 7,313 vehicles per day.
Volumes on the remaining portion of the road are under 5,000 vehicles. Between 2,200
and 2,700 vehicles travel along 29 Mile Road on a daily basis. Traffic volumes on the
remaining Township roads are light, as reflected in Illustration 16.

-66-

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TRAFFIC

VOLUMES

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TOWNSHIP

IIACOIH

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COUNTJ , MICHIGAN

RAY TOWNSHIP PLANNING COMMISSION
27 MILE

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ILLUSTRATION 11

RAY

:,

MACOMB

I

26

a:

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CLOSURES

oE

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nic•.•i,ltifiu

�Accident Locations
As traffic volumes increase, so do the difficulties of accommodating traffic. The number
of accidents generally rises in proportion to the volume of traffic. The major exception
is freeways, which have considerably fewer accidents than may be expected from their
volumes due to their superior design standards.
A total of 180 accidents occurred on Ray Township Roads in 1990, according to data
available from the Macomb County Road Commission. The greatest frequency of
accidents occurs along the most heavily travelled County primary roads in Ray Township,
particularly Romeo Plank and North Avenue, between 28 and 30 Mile Roads. Another
small cluster of accidents are concentrated along 29 Mile Road, between Wolcott Road
and North Avenue.

Bridge Closures
Because of the extensive water course system that crosses the Township, bridges are
necessary to facilitate the crossing of these rivers and drainage channels. Seven of these
bridges are closed (see Illustration 16). These closures have a major impact on the flow
of traffic through the Township, particularly in an east-west direction. This lack of
continuity influences the pattern of development in the community.

Freeway Availability
The ability of a community to support various categories of business and industry is
directly related to the availability of freeway access, or access to designated State traffic
routes.
No State highways or freeways cross Ray Township. The closest State route is M-53,
located less than two miles from Ray Township's western boundary. M-53 connects
metropolitan Detroit with those communities located in the 11thumb-area11 of Michigan.
Traffic volumes along M-53 exceed 20,000 vehicles per day in Washington Township and
11,000 vehicles per day in Bruce Township. The M-53 Freeway bypass of Romeo Village
to 34 Mile Road in Bruce Township was recently completed and open for traffic.

Traffic Generation
Land use patterns have a significant and measurable impact on traffic volumes. Several
national studies offer estimates of the number of trips generated by various land use
categories. These estimates are useful in accessing the impact of various land uses on
a site-specific basis and for the community as a whole. Included in Table 22 is a list of
traffic generation rates for specific types of land uses.
The frequency of these trips is directly related to the availability of employment and retail
opportunities in the community. A final category of vehicle trip includes through-traffic,
where neither the origin or destination point is located in the community. This type. of trip
is likely where an interstate freeway or State trunkline crosses the community.

-68-

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FATILITIES

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ILLUSTRATION 17

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RAY

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PROPERTY

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TOWNSHIP
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RAY TOWNSHIP PLANNING COMMISSION
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�TABLE 22
TRIP END GENERATION RATES BY LAND USE

...

..

. . . . . . . . . . ... . . . H•·••·••·•••U ■ HH ■ HU . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .■ H ■■- ■--• ■ H ■ U ■■■■ H•♦HUO.O ■■- ■- ■ ...............................................................................................

j

Weekday Trip End Generation Rates

I Type of Land Use

Type of Development

i Resldentlal

Subdivision

9.5 TE per Occupied Dwelling Unit

Apartment

5.7

•

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.
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lnatHutlon

I.

Range

!

6.4 - 12. 7

l

per Occupied Dwelling Unit

3.1 - 7.9

1

Mobile Home Park

5.4 TE per Occupied Dwelling Unit

2.8 - 6.8

.

High School
Elementary School

1.3 TE per Student
1.0 TE per Student

1. 1 - 2.1
0.7 - 1.2

'•:;

Average

TE

*

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Government Office Building

44 TE per 1,000 Sq. Ft. Floor Area

25 - 139

i

Church

44 TE per Employee (Sunday)

30 - 191

ll

1 Commercial

Shopping Center (regionaQ

315 TE per Net Acre

149 - 671

:

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l

Shopping Center (neighborhood)

949 TE per Net Acre

I

Commercial Store (freestanding)

47 TE per 1,000 Sq. Ft. Floor Area

i

:

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:

800 - 1,064
35 - 330

:

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15 TE per 1,000 Sq. Ft. Floor Area

i;
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Medical Office

41 TE per Doctor

Motel

10.1 TE per Occupied Unit

.1

Restaurant (sit-down)

14 TE per Employee

9 - 22

Restaurant (fast-food)

75 TE per Employee

62 - 89

Bank, Savings &amp; Loan

43· TE per Employee

31 - 76

.i

Service Station

57 TE per Employee

41 - 79

li Industrial

Various Types of Industry

79 TE per Net Acre

9 - 350

1;

Industrial Park

64 TE per Gross Acre

52 - 140

1

Warehouse

81 TE per Net Acre

28 - 256

Mass Production

93 TE per Net Acre

38 - 191

Administration

60 TE per Net Acre

28 - 229

.i

8.8 - 23.6

./

Commercial Office Building

31 - 53
4. 7 - 14.6

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Specialty Production
39 TE per Net Acre
9 - 159
j
!...................................................... Truck
Terminals
56 TE per Net Acre
43 - 128 j
....................................................................................................................
-......................................................................................................
.
Research and Development

31 TE per Net Acre

_.

Source: California Department of Transportation, July 1976.

-70-

20 - 127

�Since Ray Township has no obvious concentration of commercial or industrial uses that
could generate significant volumes of traffic, the traffic volumes identified earlier can be
attributed to those households located in the Township and vehicles crossing through the
Township en route to other destinations. The higher volumes along North Avenue and
Romeo Plank Road suggest that these two roads may be serving as routes to locations
to both the north and south. Volumes along Romeo Plank, however, have already
declined due to the completion of the M-53 Freeway extension.
All land uses have a corresponding impact on traffic volumes. Because of this, there is
a need to carefully consider the relationship between land use and transportation
planning. The importance of this relationship is magnified in Ray Township because of
the numerous breaks that exist in the existing transportation system.

THOROUGHFARE PLAN
The Thoroughfare Plan is designed to provide adequate roads to serve the Mure land
use pattern envisioned by the land use plan. It is also intended to fit into the context of
the County and State planned road network.
The existing Township road system described earlier provides the basic network of roads
planned to serve the Township in the future. Romeo Plank, New Haven Road, North
Avenue, and 26, 29 and 32 Mile Roads, will continue to be the principal transportation
routes serving the Township. These roads are all designated as major roads on the
Master Plan Illustration. All of these roads have a planned right-of-way width of 120 feet,
with the exception of 26 Mile Road which has 204 feet of proposed right-of-way.
The Township's remaining roads are designated as secondary roads. Their principal role
is to provide a connection to the major road network. In the planned rural development
setting of Ray township, it may not be necessary to provide 120 feet of right-of-way for
these roads, which functionally serve as collector roads. A right-of-way of 86 feet may
be sufficient for these roads.
The recommended right-of-way standard for local subdivision roads is 60 feet. There
remains, however, a need to maintain some flexibility with respect to local residential
street standards. For example, in open space subdivisions, where the intent of
development is to preserve open space and retain a sense of rural character, the 60-foot
suburban right-of-way standard may not be appropriate. In these instances, a lesser
standard may be more reasonable, provided, however, that adequate access is provided
for anticipated traffic, as well as emergency vehicles. Specific standards for these open
space developments will be developed as part of the regulations for that type of
development.

-71-

�LAND USE PLAN

INTRODUCTION
The Land Use Plan, or the Master Plan, for a community is essentially a policy guide for
public and private land development decisions. These growth policies have been
established by the Ray Township Board and the Planning Commission after several years
of study, research and public input. The basic studies of Regional Analysis, Population
Analysis, Physical Features and Economic characteristics present the research and
framework. The Community Attitude Survey provided the basic public input; and the
Goals and Objectives provided the policy framework from which the Master Plan evolved.
The use of land is both a resource and a market commodity which derives its function
from economic and social forces operating nationally, regionally and within the Township.
Individual land uses and the arrangement of these uses influence the way we live and the
degree of satisfaction with our physical surroundings. The Master Plan offers the
opportunity to provide some rational sense of order to our developing environment and,
thereby, enhances the overall quality of the human experience.
The Master Plan for Ray Township describes, in a generalized manner, the most
appropriate areas for agricultural, residential, commercial and industrial land uses within
the community. In addition, society's development plans have been integrated into a plan
and management program which recognizes and preserves the natural environment.
This physical distribution of future land use is directly correlated for results from the
Township's stated goals and objectives for the future. The Master Plan is intended to be
comprehensive, general, flexible and realistic. It offers a framework within which realistic
and practical decisions can be made regarding future land development.

CONCEPT FOR DEVELOPMENT
As clearly stated in the results of the Community Attitude Survey conducted during 1989,
residents choose to live and remain in Ray Township because of the rural character, the
small-town atmosphere, the open space, agriculture and farming, the woodlands, rivers,
streams, and a safe environment. The social fabric of the community is woven through
open Township government, the volunteer fire department, and the quarterly newsletter.
The Town Center includes the historic Ray Township Hall, the library, and an active
recreation facility. The regional Huron Clinton Metropolitan Park, which encompasses the
Town Center, is developing as a historical mill site, a historical village, a passive recreation
center, and an agricultural education and demonstration farming complex.

-72-

�''

Development pressures within southeast Michigan have emanated from Detroit into
southern Macomb County and along the M-53 Corridor and the shoreline. Ray Township,
which is a community of 36 square miles, is straddled, but not directly impacted, by either
of these growth corridors. There are no public water or sewer facilities available within
the Township limits, and the heavy clay soils, which are good for farming, do not provide
for good septic systems. In some parts of the community, well water is either difficult to
obtain or has high mineral or salt content. As a result, home development has taken
place on rather large lots. The median-size residential lot is presently five (5) acres of
land.

Natural Resources
The greatest influences on past and future development are the natural resources and
the environment. Rivers and streams dominate the landscape. The North Branch of the
Clinton River is one of the most scenic rivers in southeast Michigan. The North Branch,
along with the Coon Creek and Tupper Brook, encompass over 2,000 acres of flood
hazard area in Ray Township. The preservation of these flood hazard areas and the
adjacent wetlands are a major element in the Land Use Plan. Much of the flood hazard
area is in public ownership as part of HCMA or State Park lands. There are also two golf
courses which help preserve this resource.
The northeast portion of the Township has nearly two square miles that are underground
gas storage fields. The natural gas is stored in porous rock formations, a thousand feet
underground. Natural gas is shipped to these storage areas, stored under pressure, and
used during peak periods. The lands which are owned by Consumers Power Company
are leased to farmers for agricultural production. This two-mile storage reserve is
expanded into the adjacent Townships of Armada, Richmond and Lenox. This resource,
together with the fact that the soils are good for farming, assure that this area could
remain a major agricultural area for many decades.
As noted in the Physical Features section of the Plan, most of the soils within Ray
Township are well suited to farming use. Excessive wetness is the main limitation, and
most farm areas have been artificially drained to overcome this problem. Large sections
of the Township, primarily in the east and west, have been designated as prime
agricultural lands by the Soil Conservation Service. As indicated in the 1987 Census of
Agriculture, 71 percent of all farmers operate as part-timers. In Ray Township, they own
much of their own land, but also rent additional lands. Nationwide, the typical farm
averages 212 acres, while 43 percent are less than 50 acres in size. Over the past
decade, the number of small farms less than 50 acres in size has increased by more than
20 percent.
It is also noted that there are major woodlots and wetlands which are located in the
center portions of the sections. As shown on the Natural Resource Map, they are a major
part of the environment, which should be preserved.

-73-

�Man-Made Influences on Resources

Huron Clinton Metropolitan Authority (HCMA), over the past two decades, has purchased
major land acreages along the North Branch of the Clinton River. Approximately 2,000
acres of land straddling the river have been acquired. Land purchased between
26 and 29 Mile Roads is being leased for farming or is left vacant. Lands between
29 and 31 Mile Road will be developed as part of the historic village or the agricultural
complex over the next 20 years.
Wetzel State Park occupies a small portion of the southeast corner of Ray Township.
Most of the 900-acre park will be located in Lenox Township. The park, nevertheless,
protects a large portion of the East Branch of the Coon Creek.
In addition to the two golf courses which are also located along the North Branch of the
Coon Creek, the Township has two privately owned and operated airports. New HavenMacomb Airport is located on 90 acres of land in the southeast corner of the Township.
Romeo Airport, with over 260 acres of land, has three runways and is located in the far
northwest corner of the Township.
There are also several overhead electrical or underground pipelines which traverse Ray
Township. These utility corridors are shown on the Natural Resource Map. These
corridors can affect growth patterns and should be evaluated as part of all urban
· developments.

Summary
The growth of Ray Township will be strongly influenced by major natural resources and
by man-made developments. The resources which have shaped and molded the past
development of the Township include:

-

Rivers, creeks and streams
Flood hazard areas
Wetlands and Woodlots
Agricultural soils and farming
Gas storage fields
Utility corridors
HCMA recreation lands
Wetzel State Park
Two golf courses.

Based on the Community Attitude Survey and the Goals and Objectives, the Township
has elected to use these resources and facilities as the foundation for the Plan. Rural
character, safe environment and natural resources have been, and will continue to be, the
main elements of natural and human environment. The concept for development in Ray
Township is one in which man and man-made development harmonizes and respects the
more important natural environment.

-74-

�In Ray Township, the traditional Master Plan and the traditional Zoning Ordinance will not
provide or meet the goals desired for the Township. Innovative tools and growth
management will be investigated.
Growth management refers to the systematic attempt by a community to guide the type,
rate, location, timing and, often, the quality and character of land for the purpose of
achieving carefully considered public objectives. Communities engaged in growth
management try to guide and coordinate growth, rather than merely react to it.
Ray Township's growth management program needs to be based on those activities over
which it has considerable control: publicly-owned land and facilities and publicly-provided
services. Careful planning to avoid development of key natural resources and environmentally sensitive areas will help define the Mure development options. Likewise,
ensuring that the Plan is substantively rooted in clear local goals, objectives and policies
for which there is broad public support will help ensure successful implementation.

PRESERVATION OF AGRICULTURAL LANDS AND OPEN SPACE

Farming has historically played an important role in Ray Township. The Township has
long been commonly recognized as an agricultural community and remains one of the
last large concentrations of farmland in Macomb County. The most direct evidence of the
importance of agriculture is the amount of land currently being used for farming. Based
on the Township's Existing Land Use Survey, 20,200 acres, or 87 percent, of the total
area is used as farming or is vacant. Prime agricultural lands dominate about two-thirds
of the Township. In addition, over 1,000 acres of land have been enrolled in the
Farm land and Open Space Act.
Farmland is often viewed as an inexhaustible resource, when, in fact, it is a finite one.
One acre of land converted to a non-farm use is, ·practically speaking, forever retired for
agricultural purposes. Other acreage is often idled prematurely because of unrealistic
expectations regarding future development.
The National Agricultural Lands Study, published in 1980, estimated that three million
acres of farmland are lost each year to urbanization. Major demographic shifts occurring
in this Country during the 1970's explain, to a large extent, this steady loss of farmland.
The most significant aspect of this change was the movement of the population from
metropolitan areas to non-metropolitan areas. Consider the following statistics:
•

Forty (40) percent of all housing constructed in the United States during the
1970's was built in rural areas.

•

Non-metropolitan areas gained 2.9 million people between 1970 and 1978.

•

The number of households in rural areas increased in the 1970's.

•

Employment in every major industry group increased at a more rapid rate in nonmetropolitan areas than in metropolitan areas during the past decade.

-75-

�..
Preserving the Township's existing agricultural lands was identified as an important land
use policy in the goals and objectives portion of the Plan. Clearly, the decision of a farm
household to continue farming in the future is a complex issue involving many factors that
are frequently impacted by broader economic issues that are well outside of the
Township's ability to either predict or control. In spite of this, the Master Plan establishes
an "attitude" conducive to the continued use of land for agricultural purposes. This policy
is clearly reflected in the Master Plan's goals and objectives and by the fact that nearly
18,000 acres of land have been reserved for agriculture or open space residential on the
Master Plan Illustration.
In the past, a variety of techniques have been used in an attempt to preserve farmland.
Each has met with varying degrees of success. A summary of several techniques are
noted as follows:

Agricultural Zoning
Any successful attempt to preserve farmland requires the ability to control the use of land,
especially the encroachment of urban uses into agricultural areas. Within Michigan, the
authority to control land use is vested with local governments in the form of zoning. For
all its potential as a useful agricultural preservation technique, zoning more often than not
falls far short of its expectations. Many agricultural zoning districts are agricultural in
name only and represent little more than holding zones for Mure urban development.
The ability of a local community to restrict development through the establishment of
agricultural zoning districts rests largely with: 1) the exclusion, or near exclusion, of nonfarmland uses within agricultural districts; 2) the establishment of sufficiently large
minimum lot sizes to discourage the development of single-family homes in agricultural
areas; or 3) restricting residential lots to a maximum depth along road systems. Large
lots, however, also take away more land per house, which can contribute to the loss of
farmland unless lot sizes are set sufficiently high enough to effectively discourage nonfarm residential development.
Minimum acreage requirements of five or ten acres are not effective in limiting the amount
of non-farm development that may occur in an agricultural area. These minimum
requirements may, in fact, be more wasteful of land than one or two-acre minimums.
Many non-farmers who develop single-family homes in agricultural districts actually prefer
five or ten-acre estates to smaller lots. The placement of a single-family home on these
parcels, however, only occupies a small portion of the lot, with most of the remaining
acreage not being used for any productive purpose. Large lot zoning provides open
space on the individual lot, but does not provide the community with usable open space.
This particular problem is compounded by the Subdivision Control Act's current
subdivision regulations which do not regulate the division of land into parcels exceeding
ten acres in size. This results in a proliferation of parcels which barely exceed the tenacre limit and are often long and narrow. Such parcels frequently have unsuitable
access, may have limited usage, or result in misuse of prime agricultural land.

-76-

�••

In the Township's research to preserve agricultural land, the following alternatives were
examined:
Permit only residential uses which are owned or occupied by the persons farming
the land.
- Have minimum acreage parcels of 40 or 60 acres.
- Permit one building lot of one (1) acre for each 25 acres of land.
- Restrict residential lot sizes to a depth not to exceed 300 or 400 feet.
- Permit open space zoning which clusters single-family residential into smaller lots
on small enclaves or villages in return for permanent open space or agricultural use.
- Encourage farms to participate in the Farmland and Open Space Preservation
Program.
There are undoubtedly other methods which could be examined to reach the goal of
preservation of open space and agricultural lands. The following are methods which were
analyzed in greater detail.

Farmland and Open Space Preservation Program

In 1974, the Michigan Legislature passed Public Act 116, the Farmland and Open Space
Program. This program provides tax benefits to agricultural land owners in exchange for
an agreement to maintain the land for farming purposes for a specified period of time.
Parcels enrolled in P.A. 116 may be exempt from special assessments for improvements
customarily associated with urban development, including sanitary sewers, water mains,
or street lighting.
Since the use of lands enrolled in this program are restricted to agricultural purposes,
and in light of the fact that parcels may be enrolled for extended periods of time
(sometimes 50 years), this program may be viewed as a "de-facto form of zoning."
P.A. 116 is widely used throughout Michigan. Its success, however, relates more to its
benefits as a tax relief program for farmers, rather than as a method of preserving
farmland. This program has been more widely used in rural counties, where development
pressures are minimal. At present, about 1,000 acres of land are enrolled in this
program.

-77-

�.'

Purchase or Transfer of Development Rights

This concept involves the exchange or reassignment of the development rights of one
parcel of land in an agricultural area to another non-farm parcel. This technique
recognizes the value of farmland for non-farm purposes. It is accomplished by providing
the farmer with the monetary benefits he would derive if his property were sold for
development purposes and allows him to continue farming.
These rights are
subsequently applied to other areas of the community that are better suited to more
intense urban uses.
While this concept offers an innovative and potentially useful approach to farmland
preservation, it can be complicated and expensive to implement, particularly if the local
unit of government is involved in purchasing the development rights. To be successful,
this type of program has to be organized to operate effectively in conjunction with the
private real estate market system.

Open Space Zoning

The theory of open space zoning is to preserve agriculture or open space by
concentrating the residential land uses in the area best suited for that use in exchange
for the development rights on the remaining parcel. The farm or the open space is
assured as a perpetual easement or as land that has no urban development rights. The
residential area is established as a small neighborhood, rather than individual homes side
by side along each country road. Each land use pays taxes based on its market value
and its existing land use.
The residential area is usually developed as a cluster or a site condominium project, with
the individual homeowners sharing common open space and road systems. The overall
density of this section of the community is not increased, but the two land uses
complement each other, rather than conflict.
Open space zoning offers an alternative to the present platting and development
regulations permitted in the Zoning Ordinance. Specific goals to be achieved through the
application of this concept include the following:
-

Maintain a sense of openness or maintain the rural setting;
Preserve natural resources and the environment;
Preserve open space;
Preserve farming;
Achieve a balance between farming, open space and growth.

-78-

�Key elements of open space zoning include:
-

Offers an alternative to regular residential development;
There is no increase in density;
Development is set back from the primary road;
Natural resources and the environment predominate;
The development rights on the open space or farming are owned by all parties or
are a perpetual conservation easement;
- The utility systems can be consolidated;
- Interior or service drives may be designed to accommodate the actual demand
created in that development.

Residential

Most of the Township has been designated in the Master Plan for residential land use.
This classification provides for and encourages agriculture, open sp~ce and large lot
residential. As a result of the Community Attitude Survey and based upon the lack of
public water and sewer, potential water problems and the Goals and Objectives adopted
by the Township, the following single-family residential lot size was established:
Minimum Lot Size
- 90,000 square feet
Minimum Width
- 150 feet
Maximum Width-to-Depth Ratio
1-to-5

In the previous Master Plan and the present Zoning Ordinance, areas for agricultural
preservation had a ten-acre minimum lot size, with 330-feet of frontage required. This
requirement resulted in some reservation of open space, but, in general, resulted in large
lots with excessive depth. Examination of aerial photos showed that most developed
residential properties were restricted to the first 300 to 400 feet from the road. The
remaining property was left fallow since it was not large enough for farming or there were
too many parcels for any farmer to try to rent. The one-acre parcels which were
previously approved were limited to the small village areas. In some cases, the lots which
were platted were not developed because septic systems or wells could not be provided
on these smaller lots.
The major alternative to developing homes on individual lots along existing mile roads is
the open space zoning concept. Open space zoning uses land use planning to achieve
a balance between necessary growth and farmland or open space protection. Under this
technique, houses are grouped closer together to preserve nearby farmland, open space,
woodlots or wetlands. While it is similar to cluster development, open space zoning offers
a significant improvement by establishing greater requirements on the size and quality of
the open space that is protected.

-79-

�.-

•~

Open space zoning would require that less than half of the farmland is lost to housing
lots and streets. Lands should be developed with the residences located near woodland
areas or along the frontage or side of a productive farm. Generally, the residential
development would take place on the least productive land. The adjoining or remaining
farmland remains in the farmers ownership, or is permanently reserved for farming or
open space through the use of conservation easements or the sale of development
rights.
Farmers can sell parts of their farm, usually the least productive, and still remain in
farming. Even if he does not remain in farming, the land can be purchased by another
farmer at agricultural value (development rights have been sold), or the farm can be
leased to another farmer, or the farmland can remain as open space.

r •

I

•

'.

Homeowners also benefit by having the scenic and productive farmland or woodlots
remaining as part of their living environment around them. Although house lots are
reduced in size, views of nearby open space are guaranteed to remain free from development. To minimize conflicts which might arise between normal farming operations and
residential homes, open space zoning typically contains design standards which provide
for buffer or greenbelt areas or limit certain farming practices within the buffer areas.
Developers and builders can also benefit from open space zoning by minimizing their
development area. Allowed to construct buildings closer together, they can reduce their
construction costs for land preparation and roads. Water systems can be provided for
several homes and package treatment plants or larger septic systems could service small
groupings or villages of residences. Permanently protected views and nearby open
space make attractive selling features. Generally, market values are greater and
premiums are paid for preservation of an attractive environment.
Open space residential development is clearly being offered as an alternative to standard
strip residential development. It is an alternative being designed and offered to promote
quality residential development, preserve agricultural and open space, encourage village
or enclave development, preserve woodlots, wetlands and streams, but most important,
to maintain the small town or rural character of Ray Township. It is anticipated that, over
the next few years, Zoning Ordinance regulations, design standards and engineering
specifications will be developed to assure that these goals become development realities.
The attached drawings (Illustration 18) show how a typical parcel of land could be
developed. Figure A shows the existing conditions that exist for this 140-acre parcel. It
is located near the intersection of two roads, has a utility easement along one side, and
is bordered by woods and the river valley. The remaining figures shOV'f how the parcel
could be developed as a typical subdivision, a cluster subdivision, or through the open
space zoning concept. Each design progressively provides for more preservation of the
natural habitat or environment, and each has the same number of total dwelling units.
Each of these is a development option open to the landowner. However, the open space
option provides the community and the resident with the rural setting, the open space,
and preservation of the woodlands and river valley.

-80-

�.
••

Existing Conditions

l

-i 40.24 Acres Total Acreage
14.45 Acres Woods
7.3 Acres Floodplain
6.9 Acres Utility Easement
4.5 Acres Homestead
113.0 Acres Farming

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55 Residential Lots
90,000 sq. ft. Minimum Lot Size
150 ft.
Minimum Lot Width
&amp;
0 Acres Open Space
,I'.
O Acres Farming

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Conventional Subdivision

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Cluster Development

Open Space Develcipment

55 Residential Lots

By clustering 55 homes, about 70% of
the total land arna is permanently
preserved as open space, recreation,
woodlands, wetlands, floodplains, ponds
or agricultural use. Primary benefit is
preservation of rural character and
attractive home sites.

40,000 sq. ft. Minimum Lot Size
150 ft.
Minimum Lot Width
Preserve Open Space
!Preserve Woodlands
Common Driveways

Illustration 18

DESIGN CONCEPTS

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RAY
MACOMB

TOWNSHIP
COUNTY , MICHIGAN

RAY TOWNSHIP PLANNING

COMMISSION

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-81-

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Pl.u11iNG &amp; MuAGOlfllT , P. C.
UTicA , 11ickiGA11

�COMMERCIAL

The need for retail goods and services is directly related to the number of households,
disposable income levels, and the proximity of other shopping facilities. Existing retail
uses in Ray Township are limited to about five separate areas. In general, they include
convenience stores, gas stations and service shops. The unincorporated area known as
the Village of Davis is the most concentrated retail cluster, with an antique shop,
insurance office and convenience store.
These facilities provide for day-to-day
convenience needs. Their size and location are in direct response to the number of
residents and the available market.

.
l

.
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The Master Plan policies limit Mure commercial to the same types of convenience
centers. Existing developments could be expanded, and one new center could be
located at the intersection of 26 Mile and North Avenue. · Comparison shopping will
always be obtained at other centers located outside of Ray Township. A rural, open
space community such as Ray Township will provide very little market demand for such
services .

:

Convenience centers should be developed to reflect the goals of the Master Plan and
reflect the rural open space community. Design guidelines for signage, parking, access,
greenbelts and buffers will reflect the Master Plan goals.

INDUSTRIAL

Industrial development presently includes a couple of trucking operations, a cabinet or
woodworking shop, two tool shops, and an ococupied manufacturing facility adjacent to
the Romeo Airport. The Master Plan suggests that Mure industrial be limited to the area
near the Romeo Airport and the area at North Avenue and New Haven Roads. Industrial
uses need water, sewer and good transportation systems. They also tend to cluster near
other industries that can provide additional services. It is not anticipated that Ray
Township will provide such utilities, nor encourage such development.

PUBLIC/SEMI-PUBLIC

Public and semi-public uses include the Township Hall complex, Huron Clinton
Metropolitan Authority lands, Camp Rotary, the two airports, the two golf courses, the
cemetery, and the school site.
If you include the gas storage fields as a semi-public use, almost 12 percent of the entire

Township is in public or semi-public use areas. With the addition of roads at 4.9 percent,
the total extends to nearly 17 percent.

-82-

�••
Town Center

As noted in the Concept for Development, the Town Center · includes the historic
Township Hall, the Library, and an active sports facility of about 15 acres. The Town
Center is located on Wolcott Road near the intersection of Indian Trail Road. This Center
is very attractive and functional at this time. In the Mure, it may be necessary to
purchase additional lands to provide more parking space.
The Town Hall was originally a church, and the improvements made to the facility
continue to maintain its historic flavor. In fact, the meeting room still includes pews. The
Library was originally a schoolhouse, and the renovations to that facility have also
maintained its historic value. The Town Center personifies the quality and type of lifestyle
existing and proposed for Ray Township.

..I •

The Township Fire Hall is located about one-half mile south on Wolcott Road at the
intersection of 29 Mile Road: The Fire Hall has just over one acre and a new addition to
the facility completed in the past year should make it sufficient to meet future needs. The
Fire Hall is located in the geographic center of the Township and access is possible in
every direction. This is highly desirable since it is a voluntary force.

Recreation

Camp Rotary, which surrounds the Fire Hall, encompasses just less than 80 acres. The
Camp is owned and operated by the Rotary Club. They provide camping, hiking and
equestrian activities. If this facility is ever sold, it is anticipated that it would become a
part of the Wolcott Mill Metropark.
In May, 1986, the Board of Directors of the Huron Clinton Metropolitan Authority (HCMA)
approved a three-phase development plan for the Wolcott Mill area, located north of
29 Mile Road. Ray Township also approved the plan which encompassed the following
concepts:
Phase One -

Restoration and development of the Wolcott Grist Mill. Specific projects
include:
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.

Comfort Station development
Headrace and Millpond improvements
Entrance Road and Parking lot
Pedestrian Bridge and Walkways
Water wheel and grinding demonstration.

HCMA will also continue to restore the extension of the Mill, make interior
improvements, restore equipment, and incorporate tools and exhibits
into the learning center.

-83-

�..
..
In Mure years, it is anticipated that the Mill pond and backwater area will
be reconstructed; a saw mill may be built; and exhibit building, millers
home and other buildings of this era could be moved or constructed on
site.
Phase Two -

Development of a working interpretive farm. The farm, located on
Wolcott Road north of 30 Mile Road, will be developed as a working
interpretive farm, utilizing both current and past farming techniques. The
farming and agricultural practices at the farm will be tied in as part of the
educational experience into the Wolcott Mill and the historical
development at the Mill site. This would incorporate the two aspects of
food production and processing into one interpretive program.

I •

Phase Three - Nature Interpretive Center, including a nature building and trails.

As indicated by HCMA in their Master Plan, the development of the Wolcott Mill Metropark
will occur north of 29 Mile Road over the next two decades.

i •

HCMA has no plans for development of Authority-owned lands south of 29 Mile Road,
with the possible exception of acquiring the existing golf course. Over the next 15 years,
the Authority will continue to acquire available lands south of 29 Mile Road and hold
them. The owned properties will be kept in cropland, if possible. This assists in retaining
the character of the Township and assists the Authority by having persons working the
land.
Pine Valley and Northbrook Golf Clubs both make excellent use of the North Branch flood
hazard areas. Pine Valley has expanded considerably over the past few years, and is
presently considering additional expansion. HCMA has indicated in its long-range plan
that if Northbrook Golf Club becomes available, it would purchase such and expand it as
a 27-hole golf course.

Airports

The Romeo Airport encompasses 268 acres of land in the most northwesterly part of the
Township. The Airport serves corporate, charter, and privately-owned aircraft. There are
three paved runways, with the east-west constructed to 2, 11 O feet, the crosswind runway
of 4,833 feet, and the north-south runway developed to 4,260 feet. Instrument approach
from the west is available. There are 100 based aircraft and eight large hangars. Less
than ten percent of all based aircraft are stored outside of hangar facilities. For 1989,
there were 20,41 O total operations, with 14,290 classified as local and 6,120 itinerant
operations. Romeo Airport is classified as a privately-owned, public-use facility. It has
a manager-operator and offers flight school, charters, maintenance, major air frame and
power plant repairs, and fuel services.

-84-

�Romeo Airport has 2,000 feet of frontage on 32 Mile Road, which is a paved major eastwest arterial. To the west less than one mile is the extension of the M-53 Freeway. The
Airport site is zoned as Industrial. Adjacent lands are developed as industrial, large lot
single-family, golf course, and agricultural. Developments on the north side of 32 Mile
Road include the Ford Engine Plant and several industrial parks.
The location of the Airport, its industrial zoning, and the compatible surrounding land uses
serve to encourage continued expansion for corporate and charter services. The
Southeast Michigan Council of Governments, in the recent publication of the Regional
Aviation System Plan, indicates that Macomb County is the only County in their region
which does not have a publicly-owned public-use airport. One of the suggested options
is to have Berz-Macomb and/or Romeo Airport acquired as publicly-owned airports.
If Romeo Airport were to become the publicly-owned Transport Category Airport, it
would require extension of the one runway to 6,500 feet and additional navigation
technology.

..
I

•

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•

'
..

Macomb Airport occupies 91 acres on the west side of Indian Trail, between
27 and 28 Mile Roads. Indian Trail Road, as well as 27 and 28 Mile Roads, are gravelsurfaced. The Airport is owned and operated by Macomb Airways Inc., a Michigan
Corporation, under a class B license by the State of Michigan as a privately-owned,
public-use facility. The facility is classified by Michigan Aviation System Plan and the
National Plan of Integrated Airport Systems as U4 and GU-1, respectively. Airports of
these general classifications are medium utility facilities, with a paved primary and a turf
crosswind runway, and are intended to respond to communities of over 2,500 population.
Typically, these airports have fewer than 20,000 total annual operations and may lack
all-weather operations, but would remain open throughout the year. Approximately 95
percent of general aviation aircraft types may be accommodated at this classification of
airport. The Regional Aviation System Plan recommends no public development of this
Airport because development to a higher level would require construction of a complete
new airport on this site.
Currently {1991 ), Macomb Airport has a paved primary runway {2,500 feet) and a partially
paved crosswind runway (900 feet paved and 1,300 feet in turf). The Airport has
62 resident aircraft. There are 15 storage buildings (mostly privately-owned, with a lease
agreement) capable of housing approximately 50 aircraft. Additionally, approximately
44 tie-down spaces are available. The Airport recorded approximately 6,000 total
operations per year, with 3,900 of them being local and 2,100 itinerant. The Airport
primarily serves the needs of general and sport aviation users. The Airport provides
aviation fuel, has a commercial flight school and flying service, and is approved for a
fixed base operator who may provide mechanical repair services. The Airport has a
resident manager and a terminal building facility equipped with men's and women's
restrooms.

�Environmental factors which would influence future expansion include the high voltage
transmission lines, the location of electric lines near the end of the runway, the two-lane
gravel road, lack of storm drainage, and wetlands. Macomb Airport is located in an R-1
Residential Agricultural zoning district. Airports in this district are a special approval land
use, subject to specific and general standards of the Zoning Ordinance. The philosophy
and intent of this zoning district is to provide areas for agriculture and low density
residential development. The minimum size residential lot is 90,000 square feet, and
public sewer and water are not anticipated to be available in this area.
The Ray Township Master Plan projects or envisions a rural airport which supports and
relates to the community in which it is located. The total land area of the airport shall
remain as it is. The Master Plan recognizes that aircraft should be stored in hangars for
safety, preservation of the aircraft, and aesthetics. After much discussion with
representatives and pilots from Macomb Airport, the following policies for development
of the airport were adopted:
• No new hangars shall be constructed along the frontage on Indian Trail Road.
• The road frontage, as well as open space areas, should be improved with earth berms,
plantings and trees.
• Maintenance and improvements to existing buildings and hangars are encouraged.
If existing hangars are replaced, the new hangars shall be located west of the existing
hangars.
• A reasonable growth rate for new hangars has been established to house the planes
presently residing on the airport and to provide for limited new aircraft. The overall
hangar growth rate is established to be similar to the growth rate anticipated for Ray
Township over the next two decades.
• The new hangars shall be located in the northwest quarter, west of the paved portion
of the cross-wind runway. Reference is made to the Macomb Airways Inc. Airport
Layout Plan, dated November 25, 1991. Future building locations are noted as area
Band C and 4 and 5. The preferred concept of development would be for T-hangars,
although pole construction would be permitted in areas 4, 5 and C.
• Single-family residential development adjacent to the airport may be developed with
individual hangar spaces for that resident, provided they have access to the runways.
All future improvements must be reviewed by the Township to determine impact on the
neighborhood. The rural character and the open space environment must be preserved
and the residential neighborhood must have the dominant priority. Access to Indian Trail
must be limited to those driveways already approved. With open space, landscaping and
trees, the existing and future airport development can be compatible with the rural habitat
and environment envisioned for this area.
Part n of the Tall Structures Act, which was amended in 1986, permits the height of
certain buildings and the placement of such within certain distances from the runways or
from the airport boundaries. Future developments in the vicinity of either of the airports
should be reviewed and approved by the FAA prior to approval by the Township Planning
Commission.

-86-

�•
FLOODPLAINS

Floodplain areas should be preserved and kept out of development so that the stream
beds can move the waters as nature intended. Stormwater runoff can also be minimized
by maintaining the preservation of agriculture, open space, and recr~ation. All buildings
must be kept clear of the stream bed and the floodplain.
The open space zoning concept permits and encourages homes to be constructed near
woodlots and streams, provided the floodway is reserved. Environmental considerations
and large lot residential development should be complementary objectives, easily
accommodated.

ROADS

Ray Township's existing road system, including land reserved for right-of-way purposes,
occupies nearly 1,200 acres, or five percent of the total Township area. Future
development in the Township, as envisioned by the Master Plan, will not necessitate the
development of many new roads. It is anticipated that almost all present roads will
remain as they are. Some roads may be eliminated as park development, or other
development takes place. Subdivision or site condominium local access roads will be
created to serve new open space developments. Trails off from those roads may be
created to serve clusters of individual dwellings. In general, the major road network, as
illustrated on the Master Plan, will not be changed.

LAND USE PLAN SUMMARY

The allocation of land use has been based upon the goals, objectives and policies, and
the ability and desire of the community to implement the open space residential development concept. See Table 23 Master Plan Acreage Allocations. Based on the 1990
Census, the population of Ray Township increased from 1980, by 109 persons to a total
of 3,230 persons. The growth rate of 3.5 percent equaled that of Macomb County and
was greater than the State of Michigan. The number of housing units increased during
the past decade by 122, or 13 percent, for a total of 1,075 households. The population
per household dropped from 3.3 to 3.0 in 1990. The population per household is
expected to continue to drop to about 2.7 persons per household by the year 2010.
Over the next two decades, the population is expected to increase to 3,500 persons by
the year 2000, and 4,000 persons by the year 201 0. The population increase of 9 percent
and 14 percent is greater than that of the past two decades. This equates to a
household increase to 1,200 in the year 2000, and 1,400 households in the year 2010.
The household growth is about equal to the growth of the past two decades.

-87-

�TABLE 23

.J

RAY TOWNSHIP
PLANNED ACREAGE ALLOCATJONS

----------·---·---·---....-------···-----·----····----···--·--····-·-··
Acrea
Percentage

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RESIDENTIAL

18,167.0

78.0

COMMERCIAL

20.0

0.1

15.5
351.7

0.1
1.5

I INDUSTRIAL
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Airports

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RECREATION

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317.9

1.4

33.8

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1,465.8

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HCMA Parks

900.0

3.9

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Golf Courses
Other

378.3
187.5

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0.8

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23,322.0

100.0·

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0

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The 19,000 acres shown as residential on the Master Plan Illustration, at a density of one
unit per each 90,000 square feet, can easily accommodate the anticipated growth. In
summary, the Township can meet anticipated housing demands and still provide the rural
character, the open space environment, and the residential living patterns presently being
enjoyed. There is no need to harm the environment, change the style of life, or bring in
urban services to tax the residents. Future generations can be housed in a known and
accepted environment following the goals and objectives established by the Township.
The Master Plan provides the framework and guidelines to assure these growth patterns.
The task remains to implement design standards and ordinances to achieve these goals.
In the near Mure, the Township needs to create specific design guidelines and
development standards. These guidelines can assist in preservation of the environment
and establishing a higher quality of life. Specific design guidelines are needed for
building and parking setbacks, greenbelts and buffers, landscaping and plant materials,
streetscape, aesthetics, signage, road access controls, pedestrian improvements, and
architectural form, scale and materials. The guidelines may become amendments to the
Zoning Ordinance or just recommended design features which are suggested in site plan
approval. These guidelines, together with goals and objectives of the Master Plan and
continued vigilance by the Township, can assure the quality of life demanded by Ray
Township residents.

-88-

�.,

.
IUUBlRATION 11

THE PLANNING PROCESS

INVENTORY/ANALYSIS

POLICY

PLANNING

IMPLEMENTATION

-

-

REGIONAL
ANALYSIS

&gt;----

POPULATION ,__

-

TRANS.
PLAN

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BASE
MAP

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LAND USE
SURVEY

NATURAL
RESOURCES

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EXISTING ,__
LANO USE

ECONOMIC
BASE

-

GOALS ANO ,__ OBJECTIVES

-

LAND USE
PLAN

COMMUNITY
FACILITIES
PLAN

ZONING
ORDINANCE

-

MASTER
PLAN

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SUBDIVISION
ORDINANCE

CAPITAL
IMPROVEMENTS
PROGRAM

SPECIFIC
IMPROVEMENT
PROJECTS

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COMMERCIAL

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INDUSTRIAL

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PUBLIC/ SEMI - PUBLIC

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SPACE

RESIDENTIAL

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-90-

�RESOLUTION OF ADOPTION
RAY TOWNSHIP MASTER PLAN

MOTION by:

Sandra Birkenshaw

SUPPORTED by:

Lou Jacobs

RESOLVED THAT:
WHEREAS, the Township Planning Act (P.A. 168 of 1959) provides the Ray Township
Planning Commission with the authority and responsibility to prepare and adopt a
community-wide Master Plan, and
WHEREAS, the Plan is intended to serve as a guide for the future development of the
Township, and
WHEREAS, notices were duly published to hold a Public Hearing on elements of the
Master Plan, and
WHEREAS, a Public Hearing was held on May 30, 1991 on the Master Plan, which
included text and maps addressing regional location, population, physical features,
economic characteristics, goals and objectives, land use plan, community facilities plan,
and thoroughfare plan, in accordance with Act 168 of 1958, as amended, and
NOW THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED, that the Ray Township Planning Commission, on
this date, November 25, 1991, herewith adopts this Master Land Use Plan.
BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that the Ray Township Planning Commission shall forward
this Plan to the Ray Township Board and the Macomb County Planning Commission in
accordance with Act 168 of the Public Acts of 1958.

Ayes: Sandra Birkenshaw, Lou Jacobs, Jim DeMar, Alvin Strauchman, Ron Steffens and
Craig Christensen
Nays:

None

Absent:

None

Abstained:

t

None

I, Craig Christensen, Chairperson of the Ray Township Planning Commission, and I,
James DeMar, Secretary of the Ray Township Planning Commission, hereby certify that
the above is a full and true copy of a resolution adopted by the Ray Township Planning
Commission on November 25, 1991.

Chairm

,

Secretfui,

�</text>
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                    <text>Whitley Read (1839-1914)
10th New York Heavy Artillery, Company H
Soldier’s Diary, January-December 1865
Sunday, January 1, 1865
Well this is New Years day rather a tough one for me came of[f] guard at nine this morning the worst days
guard I ever done very cold not much shelter have worked on our quarters most all day today wonder
where I will be one year from this evening dont believe I will be a soldier in Virginia.

Monday, January 2, 1865
Pleasant but cold had to report at half past six for fatigue went down on the left about a half a mile worked
on battery Anderson mostly quiet no firing in the front as we usually have the enemy in sight on picket.

Tuesday, January 3, 1865
Pleasant and cold our division was all out under arms this forenoon to see two men shot rather a tough
sight commenced to snow about three o’clock this afternoon came on picket at five am close to the South
side of the James river snowing very hard can hear a gun occasionally off on our right.

Wednesday, January 4, 1865
Snowed most all night cleared off had a pleasant day our front in a thick woods so had plenty of wood to
keep us warm was relieved a little after six this evening marched to camp then men fell out of my squad
had to put them in the guard house guess I can sleep well to night for I did not sleep any last night.

Thursday, January 5, 1865
Nice pleasant day worked pretty hard fixing our tent nothing particular going on plenty of duty to do here
Capt. Parker &amp; Lieut. Welch went on picket this evening snow most all gone rather muddy but freezing
some tonight.

Friday, January 6, 1865
Rainy and muddy worked some but not much have got our tent fixed up pretty good went to the
commisary to get some things for the Capt.

Saturday, January 7, 1865

�Pleasant but muddy am on guard the weather changed this afternoon wind blows very cold from the
North then rebs came in to our lines this this morning.

Sunday, January 8, 1865
Came off guard at nine oclock this morning slept till noon got up some wood then wrote two letters one
to mother and the other to Sam have had no mail since we came here was warm and pleasant to day but
cold again this evening.

Monday, January 9, 1865
Warm pleasant day did not do much got our first mail to day Capt. Parker went on picket this evening.

Tuesday, January 10, 1865
Commenced raining last night rained all day some rained[?] in our tent Sam was examined for his furlough
to day I have took his place cooking for the officers it has stopped raining and is going to be pleasant.

Wednesday, January 11, 1865
Warm pleasant day Sam was disappointed about his furlough so I am not cooking wrote a letter to Eunice
this evening. Frank Rappole was in here had quite a visit got a letter from Sarah this morning.

Thursday, January 12, 1865
Was detailed for fatigue this morning warm day worked on a battery a little to the left of us rebel pickets
in sight of us and so are their batteries but everything is quiet one reb came into our lines this morning.

Friday, January 13, 1865
Warm day went up to the commisary this forenoon am on picket this evening have charge of our post our
boys and the Johnnies talking to each other a little much pleasanter doing picket duty here now than it
was last summer at Petersburgh.

Saturday, January 14, 1865
Last night passed quietly we had a visit with the rebs went out between the lines they met us had a long
talk and exchanged papers seemed very friendly two ran away and came in and gave themselves up said
they had got sick of the war and would not stay any longer got relieved at six this evening.

�Sunday, January 15, 1865
Pleasant Day had an inspection this morning had some artillery firing to day the Howlet House battery
opened on a boat in the river our fellows opened on them from a battery near us with a hundred pound
Parrott which soon quieted them for a little while it sounded a little like Petersburgh another Johnny came
in to day by our boys.

Monday, January 16, 1865
Pleasant day been to the commisary with Sam am on picket this evening have charge of a post have hard
work to keep a fire out of our green pine guess I can manage to keep warm some way everything quiet
with our videttes.

Tuesday, January 17, 1865
Last night passed off very well been trading with the rebs to day they are very friendly with our boys but
I don’t like them very well they told us of the fall of Fort Fisher fired a salute from some of our batteries
got relieved from picket this evening.

Wednesday, January 18, 1865
Pleasant but cool the mud was froze up quite hard last night was under arms at half past five this morning
Bill Pierson and I had to report to the Adjutant at seven for fatigue walked up to Division headquarters did
not do much.

Thursday, January 19, 1865
Cold cloudy day am on picket to night have not got to stand any picket cutting wood and keeping fire for
the Capt. all quiet along the lines get strict orders against holding any intercourse with the enemy pretty
cold to night but I have a good fire to sit by.

Friday, January 20, 1865
Pleasant day chopped a little wood walked up and down the picket line our boys are at work building a
very strong abattis came of[?] picket at dark this evening Oscar Green came over from the 186th is going
to stay here all night got a letter from Eunice to day.

Saturday, January 21, 1865
Rained all day froze [derne?] a very disagreeable day had to bring wood got wet through stopped raining
this evening awful muddy our officers are expecting an attack have to sleep with our belts to night don’t
believe they will attack us while it is such bad weather it is best to be ready for them.

�Sunday, January 22, 1865
Cloudy wet day am on picket expect an attack from the rebs well let them come we will give them such a
dose as they don’t get every day very dark and foggy have charge of a post am writing by the fire rather
poor one too for we have nothing but green pine to burch [burn].

Monday, January 23, 1865
Rained most all day the rebs charged our picket line about nine o’clock last night we drove them off after
a half hours fighting it was all quiet for the rest of the night our boys feel pretty well over it laughed at the
Johnnies some to day came off picket this evening some artillery firing across the James expect another
attack before morning hope they will let me sleep to night.

Tuesday, January 24, 1865
The rebs assaulted our picket line again about nine o’clock last night first[?] gunboats came down from
Richmond at the same time our artillery gave them fits one boat passed the blockade and landed some
troops on the island our pickets drove off the assaulting party but our batteries kept up a steady fire all
night and most all day they put a hundred pound parrott shell into one of the gunboats blowed her all to
pieces the rest just[?] off when our monitor came up am on picket again to night expect our Regt. was
under arms all night last night very cold too.

Wednesday, January 25, 1865
Last night passed off quietly with exceptions of a little picket firing on the river at a rebel ram that came
down to get the guns off of the crick[?] very cold night though I was sent in from picket at sunrise this
morning (for I was on the reserve) feeling rather tough having been up three nights in succession now
have slept most all day hope to night will pass quiet so I can get a little rest some artillery firing on the
right about four this morning John Hamilton died on the 22th.

Thursday, January 26, 1865
A very cold day done my washing was detailed to go over to battery Marshall to work went over and was
sent back got a letter from Maria to day and one from Mother have just finished one to Maria this evening
Butterfield is over to our tent writing a letter has got it most done it has been all quiet along the lines to
day except some artillery practice near the river but did no harm.

Friday, January 27, 1865
Pretty cold day am on picket to night the rebs in Howlett battery fired a few mortar shells over at Dutch
Gap nothing unusual going on.

�Saturday, January 28, 1865
Weather still cold slight flurry of snow last night another alarm about an attack heavy[?] reserve[?] picket
sent out this evening I got relieved just at sundown dont feel very well this evening hope the rebs wont
attack to night.

Sunday, January 29, 1865
A little warmer had a battalion inspection by one of the brigade staff officers day passed off very quietly
have not heard but one gun to day that was from one of the monitors in the James wish I was at Dexter
this evening it will be some time before I shall get there perhaps never.

Monday, January 30, 1865
Quite warm had a battalion drill this afternoon guess they mean to kill us they are not satisfied with
wearing us out with duty but must drill us to death am on picket this evening time cool and frosty.

Tuesday, January 31, 1865
Last night passed off quietly but rather cold went[?] down near the river they expected another attack
last night but they did not come got relieved just at sundown feel almost homesick to night am tired and
do not feel very well but guess will be alright in the morning have got to go on fatigue at seven o’clock in
the morning.

Wednesday, February 1, 1865
Pleasant and warm was detailed to go on fatigue over to battery Spofford they did not want us then we[?]
came back to camp have done nothing to day but lay around and sleep J. Baker’s furlough came to night
he will start in the morning wish I was going home with him and my time out Sam has gone over to the
20th cavalry to stay all night

Thursday, February 2, 1865
Pleasant and warm had nothing to do but eat and sleep on picket this evening down by battery Wilcox
had rather be here than down on the line it is nothing but picket and fatigue most all of the time.

Friday, February 3, 1865
Not as pleasant as yesterday a little snow and rain this afternoon last night passed of [f] quietly some
heavy cannonading off on our left then some firing from the gunboats this evening on the Appomattox

�got relieved from picket about six o’clock will be on again to morrow night do not feel very well am sick
and tired of soldiering will be glad when I get out of it.

Saturday, February 4, 1865
Pleasant and warm have done nothing to day but am on picket again to night think they give us enough
of such duty to do got a letter from Orville and Olive to day.

Sunday, February 5, 1865
last night passed off very quiet a little cannonading on the Appomattox but did not disturb us here got
relieved at sundown found a letter at camp from Eunice this evening not as warm as last night wind blows
rather cold.

Monday, February 6, 1865
Pleasant day had nothing to do some hard fighting on the extreme left of the line still at it it is evening can
hear the roar[?] of artillery and the rattle of musketry dont know what the result of the battle is if it is
over we hear that the president and part of his cabinet are at Fortress Monroe to meet the peace
commissioners from Richmond hope they will make the thing work two years and a half to day since I
enlisted.

Tuesday, February 7, 1865
Rained all day froze as it came the ground coated over with ice cold uncomfortable day am on picket to
night stopped storming at dark so it is quite pleasant this evening all quiet on the lines.

Wednesday, February 8, 1865
Last night passed all right rather cool though pleasant day the rebs pickets and ours begun to talk to each
other at daylight cannot hear anything official in regard to the fight on the extreme left but the report is
that Gen. Meade is dead and Gen. Warren wounded a deserter came in this afternoon says they are tired
of the war am sick of it myself but think we can whip them the peace negotiations have fell through got
relieved from picket at sundown.

Thursday, February 9, 1865
Pleasant and cool ground froze up hard have been to Dutch Gap Canal to day with H. Harris and I. Horton
it is nothing of any account after all the blow about it is a decided failure and I am glad the originator is
relieved went aboard of the gunboat Commodore Perry now in the river to see J. Moffat got a letter from
George and package containing paper and envelopes pretty cold this evening.

�Friday, February 10, 1865
Pretty cold morning had a company drill this forenoon been up to the commisary after serving[?] rations
for the officers did not get on picket to night am getting three nights in this time something unusual for
me.

Saturday, February 11, 1865
Nice warm day did nothing through this day am on picket this evening rather cool now the rebel pickets
pretty noisy so are our fellows otherwise everything is quiet.

Sunday, February 12, 1865
Cold Northwest wind blowing did time on picket four deserters came through our lines this morning all
within [illegible] there is great dissatisfaction among their men since the peace mission failure heard from
the fight on the left our forces successful drove the enemy a considerable distance on the 4th and 6th get
relieved at sundown very cold this evening.

Monday, February 13, 1865
A very[?] cold day was detailed for fatigue went to [battery?] [3? words illegible] slept[?] not a wink on
account of the cold weather so had nothing to day [illegible] relieve[?] picket to night guess I will [illegible]
have to [3 lines illegible].

Tuesday, February 14, 1865
Pleasant day had two battalion drills am on picket to night some picket firing on our left at deserters as
they were coming fired at by their own men otherwise all is quiet.

Wednesday, February 15, 1865
A light rain began falling in the night kept it up all day made it a little disagreeable on picket tried to
exchange papers with the rebs but they had no papers got relieved at sundown guess I will go to bed as I
am some tired and did not sleep much last night.

Thursday, February 16, 1865
Cloudy but warm all quiet except deserters coming in every night should think the rebs would get
discouraged from so many of their men running away raining a little this evening some heavy cannonading

�down on our extreme left just before dark some thunder and lightning this evening with the rain wrote a
letter to George to day.

Friday, February 17, 1865
Rained most all day am on picket and the rain falling hard enough to almost drown a poor soldier twelve
rebs came in this morning some came in last night in front of the 1st brigade they got up a considerable
firing had our Regt. sit under arms guess they are getting discouraged by the way they desert am glad to
see them come in.

Saturday, February 18, 1865
Nice warm day stopped raining about ten o’clock last night some picket firing to the left on account of
deserters coming otherwise everything passed off quietly slept most all day got relieved at sundown found
a letter in camp for me from Frank Steele.

Sunday, February 19, 1865
Nice pleasant day did not do much Sam went out on the picket line I got dinner for the officers some
picket firing last night in our front two deserters came in guess we will have the rebel army all over here
if they keep coming over at this rate.

Monday, February 20, 1865
Another pleasant day moved our tent worked pretty hard am on picket this evening some very sharp firing
a little to our left last night more Johnnies coming we begin to think this rebellion is about played out get
news of the fall of Charleston.

Tuesday, February 21, 1865
Last night passed off quietly with the exception of our usual picket firing at deserters as they came in had
got so that that not a night passes off without it our batteries fired a hundred gun salute in honor of the
fall of Charleston and Columbia the rebs fired a few shells from Howlett battery but done us no harm got
relieved at sundown.

Wednesday, February 22, 1865
Very nice warm day been at work on our tent to day some pretty brisk cannonading down across the
Appomattox a few shells fired from the Howlett battery did not amount to anything though got a letter
from George Francis this evening and have been writing one to Alvin Gardner deserters still coming in
every night and glad to see them hope they will all come.

�Thursday, February 23, 1865
Worked a little on our tent last night was the first in a long time but they have had firing either in our front
or a little to the left pleasant and warm. [This entry crossed through.]

Friday, February 24, 1865
Rained all day yesterday was on camp guard but did not have to stand but Thurs to day is pleasant got the
news of the fall of Wilmington to day and the batteries in our vicinity fired a hundred gun salute four
deserters came in this morning.

Saturday, February 25, 1865
Rained most all day am on picket this evening some artillery firing down on the left a little picket firing in
front of the first brigade.

Sunday, February 26, 1865
Nice pleasant day the officers were afraid of an attack but everything passed off quietly we think the rebs
have been changeing the troops in our front got relieved at sun down our regiment has been paid four
months pay to day.

Monday, February 27, 1865
Another warm day all quiet in the front a little firing last night as usual at deserters as they came into our
lines by their own videttes they have got so they watch the men pretty close to prevent desertions every
day brings news of new successes by Sherman think they are getting discouraged.

Tuesday, February 28, 1865
Rained nearly all day am on picket to night has stopped raining not very cold pretty good time for picket
we got mustered for two months pay.

Wednesday, March 1, 1865
Pleasant day have had nothing to do Sam thinks of starting for home to morrow and I am off picket to
cook for the officers a little picket about three oclock this morning a lot of deserters came into our lines
last night
This is for March the 3rd by mistake on the next leaf for this date.

�Thursday, March 2, 1865
Rained all day not very cold Capt. Parker started for home this morning on a furlough J. Baker’s discharge
came last night he will start to morrow morning all quiet on the picket line.

Friday, March 3, 1865
The night passed off all quiet except a little picket firing on our left slept around the fire most all day the
enemy’s picket line been strengthened they will not exchange papers with us they report that Gen
Sherman has got whipped but we dont believe it.
This is for the 1st of March.

Saturday, March 4, 1865
Rained most all day Sam started for home this morning on a fifteen day furlough I am working for the
officers while he is gone all quiet in front but rather sharp picket firing last night guess it did not amount
to much though

Sunday, March 5, 1865
Warm pleasant day nothing unusual going on deserters still coming in report that they are going to
evacuate Richmond cant hardly believe them hope it is so though Butterfield over here to our tent writing
a letter this evening.

Monday, March 6, 1865
Nice warm day have been pretty busy all day Frank Rappole has come down to stay with me to night all
quiet in our front some musketry and artillery firing on our right across the James.

Tuesday, March 7, 1865
Pleasant and warm been pretty busy all day five deserters came in to day new track[?] in our front
Mississippi men in our front now everything expect to have a fight here soon well let it come dont want
to fight but dont think I shall run got a letter from Maria this evening she is well.

Wednesday, March 8, 1865
Rained most all day have not worked very hard to day all quiet in our front two deserters came in last
night Major Campbell came back from a furlough last evening some of our boys at work building a new
battery near the obstructions in the river have got to work most all night.

�Thursday, March 9, 1865
Rained most all day large detain of men at work on a battery for some one hundred pounders guess they
are expecting the rebel fleet down again.

Friday, March 10, 1865
Showery day our fellows at work again to night a large fleet of our monitors down the river perhaps they
are going to make a move up the river.

Saturday, March 11, 1865
Pleasant day not as warm as usual last night been pretty busy all day some artillery practice in the direction
of Dutch Gap.

Sunday, March 12, 1865
Cool but pleasant went with Frank Rappole out on the picket line down towards the Appomattox river
everything quiet do not feel very well so shall go to bed early.

Monday, March 13, 1865
Warm and pleasant have not done much to day Lt. Cross &amp; Welch went to City Point and Lt. Allen on picket
so had but a few [unintelligible] to day to dinner.

Tuesday, March 14, 1865
Very warm for this time of year all quiet along the line have been writing to Minnie Ward this evening.

Wednesday, March 15, 1865
Quite warm with slight showers of rain guess it will rain hard before morning received a letter from Alvin
this evening have not worked very hard to day.

Thursday, March 16, 1865
Very warm but windy worked pretty hard raining some this evening some deserters came in on our
regiment to day.

�Friday, March 17, 1865
A little cooler to day rained very hard part of last night some firing a little to the left.

Saturday, March 18, 1865
Warm and windy have had considerable to do to day some picket last night quite a number of rebels came
in last night.

Sunday, March 19, 1865
Pleasant and warm four rebs came in last night and two this morning in front of our regiment they are
coming in along the line bringing their muskets with them.

Monday, March 20, 1865
The warmest day of the season some heavy musketry firing on our right considerable if an engagement
was going on have not heard the result of it also some artillery firing in the direction of Hatchers Run this
afternoon and evening Sam was due here this morning but has not got back yet.

Tuesday, March 21, 1865
Another warm day Sam not back yet raining quite hard this evening.

Wednesday, March 22, 1865
Not quite as warm as usual rained most all night last night wind has blown very hard to day Lts. Allen and
Welch came off picket this evening Sam not back yet have not worked much to day three deserters came
in last night in our part tell pretty hard stories about the way they fare.

Thursday, March 23, 1865
Hard cool wind have work quite hard Sam and the Capt. got back this evening were delayed by the freshet
destroying the railroad.

Friday, March 24, 1865
Cool and cloudy am on picket, to night first time in a long while Johnnies rather noisy.

Saturday, March 25, 1865

�Quite cool wind to day last passed off quietly a few shots fired by the enemy’s picket came off this
evening raining a little Robert Kennedy Capt. rebel service hung to day for a spy in Fort Lafayette.

Sunday, March 26, 1865
Cool and windy had a review by our Brigade commander some movement is being made on the left
perhaps they will be calling on us to make a move soon got a letter from Willett Smith and one from home
have been writing to Frank Steele this evening.

Monday, March 27, 1865
Pleasant day had two drills and a brigade dress parade they give a fellow no rest now days except while
on picket am detailed for camp guard to morrow guess it is about bed time.

Tuesday, March 28, 1865
Another pleasant day am on guard some heavy firing in front of Petersburg everything quiet in our front.

Wednesday, March 29, 1865
Very warm day had to move our company’s quarters a little to the right so as to take our place in the
regiment slight sprinkling of rain this evening heavy firing on our left across the Appomattox all last night
not as many deserters as usual for a few days back.

Thursday, March 30, 1865
Rained all day very heavy cannonading nearly all last night in front of the 9 th corps did not amount to
anything but an artillery duel never heard as heavy firing but once before that was on the 30th of July 1864
Grant making a big move to the left some firing in that direction to day.

Friday, March 31, 1865
Found it raining very hard this morning but cleared of[f] before noon al quiet in front some little artillery
firing on the left.

Saturday, April 1, 1865
Pleasant but windy was detailed to work in the commissary this morning Corps[?] were under arms this
afternoon some artillery firing from our batteries and some of our men were going to advance on the
rebel works but they showed to[o] bold a front so they did not try it.

�Sunday, April 2, 1865
Pleasant day heavy cannonading from the gunboats last night our regiment charged their line this morning
took the picket line but could not hold it lost pretty heavy Lieut. Allen taken prisoner James Persell killed
quite a number wounded Grant giving it to them on the left have got orders to be in readiness march at a
moments notice I was lucky did not have to go.

Monday, April 3, 1865
The rebs left last night in the direction of Linchburg and Danville took all of their field artillery left their
heavy pieces in our hands our whole division advanced this morning found nothing but a few stragglers
our brigade fell back to the old camp expect orders to march to morrow Grant has doubled them up from
the left has taken Petersburg and expect he has got Richmond.

Tuesday, April 4, 1865
Hot day went over to the rebs old camp this morning did not have much work to do got orders this
afternoon to march did not get started till after dark are going to Petersburg expect we will have to march
all night I have got all of my things in the wagon so guess I can stand it.

Wednesday, April 5, 1865
Marched all night till about three this morning got inside the rebs old works stayed there till daylight then
went into town it was a nice place once but in rather bad state of repair dont know what we will have to
do here expect part of us will have to do Provost duty I am with the quartermasters things hope he will
keep me.

Thursday, April 6, 1865
Drew rations to day [unintelligible] out on the West Side of the town our third batallion is doing Provost
duty dont know how long we will stay here.

Friday, April 7, 1865
[Unintelligible] camp marched out and the boys have got most of their tents and plenty of lumber for
building think we will like it pretty well here nice country round here fruit trees in full blossom.

Saturday, April 8, 1865

�Pleasant worked pretty hard fixing up the things sound[?] but this afternoon we got orders to go into the
town to do Provost keep us moving all the time but guess the war is about over so will not complain.

Sunday, April 9, 1865
Have worked rather hard moved a house in to town again have got good quarters will like it when we get
settled the regiment is scattered all over the City but four[?] companies here at headquarters.

Monday, April 10, 1865
Rained most all day drew four days rations our regiment scattered all over town doing “Provost Duty” but
four companies here at headquarters received the report last night that Gen. Lee had surrendered with
his whole army.

Tuesday, April 11, 1865
Wet misty day have not done much to day company A went down town this afternoon but three
companies left here now have not had a letter from home in a long time.

Wednesday, April 12, 1865
Very warm day have not done much to day nothing going on of any account about 8000 prisoners passed
through town to day.

Thursday, April 13, 1865
Rained most all last night and part of to day we got a stove and set it up do not feel very well got the news
that Gen. Johnson had surrendered his whole army.

Friday, April 14, 1865
Nice pleasant day been round town considerable to day every thing goes off quietly the town is full of
rebel officers on parrol.

Saturday, April 15, 1865
Rained most all last night and part of the day our men that was taken prisoners got back this morning
released on parol they had a hard time while away.

�Sunday, April 16, 1865
Long lonesome day have been out on the old line where we were last summer looks rather bad but then
some of our fellows that were killed last June lay on top of the ground got the news that the president
had been shot.

Monday, April 17, 1865
Have not done much to day been down town twice town full of rebel officers on parol Lewis Sykes
promoted to commissary sergeant to day wrote a letter to mother great commotion about Lincoln being
shot.

Tuesday, April 18, 1865
Pleasant and warm have not done much to day got the news for certain that the president has been shot.

Wednesday, April 19, 1865
Have had nothing to do like this kind of soldiering very well the president was buried to day at twelve
o’clock all of the stores closed from eleven till one in town got a letter from Hiram this morning.

Thursday, April 20, 1865
Pretty warm day drew four days rations got a few express boxes that is all I done.

Friday, April 21, 1865
Another warm day drove ambulance for Lieut. Cross and some ladies to ride out to the old work went
through them and down to battery No.5 back that way to town some very good looking ladies like such
work first rate raining a little this evening Oscar Green is here to night his regiment is going through here
to morrow on their way to Washington.

Saturday, April 22, 1865
Pleasant day have not done much to day went out on the old line with a horse.

Sunday, April 23, 1865
A little cooler than usual the 9th corps passed here this forenoon on their way to City Point.

�Monday, April 24, 1865
Drew rations worked about an hour read and slept the rest of the time I.[?] Justin[?] is stopping with us
now have a great time.

Tuesday, April 25, 1865
Pleasant day and one appointed as a day of national mourning the 33rd Indt. Bat. have been firing every
half hour all day.

Wednesday, April 26, 1865
[No entry]

Thursday, April 27, 1865
[No entry]

Friday, April 28, 1865
[No entry]

Saturday, April 29, 1865
Drew rations for the whole regiment to day will have a little more to do now but not enough to hurt any
one.

Sunday, April 30, 1865
Rained some last night pleasant to day Lt. Col. Baker of the 6th N.Y. Arty. mustered us for pay got the news
that Booth the murderer of the president had been shot we are all heartily glad but would rather they
had got him alive so as to hang him.

Monday, May 1, 1865
Pleasant day drew potatoes and fresh beef nothing going on more than usual.

Tuesday, May 2, 1865
Cooler than usual have not had much to do to day am having about as easy a time now as I ever had.

�Wednesday, May 3, 1865
Had nothing to do to day got a letter from Maria wrote a letter to Eunice shall not answer Maria’s letter
am a little suspicious that she has been meddling with my affairs if she has I want nothing more to do with
her hope she will come out all right for I think a great deal of her will find out when I get home.

Thursday, May 4, 1865
Pleasant and warm drew six days rations had considerable to do.

Friday, May 5, 1865
Rained most all the forenoon did nothing but read and sleep pretty warm this afternoon.

Saturday, May 6, 1865
Very hot day drew beef and bread Frank Green was here this afternoon he belongs[?] to the 9 th corps
train.

Sunday, May 7, 1865
Long lonesome day Frank Green out[?] here most all day.

Monday, May 8, 1865
Very hot the 17th corps passed through town they look as if they had seen pretty hard times a little rain
this evening.

Tuesday, May 9, 1865
Slight shower of rain this the 15th corps passed this morning have had nothing to do to day.

Wednesday, May 10, 1865
Rained some last night quite cool to day been down town this evening very pleasant saw some good
looking women.

Thursday, May 11, 1865

�Drew six days rations had plenty of work to do raining a little this evening.

Friday, May 12, 1865
Pleasant but cool got twelve barrels of potatoes John Gillet Frank Rappole and myself went to Hatchers
Run this afternoon with horses got some cherries and strawberries the country looks rather desolate
down that way.

Saturday, May 13, 1865
Pleasant but cool done nothing to day went to the theater this evening it did not amount to much.

Sunday, May 14, 1865
To day the same as yesterday done nothing but read and sleep quite cool this evening.

Monday, May 15, 1865
Pretty warm day done nothing this forenoon went to City Point this afternoon did not get back till after
dark.

Tuesday, May 16, 1865
Another very warm day drew one day’s ration of fresh beef had a strawberry cake for supper.

Wednesday, May 18 17, 1865
Pretty warm day drew six days rations had to work rather hard.

Thursday, May 17 18, 1865
The day about the same as yesterday a little rain this afternoon the quartermaster started for Washington
to day and the Adj. and Maj. Cowles started for home.

Friday, May 19, 1865
The weather about the same as yesterday drew fresh beef John [Gillett] Joe and myself went a
strawberrying this afternoon had a squall of wind and rain got a letter from Eunice.

�Saturday, May 20, 1865
Nothing to do as usual weather pretty warm.

Sunday, May 21, 1865
Long lonesome day raining very hard this evening get a letter from Minnie Ward.

Monday, May 22, 1865
Rained most all lat night with thunder cleared of[f] about nine oclock this morning the 6th N.Y. Arty. got
orders to go to Danville they belong to our brigade.

Tuesday, May 23, 1865
Had nothing to do to day took a ride this evening across the river.

Wednesday, May 24, 1865
Drew seven days rations had considerable work to do Joe Frank John &amp; I went and took a ride this evening
went across the river towards Richmond like the country first rate out that way.

Thursday, May 25, 1865
Drew beef and bread nothing much going on.

Friday, May 26, 1865
Rained all day long lonesome day drew a few rations for some men that were returned from detached
service.

Saturday, May 27, 1865
Wet drizzly day had nothing to do quite cool this evening.

Sunday, May 28, 1865
Long lonesome day wrote a letter to Minnie Ward went over to the slaughter house this evening to see
about getting beef for tomorrow Lt. Cross got back from Washington to day.

�Monday, May 29, 1865
Drew beef and bread got done at noon five of us went down towards “Point of Rocks” after cherries got
lots of them came back by where we were last summer had quite a ride.

Tuesday, May 30, 1865
Pretty warm did not go out into the street to day we are having very easy times now in a pleasant place
too.

Wednesday, May 31, 1865
Pleasant warm day drew six days rations the little girls of this place had a May party and crowned their
queen a very pretty scene.

Thursday, June 1, 1865
Very warm had nothing to do but read and sleep to[o] warm to do either and take comfort.

Friday, June 2, 1865
Passed the day as usual took a ride this evening across the river.

Saturday, June 3, 1865
Hot as oven drew two days beef.

Sunday, June 4, 1865
Did not go out side of the yard to day very warm can not sleep for the heat and flies.

Monday, June 5, 1865
To day the same as yesterday had a severe thunder storm a little before sundown cleared of[f] went round
to the companies to get the number of men to draw rations.

Tuesday, June 6, 1865
Quite cool this morning drew six days rations had considerable work to do.

�Wednesday, June 7, 1865
Went out in the country to get cherries this morning tremendous hot took a ride this evening.

Thursday, June 8, 1865
Drew one day’s beef and two day’s bread a little cooler than usual.

Friday, June 9, 1865
Nothing to do hot as usual.

Saturday, June 10, 1865
Drew one days beef had a hard thunder shower this afternoon like to have it rain.

Sunday, June 11, 1865
Cloudy and cool went a blackberrying passed the day very comfortable wonder what Maria is doing this
evening would like to see her although I have stopped corresponding with her.

Monday, June 12, 1865
Another cool day drew six day’s rations had considerable work to do John and Joe went a blackberrying
got a lot of them they went very well for supper.

Tuesday, June 13, 1865
Pretty hot had nothing to do had a heavy thunder shower this afternoon.

Wednesday, June 14, 1865
Cloudy and foggy in the morning cleared of[f] [illegible] drew one day’s ration of bread went out by the
old works a blackberrying had a very heavy thunder shower this evening.

Thursday, June 15, 1865
Drew two day’s ration of beef did not have anything else to do.

�Friday, June 16, 1865
Pretty hot day did no work but went a blackberrying.

Saturday, June 17, 1865
Drew six day’s rations had a short shower this afternoon all of the officers are at work at the muster out
roll guess we will get out of this soon.

Sunday, June 18, 1865
Pleasant warm day took a short ride this evening guess I am most done riding U.S. horses got a letter from
Orville.

Monday, June 19, 1865
Pleasant and hot drew one days bread went a riding this evening guess I can ride much more in Petersburg.

Tuesday, June 20, 1865
Drew one days beef rained this afternoon.

Wednesday, June 21, 1865
Pleasant and warm Q.M. Flowers turning over his things guess we shall get away from this place soon.

Thursday, June 22, 1865
Nothing going on but talk about going home.

Friday, June 23, 1865
Very hot day drew three days rations to take home with us all if the companies are here perhaps we will
get off tomorrow.

Saturday, June 24, 1865
Mustered out of the U.S. service this morning started about 6 o’clock for City Point on the cars am laying
on the dock to night am with the Q.M. things have not been returned to the company begins to look
something like getting home.

�Sunday, June 25, 1865
Did not sleep much last night pretty hot this forenoon got started at half past eleven passed fort Monroe
about six this evening rather rough out on the bay some of the boys are seasick I am on the Hd. Qr. boat
Lady La[unintelligible] have got charge of the Qr. Mm. horse.

Monday, June 26, 1865
Arrived in Baltimore at half past nine this morning stayed on the dock till afternoon with the baggage had
a severe shower of rain took the cars for Phila at seven oclock begins to look something like getting home.

Tuesday, June 27, 1865
Cool and pleasant got into Phila about sunrise had a good breakfast ferried across the river took the cars
for Amboy around four[?] about two P.M. took the boat for New York had suf[unintelligible] got aboard
of the steamer Huguenot for Albany will have to ride all night well we have got to our own state again the
weather a little colder than at Petersburg.

Wednesday, June 28, 1865
Rain all last night did not get into Albany about one o’clock this afternoon had dinner took the cars at six
for Watertown guess we will get in there early tomorrow morning.

Thursday, June 29, 1865
Got in to Watertown at half past three this morning got our breakfast at Washington Hall then I left there
for home well I have got home again after almost three years.

Friday, June 30, 1865
Pleasant and cool rather muddy in the road went to Sackets [Harbor] this morning we had to draw a few
rations it has been a long time since I have been here before saw Mary Dimick had quite a visit with her
think she has improved very much in three years have not seen Maria yet dont care much if I dont see her
at all.

Saturday, July 1, 1865
Went down town this morning got dis[unintelligible] till Friday morning have been to see Demaris this
evening saw Georgia also am at Sams to night.

�Sunday, July 2, 1865
Quite cool came home this morning Hunts folks have been home have been to Mr. Greens this evening
have not seen Isadore before for almost three years dont think she had changed much in looks since I
have been gone.

Monday, July 3, 1865
Pleasant and cool went to Sackets Harbor this morning and again this afternoon and mowed a little pretty
hard work to morrow is the fourth guess I shall stay at home.

Tuesday, July 4, 1865
The weather the same as yesterday mowed part of the orchard went to Watertown in the afternoon with
Frank Green saw a great crowd of people saw a number of girls from the corners Maria was there but I
did not see her.

Wednesday, July 5, 1865
Finished mowing the orchard then went up to Orvilles have not seen Maria yet wonder what she thinks
because I do not go there.

Thursday, July 6, 1865
Went to Watertown with Olive this morning stopped to see Willett about working got me some clothes
up town came home and drew two loads of hay have got to go down to Sackets [Harbor] to morrow to
get paid off and discharged called and seen Maria a few minutes this morning she looks good as ever shall
go there again before long I think.

Friday, July 7, 1865
Got up pretty early was at the Barracks before six oclock three companies of our regiment was paid the
rest are to be paid tomorrow saw Frank Rappole came home with to stay all night Mary Dimick was down
to the barracks to day she is a fine girl like her very much have agreed to go and see her.

Saturday, July 8, 1865
Went to Sackets [Harbor] early this morning our company did not get paid till after five o clock went to
see Mary Dimick had quite a serious talk with her I found I lost a great deal by not keeping up a
correspondence with her while away suppose I shall have to give her up.

�Sunday, July 9, 1865
Quite cool have laid around home all day Oscar Powers came here this evening to tell me that Willett did
not want me dont know where I shall work.

Monday, July 10, 1865
Went to Watertown with Frank Green have done no work yet must look up a place soon.

Tuesday, July 11, 1865
Went to Watertown this morning had to go to the Harbor [Sackets Harbor?] after the doctor for father
this evening Laid potatoes for Let Lamon part of the day have agreed to go to work for [?]arl Graves next
Thursday.

Wednesday, July 12, 1865
Worked around home a little am to Mr. Graves tonight am going to work tomorrow has rained some this
evening.

Thursday, July 13, 1865
Have worked all day for the first time in a long while am rather tired to night has been quite cold for this
time of year guess I shall like it here very well wonder what Mary is doing this evening wish I was there to
see.

Friday, July 14, 1865
Quite cool got mowed this forenoon drew hay in the afternoon.

Saturday, July 15, 1865
Pretty stiff today drew hay most all day [unintelligible] am I went up town this evening saw Frank Steele
he and I agreed to go across the [unintelligible] to morrow.

Sunday, July 16, 1865
Rained most all day went home got wet coming back.

Monday, July 17, 1865

�Did not work very hard shook out the hay that got wet yesterday like it hin[?] very well.

Tuesday, July 18, 1865
Drew a load of wood this morning we got in two loads of hay this afternoon the wind blew very hard could
hardly keep the hay on the wagon.

Wednesday, July 19, 1865
Wind blew quite hard cut barley with the machine till about two o’clock rained from that time till dark.

Thursday, July 20, 1865
Cleared off this forenoon chopped a while this morning stired some[?] hay drew three loads this
afternoon.

Friday, July 21, 1865
Wet drizzling morning have not worked very hard to day the easiest times I ever had working out and get
the biggest wages I ever did.

Saturday, July 22, 1865
Did not do much this forenoon worked pretty [hard?] in the afternoon we drew five loads of hay am pretty
tired.

Sunday, July 23, 1865
Have stayed here all day reading most all of the time the day has passed quite pleasantly.

Monday, July 24, 1865
Pleasant and warm worked pretty hard drawing barley and hay.

Tuesday, July 25, 1865
Cut barley most all day have not worked very hard quit very early.

Wednesday, July 26, 1865

�Chopped nearly all day a little rain cloudy and cool.

Thursday, July 27, 1865
Helped Mr. Ives draw barley worked pretty hard quite warm am rather tired to night but have got my
$1.50 though.

Friday, July 28, 1865
Drew barley for Mr. Graves did not work very late some difference between this and Mr. Ive’s.

Saturday, July 29, 1865
A rainy morning have not worked to day went to Watertown am down home this evening.

Sunday, July 30, 1865
Stayed at home nearly all day Olive and Orville have been at home came to Mr. Graves this afternoon
pleasant and cool this evening.

Monday, July 31, 1865
Drew barley this forenoon Ike and I went up on the race course to reap oats did not get back till most dark
have got to go again to morrow.

Tuesday, August 1, 1865
Finished cutting oats and got back at [illeg.] Mr. Graves and I have been reaping oats the rest of the day
Ike has been helping Mr. Ives draw barly.

Wednesday, August 2, 1865
Finised cutting oats and cut a little grass such have not worked very hard quite warm.

Thursday, August 3, 1865
Bound the grass and drew the stubble and four loads of oats worked quite late rather warm day.

Friday, August 4, 1865

�Rained a little last night mowed the corners this forenoon finished drawing oats this afternoon.

Saturday, August 5, 1865
Very warm day cut the last of the barley drew the scattering pieces of grass and sat in the house the rest
of the time have earned nine dollars this week pretty good for me.

Sunday, August 6, 1865
Stayed at Mr. Graves all day had a heavy shower this evening shall not work here but a day or two longer
his work is nearly done.

Monday, August 7, 1865
Cloudy and cool chopped all day till supper then turned over some barley am going to work tomorrow
and that will finish up dont believe I shall get another place that will suit me as well.

Tuesday, August 8, 1865
Drew barley have got done for Mr. Graves am at home to night dont [know] where I shall go next perhaps
I shall go a sailing have earned since I got discharged $33.25.

Wednesday, August 9, 1865
Very warm day cut a small piece of oats for father this morning came over to Orville’s this afternoon have
been to see Maria this evening she is looking first rate.

Thursday, August 10, 1865
Came home this morning rained most all day have done nothing but read and sleep.

Friday, August 11, 1865
Have done nothing to day but go over after Eunice.

Saturday, August 12, 1865
Worked quite hard for father drawing barley and oats.

�Sunday, August 13, 1865
Helped Ed Green draw oats worked very hard am going out to Adams to morrow.

Monday, August 14, 1865
Went to Adams this morning with Ed Green’s horse and buggy came back this evening stopped to see
Mary Dimick had a good visit have promised to write to her from Oswego where I am going to morrow.

Tuesday, August 15, 1865
Sarah took me to Watertown this morning early started from there at half past seven came as far as
Richland on the car &amp; then took the stage for Oswego arrived here about five oclock this afternoon am
stopping at the “Munger House” have not seen any one I know yet shall look for George and Marcellus to
morrow.

Wednesday, August 16, 1865
Have run around the town most all day Marcellus has not arrived yet hope he will get here tomorrow dont
like this town first rate.

Thursday, August 17, 1865
Marcellus not here yet have passed the day in running around town nothing very interesting to be seen
wonder what Maria is doing and thinking about this evening.

Friday, August 18, 1865
Still waiting for Marcellus cant see the reason he is not here nice pleasant weather.

Saturday, August 19, 1865
Reading and sitting round all day.

Sunday, August 20, 1865
Marcellus came in last night George and I have been round some have moved down aboard the schooner
J.F. Warner shall commence work tomorrow.

Monday, August 21, 1865

�Slept my first night in a forecastle could not go it all night it was to warm so went on deck have worked
today unloaded the wheat and got in part of a load of salt for Chicago will get away to morrow wrote and
sent a letter to Mary Dimick.

Tuesday, August 22, 1865
Finished taking in salt towed outside and started about eight this evening wind blowing pretty fresh.

Wednesday, August 23, 1865
Arrived in the [Welland] canal at nine this evening. have been a little sick but not much.

Thursday, August 24, 1865
Towed all last night and all day till about twelve to night am some tired.

Friday, August 25, 1865
Commenced towing again this morning at daylight arrived at Port Colburn about two oclock this afternoon
wind blowing hard down the lake got all ready to go out at sundown but the Capt. changed his mind and
concluded to wait till morning.

Saturday, August 26, 1865
Tug towed us out in the lake at daylight have been working up the lake all day wind still blowing fresh it is
our watch on deck from eight till twelve to night I am in the Capts watch with Jeff Baker and George guess
I will like sailing better than soldiering.

Sunday, August 27, 1865
Pleasant and warm day nearly becalmed most of the day sleeping and reading was about all we had to do
wind blowing pretty fresh down the lake now our watch below till twelve o’clock then above till four.

Monday, August 28, 1865
Pleasant and warm light wind but fair got the tug to tow up the river about ten o’clock our long watch out
to night.

Tuesday, August 29, 1865

�Got up and took the wheel at six this morning had quite a shower of rain we were just going into Detroit
river. nice warm day have steered over half the day.

Wednesday, August 30, 1865
Got out on Lake Huron about twelve o’clock last night nice pleasant day fair wind but very light like sailing
very well.

Thursday, August 31, 1865
Wind all round the compass and part of the time no wind at all almost a calm now got a few miles above
Presque Isle.

Friday, Sept. 1, 1865
Lay becalmed nearly all last night had a light but a fair wind today got out of the straits into lake Michigan
about six P.M.

Saturday, Sept. 2, 1865
Had a light breeze all last night got around a head this morning but was fair this afternoon a dead calm
now at eight this evening passed the Manitou island this afternoon are in sight now I had the wheel from
six till eight this evening did not go a half a mile in the two hours.

Sunday, Sept. 3, 1865
Pretty foggy nearly all last night and part of the day light wind till afternoon blowing quite fresh down the
lake now have not far along towards Chicago to day.

Monday, Sept. 4, 1865
Worked up under the west shore last night got a free wind this forenoon pretty light though wind almost
headed us off just now passed Sheboygan at sundown to night.

Tuesday, Sept. 5, 1865
Light weather yet have not got but a little way to day passed Milwaukee this afternoon pleasant and warm
have got to take the wheel at eight this evening no wind hard enough for steerage way.

�Wednesday, Sept. 6, 1865
To day about the same as yesterday just got relieved from the wheel at eight o’clock working up under
the west shore with a light breeze.

Thursday, Sept. 7, 1865
Becalmed all last night got a good breeze about nine this morning so we could just lay our course began
to rain at eleven this morning the tug took hold of us at two did not get in and tied up till most dark.

Friday, Sept. 8, 1865
Commenced to discharge our load this afternoon I have been up town could not sleep for the muskeetoes
last night my birth day 26 years old to day.

Saturday, Sept. 9, 1865
Did not work much helped hoist out a few sacks of salt towed down the creek to Sturgis warehouse to
load corn for Oswego went to the theater this evening.

Sunday, Sept. 10, 1865
Pretty warm laid around the deck all day some rain this afternoon.

Monday, Sept. 11, 1865
Hauled under the elevators this morning got loaded about noon did not tow out till abut three this
afternoon fair wind sliding down the lake quite fast.

Tuesday, Sept. 12, 1865
Fair and a strong wind ever since we left Chicago looks rather black to night dont know but we will have a
dirty night have just come below to turn in at eight o’clock.

Friday, Sept. 15, 1865
Crossed Saginaw bay last night wind blowed hard all night has not been very fresh to day on the look out
for a tug to take us through the river.

Saturday, Sept. 16, 1865

�Did not get a great way last night head wind this morning a tug took us about eight this morning met a
large fleet coming out of the river this afternoon I will have all night below to night expect to get out on
lake Erie about daylight tomorrow morning.

Sunday, Sept. 17, 1865
Got out of the river about five this morning fair wind till after three got a squall from the N.E. had to reef
raining pretty hard now but not much wind now it is my wheel now at eight this evening.

Monday, Sept. 18, 1865
The weather was all night lat night till twelve except a little rain the wind came on to blow very hard then
had to take in more sail hung out till about three then came off before it for Point Aux Pla [Pointe aux
Peaux, Mich.? Point aux Pins, Ontario?] got in and anchor down at nine this morning are here now the
wind still blowing hard a large fleet of vessels laying here.

Tuesday, Sept. 19, 1865
Got under weigh at nine o’clock this morning wind came fair before noon are running down the lake with
a fair but light wind a large fleet of vessels in company with us my wheel from eight till ten this evening.

Wednesday, Sept. 20, 1865
Light but fair wind running down the lake nice and smooth.

Thursday, Sept. 21, 1865
Got into the [Welland] canal at day light this morning fitted out locked[?] right through we are about to
Allanburg [Ontario] now at eight this evening expect to tow all night.

Friday, Sept. 22, 1865
Tied up at Thorold [Ontario] about twelve last night started at daylight this morning got through to Port
Dalhousie [Ontario] about four o’clock this afternoon hauled alongside of the pier to wait for a propeler
to load that is to tow us to Oswego because it is head wind am some tired and quite sick.

Saturday, Sept. 23, 1865
Propeler got hold of us about four this morning have been towing along nice all day am quite sick have
just left the wheel now at eight o’clock off Sodus light.

�Sunday, Sept. 24, 1865
Arrived in Oswego about twelve o’clock last night rained some this morning expect to get unloaded and
out to night have worked at it most all day.

Monday, Sept. 25, 1865
Got unloaded about one o’clock rained very hard did not go out as we expected wind blowing hard down
the lake all day dont know when we will get out George went home sick this morning the boys signed
articles for the passage up at a dollar per day.

Tuesday, Sept. 26, 1865
Towed out about daylight with the wind from the North wind died away almost a calm now just left the
wheel at eight o’clock.

Wednesday, Sept. 27, 1865
Got to Toronto a little before dark have been around town some this evening quite a nice place for Canada.

Thursday, Sept. 28, 1865
Commenced to load barley about noon have not done much myself expect to get loaded some time to
night.

Friday, Sept. 29, 1865
Got loaded and underweigh about ten last night wind very light did not get ten miles before daylight got
the wind ahead then did not fetch the canal till eight this evening expect to tow all night.

Saturday, Sept. 30, 1865
Towed all night and all day to day have just passed Allanburg about sundown.

Sunday, October 1, 1865
Arrived at Gravelly Bay [now Port Colborne, Ont.] last night about eleven wind blowing down the lake
have had an easy day of it guess we will stay here all night.

�Monday, October 2, 1865
Got underweigh a little after eight this morning wind free enough so we can just lay our course abeam of
Long Point light now at eight have just left the wheel.

Thursday, October 5, 1865
Got through to Port Huron about noon wind blowing hard down the lake are laying here waiting for a
change of wind dont think we will get out till morning.

Friday, October 6, 1865
Tug towed us outside about eight this morning fair wind all day running along nice quite a warm day to
what we have had.

Saturday, October 7, 1865
Fair wind quite strong now just left the wheel now at eight two reefs in the mainsail rained most all off
the afternoon.

Sunday, October 8, 1865
Cleared off but rather cool fair wind till about noon but very light got out on lake Michigan at noon [?]
ahead.

Monday, October 9, 1865
Wind blowing hard from the South hung out till afternoon then went under Beaver Island and came to
anchor went a shore with the boat this evening.

Tuesday, October 10, 1865
Got underweigh about nine this morning with the wind from the east light baffling wind all day we are
having the wind about two points free now at eight o’clock and my wheel the warmest day we have had
in some time.

Wednesday, October 11, 1865
Light baffling winds till five o’clock then got it from the North blowing very hard now at eight in the evening
have just taken in our mainsail.

�Thursday, October 12, 1865
Blowed very hard all night wind died away a little at daylight pretty heavy sea rolling passed Milwaukee
about one to day it is my wheel now at eight and blowing like the devil again from the Northeast.

Friday, October 13, 1865
Double reefed the mainsail and took in the jib-topsail and the gafftopsail as soon as I got the wheel last
night got off Chicago about twelve last night let go and held on till morning got underweigh and towed in
about eleven A.M. wind gone down some to night.

Saturday, October 14, 1865
Have not done much to day hauled across the river shall not unload till Monday.

Sunday, October 15, 1865
Run around town some last night wind blowing a gale this morning from the North lost of vessels that
went out yesterday run back some came in and about forty lay anchored portside dare not try to come in.

Monday, October 16, 1865
Unloaded barley to day just got done and towed out side for Milwaukee at eight in the evening light but
fair wind three dollars a day commenced[?] this morning.

Tuesday, October 17, 1865
Had a good stiff breeze the latter part of the night got here to Milwaukee this morning about eight some
rain to day have not done much since we got here and tied up wages three dollars for day.

Wednesday, October 18, 1865
Rainy day loaded this afternoon are not going out till morning guess I shall stay a board this evening and
go to bed early.

Thursday, October 19, 1865
Towed out about ten this morning strong wind from the west blowed our jibtopsail to pieces and a big
hole in the mainsail wind died away some now.

�Friday, October 20, 1865
Blowed a gale from the Northwest washed the deck pretty clean we up wheel about disrederon[?] to go
under the South Manitou the light is close in to us now at eight I just left the wheel.

Saturday, October 21, 1865
We let go a little before ten last night in thirteen fathom of smooth water got underweigh again this
afternoon about four o’clock light wind from the Northwest.

Sunday, October 22, 1865
South wind this forenoon hauled round to the West got into the straits about eleven lay to anchor about
three hours this afternoon off Cheboygan are going along finely now with the wind from the Northwest
had a slight flurry of snow this afternoon.

Monday, October 23, 1865
Pleasant day the first one in some time pass across Saginaw bay with the wind on our port quarter passed
poin[t] Aux Barques light at five this evening my wheel now at eight.

Tuesday, October 24, 1865
Sailed into the river this morning about four o’clock no tug to take us so had to let go in the stream
schooner Gordell on the bank tug pulled her off she dragged down foul of us tore him up considerable got
a tug as last am at Detroit now at eight in the evening.

Wednesday, October 25, 1865
Got outside and made sail about eleven last night wind fair for Point aux Plu [Pointe aux Peaux, Mich.?
Point aux Pins, Ontario?] passed it about ten to day working down now with the wind almost dead ahead
just a nice wholesail breeze.

Thursday, October 26, 1865
Worked along down all night this morning about six the wind on to blow from the East blew very strong
we up wheel and send for Pidgeon Bay got here and let go about noon just got close my anchor watch
blowing and raining like the devil now.

�Friday, October 27, 1865
Blowed from the Northeast and rained all day are snug at anchor yet and will till the blow is over with
pretty easy with this.

Saturday, October 28, 1865
Got out at daylight found the wind from the Northwest blowing right into the bay got underweigh wind
came on to blow a gale with snow and rainy could barely work out of the bay got around the point and let
go again about noon are laying here now at eight in the evening expect we will getting out of here as the
wind has gone down considerable.

Sunday, October 29, 1865
Got underweigh last night about ten have been running along with a fair wind since will get into the canal
to night sometime has been a pleasant day.

Monday, October 30, 1865
Arrived at Gravelly Bay this morning about daylight a large fleet ahead of us so did not lock till afternoon
are going across the long level now.

Tuesday, October 31, 1865
Tied up last night about twelve a little above Allanburg a vessel su[?] in the lock quite a fleet jamed in here
got started this morning about light have got along rather slow rained some to day.

Wednesday, Nov. 1, 1865
Tied up last night in the level between locks 8 and 9 The towpath pretty muddy got through to Port
Dalhousie about eleven towed outside about one are running down the lake close on the wind going slow
at that.

Thursday, November 2, 1865
Had a fair wind all day a strong one too got here to Cape Vincent about sundown expect to go home to
morrow morning.

Friday, November 3, 1865
Took the train this morning for home got here about nine have not done anything but sat around and talk.

�Saturday, November 4, 1865
Came back this morning expect some to go to Kingston to night for a load of iron the Lord only knows
when I shall go home again as I am going to stop up west this winter got unloaded and are anchored out
in the river to night.

Sunday, November 5, 1865
Cold bad day Northwest wind snowing most all day did not do much but sit by the fire to day a tug came
from Kingston after us will not take us till morning on account of the weather.

Monday, November 6, 1865
Hove up the anchor about daylight and started got the wind ahead with snow in a little while the tug got
us into the harbor and could not hold us against the wind and let us go on the bridge had quite a time of
it has snowed most all day snowing and blowing now like fun am glad we are not outside.

Tuesday, November 7, 1865
The gang has been at work all day putting in the ore some snow squalls very rough weather Kingston is a
pretty tough place I guess.

Wednesday, November 8, 1865
Got loaded a little after dark the weather looks bad dont believe we will get away till morning very cold
day but has not stormed.

Thursday, November 9, 1865
Towed out about two this afternoon wind from the North but quite light have just got a reef in the mainsail
it looks like more wind.

Friday, November 10, 1865
Very cold last night ice made on the deck have not had much wind to day guess we will get into the canal
the fore part of the night will have a cold time towing this time through.

Saturday, November 11, 1865

�Commenced towing about five this morning pretty cold but pleasant suppose we will have to tow till
twelve because we will have Sunday to day still.

Sunday, November 12, 1865
Towed till twelve last night ice made on the line are tied up at Thorold John Root[?] and I went up to
Niagara falls the grandest sight I ever saw.

Monday, November 13, 1865
Commenced towing about four this morning nice pleasant day did not get to the Bay till about seven this
evening wind from the Southwest are tied up for the night.

Tuesday, November 14, 1865
The warmest day we have had for a long time wind down the lake did not tow out till about sundown we
are by the wind bound for Cleaveland.

Wednesday, November 15, 1865
Head wind ever since we left the Bay. Just a wholesail breeze was abreast of Long Point at twelve to day
my wheel now at eight and almost a calm.

Thursday, November 16, 1865
Nice warm day light wind from the South very pleasant weather for this time of year just left the wheel at
eight o’clock expect to get in about daylight in the morning.

Friday, November 17, 1865
Had a pleasant night towed in about eight this morning dirty smokey city expect I have had my last night
outside for this fall.

Saturday, November 18, 1865
A nice warm day was knocked off pay this morning but there is some talk of going to Toledo in the morning.

Sunday, November 19, 1865
Towed outside about nine had a fair wind but rather light nice warm day for this time of year.

�Monday, November 20, 1865
Got up to the mouth of the river about five this morning the wind blowing out of the river to[o] we had
to let got and wait for a tug she took us about sunrise wen[t]? up here to Toledo and tied up before ten
o’clock intend to start tomorrow for Saginaw.

Tuesday, November 21, 1865
Settled up and got my pay this morning and started on the steamer “City of Toledo” about ten o’clock
arrived at Detroit about five this evening she is to lay here till tomorrow am all alone to night not a single
person aboard I ever saw before to day.

Wednesday, November 22, 1865
Did not leave Detroit till three this afternoon wind blowing quite fresh from the Northwest dont think this
boat will go outside to night would like to see her going for I am anxious to get to Saginaw.

Thursday, November 23, 1865
Arrived at Port Huron about daylight this morning wind down the lake hve been here all day rather dull
business.

Friday, November 24, 1865
Got underweigh about two this morning have had a nice day was up to Point aux Barques before four this
afternoon have got some more wind now at eight o’clock.

Saturday, November 25, 1865
Arrived at Bay City about eight this morning did not get away from there till about noon had a chance to
go to work there came on up here to East Saginaw do not like this place first rate had an opportunity to
chop all winter think shall go back to Bay City and take the offer there nice pleasant weather.

Sunday, November 26, 1865
Went to look at some land about seven miles from this place like it very well but it covered with woods.

Monday, November 27, 1865

�Went out on the cars this morning as far as Bridgeport came back a part[?] the country out that way looks
good have hired out to go chop out about four miles from this place towards Bridgeport saw Mina Smith
to day in the street have been to see her this evening she was the first person I have met with that I ever
saw before.

Tuesday, November 28, 1865
Commenced work this afternoon for a Dutchman am boarding with a man by the name of De Hart am
pretty tired to night will get used to it soon.

Wednesday, November 29, 1865
Warm pleasant day chopped all day and pretty tired and sore to night a jolly lot of people to my boarding
place Mr. &amp; Mrs. Phillips their son and daughter a gay laughing girl of about of about fifteen they are to
move soon will be lonesome when they are gone.

Thursday, November 30, 1865
Commenced to snow about ten snowed very hard all day did not work any this afternoon sat in the house
read till my head aches severely.

Friday, December 1, 1865
Snow about three inches deed[?] pleasant day chopped all day do not feel as tired as usual guess I am
getting seasoned to work.

Saturday, December 2, 1865
Quite warm day worked pretty hard smoky and cloudy snow part gone.

Sunday, December 3, 1865
Warm pleasant day done nothing but write a letter to Alvin Gardner sat in the house and read the rest of
the time raining some this evening.

Monday, December 4, 1865
A still cloudy day Mr. Phillips moved to day broke my axe h[?] about noon so went to town this afternoon
a little more quiet than usual.

�Tuesday, December 5, 1865
Mud froze up pretty hard this morning pleasant and warm through the day have worked pretty hard
chopping to day.

Wednesday, Dec. 6, 1865
Pleasant but cool thawed in the sun have worked pretty hard.

Thursday, December 7, 1865
A little colder than yesterday did not work as late to night as last night am quite tired.

Friday, December 8, 1865
Pleasant but quite cold the ground froze up hard have worked pretty hard did not get to my boarding
place till after dark.

Saturday, December 9, 1865
Pleasant this forenoon snowed a little this afternoon weather cold did not work very late to night.

Sunday, December 10, 1865
Very pleasant day quite warm for this time of year what little fell yesterday is all gone now did nothing
but go into the woods for beechnuts and sit in the house and read.

Monday, December 11, 1865
Quite warm and pleasant have worked pretty hard to day chopped over two cords of wood guess I will go
to bed.

Tuesday, December 12, 1865
Quite warm this forenoon wind got round to the west and snowed a little very cold this evening.

Wednesday, Dec. 13, 1865
Pretty cold day was gone in the woods all day chopping ground froze up hard.

�Thursday, December 14, 1865
A very cold day went to East town did not get back till after dark went to see Mr. Phillips people Alvina’s
eyes are as black as ever.

Friday, December 15, 1865
Have worked quite hard to day very cold snow some this after noon have been writing to mother this
evening.

Saturday, December 16, 1865
Another cold day did not work as hard as usual no snow yet to speak of dont care if we dont have any this
winter it is better getting round in the woods to chop with no snow.

Sunday, December 17, 1865
Pleasant not as cold as yesterday took a walk in the woods the rest of the time I sat in the house wrote a
letter to Frank Steele wish I was there this evening am pretty lonesome here to night makes me think of
home but I have no home where has any home been for the last three years where night happened to
overtake me will it be so for the next three years assume[?] so.

Monday, December 18, 1865
Did not work all day snowed most all the afternoon raining now this evening guess we shall have no
sleighing this winter well it is better for chopping to have no snow.

Tuesday, December 19, 1865
Wet and foggy in the morning weather changed very cold this evening did not feel very well so did not do
much have got a violint cold guess I shall not work much if I feel as unwell to morrow as I do now.

Wednesday, Dec. 20, 1865
Pretty cold day begin to snow about three this afternoon snowed very hard and still kept at it have worked
quite hard to day.

Thursday, December 21, 1865

�Cold but pleasant snow about ten inches deep did not chop any to day helped Mr. Phillips kill his pigs this
forenoon went to town this afternoon did not get home till after dark the first ride in a sleigh in almost
four years.

Friday, December 22, 1865
Pretty cold day worked till dark not quite as good getting round in the woods as before the snow came.

Saturday, December 23, 1865
Went to the woods but did not stay long broke my axe helve[?] did nothing the rest of the time not quite
as cold as yesterday.

Sunday, December 24, 1865
South wind thawing a little hope the snow will all go off have been lonesome and almost homesick but
would rather be here than where I was one year ago.

Monday, December 25, 1865
Quite warm not very good sleighing went to town in the forenoon this evening a sleigh load of us went
up to “Pine Run” to a dance found a girl with a drunken partner got her for myself guess I will have a pretty
good time.

Tuesday, December 26, 1865
Did not get home till ten o’clock to day had a very good time had a good partner for a stranger my first
Christmas in Michigan a little better than I had in the last three years.

Wednesday, Dec. 27, 1865
Snowed a little last night went to work this morning cut my foot before I had cut the first stick had to
come home can not step on it to night.

Thursday, December 28, 1865
Thawed a little laid in the house all day doing nothing but reading and sleeping pretty lonesome fair
snowing[?] again to night.

�Friday, December 29, 1865
Nothing to do but stay in the house am rather lonesome will be glad when my foot gets well am earning
nothing and have to pay for my board so as it is pretty slow getting along.

Saturday, December 30, 1865
A little colder than usual have not been out doors five minutes today my foot improving slowly Mr. De
Hart’s people have got a house full of company to night well I have got up in one corner out of the way.

Sunday, December 31, 1865
Pleasant day the house still full have had quite a visit with a young lady one of the crowd how different
from what I was doing one year ago to night then I was a soldier exposed to a violent storm of snow with
no shelter now I am comfortable if I had got a comfort so this year goes out.

�</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
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                <elementText elementTextId="86587">
                  <text>Civil War and Slavery Collection</text>
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                  <text>United States--History--Civil War, 1861-1865</text>
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                  <text>Slavery--United States</text>
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                  <text>African Americans</text>
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                  <text>United States--Politics and government--19th century</text>
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                  <text>A selection of correspondence, diaries, official documents, photographs related to the American Civil War and to the institution of slavery, collected by Harvey E. Lemmen. The collection includes a selection of documents from ten states related to the ownership of slaves and abolition, correspondence and documents of soldiers who fought in the war and from family members and officials, diaries and letters of individuals, and a collection of mailing envelopes decorated with patriotic imagery.&#13;
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                  <text>Lemmen, Harvey E.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/472"&gt;Civil War and Slavery Collection (RHC-45)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/470"&gt;John Bennitt Diaries and Correspondence (RHC-43)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/471"&gt;Nathan Sargent Papers (RHC-44)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/478"&gt;Theodore Peticolas Diary (RHC-51)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/476"&gt;Civil War Patriotic Envelopes Collection (RHC-51)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/479"&gt;Whitely Read Diary (RHC-52)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections &amp; University Archives</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="86593">
                  <text>1804-1897</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="86594">
                  <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/?language=en"&gt;No Copyright - United States&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>eng</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Name of War: World War II
Name of Interviewee: Jeannette Rearick
Length: (01:01:25)
(00:30) Background Information
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•

Jeannette’s husband John fought in WWII; they had gotten married on November 17,
1942
She was born in Indiana in 1920 and he was born in Indiana in 1921
John was in the Army Infantry and later became a captain
Jeannette grew up in a small town; her father owned a bar and her mother stayed at home
She had a brother and sister that were 10 and 12 years older than her it felt like she was
an only child
Jeannette met John in the 3rd grade when he had first moved to town; they began dating in
11th grade
Her brother was in the Navy and John’s father had fought in WWI
After high school John began going to college and later enlisted in the Army

(7:40) Training
• John was sent to Fort Benning in Georgia for basic training
• He later began training with heavy weapons and became part of the 307th Heavy
Weapons Regiment
• It was difficult for him to take machine guns apart and put them back together quickly
• He was later sent to Fort Jackson in South Carolina and working with the 77th Infantry
Division, working on hand to hand combat
• John was always homesick and they missed each other very much
• He was anxious to be done with the service and get back to college
• John and Jeannette got married in South Carolina in 1942
(10:45) Traveling
• After getting married John was sent to West Virginia for mountain climbing
• He was then sent to Virginia for ship loading and unloading of supplies
• John was sent to Camp Heider in California
• Jeannette lived with him there off base and worked for a telephone company
(12:40) Overseas
• John received orders to be shipped out from California and to fight in the Pacific
• Jeannette moved back in with her parents and began working at her father’s bar
• John fought in Guam, Okinawa, and 3 other small islands

�•

He also traveled to the Philippines and made many good friend while he was in the
service

(25:30) Guam
• John had a pet parrot while overseas to keep him company and sent Jeannette pictures of
them together
• They wrote each other often, but it took about 2 weeks for each letter to be delivered
• John had first been sent to Guam where they fought the Japanese in the jungle
• He collected a few swords from Japanese that he had killed and brought them home to
hang on their mantle
• Many of his good friends were killed there during their first week in battle
• John was wounded, with a gash in his head, shot in the leg, and torn ligament in his arm
in 1944
(36:40) End of Service
• John had received orders once he was healed that he would serve with a group to be
replacements for Marines in Japan
• He had been in Okinawa when the war ended and his previous orders were rescinded
• He was happy to be back to civilian life and anxious to start law school
• They later traveled to Guam and other islands in the Pacific for the 50th reunion ceremony
(47:55) Looking Back
• The war tore John and Jeanette apart and also brought them closer together
• They always thought they would never see each other again and looked forward to every
day together
• They were married for 65 years and John is now buried at Arlington National Cemetery

�</text>
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                <text>Jeanette Rearick is World War II wife whose husband served in the U.S. Army. She re-accounts his pre-enlistment, training and enlistment, and service experience. She retells briefly what John Rearick, her husband's service experience, was like in the Pacific. What is memorable about him is his experience fighting the Japanese in the jungles on Guam. After his service experience, John went to law school and traveled with his wife a little bit. She concludes by mentioning how her husband's war experience made them closer.   </text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Ricardo Rebollar
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 7/11/2012

Biography and Description
Ricardo Rebollar is from one of the first Mexican families to live in Lincoln Park, settling around Sheffield
and Clybourn Streets and remaining there more than 30 years. After José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez got into
trouble at Newberry Elementary School, in the 6th grade he was taken out by his mother and placed
into the Catholic St. Teresa School. Mr. Rebollar was of the few Latinos in the school and in his class and
they became very close friends. They would talk long hours before and after school in their homes, and
together planned to go into the seminary and then into the priesthood because it was a way they felt
they could help their People.
Mr. Rebollar recalls those years, as well as how they played in softball teams and other sports. He also
describes his girlfriend and how her parents had a difficult time accepting him because of his national
origin. He recalls the days that Lincoln Park turned more Puerto Rican and Latino and describes how he
felt safe when he walked the area of Lincoln Park because the Young Lords and other groups knew that
he and Mr. Jiménez were friends. Mr. Rebollar also went to the McCormick Theological Seminary’s
Occupation and because he was a student at St. Vincent DePaul High School he supported the DePaul
University take-over by the African American students who were being supported by the Young Lords.

�Neither Mr. Rebollar nor Mr. Jiménez ever made it to the priesthood. Mr. Rebollar first became a law
enforcement officer and says that, “he was a good sharpshooter.” He then later became a teacher for
the Chicago school system and currently teaches science at Joliet West High School in Illinois.

Spanish
Ricardo Rebollar es hijo de una de las primeras familias Mexicanas que vivieron en Lincoln Park, en las
calles de Sheffield y Clybourn, por más que 30 años. Después que José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez se encontró
en problemas en Newberry Elemntary School, su mama lo saco de la escuela y lo inscribió en escuela
Católica de St. Teresa. Señor Rebollar era uno de los pocos latinos en la escuela y porque estaban en la
misma clase se hicieron mejores amigos. Se pasaban los días hablando antes y después de la escuela y
querían ir al seminario y luego ordenarse sacerdote porque sentían que era la única forma que podían
ayudar su gente.
Señor Rebollar recuerda que juagaron juntos en equipos de softbol y otros deportes. También recuerda
que los padres de su novia tuvieron más tiempo en aceptarlo por su origen nacional. Y como en esos
días podía caminar por las calles de Lincoln Park sin temor porque los Young Lords sabían que era amigo
de Jiménez. Señor Rebollar atendió McCormick Theoligal Seminary’s Occupation y la escuela de St.
Vincet DePaul High School en donde Afro-Americanos (quien eran apoyados por Young Lords) tomaron
la escuela.
Señor Rebollar y Señor Jiménez no llegaron a ordenarse. Rebollar primero fue un policía y dice que “era
un tirador experto.” Ahora es un maestro en la escuela de Joliet West High en Illinois.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Okay.

RICARDO REBOLLAR:

Well -So you want me looking this way so you want

it looking at me.

Yeah, that's good.

JJ:

And just tell me your name and then your date of birth.

RR:

Okay.

My name is Ricardo Rebollar.

Rebollar.

It's pronounced

I was born on October 29, 1948 in Mexico City,

Mexico.
JJ:

Okay.

And okay, so when did you come to the United States?

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)
RR:

We came to the United States in the 1952.

My dad was

already here and he had found work or he had thought he had
found work in San Jose, California.
actually went to live with my uncle.

And that’s when we
Yeah.

But they found

out within about six months that there wasn’t any job to be
had but he found there was another opportunity here in
Chicago.

So we came -- I must’ve -- sort of ’52, ’53 was

when we arrived in Chicago.

[00:01:00] And we first lived

down on Sedgwick right across the street from Cabrini-Green
except they were just finishing building it.
JJ:

Okay.

Right by Cabrini-Green.

RR:

Yeah.

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay, over by Franklin School, (inaudible).

So I went third grade, I went to --

1

�RR:

Yeah.

Edward Jenner is where I actually went, yeah.

Third

Grade.
JJ:

So this was ’54?

RR:

Yeah, ’53, ’54.

JJ:

In 1954.

RR:

Yeah.

Yeah.

And actually, we -- there’s a whole lot of spots,

but anyhow, we lived there for a short period of time.

We

had lived in the DePaul area.
JJ:

Now, when you lived near Cabrini-Green, is that when -- the
point they had a lot of Hispanics or Latinos?

RR:

No, we had none.

JJ:

There were no --

RR:

We were the only ones there that were Hispanics, yeah.
Yeah.

Everybody there was Italian or --

JJ:

They were Italian.

They were not African American.

RR:

-- right in that little area.

No, no, there were no Blacks

at all in that [00:02:00] area.
JJ:

Even near Cabrini-Green?

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

RR:

When they started filling up the -- when I -- so the second
half of third grade, I remember meeting the first Black
kids.

In fact, I remember one of the kid’s names.

name was Winston.

His

I thought that was kind of weird but

Winston was his name.
traded toy soldiers.

And he and I got to be buddies.

We

But about six months later -2

�JJ:

So Cabrini-Green was all white at the time, mostly white.

RR:

The housing, yeah.

Not the housing but the -- the houses

around there were all white people, yeah.
trying to think.

Yeah.

And then I’m

Italian and there was a couple of

Germans that I -- we knew but mostly Italians.

And then at

the end of third grade, half-way through fourth grade, we
moved back to the DePaul area.

In fact, that’s when we

started living at 1808.
JJ:

So you went to Joiner?

Is that what it’s called?

School?

RR:

Jenner.

JJ:

[00:03:00] Jenner, yeah.

RR:

Edward Jenner School.

JJ:

What street was that?

RR:

Oh God, I don’t know.

JJ:

But it was Jenner, (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

RR:

Because you’d have to walk through the green.

I remember -- yeah.

Because the

building was between -- yeah.
JJ:

Oh, by Saint Joseph’s.

RR:

Yeah, Saint Joseph’s was on one side.

In fact, I went to

Saint Joseph’s for about six months.
JJ:

Really?

I went there.

I went to --

RR:

You’re kidding.

JJ:

I did, (inaudible).

RR:

It’s Saint Joseph’s and then we lived -- and then by the
3

�end, less than a year, we were back at -- anyway.
wound up with 1808.

And we

And we got there because the lady who

knew us there recommended us to Mr. Pistoni.
JJ:

Nineteen oh-eight did you say?

RR:

Eighteen oh-eight was the address.

JJ:

Eighteen oh-eight Sheffield?

RR:

Yeah.

That’s where we moved back in there.

And we were

there for years and years.
JJ:

Last time, you were saying, in fact, somebody -- I stopped
you.

You were saying something about it.

A lady or

something that lived there?
RR:

There was a lady who lived at -- in [00:04:00] the
apartment building where we’re -- near Cabrini-Green on
Sedgwick Street.

And she knew we were looking for a new

place and she recommended us to a Mr. Pistoni.
his name.

And he was the owner of the 1808 building and

that’s how we got 1808.
JJ:

I remember

And --

So that was on the other side of Lincoln Park that he owns
some buildings there so --

RR:

Yeah.

And he was a real nice, little, old Italian guy.

I

don’t know if he even spoke English but we wound up staying
there.
JJ:

Was he Italian?

RR:

Italian, yeah.
4

�JJ:

Because we landlords who were Italians so they would have
definitely let us.

RR:

Right.

And then the lady next to us, [Castelluccio?].

was Italian and she owned the building.
flat.

She

It was a three-

And then the building next to it was a lady.

I

believe her name was -- is [Schmitz?] or [Schultz?], I
don’t remember.

And there was like -- and then the next

building was [00:05:00] all sorts of Germans.

Across the

street was a guy who was a fireman and I never did know
what he was but he wasn’t Hispanic.

In fact, the only

Hispanic that we knew in ’54, ’55 was the lady we had
originally rented from.

And I don’t remember the address

but it’s right there at Poe and Sheffield.

Or Maud -- it’s

Maud is the street and Sheffield and we had originally
rented when we first came.
see her every so often.

And that was neat and we would

So I wound up at Saint Teresa’s.

And Saint Teresa’s in fourth grade, middle of fourth grade.
JJ:

So you started -- when you moved here, you were in fourth
grade.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

So you went to Jenner for the first four years?

RR:

No, actually, I went to what was the name?

JJ:

You went to Saint Joseph or Teresa’s? [00:06:00]
(overlapping dialogue; inaudible).
5

�RR:

No, actually it started out because the first move was onto
the Sheffield street.

And there, I went first and second

grade to -- oh, what was the name of the school?
school that’s right there.

It’s the

I don’t know if you remember

it.
JJ:

By Saint Teresa’s?

RR:

No, it’s on Sheffield.

JJ:

Oh --

RR:

God.

JJ:

-- Mulligan, Mulligan, Mulligan.

RR:

Mulligan, yes.
was Mulligan.

It’s a big, old ancient building.

Yes, [Mrs. Kelly?] was my teacher.

That

So I went there first and second grade.

JJ:

So you went there first and second?

RR:

And then we had a -- we lived for a short time in an
apartment building on North and --

JJ:

And then you went back to Saint Joseph’s?

RR:

And then we went to Sedgwick and then from there, we came
back.

JJ:

You came back.

So you went to Sedgwick or Sheffield.

was where you lived in that area.

That

That was in the early

’50s, 1953.
RR:

Yeah, I would say somewhere between ’53 through [00:07:00]
about ’57.

JJ:

So that area was Italian and German you said?
6

�RR:

Yeah, right.

There was very few Blacks.

The Blacks that

we knew lived on Clybourn just north of where Clybourn and
Sheffield meet.

And there was only like one or two

families.
JJ:

That was like one block.

That was African American.

RR:

Yeah, and everything else was basically Baldwin.

JJ:

I remember people would brag that there was -- that Blacks
were moving --

RR:

Be into that area.

JJ:

-- north of North Avenue.

Do you remember that or

(inaudible)?
RR:

Oh, well, I knew that there was --

JJ:

There was a barber shop there right there.

RR:

They used to -- well, we were right next to the Bonge’s
Tavern that we’d hear that there.

JJ:

You would hear it?

RR:

Yeah, but you know, five houses away were the two houses
where the Blacks lived.

But there were -- I mean, I never

understood what their problem [00:08:00] was.

Because we

lived next to them and they were kids like us.

In fact,

most of the problem we had were with the Italians.
JJ:

What kind of problems?

RR:

Mostly, it’s like -- it was child things.
that’s great.

Like, “Oh, yeah,

They’re having a birthday party.”

“Well,
7

�you can’t come.”

“What do you mean you can’t come?”

And

then there was this hemming and hawing.
JJ:

Hemming so --

RR:

And the kids would tell you.

He says, “Well, you’re

Mexican.”
JJ:

And they said it just like little kids.

RR:

Yeah, you can’t come.

JJ:

Yeah.

Even though you had been playing with them a little

bit and after a certain point -RR:

Yeah.

It was mostly the parents.

I don’t think the kids

were a really big deal.

There was a couple of -- I don’t

even remember his name.

But there were a couple of Italian

kids who were pretty nasty.

But --

JJ:

But it was mostly the parents that were kind of --

RR:

Yeah, they were -- they were standoffish.

JJ:

Because that happened, too, at my graduation part that --

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

-- but anyway.

[00:09:00] But I was messing up then.

I

was already in the gang (laughs) so I could blame it on the
gang.
RR:

Oh yeah, blame it on the gang.

Yeah, so --

JJ:

But it was -- but you’re saying it was the parents that --

RR:

Mostly it was the parents.

Most of the -- and it was

strange because I’m hanging out with kids who were [Glaw?]
8

�and [Camarada?] and there’s a lot of -- And we were fine.
The kids I really -- I mean, I don’t remember if you knew
John.

I mean, [John Glaw?] was the guy who played baseball

with me all the time.

So when we went to play with you, it

was [Landini?], Glaw, and me that mostly were playing.

And

so when we met you out in the park -JJ:

In which park?

RR:

Lincoln Park.

Because we’d walk from there all the way to

Lincoln Park to play at the North Avenue playfields.

And

if you get there early in the morning, you could [00:10:00]
save it and play.
JJ:

And that’s what we used to do.

So is that when we met the first time or I don’t even
remember.

RR:

Oh, the first time --

JJ:

I don’t remember any --

RR:

I really don’t remember when the first time I met you.
mean, I was familiar with you from school.

I

We used to do

the debates and stuff and I remember that.
JJ:

For the school?

RR:

Yeah, at school.

What was it?

Do you remember [Sister

Hermann Joseph?]?
JJ:

Yes, I do.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Seventh?

It -- what grade was she?

She was seventh.
Okay.

[Hermann Muller?] so okay.

And sixth was
9

�[Sister Annie?].
RR:

Sister Annie I had, yeah.

JJ:

…was sixth and then Sister Anne was eighth.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Oh, now I know -- I got all three of them.

RR:

And you weren’t there in fifth because that was [Miss
Bunster?].

JJ:

I just was --

Yeah.

Wait, no, I was in the sixth, seventh, and eighth.

And so

Sister Annie and Sister Hermann Joseph and Sister
(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) -RR:

Yeah.

Sister Hermann Joseph worked our asses -- oops.

JJ:

(laughs)

RR:

We used to work because she always thought we could do
better than what we were actually doing.

So we would get

A’s and then we -- she’d say, “No, you don’t deserve an A.”
[00:11:00] Then yeah, so it’s probably about the point at
which I remember first -- because we used to play ball.
Where was it?
JJ:

We were first playing ball out --

So when we saw each other in Lincoln Park, you already knew
me.

RR:

Yeah, by that time, I already knew you.

JJ:

So you saw me in the (inaudible) --

RR:

Yeah.

We had met and it must’ve been at -- it must’ve been

in seventh grade.

I don’t remember you from sixth at all.
10

�JJ:

I think it was seventh grade.

RR:

So seventh grade is when we started making contact and --

JJ:

So who was playing actually ball over there?

I just joined

your team?
RR:

Well, what we’d do is get together and see how many guys we
could get there and we’d play.

We’d set up a game.

JJ:

Was it softball or hardball or --?

RR:

Hardball.

JJ:

Right, right.

RR:

That was for sissies --

JJ:

(laughs)

RR:

-- because we’d do fast-pitching hardball.

We didn’t play softball.

get the -- what was it?

And we used to

There was a ceramics place on

Clybourne.
JJ:

What was it?

[00:12:00] Ceramic?

Okay.

RR:

And they would let us play in their parking lot.
we’d go, there’d be 10, 20 of us going over there.

And so
And

then we’d set up and we could play and no one would bother
us.
JJ:

What about catcher’s mitts and --?

RR:

Are you kidding?

JJ:

You’d scrounge them?

RR:

Yeah.

We’d scrounge those.
Or --

My first one was scrounged from I don’t know, a

second-hand shop or something.

Or somebody didn’t want
11

�theirs -JJ:

(inaudible) equipment?

RR:

Yeah, sort of.
balls.

We had gloves and we had bats and we had

And sometimes, we didn’t have balls.

We’d go

looking for -- sometimes we could -- And in fact, we played
more often than not.

We would -- we were just playing.

We

would play with tennis balls and we could get those almost
for free because they had the tennis courts up on Fullerton
and Sheffield.

And you’d get the old tennis balls that

nobody wanted and you’d get ’em either dirt cheap or for
free.

And [00:13:00] then we’d do fast-pitching and then

who’s got a hard ball.
JJ:

So you were making the thing in the walls or --?

RR:

Yeah, that’s how we -- yeah.

JJ:

I remember that.

RR:

And that’s how we’d practice all the time.

And then

summertime came and then, we’d have games and say, “Hey,
you know, this neighborhood’s got a team and this
neighborhood’s --”
JJ:

Right, they were neighborhood teams --

RR:

Yeah, right.

JJ:

-- because I remember I was a -- that first team I was in
was the Leprechauns.

RR:

Oh, God.
12

�JJ:

And it was an Italian manager but the name of the team was
Leprechauns.

So I guess because there were a lot of Irish

in (inaudible) there.
RR:

Yeah, the big organizer was us was a guy by the name of
[Glenn Messa?].

He was Cuban.

JJ:

Oh, he was a Cuban.

RR:

Yeah, he was probably- -- and I don’t know when I met
Glenn, either.

Probably about sixth grade.

JJ:

Really?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

He was from Lincoln Park there?

RR:

Yeah, he was right there.

We all lived -- you know they

had an apartment building up on Maud and Sheffield?
where we lived.

That’s

And I remember his sister’s name was

[00:14:00] [Tootsie?] and I said, “Where did you get a name
like that?”

That was her -- that was -- she had another

name but she always went by Tootsie.

And Glenn would say,

“Hey, this -- two blocks down, they want to play us.

So

get Glaw, get --” so we’d get all the guys we needed.
[Sulaski?] and all the other guys.

Sulaski, that’s right.

And we would go and, “Where are we -- where are we meeting
them?”

And we’d meet them -- one of the places we used to

play was on the corner of Racine and Belden.

And I think

it was -- we called it Os- -- I don’t think it was Oscar
13

�Mayer.
JJ:

I don’t know --

RR:

It was that --

JJ:

-- if they had Oscar Mayer, yeah.

RR:

Yeah, they had a field there.

JJ:

Racine and Belden, still up there?

RR:

Yeah.

And we’d go up there because it was grass and it was

a real field.
JJ:

I was afraid to go up there.

RR:

Oh yeah.

There was a --

Because once you crossed Armitage, you were

running into some people who didn’t like Hispanics, who
didn’t like Blacks.
JJ:

Right, right, right.

RR:

Yeah.

And then once you went even further north, you were

[00:15:00] running into [Chuchi’s?] group, whoever they
were.

“What are you doing in the neighborhood?”

“I don’t

know, going to play ball.”

(laughter) And then we got to

walking Saturday mornings.

Sometimes we’d walk and

sometimes during the week all the way down Lincoln Park
past the old Natural History Museum.
JJ:

By Armitage (inaudible)?

RR:

Yeah, Armitage, yeah.

JJ:

You’d just walk.

RR:

And then you’d just turn a little bit south and you were at
14

�the ball fields.
like four fields.

And if you got there first, there was
And if you got there first, you could

hold it until the rest of the guys got and then you could
play.
JJ:

As you walked through that neighborhood, how -- what
relations did you see?

RR:

Oh, God.

Early on, there was a -- oh, it was a beer place

that it had shut down.
that area.

And there was a lot of Germans in

And that’s down by Larabee.

Larabee and --

yeah, about Larabee [00:16:00] and what street would that
be?
JJ:

Yeah.

Just south of Armitage.
The only reason I’m saying it is I kind of remember

or maybe you can let me know -RR:

It’s just north of Saint Michael’s.

JJ:

Right, it was more like segregated or something.

RR:

Oh, yeah, all the -- yeah.

JJ:

Am I -- (laughs) am I just --

RR:

No, you’re not imagining that.

JJ:

-- (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

RR:

Oh yeah.

JJ:

(inaudible) --

RR:

Oh yeah, it was segregated.

Oh, good God.

You know, you’d go out with a

young lady who happens to be Polish.

Well, she lives in a

Polish neighborhood -15

�JJ:

In a Polish block.

RR:

-- all Polish people block.

JJ:

So there were two or three blocks that were Polish?

RR:

Yeah.

People, “What are you doing here?

Polish.”
JJ:

“Okay.”

You’re not

“Get moving, get moving.”

So this was the neighborhood of Lincoln Park, the
community.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

And that was divided by ethnic groups.

RR:

Right.

If you went further east along -- let’s see, what

street is that?

I can’t remember the street.

one [Feimer’s?] was on.

But it’s the

There was a lot of Germans there

for a while and they [00:17:00] started moving out.

But

north of that, if you went one block north of Wisconsin?
JJ:

Okay, Wisconsin?

RR:

Yeah.

Between Halsted and it would be about Bissell

Street.

Or Dayton, right in that area.

A bunch of

Italians.
JJ:

Okay.

So north of Wisconsin between Halsted and Bissell?

RR:

Italian -- yeah, heavy Italian.

And then back here is the

Germans -JJ:

So Wisconsin to Armitage, Halsted to Bissell was Italian.

RR:

Yeah, it was a heavy Italian.

JJ:

And we’re talking about what year was it?
16

�RR:

Oh, we’re talking the years we were in grade school so it
would be 1959 through about 1963.

JJ:

So ’59 to ’63, that was the Italian section.

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

Because that didn’t even run up to by [Roma’s?] because

We’d go there and get Italian food some --

Roma’s was over -RR:

Oh yeah.

Well, Roma’s was a totally different animal.

JJ:

It was a totally different animal.

Why was that?

Roma’s

was on Webster and Sheffield.
RR:

Yeah because -- Webster -- yeah, [00:18:00] Webster and
Sheffield.

JJ:

So what do you mean it was a different animal?

RR:

Those were different people.

JJ:

A breed of Italian?

RR:

Yeah, it was a different breed of -- they were really
hostile, I thought.

JJ:

Hostile?

RR:

Hostile, yeah.

I mean --

Yeah.

Because the Landinis and those people, we

went -- [Paul Landini?] went to my school.
JJ:

And [Monastero?] was at --

RR:

Monastero --

JJ:

They were friendly with you guys --

RR:

Yeah, we all got along.

JJ:

Of Armitage, yeah.

But once you got north of --

17

�RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Or Dickens, really.

RR:

Yeah, Dickens, right.

You’re right.

The only place that

was really safe was what, the old bakery that we used to be
on Sheffield just north of Dickens.
JJ:

Just north of Dickens?

Oh, yeah, right --

RR:

Yeah, we’d go there, pick up our stuff and get out.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible), yeah.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Yeah. So that was in the city.

So you used to go there and

pick a [brick?], too?
RR:

Yeah, absolutely.

I had --

JJ:

Just north of Dickens on Sheffield.

RR:

Yeah.

On the west side of the street. Yeah.

JJ:

Okay.

So you said you’d go, you’d walk in and then leave?

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

So what do you mean it wasn’t safe?

That was --

You didn’t -- you

didn’t feel safe?
RR:

Well, [00:19:00] there was lots of times you didn’t feel
safe.

In my own neighborhood, there was times when we were

younger, a lot of the older Italian kids would pick on you,
you know?

And after a while, you kind of earned your spot.

Which is like, “Hey, I’m not here to do anything bad.

I’m

just living here and I don’t mess with you. You don’t mess
18

�with me.”
JJ:

So there was like a sprinkling of Spanish people like if
neither -- because you didn’t really live there but they
didn’t really want you there.

RR:

Want you -- they didn’t want us there, no.

JJ:

I’m not putting words in your mouth.

RR:

No, no.

That’s a good way of saying no, they didn’t really

want us there.

I think --

JJ:

And you were actually afraid to go to this bakery.

RR:

You were nervous.

You always watched what was around you

and who was around.
JJ:

And how old were you then?

RR:

Oh God.

How old were you then?

I can remember that from the time I was sixth,

seventh grade.

When I got older, you got bigger and you

got physically so people didn’t -- and you knew more
people.

But the [00:20:00] big area I stayed away from was

the Roma’s area.

There was a girl that I wanted to date

that was over on Kenmore and Webster.
“What are you doing here?
our neighborhood.”

And it was like,

You got to get the hell out of

You know, it’s, like, “Hey.”

that point, I was already in high school.

And at

So it was --

yeah, there was -- it wasn’t all the time but it was often
enough to make you stay alert as to who was around you and
what the hell they were doing.

Because you got followed a
19

�couple of times and it was threatening.

A couple of times,

we got -- there was a -JJ:

And then they had a gang I remember or something and --?

RR:

There was a group of people there.

I didn’t know that it

was a gang but apparently there was one there.
JJ:

But the name of the restaurant was called Roma’s.

RR:

Yeah, Roma’s, yeah.

JJ:

So that was kind of nationalistic, right?

RR:

Oh yeah, that whole area.

JJ:

(laughs) For the Italians?

RR:

Except right across the street was [Kelly’s Bar?] so there

Roma’s?

was [00:21:00] an Irish enclave somewhere in there.
JJ:

Right, right.

RR:

That was --

JJ:

So right across from Roma’s was Kelly’s.

RR:

Yeah, Kelly’s was right at the --

JJ:

And it was playing actually down the street, there was a
hillbilly bar.

RR:

Oh.

JJ:

[The Oasis?].

It was called The Oasis on that corner of

Houston and Webster.
RR:

Oh yeah.

Okay.

JJ:

Do you remember that place?

RR:

Yeah, I do.

Darn, I’d forgotten about it.

Yeah.
20

�JJ:

So this is -- you’re in the same -- you’re in the same --

RR:

Now, the most problem I had in that whole neighborhood was
with a hillbilly kid.

JJ:

Oh, it was?

RR:

Yeah, it was.
hillbilly kid.

The worst problem I ever had was with a
He always caught me just south of Armitage

near -- on Sheffield several times.

A couple times, I got

slugged and finally, I decided to fight back.
point, I said, “This is it.

And at some

was kind of like an outlier.

This has got to quit.”

But he

with two, three other guys.

I didn’t see him hanging out
He was trying to establish a

little turf area [00:22:00] of his own.
JJ:

But they would select people.

I remember --

RR:

Oh, hell yeah.

JJ:

-- (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

I had a problem with

them just, “What are you doing here?”

And “Bla,” and just

-RR:

Oh, no.
sure.

They would grab you and sometimes toss you.

Yeah,

Yeah.

JJ:

(inaudible)

RR:

It wasn’t always that terrible.

I mean, because we knew --

you know, you’re talking Monastero Landini, you know, a lot
of times, that saved us from hassles.

But like I said, too

-21

�JJ:

How would you describe the neighborhood?
softball teams?

I mean, they had

I mean, hardball teams and --

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Was it a tight-knit neighborhood?

Were the people normal?

Was it pretty stable or unstable?
RR:

I thought it was pretty stable at the time but if I look
back at it, I’d say, “Gee, that’s an unstable
neighborhood,” because you -- a lot of people transitioning
in and out.

Lot of people in their --

JJ:

Who would transition there?

RR:

Oh, I’ll give you an example.

Next door, we would have a

hillbilly family [00:23:00] living there for two, three
months to a year and then they would move out.
another family would move in.

And then

They were working in the --

a lot of the stuff that was along Clybourn.

And when they

weren’t needed anymore, they went looking some other place
for a job.
JJ:

Because Clybourn was where they had the factories.

RR:

All the factories, yeah.

JJ:

So people were moving in because of the factories.

RR:

Yeah.

So you had the boilermakers, you had the -- what do

you call it?

The dye makers, you had the frame factory,

you had the -- Siemens was down a little bit further.
had the porcelain place.

You

There’s all sorts of places up
22

�there.

But those started shutting down and as they began

to shut down -JJ:

What year did they shut down?

RR:

Oh, God.
school.

Probably by -- towards the junior year of high
So it’d have been about 1960- [00:24:00] -- oh,

’65, ’66.

You could already see a change starting to

happen.
JJ:

Factories are shutting down (inaudible) --

RR:

Yeah.

A lot of the people started moving out.

I started

seeing more Hispanics then.
JJ:

So why do you think they were moving out?

RR:

Mostly economic reasons for the people that I knew.

Some

of the people who were long time there were I think
basically saying, “Ooh, this is a changing neighborhood.
Got to get out.”
JJ:

Changing neighborhood because --

RR:

Yeah, they were white people who were moving out because
Blacks and the Hispanics were moving in.

JJ:

And that’s why they were moving out?

RR:

Oh yeah, for sure.

JJ:

(inaudible) --

RR:

No.

JJ:

The first is economic.

RR:

So for the people that I hung out with, it was economic.
23

�For the people who were long-time residents, they saw this
as the neighborhood’s going to hell so we got to get out of
there.
JJ:

You had been there for a while so you knew they were longtime residents.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

And now, these are long-time residents that are moving.

RR:

They’re moving out.

JJ:

The Italians and Germans and everything.

RR:

They’re all moving out, yeah.

JJ:

They’re moving out.

RR:

[00:25:00] Because what’s -- the first ones to moves out
were probably -- let’s see.
’64.

It would’ve been about ’63,

That German area moved out.

Right about that time,

there was -JJ:

The whole German community.

RR:

Yeah, the whole -- just about the whole German community
disappeared.

JJ:

Where were they at and what were the German --

RR:

They were the ones down on Dayton and just south of
Armitage.

JJ:

Just south of Armitage?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Now, is that where all the Italians were?
24

�RR:

The Italians were on the north part of that.
were on the south.

The Germans

That disappeared; the Italians stayed

on.
JJ:

Okay. So the Italians were in the north closer to Armitage
--

RR:

Right.

JJ:

-- and the Germans were --

RR:

Further back.

JJ:

-- closer to Willow Street?

RR:

Yeah, Willow.

JJ:

So in the same area, just south of the Italians.

RR:

And we started getting a lot of [00:26:00] Blacks coming up

Yeah.

along that corridor.
JJ:

(inaudible) --

RR:

Yeah, that area.

JJ:

Where it turns --

RR:

So as that came up, these guys -- because I knew a couple
of guys there.
west.

They moved out to -- they moved way out

Some of them moved out to the suburbs.

JJ:

So you’re saying there, you could see like a line?

RR:

Yeah, the line’s shifting.

JJ:

Like the line shifting from one ethnic group to another
ethnic group.

RR:

Yeah, yeah.

There were Blacks there.

I don’t want to say
25

�gentry but they were.

Because when I worked at Feimer’s,

we would have -- even in -- well, that would’ve been sixth
grade.

We had Black people, hard-working Black people, who

lived in that area who came in who I knew all the way
through the time I started college.

And they were good

people and they lived somewhere in that area.

And they

would complain. “Oh my God, the neighborhood’s changing.
It’s no longer --”
JJ:

Who was complaining?

RR:

The Black.

JJ:

The (inaudible) --

RR:

I remember this Black lady complaining.

JJ:

We got [00:27:00] Mexicans and Puerto Ricans (inaudible).
(laughter)

RR:

Yeah.

No, we -- the Blacks, they were complaining about

some of the Blacks.
JJ:

Oh, some other Blacks.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Oh, okay.

RR:

Well, it was strange because it, like I said, to me I saw

They said, “They don’t know how to behave.”
That’s kind of a shame to hear that from them.

it as stable.
JJ:

But they were worried, they were worried.

As a stigma?

RR:

Yeah, and then you’d see the changes coming.

And as the

changes came, people started moving out and people didn’t
26

�take care of their places as much.

And people who had been

there a long time were complaining.
JJ:

I was like, “Oh.”

But this was not an urban renewal program.

This is just

people just moving in.
RR:

No.

Just people moving in.

JJ:

One group moving in --

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

-- and this had to do with migration after the --

RR:

Migrations, yeah.

JJ:

Because now, you’ve got all these Spanish people coming in

Job opportunities.

-RR:

Oh yeah.

JJ:

-- out of nowhere.

RR:

Oh, well, a lot of them were coming from Mexico and from
other places.

And where are they going to go?

[00:28:00] Puerto Ricans were moving in.

In

fact, the Puerto Ricans tended to move -- do you remember
Wisconsin Street?
JJ:

Right.

RR:

Wisconsin?

Okay.

So there was a whole -- there was an

apartment building there on Wisconsin and Sheffield.

And

you had a lot of -JJ:

Oh, on Wisconsin and Sheffield?

RR:

Yeah, right there.

And you had Puerto Ricans because we

knew some of them there.

Most of the Mexicans were moving
27

�in -JJ:

Where was the Mexican section?

Where were they?

RR:

The Mexican section was more down between Maud and Willow
on Sheffield.

JJ:

On Sheffield right in there.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

That was the only Mexican section?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

But there was a little section.

RR:

Yeah, there was a little section.

JJ:

So between --

RR:

It was -- several apartment buildings were completely full.

They didn’t -- we didn’t get a whole lot of other --

Yeah.
JJ:

Okay.

And this was between Maud and what?

RR:

Maud and Willow.

So you’ve got Clybourne and then

Sheffield goes up, Willow cuts in here, Maud.

So it’s

about a block and a half, two blocks.
JJ:

And actually, that’s where you live.

RR:

On the other [00:29:00] side.

JJ:

Oh, on the other side.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

So you were living in --

RR:

Yeah, just a little bit south.

JJ:

-- the Mexicans (inaudible).

I didn’t know that.

I mean,
28

�I had a -RR:

I didn’t either until my mom was telling me.

JJ:

(inaudible) told that to us.

RR:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

Of course, to me, everybody was a Puerto Rican but (laughs)
--

RR:

Well, you were a -- you were just north of -- you lived
just north of --

JJ:

I’m just kidding.

RR:

-- Armitage in that apartment place.

JJ:

Right.

RR:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

So we had planning meetings (inaudible).

We had been on

Dayton Street near Willow before that.
JJ:

Dayton near Willow.

Okay.

JJ:

And then we finally made it up to Armitage.

RR:

So you know that -- what the tavern there on the corner of
Willow and Bissell was a tavern?

JJ:

Yeah, there was a tavern up there.

RR:

We used to go there all the time and bowl.

JJ:

Okay.

RR:

Because they’d charge us nothing, you know?

And as long as

-- and the German kid and I used to do that all the time.
And then after a while, we were banned.
29

�JJ:

You were banned from going in there?

RR:

Yeah.

And part of it, I guess, was because [00:30:00] we

weren’t of age to drink and we shouldn’t have been in the
place.

But for years, I mean years, we used to --

Saturdays or whenever we could get the money together, we’d
go and bowl.

One of the kids that I knew was on Dayton.

In fact, it was Dayton and Willow.

His name was Traum,

[Helmut Traum?].
JJ:

Dayton and Willow, there was like a little grocery store
there.

And we were afraid, talking about being afraid of

going to the bread place.

We were afraid to go into that

grocery store because there was an Italian gang, an Irish
and Italian gang -RR:

In there.

JJ:

-- either Irish or Italian.
father got pushed around.

But I remember I think my
They were -- I really don’t

remember them having a gang fight with the -- they used to
have the (inaudible) made out of tin.

So they were using

it as a shield and throwing -RR:

Sticks and --

JJ:

-- throwing glass [00:31:00] and sticks.

And I remember

they had -- I remember one guy saying, “I’m glad I’m
white,” because he had glass in his eye.
RR:

God.
30

�JJ:

And I was just a little kid seeing it.

RR:

I remember stuff like that particularly --

JJ:

That was on Dayton (inaudible) --

RR:

And that drifted further north, that sort of thing.
Because I know in that area south of DePaul itself, in the
alleys, there was a couple of times where there was fights
exactly like that.

We came in after one and it was a mess.

Yeah.
JJ:

By DePaul?

RR:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

So that was a -- so after the school or --?

RR:

This was a -- I think it was like a --

JJ:

Are you talking about (inaudible) or --?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

So there was little gangs up there?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

But these were Irish?

RR:

Irish, Italian as far as I knew.

Belden, south of Belden and --

Italian?
Because you know, again,

I didn’t like going up in that area anyway.

The only time

I do was to go up to the library.
JJ:

To go to the library.

RR:

Yeah, up on Fullerton and Sheffield.

JJ:

Right.

RR:

And it was like -- again, it was like hurry, hurry through

[00:32:00] Yeah.

31

�these two neighborhoods so I can get to mine.
could get hassled.

Because you

“Where are you going?”

JJ:

So I mean how had we met?

RR:

Oh, this was from fifth grade all the way through eighth
grade.

JJ:

By the time I was in --

So you’re in Saint Teresa’s school, a Catholic school, and
you got to go to the library.

You’re not thinking about --

you’re not a gang member.
RR:

No.

JJ:

You’re just going to school.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

But you can’t go to school because of these gangs?

RR:

Well, you can get hassled.

JJ:

But it’s not just gangs because these are gangs based on
your --

RR:

Ethnicity, yeah.

JJ:

Is that the way the gangs were?

RR:

Yeah, pretty much so.

JJ:

So they (inaudible) ethnicity in a gang?

RR:

Yeah, just about.
ethnicity.

Or that area.

But mostly, it was

Because you’re talking about the hillbillies

and you’re talking about the Irish, you’re talking about
the Italians.
JJ:

So I mean, we grew up in a neighborhood where we -32

�everybody -- there was a distinction between [00:33:00]
ethnicity.
RR:

Oh yeah.

Yeah, there was.

JJ:

That’s what I meant by segregated or --

RR:

To me, it was segregated in - besides the way you just
explained it - it was also segregated because there are
whole blocks --

JJ:

But segregated is not about race --

RR:

Well, yeah.

JJ:

-- when you think about segregation.

But this was

ethnicity.
RR:

Ethnicity, right.

Because if you went over by Sacred Heart

on Augusta near Western, that four square blocks was all
Polish and I got chased out of there a couple of times.
JJ:

What were you doing there?

RR:

I was dating a chick.

JJ:

(laughs)

RR:

We were -- in the ’60s, we were beginning -- it’s okay, you
know?

You can date somebody who’s not your same ethnicity

and -JJ:

So you’re saying the city was like that, too, (inaudible) -

RR:

Oh, the city was absolutely.

JJ:

The city was ethnically divided.
33

�RR:

I’m trying to remember who it was.

It was on Wood on North

Avenue roughly and we were visiting somebody.

This lady

comes out and looks at us.

She’s like, [00:34:00] “You’re

a good-looking Greek kid.”

And I -- at that point, I’m

smart enough to know, “Let her talk.
shut.”

Keep your mouth

It turns out we were in -- at the edge of a Greek

neighborhood or that square block.
yeah, well, you’ll be safe here.”
I’m not?”

And it’s like, “Oh,
I’m going, “Oh, you mean

(laughs) It was that sort of thing because you

got -- if we wanted stuff that was Hispanic, we would go
down to 12th Street.

Because --

JJ:

Twelfth Street?

RR:

Yeah, 12th Street, Saint Francis.

JJ:

Oh, Saint Francis.

RR:

Oh, absolutely.

JJ:

Why did you go all the way down there?

RR:

Because no one knew what cilantro was.

Yeah.

Oh, you remember Saint Francis.

That’s -- and --

And then my ma

wanted it for some of the food she made so every so often,
we would go down there and we would take the Halsted bus
all the way down.

And then do masa for tortillas or

whatever ma wanted to make or and then we’d go.

And that’s

when you’d wander a little farther [00:35:00] south to our
Maxwell Street.
JJ:

Right.
34

�RR:

And that was --

JJ:

Because that was a Mexican area.

This is -- and you’re

talking about Taylor Street and -RR:

Yeah.

Mm-hmm.

Oh Taylor, you got to watch out.

Because

you go West Taylor -JJ:

Taylor, (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

RR:

Oh we -- we didn’t even go.

JJ:

The (inaudible) was the name of the gang (inaudible) --

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Taylor Street groups, Taylor Street culture was the name of
the gang.

We dated girls from there.

I knew that because that was -- I was

researching gangs then.

(laughs)

RR:

Oh, God.

That’s one place we didn’t go into.

JJ:

(inaudible) town but you’re saying there on 12th Street was
Mexicans.

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

Because in fact, that was one of the only places where they
had Spanish mass.

RR:

Mm-hmm, at Saint Francis.

JJ:

My mother used to go all the way -- we lived near Holy Name
Cathedral --

RR:

Oh, wow.

JJ:

-- and we used to go all the way there.

We used to go all

the way to Saint Francis because that was the only Spanish
35

�mass in the city, I guess.

It was a Mexican community.

Or

they’re not the only one at least (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible).
RR:

It was probably the only one early on.

JJ:

Apparently, there was one (inaudible) because you used to
go to the church.

RR:

Yeah.

[00:36:00] Because -- and that’s in grade school.

JJ:

All the way (inaudible).

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Because you say nobody knew where cilantro was? [laughter]

RR:

I’d go into a place and say like National or whatever and

Yeah.

And that was mostly for supplies.

say, “Hey, my parents want me to get this thing.

It’s like

parsley but it’s called cilantro,” and I didn’t know what
it was in English.

And they’d look and say, “Oh, parsley.”

“No, no, it’s not parsley.
carry it.”

You can see.”

“Oh, we don’t

It’s like it was really strange.

So you’d walk

down there and even if it was a short area from, oh, about
12th Street down, two blocks, you had the old tortilla
makers, masa for tamales, they had the imports so ma would
get her mole down there.

Because she couldn’t get it any

place else so she’d get a bunch of cilantro.

It was -- in

that sense that you had a little enclave [00:37:00] there.
We knew that there was other Hispanic on the South Side but
we never went farther than 12th Street.

That’s about as far
36

�as we went.
JJ:

But you said there was some other (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible)?

RR:

And there was Greek -- yeah.

And we knew Greektown because

it was just north of there.
JJ:

So Greektown was actually there were Greek people living
there.

RR:

Oh yeah, yeah.

JJ:

It wasn’t like today where there’s just restaurants.

RR:

Oh no, it was Greektown.

Yeah.

It is.

That was one of

the things that was amazing to me early on as I traveled
around the city.

There was enclaves of people and they

were definitely -- Well, Helmut moved to a block north of
Armitage and roughly Kildare.

And at that time, it was

like two square blocks of nothing but German people.

The

street where that ended on the other side were all Polish
and that’s where [Lewandowski?] lived.

Let’s see.

Wolfgang -- I don’t know if you remember [Wolfgang Holtz?]?
JJ:

Wolfgang, oh yeah.

RR:

[00:38:00] Wolfgang Holtz, John (inaudible), Helmut Traum.
Traum moved out there.

That’s where he met Lewandowski and

that’s where I eventually -JJ:

Are these -- Wolf, wasn’t he in Saint Teresa’s or --?

RR:

Yeah, he was at Saint Teresa’s.
37

�JJ:

So his name was (inaudible) --

RR:

And he moved out.

He didn’t graduate with us.

wind up at DePaul Academy.
“We moved out.”
JJ:

Okay.

But he did

And I’d say, “Where you been?”

And that was --

He went -- after Saint Joseph’s, he went to DePaul

in high school.
RR:

Yeah, he went to DePaul Academy.
my choice.

Yeah.

Because Waller was

It was either Waller or DePaul.

I said I’m

going -JJ:

And I went to Waller.

RR:

Oh, God.

JJ:

(laughs) But I actually came from Newberry.
problems at Newberry.

And I had

My mother was working with training

the catechism classes and she got me into Saint Teresa’s.
RR:

How did you get into Saint Michael’s?

Because you got into

Saint Michael’s thing and I -JJ:

No, no, no.

Saint Michael’s was [00:39:00] my mother was

working with the Caballeros of San Juan -RR:

Caballeros San Juan, yeah.

JJ:

-- and there were a few students that were Spanish -- they
were Puerto Rican that used to go to Saint Michael’s but
very few.

The rest were from public schools.

mother was doing catechism classes.

And my

But she would do it

for the Caballeros de San Juan and Damas de Maria.

But
38

�they had a big council on the three there.

And so I became

-- because I was an altar boy at Saint Teresa’s, I went to
the first Spanish mass there.

Because their whole thing

was to give Spanish mass.
RR:

Right.

It can --

JJ:

And they were -- they achieved that at Saint Teresa’s and
Saint Michael’s.

And I became like one of the first altar

boys at Saint Michael’s for the Spanish mass.

So that was

my badge of honor to do that.
RR:

Yeah, because that’s a part of you I never knew.

I knew

you were doing [00:40:00] stuff at Saint Michael’s but I’m
going, “Why is he going all that far?” with Saint Teresa’s?
JJ:

That’s because my mother was working there.
the catechism classes.

She was doing

And she would put in the stuff from

like the priesthood and put together.
RR:

Yeah, I know.

Remember the priest that took you and me up

to [Donaldson, Wisconsin?]?
JJ:

What do you mean?

RR:

Oh, God.

I don’t remember the whole thing but --

I don’t know.

At some point or another, you and

I got together when we were talking about what we were
going to do about changing the world.
JJ:

What do you mean?

What were we talking about?

RR:

How things had to change.

We can’t keep up with -- it was

the time of Vietnam War.

It was also the time of Missiles
39

�Remember Anne’s class, we were --

of October.
JJ:

Was it history in Anne’s -- that’s about the eighth grade.

RR:

Eighth grade, yeah.

JJ:

So we were talking political --

RR:

Seventh and eighth grade, we were already talking politics
about how --

JJ:

Are you sure?

Are you serious?

RR:

Oh, I’m dead serious.

JJ:

I don’t remember it.

RR:

Oh, I do.

JJ:

What do you remember?

RR:

What I remember mostly is we would have -- and this was the

I do.

other Sister, Hermann Joseph that’s a -- [00:41:00] You
were an altar boy, I was an altar boy.

We’d always take

the early masses because that way, we could (laughs) we
wouldn’t have to show up at noon.
JJ:

What would we do?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

What could we do if we took the early masses?

RR:

Well, if you take the early masses, you don’t get assigned
the ten and eleven o’clock mass on a Sunday which ruins
your Sunday.

JJ:

Oh, okay.

RR:

And then also if you got the 6:00, 6:30 during the week,
40

�you didn’t have to go to mass for class.
JJ:

So you were pretty good at that because I remember I was
just following you.

RR:

Oh, God.

That was -- I remember that.

Good God.

JJ:

So you used to take the early masses?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

But I used to take the early masses because I felt bad that
sometimes, the other altar boys wouldn’t show up.

RR:

Well, that was a big problem and then that’s why Father
loved us because you’d take the early masses?
are nuts.

But I preferred the early masses.

These guys
I always did.

And somewhere along the line, we were -JJ:

What was his name?

RR:

Oh, God.

Father what?

[Father Brown?] was there for a while.

remember Father Brown.
later on.

I

[00:42:00] [Father Obi?] was there

There’s one in there I’m missing.

remember most of all is [Father Headley?].

The one I
He was the

Hispanic-speaking priest.
JJ:

He was there?

RR:

He was there later, much later.

JJ:

(inaudible).

Because he was involved with the Caballeros,

also.
RR:

Yeah.

He was.

He --

JJ:

I didn’t know he was at Saint Teresa’s, too.
41

�RR:

Oh, yeah.

And do you know he got kicked out?

Or he got

kicked into missionary work because they were beginning to
think he was a little too radical?
JJ:

Right.

RR:

And I thought --

JJ:

Oh, they say he was too radical?

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

(inaudible) think he was radical (inaudible) --

RR:

Well, he was rad- --

JJ:

Oh, he was radical all the time.

RR:

There was a -- one of the first times I -- when I was

I --

I didn’t know that.

serving mass for him -JJ:

You served mass with him?

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

Well, I might’ve.

RR:

Oh God.

I thought you did, too.

So he was -- he came in.

He was doing a Sunday

mass and I don’t remember if it was the 8:00 or 9:00.
was one of those times; I got a later one.

It

And [00:43:00]

he came in and one of the big issues we’d had at some point
in school and other places was having to do with some of
the civil rights stuff that was going on about whether
people were being treated fairly.

And since we didn’t have

a lot of Blacks, we didn’t have any Blacks almost, we
talked about other -- and how things had to change and
42

�stuff.

And that’s where we -- you brought up something

about, “Oh, yeah,” and I had been talking about the
priesthood, too.

And there was --

JJ:

There was a diagram?

RR:

Yeah, so you brought the CSSRs, the ones out of Saint
Michael’s.

And that’s one of the times and I can’t

remember if it was in eighth grade -JJ:

So it was in there when you sent me the name of the --

RR:

The Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer.

JJ:

Okay, I brought that up in the conversation or --?

RR:

Yeah, as part of somebody you knew and they were looking to
see if we were interested in going -- [00:44:00]

JJ:

To The Redemptorists, okay.

RR:

To Redemptorists, yeah.

And a priest said, “Hey, do you

want to come and visit the minor seminary?”

And you and I

took a ride with him all the way up there.
JJ:

So you went with me there.

RR:

Yeah.

We went together.

I got stung on the knee with a bee.

I remember that

that morning.
JJ:

Okay.

I remember I took a trip but --

RR:

And then The Servites.

JJ:

Was it -- oh, they were called The Servites?

RR:

And then there was another -- and The Servite came through
-43

�JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) recruited us.

RR:

They recruited us, yeah.

They came to school and talked to

us and they were talking about going to minor seminary.
You and I got -- “Hey, let’s -- you know, we could pair up.
We could have a good time.”
JJ:

You know, I remember a conversation about because I wanted
to be a -- to serve the priesthood.

That I remember.

it wasn’t -- to me, that wasn’t political.

But

It was just

like we needed to save the Latino (laughs) community or
something.
RR:

Yeah.

That eventually became a --

JJ:

But that’s what you mean by save the world.

RR:

Yeah.

The world was where we lived and what we knew.

The

Latino community was you, me, and -JJ:

[00:45:00] I was interpreting it differently than I
would’ve interpreted it today.

RR:

Yeah.

You, me, and Glenn Messa.

And Glenn Messa was Cuban

and he thought that Puerto Ricans and Mexicans were below
(laughs) his dignity.

And he didn’t even speak Spanish.

So that was it.
JJ:

I didn’t know as a kid (inaudible) -- we had all
(inaudible).

We had a whole connection with it.

RR:

Yeah.

So Father Headley is starting mass.

JJ:

(inaudible) -- so if Father Headley was there, you served.
44

�I must’ve served, too, because -RR:

You did.

JJ:

-- we were there at the same time.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

I remember [Father Hoffmann?] (inaudible) because for some

Because you and I stopped serving probably --

reason -RR:

Oh, Hoffmann, yeah.

The guy --

JJ:

That’s why --

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

I had a lot of respect for him.

But he had -- he kind of -

- later on, it felt like distance when the Young Lords came
out.

And he didn’t support us.

RR:

Oh, yeah.

I remember --

JJ:

Because I remember walking into the church one day and he
was talking against me.

And I had a -- like get -- trying

to raise money for my bond and [00:46:00] I had no way to
get bonded out.

And I walked in there and he was like,

“Are you sure we should trust him getting him out?
he doesn’t pay back or --?”
I was there.

What if

So then, he turned around and

But I respect that (inaudible).

But he did

support us (inaudible).
RR:

Yeah, Headley basically told the people that came in --

JJ:

He doesn’t care, either.

RR:

Yeah, I know.

(laughs)

Headley came in and he was saying mass and
45

�he had been around.

And he -- here’s his -- the eight

o’clock mass is where all the -- most of the people came.
You got plenty of other people in the other but -- and he
gets up and he goes, “I’m ditching today’s sermon,” he
says.

“I’m looking at you guys.

How dare you come into

this place of worship when you’re doing --” and he started
listing things like being racist, offensive talking,
cheating.

He says, “You guys come in here.”

He says,

“Clean that up before [00:47:00] you come in.”
“Oh, my God.

I’m going,

He sounds like you, me, and what we’ve been

talking about for so long that needs to change.”
JJ:

Mm-hmm.

This is Headley Father.

RR:

Yeah, this is Headley.
are wide open.

Yeah.

The people were like mouths

I’m like, “Go for it!”

(laughs) The one --

Father Brown is the one and I like Father Brown.

But we

were in the middle of Vietnam War and we -JJ:

So when I -- are you saying I was talking like this, too,
or --?

RR:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

We were talking like that.

RR:

I was talking like that, you were talking like that.

JJ:

We were both talking like that about changing the world in
that sense?

RR:

Yeah, in sense that we need -46

�JJ:

This is pre-Young Lords before I got into the political
arena.

RR:

To me, my dad’s always been a political animal.

So even

though -JJ:

Your dad was a political animal like that?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

What’s your dad’s name again?

RR:

[Ricardo?].

JJ:

Ricardo (inaudible).

RR:

[Guadalupe?].

JJ:

So he was a political animal?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

(inaudible) --

RR:

He was very much seeing that the world, the government,

And he --

Yeah.

And --

[00:48:00] the social things should be different.
JJ:

Where does that (inaudible)?

RR:

Oh, God.

Him?

Dad was a quasi-philosopher and he grew up

during the persecution of the Catholic church in Mexico.
And he was put in a seminary almost as an orphan for a
number of years.

And he came out with this kind of

philosopher’s bent.
Socialist.
JJ:

Hm.

RR:

Yeah.

He saw things very much as kind of a

And he didn’t see the --

(inaudible) Socialist?

For socialism?

He -- he needs to be an equality of things.

And he
47

�always saw that things could be better but it’s not going
to get better if we keep doing the dumb things we’re doing.
So Dad would preach a lot to us.

And --

JJ:

[00:49:00] And their siblings are -- what are their names?

RR:

Oh, my sister is Rosalia.

And my next one would be

Rebecca, and then there’s Reynaldo, and my littlest one is
-- I got to not call her -- her name is Sochi.
JJ:

So three girls and --

RR:

Three.

JJ:

Same in my family.

RR:

Yeah.

Yeah, yeah. Yeah.

And we all --

There was three girls and I so --

Well, it was -- I mean, there’s 11 years’ difference

between my little sister and me.

And I -- Ma got kind of

sick there for a while so I was doing a lot of the familytype stuff because Dad had to go to work.

But yeah, yeah,

there was always an issue in our family of community
service and I became an altar boy at Saint Joe’s.

And so I

had been so -- [00:50:00] [Sister Hilda?], Sister Hilda,
fourth grade is where -- when I started -JJ:

You mean at Saint Teresa’s.

RR:

At Saint Teresa’s, yeah.

JJ:

You were not an altar boy at Saint Joseph’s.

You were

there, too?
RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

But you were already an altar boy.
48

�RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

So you were already (inaudible).

RR:

I was ready for anything, yeah.
was pretty religious.
way.

So when we (inaudible) -I would even -- yeah, I

I still am today but in a different

And so the issues from a political point of view was

always that things could be better.

And one of the big

things that was impacting to me and always did was the idea
of racism.

Because if we had Black kids in the house or in

the yard playing, the neighbors would go nuts.

And my

mother would say basically, “Look: as long as they behave,
they stay here.

You can’t keep your mouth shut, you leave

because I won’t have any of that.”

So Ma was always -- so

we had all [00:51:00] sorts of kids.

And the German kids

if they wanted to come over, the Italian kids could.
no racist stuff.

But

The minute it started, she’d be out there

going, “You need to leave.

You can’t behave that way.”

for me, I had a broader view from the get-go.

So

And with a

dad who was constantly saying, “We need a fair wage.

We

need to have unions or we need things that --"
JJ:

He used to talk about workers’ rights.

RR:

Yeah, workers’.

JJ:

He was a Socialist.

RR:

Yeah, exactly.

JJ:

I didn’t know that.

That’s all he ever did.
That’s what I understand.

But I didn’t know anything about that.
49

�When we were hanging out together, we -RR:

It was sports and philosophy most of the --

JJ:

Sports and philosophy mostly (inaudible).

RR:

Yeah, that’s what it was most of the time.

JJ:

But we were talking about wanting to get into the
priesthood.

RR:

Yeah, because we were going to serve.

JJ:

I mean, did we talk about -- have those conversations or -?

RR:

Yeah, we talked about going -- in fact --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

RR:

-- at one point, the most I remember is out of eighth grade
because we were -- the question was whether we were going
to go.

[00:52:00] And which one?

Redemptorists or The Servites?

Was it going to be The

And we were tending toward

The Servites because they were going to give us a free ride
and neither one of our parents could afford it.
of us were service-oriented.
what do you want to do?”

And both

And we talked about, “Well,

“Well, first we got to get

through this thing.”
JJ:

What do you mean service-oriented?

RR:

Service-oriented.

We tended to do things for people.

We

tended to -- you have a thing that I don’t have which is
charisma.

I don’t -- I’ve never had charisma.

I was kind
50

�of different but -JJ:

What do you mean I had charisma and you didn’t?

RR:

When you talked about something, people could stand there
and listen to you.
got a point.”

And they would go, “Oh, yeah, the guy’s

can’t talk.”

Me, I’d do that and they’d say, “The guy
So you had a certain -- when we needed

[00:53:00] a baseball team together, you could get one
together faster than we could.
JJ:

But it sounds like a community organizing.

RR:

Hey, that’s okay.

W. Thurman taught me some of that.

It

took me until I was in high school and college to learn
those traits.

You had them so -- [Jeff Williams?] is

another guy who I learned from and that was in college.
But it -- we were more community.

We need to change

things, we needed to -- and the priesthood seemed like a
logical way to go.

And what -- the first thing that went

to hell was -JJ:

I do remember wanting to be like the first priest because
that’s what the [Retemptors?] were saying.

We don’t have

any Latinos priests -RR:

Mm-hmm.

We don’t have no Latinos, we don’t have anybody

who can -JJ:

See, I wanted to be the first.

Be the first, just you and

I.
51

�RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

But I wanted to be the first priest.
(inaudible).

So my only first that

But you were -- wanted the same thing.

[00:54:00]
RR:

Oh yeah.

I wanted -- having grown up how I did, I saw the

need to change the world.

JJ:

But I also knew I had to change

me first.

You can’t jump into it.

training.

And --

You got to get

See, you were more intellectual than I was.

I always

looked up to you because of your intelligence at that time.
And to me, I just -RR:

Hey, I’ve gotten stupider.

(laughter) As the years have

gone on, it’s gotten worse.
JJ:

I think it’s just part of it.

I got to learn from you.

RR:

Oh, no.

JJ:

But I had charisma and you had the intelligence,

I wish I knew what I -- then what I know now.

intellectually.
RR:

But we were going to go and then I’m not sure what happened
was we both applied to The Servites.

And we needed to get

-- we got signatures from the priest, parish priest, and we
needed something from Sister Anne.

And [00:55:00] as best

as I can remember, Sister Anne and the priest would not
sign yours.
JJ:

Right.
52

�RR:

The impression I got and I’m trying -- because I never got
the story straight because it ended right there.

The way I

got it was that your Ma owed Sister Anne or the school some
money for your tuition.

And since she hadn’t paid it off,

Sister withheld her signature.

And then the story with the

priest and I don’t remember which priest it was at the
time.

But they wouldn’t send it -- sign it to you because

they said that they couldn’t determine that your mother and
father were married at the time you were had so they -- you
couldn’t be a priest anyway.
“That’s wrong.”
couldn’t get in.
going in.”

Because -- and I went,

And then it was done.

It was like you

“Well, if you’re not going in, I ain’t

And at [00:56:00] that point, it was the end of

eighth grade and I still thought about going.

But I

figured, “Well, I can always go to the academy, pick up the
stuff, and then leave after the academy and go on.”

But it

didn’t work out that way.
JJ:

Now, we did owe her some money.

RR:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

That’s true because I -- in fact, I was -- I started
selling those candy bars because I felt guilty I hadn’t
actually --

RR:

Oh, I remember those.

JJ:

-- switch places selling the candy bars because I felt bad
53

�that we didn’t have the money.
RR:

Nobody did.

JJ:

But one of the other reasons that -- the problem was that I
started (inaudible), too.

It was snowing and we started

playing around throwing snowballs at the (inaudible) -RR:

Oh, the snowball incident where somebody got hit.

JJ:

Yeah, and the priest was coming out of the -- he saw that.
He was on the bus.

So he saw the person get hit or

something like that so he knew about -- he heard about the
snowball.
RR:

Oh yeah, I had forgotten about that.

JJ:

So I guess that was the [00:57:00] broke the camel’s back.
The --

RR:

But see, to me, that was all wrong and that’s the wrong
reason.

I mean, you have two eager kids who are willing to

go to the edges of hell and you suddenly cut them off?
I’m going, “I’m not going by myself here.

And

We need a team,”

you know.
JJ:

Because we got suspended and we (inaudible) for throwing
snowballs at the -- I mean, we apologized (laughs)
(inaudible) --

RR:

It didn’t do any good.

JJ:

It didn’t do any good, either.
so (inaudible).

But we also owed them money

But you recall that?
54

�RR:

I remember the money thing.

And I remember the, now that

you bring it up, the snowball thing.

God.

JJ:

So that was the big gossip at the school?

RR:

No, actually, I got it from my mom.
my Ma.

I got it mostly from

Again, being intellectual, you tend to knock things

out that -- so it was sad.
JJ:

But I didn’t know you quit because I --

RR:

No, I had nobody to --

JJ:

Because we were pretty tight, we were pretty tight.

RR:

We were pretty tight there.

JJ:

[00:58:00] We were tight friends.

RR:

And it was that summer that we went totally because I had
to work full-time and I got a job at UPS.

JJ:

Oh, really?

RR:

And then after that didn’t pan out, it was brutal. I worked
at Schwinn.

And it was like you got to be there at seven

o’clock, you get home at 4:00, you’re beat to hell.

I

mean, working on the assembly line.
JJ:

So I remember --

RR:

And at that point, you were gone.

JJ:

And then they had a graduation party and I wasn’t invited
was another incident.

RR:

I didn’t go to that, either.

(laughs)

JJ:

You didn’t go to that -- you weren’t invited, either?
55

�RR:

(laughs) No, I don’t think so.

JJ:

So I don’t think you’re -- I don’t think you’re wanted as a
Spanish-speaker.
walking around.

But I found out about it because I’m
By that time, I went from wanting to be a

priest to wanting to be the best gang member, right?
(laughs)

Because --

RR:

Social organizer, yeah.

JJ:

That’s why I went into the Young [00:59:00] Lords gang,
basically.

So I was kind of in between at that point.

But

the priests, they were not necessarily completely
(inaudible).

But I think that they were -- they were a

little unrepresented.
RR:

Oh, no.

I to this day.

But again, here’s what wisdom

comes with age.
JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) -- but I was changing -I changed.

I mean, a few incidents kind of changed me.

I

mean, during that summer was -- I went to jail two or three
times.

That summer, I ended up getting deported.

RR:

Really?

JJ:

Yeah, I got sent to Puerto Rico on the plane.

RR:

Oh, God.

JJ:

Because --

RR:

I knew you were in trouble, but I -- we didn’t see each
other anymore.
56

�JJ:

-- I had some -- (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) it went
downhill from there, from that point.

RR:

And then we went -- at that point, it was like --

JJ:

Because I couldn’t afford to go to Catholic high school.

I

had to go to Waller.
RR:

Yeah.

You know what was paying my Catholic high school was

working.

Because my dad wasn’t making any money [01:00:00]

and Ma was staying home with the kids, so yeah.

And then

when we were talking before, you were asking why I didn’t
get involved with the gang.

Because I was too busy trying

to make money so that I could go to school.

And then also,

I was thinking, “What am I going to do when I get out of
high school?”
JJ:

But you know, you mentioned one time before walking through
the neighborhood and feeling --

RR:

Well, once I knew you and I didn’t care whether you were in
a gang or not, and we talked even a couple of times and you
already told me you were looking at different -- And I
wasn’t quite sure what it was.
couple of the guys.

And you introduced me to a

I don’t even remember their names.

mean, it was like a one-, maybe two-time thing.

I

And then

they were all real friendly and it was almost a reassuring
thing because I would see some of them every so often and
say, “Hey.”

And you felt like what we talked about early
57

�on that walking -- first of all, I was older.
Second of all, somebody’s got my back.

[01:01:00]

We had a

conversation and I don’t remember when it was.

I don’t

know if it was the following year or if it was that summer.
And you were deciding that this was the route you were
going to take and I think you were telling me that that’s
what it was.

And I kind of said, “Uh,” and you said, “Hey,

you need to be a college boy.”

And I kind of -- that’s the

first time that I heard that term and I have no idea where
it came from.
need to do.”

But it was like, “Yeah, maybe that’s what I
And I guess that year was really critical for

both of us because at that point, I said, “Okay.
going to go that route.”

We’re

I think if I can be -- it turns

out, by the way, I was the first Hispanic to get a master’s
degree at DePaul University.
JJ:

Oh.

Congratulations.

RR:

Well, you know, I didn’t know until two years after I
graduated.

That’s how --

JJ:

[01:02:00] So you went to DePaul University.

RR:

Yeah.

And long, strange story about that one.

But anyhow,

I got a scholarship and what the scholarship didn’t pay, I
could draw from -- and Mom saved all the money I made so
some of it went to the household.
went to college funds.

Some of it -- all it

And then I continued to work.

So
58

�the reason I can retire and have Medicaid even now is
because most of that, not because of this.
JJ:

But you thought you would walk through the neighborhood and
now you feel a little comfortable --

RR:

Oh yeah.

Because I knew the guys.

JJ:

And then they got -- there was more Spanish people.

RR:

There was a lot more Spanish people.

JJ:

That didn’t even do no good or --?

RR:

Well, a lot of it did.

I didn’t --

I never had problems with any of

the Spanish-speaking people.

It didn’t matter what they

were.

Because it was like it was in a way, a familiar

face.

And another thing is that every so [01:03:00] often,

we -- we didn’t do it -- most of the time, we spoke in
English.

But every so often, we’d go Spanish.

There’s

something very comforting about speaking Spanish with
someone; It’s like a common link.

So that it doesn’t

matter whether you’re Puerto Rican or whether you’re
Guatemalan or Honduran.

If you speak the same language,

it’s kind of a common bond.

That’s the way I felt.

Also

we were getting more people and then people weren’t making
fun of my mom’s pozole because now, everybody was having
pozole.

And you didn’t have to make fun of me for pasteles

because I thought they were cakes.
forget that.

(laughter) I’ll never

That was awesome because we learned from each
59

�other.
JJ:

When was that?

(inaudible) --

RR:

You and your mom invited me over.

And I said, “Well,

should I bring something or something?
having for food?”

Or what is she

“Oh, she’s going to have some pasteles.”

[01:04:00] And it didn’t ring on me that it would -pastele in my dialect means cake.

And then we got there

and I was like, “Those are pasteles?”

“You got to open

them up and unwrap them and --” “Oh my God, that’s what it
is.”

It was a wonderful, for me, learning experience.

was like, “Wow, that’s what a pastele is.”

It

And your mom

made things -- arroz con habichuelas?
RR:

Right.

JJ:

I never heard of that.

And it was like, “Hey, that’s good.

It has a different taste.”

So I got a broader venue and

then we had people who were from different parts of Mexico
living across the street and they used to trade stuff with
my mom.

I’m going, “What’s that?”

to try it.”

She goes, “Oh, you got

It would be something new all the time.

So in

a sense, the link that didn’t exist before started being -we had things in common.
had a common language.
had some commonality.

We were all poor.

The second, we

Third, we had [01:05:00] foods that
And then at that -- right about that

time, we started having the first Spanish mass.

And then
60

�suddenly, all the Hispanics are coming out of the woodwork
and they’re -JJ:

So at that time, when you stayed there for Spanish mass at
Saint Teresa’s --

RR:

Oh God.

I’m trying to --

JJ:

Is that what you’re talking about?

RR:

Yeah, exactly.

JJ:

So I don’t recall that very much.

RR:

I’m trying to figure out the year.

JJ:

So you don’t remember the date.

RR:

It was a big thing because --

JJ:

Why was that a big thing?

RR:

It was a big thing for two reasons.
fabulous.

That was really surprising.

Was it (inaudible)?

One, I thought it was

Vatican II.

Now first of all, because it was an extension of
Besides turning the Latin mass into English,

now for people like my parents and other people who were
mostly Spanish-speaking, it -- now, they could go to church
and feel like, “What’d he -- what say?”

(laughs) No, no,

it’s [01:06:00] in Spanish.
JJ:

So did they feel like a victory or something or --?

RR:

Oh, they felt --

JJ:

(inaudible) and you felt.

RR:

I felt it.

I did, too.

I felt it was a great thing and I wasn’t used

to it so initially, it was very uncomfortable.

Because I 61

�- even though you can deal with, in the religious sense,
it’s a different story.

And it was -- it was kind of neat.

And it wasn’t too much later that Caballeros de San Juan
and las Damas started forming a chapter at Saint Teresa’s
and they took off from there.

Well, by that time, I was

already -- I was off doing my own growing up.
JJ:

(laughs)

So now, now you’re in high school and some of the people
from Saint Teresa’s also went to the Saint Vincent, right?

RR:

Yeah, it’s at DePaul University Academy was the actual name
of the place.

JJ:

It was a high school?

RR:

It was a high school, yeah.

JJ:

It was called the DePaul University Academy?

RR:

Yeah, it was --

JJ:

[01:07:00] Who were some of the people that went from Saint
Teresa’s?

RR:

Oh, Landini was there, [Timbo?] was there, I was there.
Who else?

John Glaw was there, Traum --

JJ:

Do you remember [Kuszczak?]?

RR:

Yeah, I remember Kuszczak.

JJ:

Do you remember him?

RR:

Yeah, he was a year ahead of us, wasn’t he?

JJ:

Yeah, exactly.

RR:

Yeah, he went there.
62

�JJ:

I thought (laughs) he was in a gang or something, I don’t
know.

(laughs)

RR:

Yeah.

And that was --

JJ:

But you recognized him.

JJ:

I’m trying to think.

RR:

But he was -- I know he was from Saint Teresa’s.

JJ:

Who else was there?
from Saint Teresa’s.

The other people -- Traum used to be
Lewandowski was -- others so --

RR:

Those are people you grew up with, too.

JJ:

Yeah, from (inaudible).

JJ:

So what was high school there like?

RR:

High school was real interesting.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

RR:

Oh, God.

It was almost an instant replay what we’ve just

been saying because early on, it was like I’m trying to
think.

There was [Castillo?], Rebollar, and [01:08:00] one

other kid.

There was like three Hispanic kids in that

class and it would be -JJ:

Rebollar was in there, too?

RR:

Yeah, freshman year in high school.

And then the rest of

them were Italians and Germans and what’s it called.

And

the guy that I got shacked up with because we had to share
a -JJ:

Did you meet [Angie Rizzo?] at that time?

Or no?
63

�RR:

No, no.

JJ:

She (inaudible) Rizzo, Angie Rizzo?

RR:

No.

JJ:

Oh, it was all boys.

RR:

Yeah, no girls.

JJ:

But she went to DePaul or (inaudible)?

RR:

No.

JJ:

No?

RR:

Never did.

JJ:

Maybe she went to [Grammars?].

RR:

Probably Grammars.

JJ:

(inaudible).

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Yeah.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

RR:

-- we had very few Hispanics and initially on, we got a

I didn’t have -- it’s an all-boys school.

No?

That would be out of the Saint Vincent’s school.

So anyhow --

little bit abused.

[01:09:00] But then again, it was like

we were all there to survive and they were pretty tough
discipline-wise.

So any time it got out of hand, they got

in there and then basically disciplined so it didn’t last
long.
JJ:

We also were -- started going --

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) -- where was this going
on?
64

�RR:

Dean of Men.

JJ:

Who?

RR:

Dean of Men, the priest.

JJ:

Every time they would come up?

RR:

Oh, God.

JJ:

So you mean they came with some (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible) --

RR:

Oh yeah.

They’d walk in there and [Rigacci?] is doing a

number on me because I’m a beaner.

He’d grab Rigacci and

smash him in the mouth and say, “That doesn’t happen here.”
And then he’d walk away.
JJ:

And this is the Dean.

RR:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

He’ll smack that --

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

That was his way of screaming?

RR:

Oh God, yeah.

JJ:

Because someone was harassing you at that time?

RR:

Oh, yeah.

And he would never -- he never looked at me.

He

just grabbed him and said, “That doesn’t happen here,” he
smashed him, and then left.
JJ:

It was a racial thing.

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

There was no doubt about it.

And then, “Well.”

[01:10:00] No doubt about that.

65

�RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

So you met all the other -- people were harassing the other
Latinos (inaudible)?

RR:

Yeah.

There was only three, four in my class.

JJ:

And they were all -- they were all harassed.

RR:

Yeah, at one point or another.

JJ:

So this is (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

RR:

Three of us got -- oh, yeah.

Two of us -- three of us --

So if it got caught -- if

they got caught, they got disciplined.
can’t remember his name.
remember.

One guy really -- I

I can see his face, but I can’t

himself.

He took it badly and he absolutely isolated
We tried to -- because we were -- and no.

would not.
through.

He

He hated everybody and he was going to make it
He did, he made it all four years, but he

absolutely had nothing to do with any of the students.
That was really surprising.

But the rest of us, we just --

I mean eventually, we wanted in.

I mean, literally, yeah.

They weren’t going to tolerate.
JJ:

So by the end of the first year, you were --

RR:

End of the first year I would say, yeah, I would say we
were the geeks and then there were the ones that were the
jocks.

[01:11:00] But everybody --

JJ:

What did that mean?

Geeks and jocks?

RR:

Oh God, geeks and jocks.
66

�JJ:

You’re (inaudible) --

RR:

Oh, we were the ones that studied too much and the jocks
were the ones that were -- the guys who played baseball or
football. And they had to study because you’d flunk.
got one summer to make it up.
get thrown out.

You

If you don’t make it up, you

They were really, really tough on

academics.
JJ:

Now, what year was this?

Do you remember?

RR:

Nineteen sixty-three.

JJ:

You’re talking about 1963.

RR:

Sixty-three, ’67.

JJ:

Sixty-seven?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

And then the neighborhood is still changing, right?

RR:

Oh yeah.

Yeah.

Sixty-seven?

At this point, it’s now going through more

dramatic change.

We’re having more Hispanics, more Blacks.

A lot of the people that we knew five years, six years
before have now moved out.

It’s --

JJ:

So all of the Italians and Irish and German --

RR:

Yeah, a lot of them are gone, [01:12:00] yeah.

JJ:

-- are moving out.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

And how did you feel about that (inaudible)?

Or were you

saying -67

�RR:

I’m a high schooler; I could care less.

I’m growing up,

I’m going through puberty.
JJ:

Okay.

RR:

A lot of the times, since we had -- since we were
socializing, we’d have to go to Immaculata.
Immaculata is up on Irving Park.
neighborhood.

Now,

I mean, that’s a snooty

Some, you know -- people let you know that

you were -- yeah.

And then if we want another one, we

might go to Josephinum which was on Oakley and North Avenue
roughly.
JJ:

So you’re socializing with the Catholic (inaudible).

RR:

Yeah, Catholic, yeah.

Because that’s where the major --

you know, and -JJ:

And [01:13:00] they got to divide it.

This is all over men

(sic), this is all under men so -RR:

Yeah, right.

But the barriers were starting to break down.

A lot of the barriers that we, that I saw -- I dated a
Black girl.

It’s like, “You’re kidding.”

“Yeah, why not?”

JJ:

Who was asking if you’re kidding, your friends?

RR:

Yeah, your friends.
harassed.

It was kind of like, “You did that?

different?”
“Oh.”

But it wasn’t like you were being

“No, they’re just more tan.”

Are they

It was like,

And then that’s where I dated the Polish girl and I

got chased out of the neighborhood.

That’s who I’m
68

�thinking of the one girl who lived on Taylor Street where
she said, “Do not pick me up.”

(laughs)

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) Is this the (inaudible)?

RR:

Uh-uh, “We’ll meet you there.”

JJ:

Yeah.

RR:

So you date a girl and you can never go into her
neighborhood because you’re Hispanic.

And before, you

couldn’t even go into the neighborhood.
JJ:

But you didn’t -- did you have any problem with that Black
girl that you dated?

RR:

No, not at all.

JJ:

So you didn’t go in their neighborhood.

RR:

Well, she lived not too far from Josephinum.
Yeah, yeah.

[01:14:00]

It wasn’t a big deal.

RR:

So no one gave you (inaudible) --

JJ:

No.

RR:

-- when you dated a Polish?

JJ:

Polish girl, yeah.

RR:

Mexican dating Polish.

RR:

Oh yeah, it really was.

So that was a problem.
I -- my famous -- one of my famous

-JJ:

And she knew it.

“Don’t pick me up here?”

RR:

Yeah, that was the Italian girl down on Taylor Street.

Oh.

She knew that you go down there, not a good place for
69

�Hispan- -JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) races yet.

RR:

Yeah.

I mean today, I sit and I teach these students and

they’re -JJ:

You’re teaching?

Today you’re a teacher?

Is that what

you’re -RR:

Today I’m teaching, a biology teacher.

And I teach biology

and chemis- -JJ:

Mathematics is my worst subject.

RR:

Uh.

JJ:

(laughs) Just kidding.

RR:

But we -- the kids will bring up things like, “There’s all
this tension.”
kid.”

My worst subject.

I’m going, “You don’t know what tension is,

I mean, you’re sitting next to a Black kid or

[01:15:00] you know, but -- You would believe the story I
tell is back in about 19- -- must’ve been about ’56 or so.
Maybe it was even later -- ’60?

My parents decided they

were going to Mexico so we took, oh, Route 55 or 66 down
and we wound up in Little Rock.

And it was during the time

they were having some racial issues so they had National
Guard driving through.

And I remember as a little kid

going, “Oh, wow, look at all the trucks with the soldiers
and they got guns.”

And my dad had to get some gas and

stuff at a gasoline station so I got out and I walked
70

�around because I had to go to the bathroom.

And I looked

at the -- and there’s a sign that says, “Entrance for
Blacks.”

It didn’t say Black; “Negroes.”

Whites.”

And I’m looking and [01:16:00] this white guy

comes up.

He goes, “Whatcha doin’, boy?”

reading the signs.”
“Yeah.”

“Entrance for

I said, “I’m

He says, “Trying to decide?”

I said,

I said, “I’m not a Negro but I’m not a white.”

And the guy looked at me and says, “You better decide
soon,” and he went in.

So I said, “Hell, I’m not going in

there and I’m not going in there.”
bushes.

So I went in the

(laughter) I mean, I don’t know what these -- my

kids today would do if they were faced with that sort of
thing.

The stuff that you and I dealt with on an everyday

basis to them would be absolutely horrific because they can
date whoever they want.

They will get static but not like

we -- you don’t get chased out and have bottles (laughs)
thrown at you because you’re in an Italian, Irish, German,
or Black neighborhood.
JJ:

And --

You got chased out or we got chased out and bottles thrown
at us?

RR:

Well, how many times when we walked over to Lincoln Park
and we’d take [01:17:00] one of the side streets and didn’t
take the main street?

We had to literally run through

certain neighborhoods because kids would start gathering.
71

�You knew that trouble was coming.

You move.

don’t know if you remember stuff like that.
JJ:

You remember it well.

RR:

Oh, God.

I

I do.

(laughs)

And so today, the kids -- I tell them, “You have

no idea,” I says.
JJ:

Yeah.

“Things are so more positive.”

But then, we got -- or at least I got into the gang when I
felt a little --

RR:

But you know what was interesting about you getting into
the gang?

I saw that as an almost a social progression.

Because what you’re seeing is you’re seeing the civil
rights movement occurring and that was long overdue.

But

civil rights to me when Martin Luther King was speaking, he
was not speaking as a Black man, he was a universal man.
When he was talking about the universal rights of people
and it doesn’t matter -- it was speaking to the same things
you and I had been speaking about for years.

That it

doesn’t [01:18:00] matter whether you’re Puerto Rican, it
doesn’t matter whether you’re Mexican, it doesn’t matter
whether you’re Honduran.
equal opportunities.

It doesn’t -- you need to have

And when you’re successful, you

should have equal rewards and that wasn’t happening. So to
me, I saw that as a momentous occasion as we were heading - and who were we learning from about social community
action?

Jeff Williams, Saul Alinsky, a Jew, a Black, W.
72

�Thurman, a community leader which is an old grandma who
decided she was not going to have things.

And we were --

do you remember the lady who was the social worker in our
parish at Saint Teresa’s?

I’m trying to think of her.

can see her face; I can’t think of her name.
facilitated when somebody needed something.

I

But she
She

facilitated through the parish things that should’ve been
easily accessible for them.

[01:19:00] So to me, it was --

here's this wonderful coming together of a lot of those
things.
JJ:

So you said it was wonderful.

So does that mean now, you

don’t have to worry about walking around the neighborhood?
RR:

We’re at [Blackstone?], what was Fred Hampton?
talking about, “We need more clinics.
training facilities.

He was

We need more

We need to channel this stuff.”

This

is the same stuff you were talking about early on that this
is what we need.

We need to get together as a people, we

need to start creating these opportunities so that we can
advance.

The early stages of that were just absolutely

fabulous, but I -JJ:

But are you making the decision when we were a gang and it
became more political or --?

RR:

Well to me, after you became a gang, you became political.
You were political from the start.

You were Puerto Ricans.
73

�JJ:

What do you mean by that?

RR:

Hey, you couldn’t [01:20:00] have been a mixture because
nobody was getting along.

So you go with your common

ethnicity and then you recognize that the ethnicity extends
beyond.

So you -- what did you guys form?

The Rainbow

Coalition, didn’t you?
JJ:

Later on, yeah.

RR:

Yeah.

That was to me like, “Well, maybe this’ll work.”

Because you’re looking at Blacks, you’re looking at poor
white folk, and you’re looking at the people in between
which is the Hispanics, the Brown folk.

If we can get

together, if we can change what’s going on because there
were political issues.
JJ:

But I mean before that, way before that.

I’m talking about

when there was the Paragons and there was the Black Eagles
and there was the Young Lords and -RR:

But the nature of the gang was different.

JJ:

What do you mean?

RR:

Okay, so if you’re looking at the Paragons or Romo -- the
Romo, they were there to protect their interests in their
neighborhood and keep anybody who didn’t belong out.
[01:21:00] At some point, that’s where everybody else
started.

The Blacks started the Patriots, the Young

Patriots, and that’s where it all started.

But as a civil
74

�rights awareness became, I think there was more -- so and
the social background that you had already began to build
up yourself began to create the opportunity that formed
that coalition that would -- could never had formed if we
hadn’t had the things that -JJ:

Occurred before.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

So it was an extension.

And I had -So from the gang to the political

to the Rainbow Coalition.
RR:

Because if you’re looking at protecting your neighborhood,
after a while, you’ve got to start worrying about, “Joe
there doesn’t have any food.
fed?

How are we going to get him

Well, let’s get him a job or let’s get him to do this

or let’s get him,” you know.
JJ:

So that was unnatural.

RR:

It was unusual but [01:22:00] it was absolutely natural in
terms of what had come before.

And Fred Hampton was in the

same position except that he was in a different
neighborhood.

(laughs) And I know very little about the

Young Patriots except I know that they were on that Wilson
area and that was vey transitional.

I knew that there was

a lot of poor white hillbilly folk out there and I know
that they were having the same problems everybody else was
having.
75

�JJ:

But then we didn’t (inaudible).

McCormick, (inaudible).

All of a sudden, that’s in the newspaper and you say, “I
know they’re celebrating there.”

So how did you feel as a

Latino at that time when the Young Lords (inaudible) with
community presence?
RR:

Well, I’ll tell you what.
“Yeah, finally.”

It was like part of it was,

And it was two things.

One was the

recognition of the community needs [01:23:00].

The second

was validation of the role that your group was involved in.
And finally, because of the eventual cooperation that
McCormick actually did, I’m going, “Finally, somebody’s
paying attention.”

This is Father Headley 10 years down

the line saying, “Okay, now we need to do something about
this.

We can’t just talk about it in the pulpit.”

was -- in a way, it was like, “Wow.
- I wonder where this is taking us.”
this.

Neat.

So it

Where is this -

Unfortunately, it did

And historically what --

JJ:

Unfortunately what, later on (inaudible) --

RR:

Yeah, everything fell apart.

Part of it should’ve been

obvious to me at the time and it wasn’t.

It was a

political issue and it was a power issue.
JJ:

Okay.

What do you mean a political issue, a power issue?

RR:

Daily [01:24:00] controls.

How does he control the city

through the neighborhoods?
76

�JJ:

So you could see that we were fighting Daley and that, too?

RR:

Oh, absolutely.

JJ:

It was clear.

RR:

Oh, absolutely.

In ’67, it was dead clear to me because by

that time, I was already involved in the anti-war movement.
JJ:

Oh, you got involved in that, too?

RR:

Yeah.

I really heavily because a number of the guys I

graduated with were killed in Nam within a year after we
graduated.

And I’m going --

JJ:

And did you go into the military?

RR:

No.

Strangest story.

Remember when they went to the

lottery system?
JJ:

Right.

RR:

I got one- -- I think it was 119, 116 out of what, 225?

So

they’re going to call everybody up to, “Two twenty-five.”
And I’m waiting because I’m registered because I’m going,
right?

So a couple months go by so I actually went down to

-- and I said, “I want to be able to make plans.
[01:25:00] I’m 119.”

The lady looked at me and says,

“You’re not being drafted.”
I’m 119.”

“What?

They’re going to 225,

She says, “We don’t need you.”

said go back to school.

Gave me an A-3,

So I didn’t hesitate.

Went right back to school.

(laughs)

We were worried about my

brother for the same reason but he got a high number.

But
77

�it was -- I saw kids that came back.
wonder, “What a waste.

And you begin to

What a stinking waste.”

In ’67

when the Democratic Convention came, I had a couple
incidents happen to me that immediately told me that it
didn’t make any sense.

One of the local -- I think it was

a Presbyterian church on Fullerton used to have sunrise
services down by that museum.

And that weekend --

JJ:

Which museum?

RR:

The one on [01:26:00] Armitage and Clark.

Yeah.

I went

down there and I felt out of place because most of them
were older people, you know like we are now.
it was just an old, standard crowd.

(laughs) And

Some kids and maybe

about three, four of us that happened to be in there.

And

we’re sitting there and it’s the middle of services and
suddenly, I hear this pop.

And cannisters of CS flying

over our heads right at us.

And a bunch of idiots are

coming in.

Cops.

It turned into a race and the four of us

must’ve run that -- it’s about a mile from there to
Sheffield, dodging through alleys, through ca- --[01:27:00]
these guys were after us.

And they were willing to take

out all these other people that were innocent.
going, “What did we do?”

Well, we were young and we were

anti-war and that’s all it took.
Daley’s orders.

And I’m

And those were all

And we knew it at that point.

If I had
78

�any doubts, that convinced me.
his Red Squad.

Daley’s after us.

He’s got

He's going to be chasing us all over.

And

that happened several times to several other people and I
just never expected it to happen and it did.
“That’s it.

And I said,

Daley’s going to start -- he’s going to start

attacking these people that are --”

And sure enough, it --

over time, he used the sheriff’s department and he took and
basically take out the leaders.

They’ll fight among each

other, the thing will collapse.

And that’s basically what

happened.
JJ:

So [01:28:00] you got into the anti-war and so you were
talking about McCormick Seminary again.

And you thought

that that was a -RR:

Oh, that I thought was a high point.

It was extremely

promising because what I saw is if you can get the ministry
in, if you can get the archdiocese involved, and things
will change.
JJ:

But in the community, how did that (inaudible)?

RR:

It was very promising but it split the community in half.
It -- all right.

So you have those people that a lot --

see what’s going on and they’re hoping for some change.
And then you have the old timers.
old timers.

And I don’t want to say

People who have been living there and they

feel like they’re really invested.

And they see that as a
79

�really dangerous thing.
of thing.

Church doesn’t belong in this sort

What’s wrong with our community?

[01:29:00] the rabblerousers out of here.

That we need
And if the

Vietnam War wasn’t doing enough splitting, and it split
almost inside the lines, pro-war, anti-war.
JJ:

So it was splitting?

So this was a -- so the fact that the

Young Lords (inaudible) doesn’t exist.

They took over an

apartment and it polarized the community more?
RR:

Oh yeah, it did.

JJ:

But it was good on blending old versus (inaudible)?

RR:

Yeah, that’s not the way to get things done.

It was that

sort of thing.

It doesn’t

“Well, we tried the old way.

work.”
JJ:

So similar were people were for and they couldn’t oppose
it.

So they said that’s not the way to do it.

RR:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

So they couldn’t oppose it because there were some -because we were fighting for housing --

RR:

Mm-hmm, for affordable housing.

JJ:

-- for housing we couldn’t afford.

It was that.

And they

said, “That’s not the -- that’s not the right way to do it
[01:30:00] taking over a building.”
RR:

Right.

What they were talking about was the old thing.

You would go to your Ward committee man and you -- what are
80

�we going to trade for what we need?

And that was the old

way.
JJ:

So there was a discussion about that.

RR:

I’m sure there was. I’m not sure.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) Okay.
there wasn’t.

If there wasn’t,

But were you saying some people were saying

why don’t you work through the community?
RR:

Yeah, work through the old system.

JJ:

But the community men were the ones that were evicting
people like me (inaudible).

RR:

Yeah, sure.

JJ:

So I mean, but there were some discussion at the time.
(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

RR:

Oh yeah, there was.

And that occurred at church sometimes.

Sometimes, we got -JJ:

So, now we take over The Peoples Church.

No, before that.

Before that, there’s a march for Manuel Ramos.

Did you

hear about that or --?
RR:

I remember the name vaguely.

JJ:

Because that was at Saint Teresa’s, the funeral?

RR:

[01:31:00] Mm-hmm.

JJ:

Okay, so that was --

RR:

By that time, yeah --

JJ:

What else do you remember about the Young Lords?
81

�RR:

Well, for me, the one --

JJ:

(inaudible) --

RR:

-- they seemed to go more political as they started to come
down.

With you being in jail and Fred Hampton being

killed, the Young Patriots pulled up -JJ:

Was that being discussed?
main group in or --?

RR:

Was that being discussed in the

Or (inaudible)?

At this point, I’m not living at home anymore.

I’m

actually living up on Belmont.
JJ:

Oh, you didn’t tell me that.

RR:

Yeah, so it’s -- I’m not hearing as much.
hearing is I go home on Sundays.

Most of what I’m

And so by the time I hit

’67, ’60- -- I was out of the house by I would say
September at the latest of ’67.
JJ:

Oh, so you weren’t living [01:32:00] in that (inaudible)
and the Young Lords.

RR:

Even though I was going to school there, I wasn’t really --

JJ:

So what did you hear about that?

Did you hear anything

(inaudible)?
RR:

Most of it through school.

There was like a -- we’d

occasionally meet at a place called [the Coffee House First
Step?] and somebody would come in and they’d say, “Did you
see this?”

The Seed would carry something on that which

was that paper out of -82

�JJ:

The Seed?

RR:

-- yeah, out of Old Town.

JJ:

They distributed the Seed?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay, so the --

RR:

The Seed and there was several --

JJ:

-- I remember the Seed was for the people that smoked weed,
too, and that.

RR:

Oh yeah.

Yeah.

JJ:

So were you smoking weed at that time?

RR:

Oh, no.

No.

I was too busy trying to stay alive.

was -- I never got into that.

No, I

I never got into that.

A

little bit of alcohol, yes.
JJ:

But no other drugs.

RR:

No, no.

No, I never -- some of the guys did.

we formed a group that was to help people.
get -- you know, you’re in college.
drunk [01:33:00] out of his mind.

And in fact,

Because we’d

You’d get a kid who’s
One of my buddies got --

his girlfriend left him so he decided to get drunk.
got some pure alcohol so he got alcohol poisoning.

But he
So we

decided we’d form a group so we could -- what do you do
when somebody has alcohol poisoning, you know?
like a research group for the college.

Kind of

So that they’d --

if they had problems, they’d come in and say, “Hey, I think
83

�this weed is laced.”

I’d look at it and say, “Okay.

First

of all, it’s mostly seeds or it’s mostly stems,” I said.
“But it’s got a powder on there.
not mold or anything else.

It’s been laced.

That’s

It’s -- that’s something else.”

Sometimes, they laced it with PCP, sometimes, it was
something else.
that.”

And you’d tell them, “You don’t want to do

The funniest one I ever had was a guy came in and

showed it to me and I said, “That’s not even weed.”
said, “What do you mean?”
lettuce.”
it.”

He

I said, “No, it’s lettuce, dried

He says, “You’re kidding.

“No, that’s dried lettuce.”

I paid so much for

Yeah.

So you know, kids

[01:34:00] that are on bad trips, helping them down.
JJ:

So your mind is tame by that time.

You’re not anti-war and

all that.
RR:

Well, yeah.

JJ:

And why does it change?

RR:

In my head?

JJ:

Yeah

RR:

Oh, God.

What’s going on in your head?

I keep remembering Sister Anne and practicing

putting our heads underneath it.

The famous incident and I

think it was Sister Anne’s room where it happened.
doing the drill.
sirens.

We were

The Tuesday drill when they’d run the

We’d get underneath the tables, you’d put your

heads (covers head with arms), and I started laughing for
84

�some reason or chuckling.

And she came over and said,

“What’s so funny about this?”
JJ:

They had that at school or --?

RR:

Yeah, yeah.

And I said, “If those bombs go off, those --

this table is not going to protect (laughs) me from
anything.”

I said, “I’m going to be instant ash.”

said, “What’s funny about that?”
practicing?”

And she

I says, “Then why are we

So in my own head [01:35:00] even by eighth

grade, I realized that a nuclear attack was not something
that was survivable in our neighborhood.
just -- it’s sad.

It was -- it’s

That was really, really sad.

But at

that point, it was -- I didn’t see the rationa- -- I know
why we went to war.

And I know why sometimes you have to

fight because the environment tells you that.

But I wasn’t

seeing why we were over there fighting these little guys.
They’re not going to paddle across in a canoe and attack
us.

And I had read by the time I was freshman year in

college, I had read the Battle of Dien Bien Phu so I was
aware of what had happened and how we had gotten our -- And
I’m going, “Why are we doing this?

Why are we heading --”

And what I saw it as a loss of potential.

We were losing

these bright young men that were coming back [01:36:00]
maimed and dead.

And what are we gaining out of this?

was a little scary.

It

So as I go up, the idea of service,
85

�the idea of helping the community, the idea of what is the
function of government?

I mean, is it to serve or service

the people or is it to maintain a structure where they can
-- those are two different stories there.
I’m going, “Well.”

But in the end,

If they can’t do for me, I’ve got to do

something for myself.

So I’m doing what I can to help kids

who are on drugs because that seemed logical at the time.
And I’m also looking at -- I learned about the 110 rule.
And that basically if you’re a minority and you’re going to
succeed, you got to do 110 percent what anybody else does.
[01:37:00] And I was saying, “How was I going to do 110
percent?”
JJ:

So where’d you get this from?

This (inaudible).

RR:

Oh, I don’t know where I got it from but --

JJ:

Was it a school thing or --?

RR:

I think it was a part.

I think part parents, part

neighborhood, part a lot of things that we talked about.
But as you go in and suddenly, there are things that change
your life like you said.

One of the things was that

towards the end of my senior year in high school, I was
dating this wonderful Polish girl and we talked about it.
I said, “Listen, I’ve got four years of college and then we
can talk about marriage.”

She said it was a good idea.

So

by the time I was in -- the beginning of sophomore year, we
86

�were talking about two years down the line.

And her

parents actually took her and moved her out of Chicago down
to southern Illinois.
JJ:

Why was that?

RR:

And her father [01:38:00] and I had this interesting
conversation.

I’m still an idiot then, okay?

JJ:

Okay.

(laughs)

RR:

And she -- he says, “She can’t marry you.”

I say, “Why?”

“Well, Brown babies will have a horrible time in this
world.”
JJ:

This is her father.

RR:

Her father talking to me.
you talking about?”

I said, “Brown babies?

What are

He said, “Well, if you’re going to get

married, you’re going to have kids and you’re one of them.”
And in my brain, I’m going, “What is he talking about one
of them?”

He says, “You’re one of them.

those Brown people.

And if you and my daughter marry,

they’re going to have Brown children.
succeed.

You’re one of

They’ll never

They’ll have a horrible time in the world.”

And

I’m going -- and his mother comes out of the kitchen and
starts cursing him out.
JJ:

She heard him say that.

RR:

Yeah.

She says, “This is a good young man.

her.”

And that was the last conversation we ever had.

He’s good for

87

�Basically what he says, “You’re not welcome here.”
JJ:

Basically, he kicked you out.

RR:

Yeah, he kicked you out.
her name was [Kathy?].

[01:39:00] Yeah.

time.

So I said --

I said, “Hey, Kathy.

to go to college next year.

And --

You’re going

So go to college, get a little

If you need to leave your parents, you got me.

can do it together.”

Didn’t work.

We

So at that point in

time, I realized that -JJ:

How old were you then?

RR:

Oh gosh, how old was I?

JJ:

About 20 years old.

RR:

Twenty years old.

JJ:

There’s a lot of changes at that age.

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

Life changes.

RR:

So I -- one of the things was --

JJ:

So that affected you strongly.

RR:

Oh, yeah.

Sixty-eight -- about 20 years old.

Roughly 20, 21.

I’m going --

“I’m going to show you, you son of a bitch.”

(laughter) I said, “I’m going to get my degree, and I’m
going to do everything that I can be successful, and the
hell with you.

The world has got to change.”

The world

was changing and I didn’t even know [01:40:00] it.

I mean,

I was fighting my own personal battles and the world had
already started to change.

I mean, Robert F. Kennedy’s
88

�death and Martin Luther King’s death and Fred Hampton’s
death.

All the people that were dying were changing.

Because people were asking why -JJ:

You were familiar with Fred Hampton’s death.

RR:

Oh yeah.

JJ:

Were you familiar with Reverand Bruce Johnson or

Oh yeah.

(inaudible)?
RR:

No.

JJ:

In the church?

RR:

No.

JJ:

They got killed --

RR:

No.

JJ:

-- in the Peoples Church?

RR:

No.

JJ:

They were stabbed.

RR:

No, I didn’t know that.

I didn’t know.
Did you know?
Yeah.

See, again, at this point,

I’m separating and I’m going -JJ:

You’re not in the neighborhood, you’re not (inaudible).

RR:

I’m not in the neighborhood at all and I’m also --

JJ:

How are you familiar with Fred Hampton’s death?

RR:

It was first made the news.

JJ:

Well, that one had the trial.

RR:

Yeah, but even so, the early reports -- and again,
[01:41:00] this is the intellectual side of me.

I start
89

�reading reports, looking at photographs that they’re
showing going, “Uh, that doesn’t jive.
all.”

It doesn’t jive at

And then a lot of the underground newspapers carry

information.
JJ:

Were you reading the Seed?

RR:

Yeah, well, the Seed was -- there were several other
papers, yeah.

JJ:

But you said you were reading them because you were in the
anti-war movement, right?

RR:

Yeah.

And I’m reading about Fred’s death and I’m going,

“Holy mackerel.
JJ:

I didn’t know.

This was just basically an assassination.”
I was looking for -- I was trying to

recruit different people.
anti-war movement.
RR:

Yeah.

I didn’t know you were in the

It’s like we had been working together.

It might’ve been a different world.

But at that

point, after sophomore year, with the death of Robert F.
Kennedy, because I had some hopes politically for this man.
JJ:

Well, Kennedy was definitely respected by a lot of Latinos.

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

Everybody had little posters.

RR:

He [01:42:00] seemed to have the energy and the promise

I thought he had --

that his brother didn’t have.
JJ:

Did you ever (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

RR:

No.

My parents may have; I didn’t.
90

�JJ:

No.

RR:

But when he was gone, I started looking around going,
“They’re going to kill everybody who wants this change to
come about.”

And I said, “Oh, that’s it.

problem and that’s to make it.”

I got one

And I’d already been told

that I can’t make it because I’m a Hispanic, I’ve been -I’d watched good people -- I saw you go to jail for the
lumber incident.
JJ:

Oh, so you mean (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

RR:

Oh yeah.

JJ:

You didn’t know about the good part, only the --

RR:

Well, most of that was passed on because again, you have

I -- you didn’t stay out of --

the -JJ:

I know but what did you -- what did you -- what was your
impression?

RR:

My impression was there was some lumber that was going to
be used for something and it was something minor.

It was

[01:43:00] like -JJ:

It was going to be used for something political or --?

RR:

Political it was -- I didn’t know what it was.

JJ:

But it was something to do with the church.

RR:

Yeah, it --

JJ:

Actually, it was for the day cares.

RR:

So and then they were going to arrest you and throw you in

But anyway, so you --

91

�jail for 20 years for what?

Less than a hundred dollars

worth of lumber?
JJ:

So that’s the way the conversation went?

RR:

Yeah.

The conversation came through and again, my mother

picks it up because she talks to this other Hispanic lady
who talked to this Hispanic lady.
JJ:

So it was through the grapevine.

RR:

We got most of that through the grape- --

JJ:

Made the way on the grapevine.

And then they’ll put him in

jail and (inaudible) -RR:

Yeah, they threw him in jail and this time, they’re going
to throw away the key.
geez.

They’re going to try him and, “Oh,

How’s he going to --”

And at this point, I would

say -JJ:

And how did your mother -- your mother because she knew me?

RR:

Yeah.

She was like, “This is terrible.”

She saw a lot of

-JJ:

She did sound like a mother. She sounded like --

RR:

Oh, like a ma, yeah.

JJ:

That that could be my son.

RR:

Yeah, it could be.

JJ:

So she acted -- put that in a positive way.

I mean, she

was supportive.
RR:

[01:44:00] Oh, yeah.

Absolutely.

She was hoping that both
92

�of us would be priests.

(laughs) And if not, social

workers, you know?
JJ:

She saw me as a victim.

RR:

In many ways a victim.

JJ:

Not an aggressor.

RR:

No, she never saw you as an aggressor ever.

JJ:

She never?

RR:

No, no.

She never saw you as an aggressor.

She felt that

you had picked up some back habits along the way.

You were

drinking too much or something else and -JJ:

May I ask you is it just the wine he drinks sometimes?

RR:

Oh.

So and that’s probably -- and but this other stuff.

“The lumber,” she says, “But that’s unjust.”
JJ:

(inaudible) it was too much drinking.

RR:

Yeah.

It was too much -- yeah.

Because --

So it was just -- yeah.

So it was -JJ:

But we were also trying to prove that -- because this was
only a couple 2x4s and piece of plywood.
giving us the maximum which is a year.
us more than a year.

And they’re
They couldn’t give

But they actually -- they were trying

to give us more than a year.
RR:

Yeah, they were trying to give you a whole lot more.

JJ:

[01:45:00] They were trying to give us like five years.
They were trying to say that it was a burglary.

And we
93

�said, “No, it was outside.”

In other words, there was no -

RR:

There was no entry into a residence.

JJ:

-- (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) building entrance.
we actually had to try that case and we won that case.

So

lost because I pleaded guilty.
and everything.

We

And then I even (inaudible)

I felt guilty at the time.

RR:

I’ll tell ya --

JJ:

But we thought at first, it was a liberating move.
thought we were revolutionaries.

We

We were looking at them

bringing wood but when we thought about it analyzed, we
said, “No, we didn’t have to do that.

We could ask for

donations.”
RR:

But again, the whole point was that --

JJ:

But she was a supporter.

RR:

Oh yeah.

JJ:

The whole point was what?

RR:

The whole point was this: that we recognized that change

Your mom was a supporter.

was needed and no one was doing anything about the change.
And then that was [01:46:00] -- at that point -JJ:

So you recognize the change was needed and the Young Lords
were doing change?

RR:

The Young Lords were doing change, Fred Hampton was doing
change, that whole thing was promising.
94

�JJ:

So you were sensing --

RR:

Oh yeah.

And even though I was distant from it, it was

like, “Do I leave what I’m doing now and jump in?
I fit in?”

Where do

And I didn’t see fitting in so I saw my battle

was going to be at the academic level.
JJ:

Right so I’m thinking that I’m making change and I don’t
realize when other people around me are not changing, too.
But you were changing, too.

And we were --

RR:

Oh, we were all changing.

JJ:

The whole community was changing.

RR:

It did.

JJ:

Because what you’re saying -- I’m not putting words in your
mouth.

RR:

Yeah, the community -- no, no.

The outcome.

Even though

physically, it looked like failure, it changed how people
saw things, it changed how people thought about things.

It

changed -JJ:

What changed?

What do you mean, what, the actions I was

[01:47:00] taking?
RR:

You going to jail, Fred Hampton being killed.
things.

All those

You discovered --

JJ:

Okay.

So that was the nature of the change.

RR:

All those things.

The discovery of the Red Squad, the

discovery that, in fact, the Red Squad did exist and that
95

�they did tap phones illegally.

Those things slowly but

surely began to make people think about what was going on.
It didn’t change things magically.

The things that were

going to change it were -- I -- again, this is my point of
view.

I’m in college.

I’m with Black kids who were

struggling just as I am and they’re looking at this and I’m
-- we suddenly discover both of us the 110 rule.

Okay, so

we’re going to be the best chemists, biologists, doctors,
lawyers that’s possible.

And we’re going to show them that

a Black man can do just as much of a job or Hispanic can do
as much of a job.

I wanted to show that Polish guy the way

I’m going to be one of the best whatever it is I chose to
be and you missed out.
missed out on this.
point.

(laughs) [01:48:00] Your daughter

A very heavy driving force at that

Also realizing I was going to be one of the first

people to get a degree in my family ever.

So at that point

right about there, ’68, ’69, I split completely from the
politics and just went full-hedge into being really good at
being a biologist.
JJ:

Okay, so now you’re ’68, ’69 was a turning point in your
life and you said, “Let me go this way.

Let me go to the

school and be the best biologist ever.”
RR:

Yeah.

So here in real quick succession, I get out of

college, I get my degree.

I get a chance to get a
96

�master’s.

I pick up on my master’s.

During the course of

finishing my master’s, I run into a guy by the name of
Howard Bern from the University of California at Berkeley.
[01:49:00] He thinks I’m really good.
actually pays my way out there.
interview.

I invite -- he

I go visit, I have an

There’s a guy by the name of Talamantes.

got a -- a PhD candidate.

He’s

He invites me to start my PhD.

I finish my work in the spring of ’74, I don’t get my
degree until ’75, and then I start -- I go back out.
am I going to do?”

I’m done so I need to get away.

“What
I do

summer camp for kids from the inner city through Catholic
Charities.

And I’m looking at kids like you and me except

20 years later.

And I’m going, “What am I going to do?”

And I talked to Howard and he says, “Yeah, you got two
years.

You decide.

Take two years off and come on by.”

Well, somewhere in that span of time, I [01:50:00] needed a
job so they sent me to Pilsen.

And here I am again.

Here’s these -JJ:

That’s in the heart of the Mexican community.

RR:

Yeah, yeah, just outside.

JJ:

Yeah.

RR:

I got a Puerto Rican boss.

Yeah.

And you’re saying you’re there and -And he is telling me how you

need to teach, courses I need to take, bla bla bla bla.
And suddenly, you hit that stride and go, “I’m in the right
97

�place.”

I’m going, “I don’t belong in academia.

here working with these kids.”
1985.

I belong

So from ’74, I came back in

Pilsen.

In 1985, I started teaching, went right back to
And I taught from ’85 to ’93 or ’94 in Pilsen.

JJ:

You were there 10 years?

RR:

Yeah, I spent 10 years in there.

JJ:

And you were teaching what?

RR:

Teaching any science.

JJ:

Any science.

RR:

Yeah.

And you were teaching science.

So I was teaching [01:51:00] everything.

you can do it.
can do it.

And mostly

Forget about whether you’re Mexican; You

The whole message that I’d grown up with which

is, “You’re here.

Use the opportunity.

you’re not designed to be baby machines.
(inaudible).”

Don’t -- ladies,
You can be

So I got involved with DePaul again doing

school on Saturdays at college level for kids in Pilsen.
And in ’94, I had my -- in ’90, I had my kid and suddenly
realized I had to be a father.
JJ:

So how many children did you have?

RR:

One.

JJ:

You had one?

RR:

Yeah, I was only given one.

JJ:

How old is he?

RR:

He’s 22 now.
98

�JJ:

He’s 22.

RR:

He’s 22.

In fact, this year, he’s [01:52:00] a senior in

college.

So at this point, it’s like, “Wow.”

JJ:

A senior in college.
myself right now.

RR:

(laughs) I should be ashamed of

(laughs)

Well, I’m retiring in four years and guess what the plan
is?

I’m going back to college.

JJ:

Oh, really?

RR:

Yeah, there’s a couple things that I need to learn before I
go much further.

But basically, the reason I got back into

it is it played back into my social awareness.

Now, I

can’t change these kids but I can offer them the
opportunity to change, to see a different world.
and I got to see it later on.

That you

But they -- yeah, you’re

dirt poor, you don’t have anything, and you think you’re
dumb.

Number one, you’re not dumb.

opportunity.

Two, you’ve got the

It’s not money, it means take whatever chance

comes your way and utilize it to get out of -- because you
can’t stay where you’re at.

Education is your salvation.

JJ:

[01:53:00] And you, besides teaching, you had other --

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

I think that’s important that --

RR:

All right.

(laughs)

So this wonderful program that they had in

Pilsen works so well that they cancelled it after one year.
99

�So I went and taught in Catholic schools for two years.
After two years in Catholic schools, I got an invitation to
do education out of doors through Catholic Charities.

So I

spent the next -- so it’d be ’76 -- the next four years,
three years doing outdoor education with -- yeah.

So I was

up in -JJ:

In camp or --?

RR:

-- in camps, yeah.

So I did Henry Horner occasionally.

Very rarely, but which is a Boy Scout camp.

Catholic

Charities had Saint Francis in Libertyville.

Villa Marie

out in Pistakee Bay [01:54:00] and Holy Family in Saint
Joe.

So when schools needed someone to teach kids about

the out of doors, they would call me -- I was kind of an
administrator of the camp -- so and I would go out there.
“We’re going to spend a day in the woods.
walk through the woods.

Here’s how you

you do, get in the dirt.”

This is what you eat, this is what
A lot of these kids were

suburban kids but during summers, I would do inner-city
kids.

And I just love that.

That was a lot of fun, lousy

pay, and job security was horrible.

So that when the

funding was eventually cut and this was about 1979, I
hadn’t -- didn’t have a job.
a biologist.”

So I went back to, “Well, I’m

I can’t go back to Bern because the offer

has long since dried up.

So I applied to Illinois State to
100

�work in a forensic lab because I had all the
qualifications. [01:55:00] And they said, “You have all the
qualifications but you have no law enforcement experience.”
So I joined up with the police force so I was a policeman
for one year.

That was one of the strangest things that

ever happened to me.
JJ:

So you went to the law sort of -- so a police academy or -?

RR:

Yeah, I went to police training academy.

I was number one,

number two in my class.
JJ:

Okay.

RR:

So it’s -- it doesn’t take a --

JJ:

So a pretty good working person or --?

RR:

Very good.

JJ:

(inaudible) (laughs)

RR:

Oh yeah.

JJ:

Did you get a (inaudible) for a car?

RR:

Oh yeah.

Oh yeah.

And I don’t know where I got that skill.

(laughs) But anyway.

So I served one year there and it was

-JJ:

Now, were you working out of the precinct or --?

RR:

I was working out of a small town, 10,000 people.

JJ:

Okay, 10,000 people.

RR:

It’s sort of like Mayberry, I guess.

But it was a good
101

�learning experience.

[01:56:00] A lot of stuff I had to

relearn.
JJ:

So you were a regular police officer in a small town.

RR:

Right.

And then I was also an acting detective so I did --

I made robberies and investigations and I guess internal
investigations is required.

And right at -- right about

January of the year after I started, I got a call from the
state that says, “We heard,” somebody put me in but anyway,
basically what happens.
would you like a job?”

“We heard you got experience.

How

And it paid real well so I worked

there for four and a half years, five years.

I got sick.

JJ:

This was another place.

RR:

Yeah, this was the Illinois State Police so I worked for
scientific services.

And I --

JJ:

What was that?

What type of work was that?

RR:

It’s basically, you sit in a lab, you analyze rape kits.
Because I hadn’t --

JJ:

What?

RR:

Rape kits, mostly.

JJ:

[01:57:00] Rape kits.

RR:

Yeah.

Rape kits so you get the little kit.

It’s got blood

samples in it and then you check to see if it’s got sperm
and this and that blood types.
all that sort of stuff.

And I did hair analysis and

But I was -102

�JJ:

Now, hair analysis, was that for (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible) --

RR:

Comparison hairs.

No.

It’s like --

JJ:

It’s related to the rape cases?

RR:

Yeah, right, or criminal cases.

JJ:

Criminal cases.

RR:

So somebody would break into a store and steal something
and they left a drop of blood and some hair.
got a suspect.

So now they

Does the hair match the suspect, blood

match?
JJ:

Okay. So you did that four or five years?

RR:

Yeah, yeah.

I wound up doing a lot of crime scenes because

having been a cop and having been an evidence tech, I knew
how to do that and I got -- but I started out in -- here in
Joliet.

So I trained for a year and then there, they sent

me to Springfield, Illinois.

So I was in Springfield

[01:58:00] for a number of years.
put me in Maywood crime lab.

And I came back and they

So at that point, I had an

operation that put me on medication stuff and knocked me
out.

So basically, I had to retire and it took me about

six months, nine months to recover.

And them at point, I

said, “Well, I got to go back to what I was doing.
to get back to that teaching.”
JJ:

I got

And right.

Okay, now, you were at one point, you were supporting the
103

�Young Lords and the Black Panthers and they don’t see
police favorably (inaudible).
an activist?

But how could you stop being

Because you were anti-war activist and then

at the same time, you were supportive of the Young Lords
and the Black Panthers and that.

So how did you --

RR:

How did I wind up as a cop?

JJ:

Right, how did you put that in your head, justify
[01:59:00] that in your --

RR:

Oh, I don’t know.

JJ:

Did you even think about it or --?

RR:

Oh, I never thought about it. When you -- as a cop --

JJ:

Because a lot of times, that work in the service and cops -

RR:

Yeah, because what you do is get out there.

JJ:

-- (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

RR:

It’s a community service thing.
your head in.

That’s not my job.

I’m not out there to beat
My job is if you got a

problem -- I don’t know how many drunks I drove home.
JJ:

Okay.

So you looked at it as community service.

RR:

Oh yeah.

Sent couples in marriage counseling.

I mean, you

know -JJ:

Then you’ve been to college so that people understand it’s
-- part of it is it’s a job.

RR:

It’s a job.

My life doesn’t depend on it.

So the only
104

�time I’m going to be concerned -JJ:

I worry about it because I don’t know who’s going -- I’m
worried about it now.

RR:

Yeah, you pull a gun on me, that’s a different story.

JJ:

Oh, okay.

RR:

Oh, absolutely.

JJ:

Because I’m a great shooter.

RR:

Hey, only one thought is I want to go home tonight.

JJ:

I would never do that.

If I pulled a gun on you, I’m in trouble.
(laughs)

I would never do that.

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) -RR:

[02:00:00] Oh no, it’s a -- When I was teaching, I had a
young man who brought a 22 to school.

But it was a starter

pistol.

A counselor called him down and the counselor saw

the gun.

Called the parent, the parent came in, took the

gun from the kid, gave it to this person.
comes up and he calls me down.

This person

She’s knows I’m an ex-cop.

She takes the gun and she -- you’re sitting here.

She goes

like this (extends arm forward) -- she’s got her finger on
the trigger and she’s pointing the damn thing at me.
looked at it and it was all reflex.
hand.

I

I just about broke her

And she goes, “What the hell was that?”

I’m saying,

“Never, ever -- I don’t care who you are -- point a gun at
anybody and particularly, not me,” you know?
away.”

“Put it

And then when I opened it up, I said, “This is a
105

�starter pistol.
surprised.

It doesn’t (laughs) even --”

And she was

[02:01:00] But it -- yeah, now it’s -- that’s -

- I mean, how many times did you get shot at, José?

I

mean, think about it.
JJ:

A few times.

RR:

Yeah, I got shot at a couple of times.
you get real jumpy.

You just kind of --

And then when you get trained in what

to do, it’s -- but I lost a lot of friends.

I mean, there

were people that I had been communicating with for years
and suddenly, it’s like I write them or I call them and
it’s like, “We’re not available.
parties.”

No, we’re not having any

I said, “Look, like what’s going on here?”

And

then I was back doing biology which was kind of fun.
JJ:

So you had the (inaudible).

RR:

It was.

JJ:

(inaudible) --

RR:

One of my best friends Lewandowski was blown away.
could you ever become a cop?
did all these things.”

“How

You went through all -- you

I said, “I’m not one of those

idiots that’s tossing hand -- gas grenades at you and I
don’t want to beat your head in.
wearing.”

I don’t care what you’re

I learned that. [02:02:00] That’s what I’m

carrying with me so that’s what makes me good at what I do
because I have that experience.

I’m not going to make the
106

�same mistakes they made.

So that was pretty tough; I took

that pretty personally.
JJ:

I like that you said you could see it as a service.
Because I mean in socialized countries or communist
countries or whatever, they have no police force.
have no police.

They

(inaudible) --

RR:

But they’re used as enforcers, aren’t they?

JJ:

But some of those countries, yeah, (inaudible).

RR:

So anyway, in the end, I wound up teaching.

JJ:

They just got to explain because it’s so strange that
program.

(laughs) Yeah.

(laughs)

RR:

Man, it was --

JJ:

(inaudible) --

RR:

Yeah, we wound up in the same place, though, didn’t we?
And I think one of the things that’s interesting more than
anything else is what a roundabout way.
because I’m ending my career now.
going to do?

See, [02:03:00]

And it’s like what am I

Well, I don’t know but one of the things is

I’d like to work with some people.

And then I may wind up

just volunteering here and working with some of the kids
that need the help.
JJ:

Yeah, it’s kind of hard to retire.

RR:

It took me a long time to get used to white-bread America.
When I came here, there was probably less than 10 percent
107

�Hispanic and probably less than 15 percent Black.

And

these were -JJ:

And you said you’re here in Joliet.

RR:

Yeah, in Joliet here in Illinois, yeah.

JJ:

In Joliet in a high school.

RR:

In a high school on the west side which is the better side
of town.

And now, we’re more integrated.

one third, one third, one third.

It’s more like

And what I used to think

was that I’m trying to save the Hispanics; I’m trying to
give them that opportunity.
don’t have to do that.

And in here, [02:04:00] I

It’s really everyone because you

got poor white folk, you got poor Hispanics, and you got
poor Blacks.
JJ:

And the message stays exactly the same.

So this was -- used to be like a suburb.

But now it’s --

the suburbs are filling up with minorities.
RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

So far with minorities.

There’s that change.

In the

cities of Chicago, it’s the opposite.
RR:

Now, you’re starting to have white coming back in.

JJ:

Right.

Yeah.

So that they’re running the game thing either way

(laughs) from the perspective of the game, right?
RR:

Well, except that we --

JJ:

We moved and went in town, now they’re moving to us.
(inaudible) -108

�RR:

But we changed the world.

JJ:

We changed the world.

RR:

We did.

JJ:

We’re in the process.

RR:

Take a look at these kids.
Hispanic.

They can date Black, White,

They don’t run into the problems that we did.

They’re now talking about Obamacare as an important issue
and life.

And we’re still dealing with a lot of the

[02:05:00] issues about civil rights.

But now, we’re

talking about civil rights for everybody.
talking about for Blacks.

We’re not just

I mean Joe, damn.

Forty years

have changed and we were part of that.

You actually had a

bigger part than I did but it’s nice.

I don’t want to say,

“Hey, it’s great.

We did it!”

No.

We’re nowhere near

where I’d like to be but it’s a hell of a long walk from
where we were.
JJ:

And you feel that we contributed to it?

RR:

Absolutely.

Absolutely.

I don’t -- I mean, think about

just the ideas that you put out when the Rainbow Coalition
occurred.

I always hated the fact that Jesse Jackson stole

-JJ:

[02:06:00] Stole the leader.

RR:

Oh yeah, stole the leader.

JJ:

I think it’s (inaudible) --

Because I tell --

109

�RR:

Oh, it’s cool.

But I mean, I’m saying --

JJ:

But I don’t think it was the same concept --

RR:

No, I don’t think it --

JJ:

-- because we actually -- I think he’s trying to go to the
Rainbow Coalition but I don’t think he’s been able to get--

RR:

He hasn’t gotten the Hispanics in there.

JJ:

-- the Hispanics in there (inaudible).

RR:

He hasn’t gotten the poor whites.

JJ:

But we actually have that.

RR:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

We had a real rainbow coalition.

RR:

Oh, you did and it was amazing.
possible.

You did.

And the fact that it is

The fact that it existed for a while and then

went away changed the world.
JJ:

Yeah.

But it was a symbol.

really an organization.

It was symbolic.

It wasn’t

It was an alliance of people that

were already organized into organizations.

And that’s

[02:07:00] what was good about it.
RR:

Yeah, and would we be here today if all those things hadn’t
happened?
you.

I don’t think so and I don’t think it’s just

I think it’s all of us contributed a piece.

I think

-JJ:

The whole era (inaudible).

RR:

Oh yeah.

Because if I had gone back to Howard and become a
110

�great biologist, would I have impacted on as many kids?
One of these -- last year, I had a wonderful young lady
who’s been a real hard worker.
many kids have you taught?”
about that.”

And the question was, “How

And I said, “Let me think

And it comes out to several thousand.

If

it’s several thousand, let’s say it’s 5,000, and I only
influence one percent, that’s 50 kids.
JJ:

Right.

That’s a lot.

RR:

It’s a lot.

It’s a whole lot.

[02:08:00] And that’s one

thing that I don’t know how many -- I don’t know how many
half-dozen, ten teachers I trained to become teachers.
What did I teach them?

The first important thing is listen

to your students.

Where did it come from?

to bring them up?

It’s not -- you’re either a natural

teacher or you’re not.

What can you do

You were a natural teacher.

It

took me years to get and learn some of the things that you
had.

Which was the charisma, the facility with people.

I’ve never been terribly people-oriented.
JJ:

You learn it from the intellectuals.

RR:

That’s why we made such a great team early on and I think
we recognized that.
roads to travel.

But it was just -- we had different

My wife -- I love what she says.

on this road for a reason.
JJ:

(laughs)

“You’re

You may never know what it is.”

What’s your wife’s name?
111

�RR:

[Mary Beth?].

JJ:

Mary Beth.

RR:

Good Polish-Italian girl.

JJ:

Oh, is she?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

[02:09:00] So you married the neighborhood.

RR:

Well, yeah.

JJ:

Congratulations.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

How many years have you been married?

RR:

Thirty-one, 32.

(laughs)

Yeah.
Congratulations.

oldest.

I’m surprised we’re still married because I’m --

Yeah, yeah.

John Glaw and I are the

John got married when he was 20 -- 20 years old.

And he is one year younger than me, so he is 63.

So he’s

been married 43 years.
JJ:

Hmm.

RR:

So it’s -- it’s amazing.

JJ:

Do you see some of the people from your neighborhood
sometimes or --?

RR:

Very rarely now because a lot of them -- do you remember a
girl by the name of [Baldassano, Carolyn?]?

JJ:

Yeah, I remember her.

RR:

She just passed away two weeks ago.

JJ:

Oh.

RR:

Yeah.

Carolyn had a massive heart attack and died and I
112

�hadn’t seen her for a long time -JJ:

Does she live in Chicago?

RR:

She’s out somewhere in the ‘burbs.

JJ:

In the ‘burbs?

RR:

Yeah.

[02:10:00] There was a girl by the name of [Nancy

Roseman?].

Do you remember Nancy?

Lived right across the

street from school.
JJ:

I think so.

RR:

Skinny little thing.

(raises hand) Yeah.

She and I had

been buddies for years and she told me about Carolyn.

And

she said, “Oh, you got -- you and Carolyn,” because we were
in the same class.
JJ:

She lives in the suburbs, too, now?

RR:

Yeah, she was -- she moved out there 20 --

JJ:

Now, these are people that were later on.

You weren’t

dating in DePaul because that was a -RR:

No, these are all neighborhood people.

JJ:

You still kept (inaudible) --

RR:

Yeah, occasionally through my sister, [Rosie?].

JJ:

Oh.

RR:

Because she still lives there.

JJ:

She still lives in Lincoln Park?

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay, now, is Rosie the one that’s married to --

She’s on -- what street is that?

Seminary.

113

�RR:

[Lechaise?].

JJ:

Lechaise?

RR:

Yeah, Lechaise.

JJ:

Lechaise.

RR:

Yeah, (inaudible) drug store.

JJ:

Lechaise.

Yeah.

And it’s such a crazy (inaudible) interview

(inaudible).
RR:

Oh, God.

Good [02:11:00] luck.

JJ:

(laughs) Good luck.

RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Well, at least --

RR:

There’s old -- there’s lots of history.

JJ:

She can probably give me some --

RR:

Oh, yeah.

Rosie or [Doug?]?

She can probably give you -- she stayed into a

lot of -JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) I should interview her
more to meet her husband --

RR:

Yeah.

And then -- what?

JJ:

But anyways, (inaudible).

RR:

Yeah, I understand.

JJ:

-- (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

RR:

Yeah, so yeah.

It doesn’t matter.

This is --

Yeah.

There’s a lot of -- they can give you a lot

more pre-history because they lived there forever.
JJ:

Right, because they were there -- but I mean, you’re giving
114

�me the same history that I’m trying to find out the people
that were there before the Latinos moved in.

And then I

have to do some of the (inaudible) to just -- to tell us
what -- how the community changed as a result of
(inaudible).
RR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay.

RR:

Thought?

JJ:

What do you think -- what do you think -- what was really

So what -- any final --

important things about Lincoln Park that we need to tell
[02:12:00] your students and other students for the future?
That they should know of?
RR:

I mean lessons, I mean lessons.

In the end, I think one of the lessons that we could’ve
learned --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

RR:

-- and it was that we could’ve had a very diverse community
with a lot of contributing people because there was a lot
of intelligent, smart, energetic people.
were really successful.

A lot of them

Not in terms of money,

necessarily, but in terms of being people and influencing.
I don’t think I would have grown up -- if I ever grew up -to be where I’m at if I hadn’t had the opportunity
[02:13:00] of growing up in there.
important.

I think that was really

So in terms of a grand statement, it was a good
115

�place to grow up, but not necessarily for the reasons most
people would think.

It made us deal with stuff that normal

people wouldn’t consider normal.

But it also made us look

at our world in a different way.

I mean, you got McCormick

Theological Seminary there, you got a university, you’ve
got poor folks of the poorest kind, of all kinds there, you
got transitionals.
the Chinese say?

It was an interesting time.

“May you grow up in (inaudible)?”

Underneath, it says, “This is a curse.”
JJ:

Oh.

RR:

Yeah.

What do

(laughs)

(laughs)
So I think we grew up in interesting times and it

made us who we are.

I’d love to see the world change for

the better, though.

(laughs)

END OF VIDEO FILE

116

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&#13;
The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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              <text>Ricardo Rebollar vídeo entrevista y biografía</text>
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              <text>Ricardo Rebollar es hijo de una de las primeras familias Mexicanas que vivieron en Lincoln Park, en las calles de Sheffield y Clybourn, por más que 30 años. Después que José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez se encontró en problemas en Newberry Elemntary School, su mama lo saco de la escuela y lo inscribió en escuela Católica de St. Teresa. Señor Rebollar era uno de los pocos latinos en la escuela  y porque estaban en la misma clase se hicieron mejores amigos. Se pasaban los días hablando antes y después de la escuela y querían ir al seminario y luego ordenarse sacerdote porque sentían que era la única forma que podían ayudar su gente.   Señor Rebollar recuerda que juagaron juntos en equipos de softbol y otros deportes. También recuerda que los padres de su novia tuvieron más tiempo en aceptarlo por su origen nacional. Y como en esos días podía caminar por las calles de Lincoln Park sin temor porque los Young Lords sabían que era amigo de Jiménez. Señor Rebollar atendió McCormick Theoligal Seminary’s Occupation  y la escuela de St. Vincet DePaul High School en donde Afro-Americanos (quien eran apoyados por Young Lords) tomaron la escuela.   Señor Rebollar y Señor Jiménez no llegaron a ordenarse. Rebollar primero fue un policía y dice que “era un tirador experto.” Ahora es un maestro en la escuela de Joliet West High en Illinois.   </text>
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                <text>Ricardo Rebollar is from one of the first Mexican families to live in Lincoln Park, settling around Sheffield and Clybourn Streets and remaining there more than 30 years. Mr. Rebollar attended school with Young Lords founder José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez.  Mr. Rebollar was of the few Latinos in the school and in his class and they became very close friends.  He recalls the days that Lincoln Park turned more Puerto Rican and Latino and describes how he felt safe when he walked the area of Lincoln Park because the Young Lords. Mr. Rebollar first became a law enforcement officer and later became a teacher for the Chicago school system. He currently teaches science at Joliet West High School in Illinois.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veteran’s History Project
World War II
Delbert Rector Interview
Total Time: 1:06:57
Background
 (00:16) Born in Cedar Springs, Michigan in 1918
 (00:38) Lived with grandparents in Grand Rapids after parents got divorced
 (00:54) Father was a professional painter – painted cars, furniture, etc.
o Was able to keep working during depression years
 (1:20) Mother was a housekeeper
 (1:29) Mr. Rector graduated high school in 1938
 (1:34) Worked at Grand Rapids Cabinet Company, wanted to get into the drafting room,
but didn’t get to
 (1:49) Worked for Lear Inc. in the drafting room
 (2:34) Described a time when he worked at the gas station, he and co-workers drew
straws to see who would join the National Guard first
 (3:20) October 15th, 1940, they were mobilized after joining
After Mobilization
 (4:17) Went to Camp Beauregard, Louisiana
 (4:39) Slept in tents with wooden floors
 (4:55) Here, they were training
 (5:07) Was chosen to go to a school at the camp for training
 (5:19) Transferred to 3rd Battalion Headquarters Company, 126th Infantry Regiment
 (5:26) In the Headquarters Co., Mr. Rector was in the S2 section
o Later became sergeant of the S2 section
 (5:40) In the S2 section, they went on patrols, intelligence missions
 (6:11) Mr. Rector didn’t feel that adjusting to military life was hard
 (6:27) He liked military life better than civilian life
o Described living with parents separately; was a hassle
o In the Army, he was with the same group of people all the time
 (6:54) After Beauregard, they were moved to Camp Livingston, Louisiana
 (7:05) They still lived in tents, but they were on platforms and had side walls, screens,
fresh air, etc.
 (7:40) Was in Livingston during the summer of 1941

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(8:00) Summer of 1941, they were on maneuvers all the time
(8:13) Mr. Rector said he was lucky as the “Battalion Commander’s Chauffer”
o Drove a Weapons Carrier
(9:45) Most of the guys that joined the National Guard were younger than Mr. Rector,
who was 22 at the time [although there were men who had been in the unit longer who
were a good deal older]

Pearl Harbor Attack
 (10:15) Heard about Pearl Harbor on a Sunday afternoon
o On the radio
 (11:46) Moved from the camp in January of 1942 [left permanently several months
later]
o Sent to Ft. Devens, Massachusetts, but then ordered to the Pacific
 (12:25) Sent to San Francisco, and then to Australia
 (12:43) Train took them to San Francisco
o Housed at the Cow Palace
 (13:28) Mentions that they had weekend passes in Louisiana to go to New Orleans
o Went two or three times
o Went by bus
o Also went to Alexandria
o They went to bars in these towns
 (14:46) Stayed in state rooms on the ocean liner from San Francisco to Australia
o Never got sea sick
 (16:00) Went to Sandy Creek in South Australia
o Camped here
o This eventually became a POW camp, brought Italians here
 (16:26) Went on hikes in Australia, did a bit of training as well
 (16:49) Moved to Brisbane
o Got here by train
o Train was open on the sides
o Seemed to be an old steam engine
 (17:47) Set up camp in Brisbane
o They were in a big barracks
o Went on marches
 (18:38) From Brisbane, they went to New Guinea
o Went by LST’s
o They were very crowded on these ships
 (19:31) Port Moresby

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o One building; headquarters
o Camped outside of Port Moresby
(20:00) Remembers flying over the mountains in New Guinea
(21:15) Was supposed to be on a plane called the Flying Dutchman, but it was packed,
so Mr. Rector got on another plane
o Found out later that the Flying Dutchman had crashed
o Lost several men from the company
o Found out about this a couple days later
(22:30) The country was very mountainous
(25:08) As they marched towards Buna after flying over the mountains, they saw
Japanese planes flying over
o Started seeing signs that they were in a war
(25:31) At this point, Mr. Rector didn’t see casualties
(25:41) When they reached the area outside of Buna [the Japanese were dug in there],
they set up camp, Mr. Rector was in the headquarters company still
(25:51) Companies put in different areas
(26:25) Went on patrols almost every day – during night and day
o Disliked night patrols; hard to know where he was going
o Described a time where he and a captain were lost
(28:04) Once, they were going through the jungle and stopped on a path going out
o Japanese officer stepped out from behind a tree and held a gun to Mr. Rector’s
friend
o But the gun didn’t fire
o They got out, went back to camp
(30:38) Mr. Rector got malaria
o If a guy had a fever over 106, he was sent to the hospital, if it was under 106,
they stayed
o It was very hard to work with a fever
o Got dysentery, jaundice, even had maggots on his leg at one point
o They had quinine, which controlled symptoms of malaria, but ran out at some
point
o Not prepared to be in jungles; no training
(32:47) Mr. Rector said they learned later some of the “tricks” of the enemy
o Wasn’t right on the front lines all the time, because he was in headquarters
(33:26) The Japanese tried to come into the lines at night
o They didn’t get close to Mr. Rector personally, he was in headquarters most of
the time
(34:22) Was ordered to use a machine gun at one point

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o Had to crawl about 100 yards through kunai grass to get to L company
o In a pit 25 ft in diameter
o At the bottom of the pit were Japanese soldiers who’d been killed
(35:43) Mr. Rector felt that the patrols he went on helped their battalion move forward;
got the job done
(36:28) Over time at Buna they got more supplies delivered by aircraft
(37:20) For food, Mr. Rector remembers getting three kinds of C-Rations
o One had pork and beans
o Sausage links
o Beef
o And a disk of something
(38:06) Didn’t see a lot of Australians here at Buna, because they were in a different
area
(38:26) The Australian soldiers were well trained and very good
(39:00) Great reception from Australian citizens, even recently
(40:26) There were about 50 men from Mr. Rector’s battalion left at the end
(40:44) After Buna, they traveled Australia on R&amp;R
o Coolangatta, Queensland
o Stayed here for a couple of months
(43:04) Went to a hospital in Buna with malaria at one point
(44:48) After the unit was rebuild, they got on an LST, landed at different spots along
the coast of New Guinea
o Japanese were here, they drove them up into the hills
o When they landed on the coast, there were fire fights
(45:52) The condition here wasn’t different than Buna – Mr. Rector still went on patrols,
etc.
(46:24) Had different battalion commanders
(46:45) Commander at Buna was Major Irwin
(47:00) Mr. Rector remembers seeing the battalion commander almost every day
(47:12) Because Mr. Rector was in headquarters, he knew more about what was going
on in the war than the others in their battalion
(47:38) There were times at Buna when the fighting was very bad
(48:00) Mr. Rector said he never liked General MacArthur
o He said that MacArthur wasn’t trustworthy; didn’t know what was going on
o When they were in Australia on beach landing training, Mr. Rector was an
observer
 Had a telescope, looked over the coast

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MacArthur landed
A few weeks later, his mother sent him a picture of MacArthur landing,
saying “I have returned,” but it was him landing in Australia, not the US
o Very unpopular among men in the 32nd division
(49:55) Remembers Eleanor Roosevelt visiting Australia
o Didn’t enjoy standing in the hot sun listening to her talk
(50:29) At one point, they landed on Morotai, north of New Guinea
o Not much different than the other landings
o Same terrain, etc.
(50:58) One Thursday morning, Mr. Rector was loading the troops up to go to Luzon,
was on rotation
o Got orders to return to the United States
o Will never forget, because when the troops went up to Luzon, many were killed
in fights
(51:34) For each month, so many points were earned for service over seas
o Mr. Rector had enough points to go home twice, but now it was his turn

Going Home
 (52:38) Got on an airplane, flew down to Milne Bay, New Guinea
o Got on a ship and came back to the US
 (52:51) Went home on a troop ship
 (53:20) Weather got bad sometimes, but it didn’t matter to them since they were on
their way home
 (53:46) Remembers one ship that was going from Brisbane to New Guinea got
torpedoed
 (55:59) Once Mr. Rector arrived in the US, there was a month’s delay route
 (56:27) They went to Florida, then assigned to Ft. Sill, Oklahoma
 (56:53) At Ft. Sill, Mr. Rector was assigned to the communications section
o Sergeants reported to him
o At Ft. Sill, people were still being trained in field artillery
 (58:10) Mr. Rector was home by the time the Japanese had surrendered
 (58:30) Was home in the summer of 1945
 (58:54) Got married on May 12th, 1945
o Still officially in the army at this time
 (59:20) Knew his wife while he was in the service, but they weren’t engaged while he
was away
 (59:39) Mr. Rector went to work as a draftsman, made grinding machinery

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(59:59) Went to Lear, worked on aircraft accessories
(1:00:05) Left Lear and went to a different company and did design work
o Stayed here until 1980 and then Mr. Rector retired
(1:00:33) Mr. Rector said his time in the service made him appreciate life a lot more
(1:01:16) Mr. Rector said in the war they didn’t see a lot of Japanese alive, occasionally a
prisoner
(1:02:30) Americans got along with natives in New Guinea and Australia very well
o The natives would carry their packs
o Enjoyed cranking generators to send messages
(1:03:11) At the time, Mr. Rector hated the Japanese for what happened to Pearl Harbor
o These feelings carried on a little bit after the war
(1:03:50) Remembers when he worked at Lear, they had an office in Japan, and there
were Japanese workers
o One worker asked Mr. Rector if he was in the service
o The worker was also there in New Guinea; a friendly man, Mr. Rector said
(1:06:27) Mr. Rector was very happy to get home
o Kissed the ground when they landed in San Francisco

�</text>
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                <text>Mr. Rector was born in Cedar Springs, Michigan, in 1918. After graduating high school in 1938, he went to work and joined the Michigan National Guard. They were mobilized in October, 1940, and sent to train in Louisiana.  He was assigned to the Headquarters Company, 3rd Battalion, 126th Infantry Regiment. Early in 1942, they were sent first to Massachusetts, and then rerouted to San Francisco and sent to Australia. Here they trained for several months, and were shipped to New Guinea in September. Rector's unit participated in the attack on Buna, and remained with his unit through their later fights in New Guinea and Morotai, but was rotated home before the unit went on to Luzon in the Philippines.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 1]
FRANK BORING:

To begin with Ed, what were you doing prior to joining the
military?

ED RECTOR:

I was attending college, prior to joining the Navy at that time, I
was in school and I had tried to join the Army Air Corps prior to
that, which required 3 years of college and having failed that
physical, I went on and got 4 years and a degree, which was
required for flight training - Navy flight training and so I went
right from college with an interim summer job, right into flight
training at Pensacola in August of 1940.

FRANK BORING:

What made you want to get involved with airplanes to begin with?

ED RECTOR:

I was interested in flying from the day I was 12 years old and I had
an older brother who was in the Marine Corps and he was home on
leave and he said "young fella, the thing for you to pay attention to
and inquire about is aviation, it's the coming thing." So I started
thinking about it and reading about it and became obsessed with
the idea of becoming a flyer - an aviator. To the extent that I used
all of my money, what little there was, in buying the Battle Aces
the pulp magazines. I had a corner filled with these pulp magazines
and I knew all the airdromes, the type aircraft, the Aces of World
War I, and by the time I was 17 I knew what my future would be,

�or what I hoped it would be and everything in the interim was
directed toward that.
FRANK BORING:

What were you doing before you heard about the opportunity in
China?

ED RECTOR:

When I was selected for flight training, I went to Pensacola, I
graduated and I was one amongst the first two classes, 129C that
specialized. Prior to that there was a 17 month course and over 410
hours of instruction, but with my class of 129C and the earlier
class of 128C, two weeks before, we started specializing and I
lucked out and went to carrier duty instead of the big boats, the Pboats and Seaplanes. So I graduated, I was assigned to Bombing 4
of the Ranger Air Group in Norfolk Naval Air Station and I
operated with Bombing 4, that was later designated Scouting 41,
but in that interim we were doing exercises down in the Caribbean,
landing exercises and fleet exercises. And it was at that time, 1940
during the Christmas holidays, that we were back for - in port 2 or
3 weeks until we went back to maneuvering and for operations at
sea, and it was during that time that we were approached by a
Navy Reserve Commander and were told that there was an
organization being recruited to go over and help the Chinese
defend the Burma Road. Well Tex Hill had joined my squadron at
that time and we were very interested. We listened to his pitch and
we presumed that there was nothing to it, this was a pipe dream
and we went back to sea and he said I'll see you again when you
come in in March. So Tex and I went down in March to his hotel
room in downtown Norfolk and heard their pitch and signed up our
intent to join, that we were very interested. He said I'll see you
again the tail end of June and at that time you will be ready to be
released. And we still didn't believe that this was going to happen
and we came back and sure enough, the Navy tried to intercede
because by this time we were doing neutrality patrol in the
Atlantic, scouting out - flying 15 hours a day out on the starboard
bow and the port bow out 150 miles and back. And we were naive
enough to not know what the hell we were doing in terms of out

�there looking for surface ships and there was radio silence, and
then we'd fly back if we saw a surface ship and drop a message on
the deck of the carrier and it finally came to us that we were
looking for German surface raiders. So back to the point that we
were being released, the Navy hierarchy, the Commander knew
that things were brewing and they reluctantly let us go. But they
had to and that's what I was doing up until final release by the
Navy to join the American Volunteer Group.
FRANK BORING:

What did you know about China in this point in time?

ED RECTOR:

The proposal to go over and defend the Burma Road hit home with
me. Since I was 17 years old, I had read everything that Kipling
had ever written twice over and that fabled land, I knew that I
would never see it, but it was a place that I wanted to see. And here
I am being offered a fabulous salary - by salary terms of that era to go and see that fabled Kipling land and get paid for it. So it was
Godsend.

FRANK BORING:

What did you know about Japan? What were your opinions about
Japan at this time?

ED RECTOR:

As to the enemy, Japan, that we would be facing, I knew that they
had been an aggressor nation, that I was well aware of their taking
over of Manchuria, I was well aware of their aggression against
China, I saw the pictures, as did everyone, of the rape of Nanking.
I was very aware of their bombing of Panay on the Yangtze River.
I knew they were the enemy and that they were quite ruthless and I
was also impressed by the fact that they are tough, dedicated
fighters and that they would be a very formidable enemy. That was
my impression of the Japanese prior to and during the war, because
they were a formidable foe.

FRANK BORING:

You mentioned that Tex Hill, both of you were considering and
wanted to get involved in this. What kind of discussion did you
have about what to expect there? Of course Tex's background was

�Korea. Can you recall and explain to us that sense of excitement of
these two friends talking about going off on this new adventure?
ED RECTOR:

When this offer was made to us by the Reserve Navy Commander
to join this organization that Tex and I of course discussed it
amongst ourselves and we talked about what a challenge it would
be and we discussed and wondered what the unknowns were. We
also thought about the aerial competition, yet both of us were
absolutely dedicated to being a part of this because it was the
opportunity of a lifetime and we said if it comes about - because
we didn't know right up until the very last when we were released we didn't think that it would happen and I was one of those naive
people who presumed that the U.S. would never go to war and this
was an opportunity because I'd gotten an E in dive bombing
accuracy and I'd gotten an E in aerial gunnery in the Navy. Truth
to tell, this is an opportunity to smell a little cordite that I would
not get, presuming we would never go to war. So in that regard,
Tex and I looked forward to it, but with the full realization that it
wasn't going to be a piece of cake. But we were eager and anxious
to give it a go.

FRANK BORING:

You touched on earlier some of the difficulties in getting out. I
wonder if you could give us in more detail - describe the events
that occurred when you signed up and what things - was there any
kind of difficulty in getting out of the military to get into the
AVG?

ED RECTOR:

When we got back in June and we had been told by the
Commander that we would be released, again we didn't believe it
and we knew it only when we were released. Eventually I went
down to the carrier that night, when it went back to sea, to say
goodbye to our squadron mates, but prior to that, our Squadron
Commander, when he found out that we were going, he went to the
Air Group Commander and the Air Group Commander went to the
Skipper of the - by this time it's the old Yorktown - we'd been
transferred from the Ranger to the Yorktown - and he, in turn, went

�to ComAirlant - that's Commander Aircraft Atlantic Fleet and he
got in his little SOC, that is a sea plane that is used for scouting
cruisers and battle ships, he got in his little SOC from Norfolk and
he flew up and landed in the Anacostia River next to Anacostia
Naval Air Station - and remember he's a Rear Admiral - Vice
Admiral, and he went in to headquarters of the Chief of Naval
Operation's office and he came back and reported this: He said "I
sat at the elbow or rather across the desk from the C&amp;O and he
called the White House and the White House said 'let those boys
go. You've got to release those people per the procedures that have
taken place'". He got in his SOC, flew back and we got the word
that night from our Skipper, scouting 41, that - and he is the one
that related this story that I have just told you - that he came back
and he said "you've got to let those fellows go."
FRANK BORING:

What was told to you about the purpose of your being released and
going to join this group?

ED RECOTR:

When we were being recruited, we asked a bit more detail in terms
of what our true mission would be and what it entailed and
precisely some of the actions that would take place. We were told
that our sole responsibility would be to protect the Burma Road,
which was China's sole source of supplies. Because the Japanese
had occupied all the port cities and this was the only supply route
available to the Chinese and our task would be to provide the
security for the land transport of supplies that off loaded in
Rangoon and came in the back door, as you were, to continue to
supply the Chinese.

FRANK BORING:

What were the terms of the agreement? What were your
responsibilities? What were their responsibilities?

ED RECOTR:

The precise terms of our contract that we signed involved, first of
all, transportation over, insurance, a base pay for pilots of $600.00
a month - this was at a time when an Ensign was making $233.00 a
month plus $93.00 flight pay - so that was one of the attractions in

�addition to seeing the Kipling land that I referred to that drew our
enthusiastic participation and beyond that there was an insurance
policy that was paid for. There was TDY considerations in terms of
travel, per diem pay that was also rather generous and then
$500.00 for every victory or every Japanese plane destroyed.
Those were the basic considerations in terms of the finality of the
contract that we signed.
FRANK BORING:

What was your understanding as to the completion of the contract?
What was their responsibility upon completion of the one year?

ED RECTOR:

Continuing with the provisions of their contract, after one year if
we chose to return to the States, our return fare was provided for
and there would be a termination then upon arrival back in the
States, and if we chose to stay on, there were other considerations
that I don't recall at the moment. But the basic consideration was
that it was a one year contract with the provisions that I have just
mentioned and there were additional considerations if you signed
over for a second year. All of this presuming, of course, that the
U.S. would not be involved in the war.

FRANK BORING

When you sat down and actually asked a lot of the questions and
got some of the details of being paid you were told that you were
going to be fighting to protect the Burma Road, did you consider
yourself at this point, a mercenary?

ED RECTOR:

The thought occurred to us as to how we would be viewed by
history assuming there would be some action and we did not think
of ourselves as mercenaries. We were a defensive mechanism hired
by the Chinese as fighter pilots to provide the security for the
Burma Road. As a matter of fact, mercenary was not known at that
time and we've later been referred to as mercenaries and that might
or might not be true because the aspect, the aura of what we did
changed once our nation was at war and that put a totally different
light on it.

�FRANK BORING:

At that particular point in your life and with Tex's, but I really
want your opinion, what was going through your mind in terms of
the realization that you were resigning from your own
government's Navy and joining a foreign government?

ED RECTOR:

On making our final decision you recall that I said that we looked
forward to this, not blindly, but with anticipation, fully recognizing
that we were going to be shooting and defending and this would be
to the benefit of an ally, if you will, and we would be contributing
toward their livelihood and existence, in essence, and that there
was no regrets or consideration in terms of leaving the U.S.
service, because to iterate, I thought the U.S. in my naiveté would
never go to war and this was our chance to do something, fully
recognizing that it wouldn't be a piece of cake, but there were no
qualms in terms of what we were doing.

FRANK BORING:

Once the contract had been signed, did you assemble in San
Francisco or Los Angeles?

ED RECTOR:

When the signing of the contract was completed and we had seen
our squadron off going back to sea, we had instructions to meet
and gather in San Francisco to proceed with the organization that
was sponsoring us, that was CAMCO - Chinese Aircraft
Manufacturing Company - and we had instructions and I was
allowed to go home to Marshall, North Carolina and visit with my
parents and then in that little town of Marshall, I caught the train
and rode the train all the way to San Francisco. It was a delightful
trip. I happen to be a train buff and I'm sure that that trip was what
converted me.

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P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 2]
FRANK BORING:

If you could please relate to us your arrival home, the discussion
you had with your family and then actually the train trip.

ED RECOTR:

On saying goodbye to our squadron that was going back to sea, I
proceeded home to Marshall, North Carolina to pack and proceed
to San Francisco from there and to also tell my parents that I was
departing and going overseas and that I was leaving the Navy. I did
not tell them that I might be in combat and give them any of the
details, I just said that I was going out to the Far East to assist the
Chinese and that it would be in Burma and China and to help get
supplies into China and I explained to them why. That this was the
sole source - and they were aware of what had happened and was
happening to China - so I did not in any way leave them with any
concern about what would happen to me and I blithely left, got
aboard a train in my hometown. I went from there to Chicago,
across the great plains, through Cheyenne, into San Francisco, and
there joined the coterie that I was a member of, where we remained
for 5 days before setting sail on the Bloemfontein.

FRANK BORING:

Before we get into that, two questions: one, what was the reaction
of your parents and two, what was it about the train trip that you
found to be so moving?

�ED RECTOR:

When I told my parents I was going out to the Far East, both of
them said "Son, do we envy you! We know that you have been
interested in that part of the world and your explanation that this is
a heaven sent opportunity, how lucky you are and how we envy
you and we know you'll enjoy it." Then getting on the train, that's
when I - really the train trip took about 3 days - I fell in love with
trains and today I'm a train buff and I have ridden 2/3 of the
world's great railroads - trains - around the world, by the way. I am
sure that that trip was the one that sewed me up and confirmed my
continuing interest in trains. Crossing the plains I met a number of
people and saw this vast nation of ours and although I'm good in
geography, even I did not appreciate the expanse of this country.
Just like my friends who visit me today from abroad, they are
absolutely amazed at the size of the Continental United States as I
was then in crossing it.

FRANK BORING:

Now if you would, give us your first impressions, that first time
you walked in to the hotel and there's this group of guys from all
over the country, gathered together and all going to do the same
basic thing. What was that like?

ED RECTOR:

When I walked into the St. Francis Hotel, there was a person
representing CAMCO that greeted us and greeted me and for the
first time I met my colleagues, there were 29 of us, by the way, in
our batch that went over. We introduced ourselves to each other
and as I say, were there for about 5 days and we got to know each
other quite well and it was an interesting group. Some Navy, some
Marines, some Army Air Corps types, and they were all "hail
fellows well met" and we got along famously. By the time we got
aboard the Bloemfontein to set sail, we were all old buddies and
had talked in detail and wondering ourselves just what the future
held for us. But all of us anticipating the future and wanting to be a
part of it.

FRANK BORING:

Knowing that these later became some of the closest friends, if not
the closest friends of your whole life, one of the questions I've

�always asked of the guys, what was it about that first meeting that
just melded you all together? What was it that caused that
immediate camaraderie - you were from all over the country, you
were from different branches of the service, which traditionally has
animosity between Army and Navy and all this kind of stuff - what
was it about those 3 days or that first getting together - from your
perspective?
ED RECTOR:

In looking back since that first meeting, I've often wondered about
what welded us together with the cohesiveness and what turned out
to be dedication and how well we got along, and I haven't really
defined it except perhaps we knew that we were heading into
danger, possibly and this would have a welding effect because we
were fully aware that we were heading into peril, danger, possibly
and I'm sure that that was an annealing effect that formed that
camaraderie and later affection that we held for each other.

FRANK BORING:

Now there's been many, many stories that we've heard about the
trip over on the boat and I would just like to hear your perspective
of the trip, in as much detail as you want. The ship itself, the
routine, some of the people that perhaps stuck out, either that
became good friends or people that later on you got to know and
also the stopovers that you made before you actually arrived in
Rangoon. I know that's a tall order but as much as you want to roll
along those waves, we'd like to hear about and any particular
stories that stick out that you saw.

ED RECTOR:

We boarded the Bloemfontein, that's a ship of the Java-East India
line, a Dutch ship. It had a Dutch crew and aboard we were…

(break)
ED RECTOR:

After our meeting in San Francisco at our get acquainted first
gathering, there were several briefings, one that was significant is
that we would going over under cover and we were all assigned
positions or professions and it varied from our leader…

�(break)
ED RECTOR:

Our leader of our detachment 29, Ed Goyette, believe it or not he
went over as a baseball player.

(break)
FRANK BORING:

You've got to start from the beginning, about the secrecy and the
initial meeting.

ED RECTOR:

After our initial meetings there were further briefings, the
significant one being that we would all proceed under, not an alias,
but as professions other than what we were and I of course went as
a Draftsman. Another aspect of our assignment in terms of
profession, Eddie Goyette, our leader, went as a baseball player. So
we ran the gamut of professions, all of us with something different
and that was the cover, as it were, that was assigned to us and with
that new identification we went aboard ship and proceeded for the
next 6 weeks.

FRANK BORING:

In terms of the reasons for the subterfuge, if you will, what did
they tell you about it and, in actual fact, in your own opinion and
the opinion of your fellows, how secret really was it?

ED RECTOR:

The purpose for this fake business or career capability was as
cover for our true intentions and what we were really going over
for, designed to keep this from the Japanese. That was the intent of
it and from there, we proceeded under that assumption and that
alias, as it were, all the way throughout the trip.

FRANK BORING:

In your opinion, was it a secret to the people around you outside of
the AVG?

ED RECTOR:

This alias was fairly well contained aboard ship amongst the other
200 passengers, but I suspect that some of our people might have

�let it slip. But I heard - I don't know how true this is - that the
Japanese had uncovered us and that there was a broadcast which
someone picked up that we had been found, as it were, by the
Japanese and that we were identified. I have never tried to confirm
this, but that is my understanding and the understanding of several
of us who were on that trip.
FRANK BORING:

Could you in as much detail as you wish, give us an impression of
what it was like to be on the boat, some of the incidents that
happened, some of the people that stick out in your mind. Not only
amongst the AVG but amongst your fellow passengers and the
interaction between the AVG and the fellow passengers?

ED RECTOR:

We boarded the Jaegersfontein for almost a 2 month trip and it was
an adventure and a joy unto itself. Aboard in addition to our 29
people were 200 passengers of all types ranging from an Iranian
fur merchant to Chinese students returning home, missionaries
going back to China, a woman doctor going over to China to do
her good works, to a Dutch couple that was going to the Dutch
East Indies for a new life. So the cut was totally across the board in
terms of professions, nationalities and personalities. That made for
a very interesting and fascinating voyage. After we got underway,
the ship's routine was explained to us and the bar opened every
afternoon at 4 o'clock, as I recall. The first people that joined the
bar when it opened was our group, our 29 people and it was funny
the first 10 days or two weeks, because the missionaries and the
students walked by and would look in and this contingent until
eventually one-by-one they started joining us and by the time we
debarked from the Bloemfontein, everyone, missionaries, doctors,
students were in the bar having fun, having a beer and laughing
and singing. We converted them. It took us all of 3 weeks and they
had joined us with great hilarity and very successful. An
interesting aspect of this is that 24 hours out of Honolulu, we woke
up one morning and here is the U.S.S. St. Paul, a cruiser just off of
our starboard bow and it's proceeding with us and we wondered
what this was all about. It proceeded ahead of us and we stayed

�with them for 24 hours till we got into the harbor at Honolulu and
dropped anchor. We were in Honolulu for 3 days and nights. We
had a good time there. I had never been to Honolulu and again this
is the beginning of that Far East venture that drew me in this
direction in the first place. Then we found - we stayed aboard ship
- we were briefed that we would be - instead of going direct to
Manila, when we got underway we would be going to Brisbane,
Australia. Well we didn't mind. None of us had ever been to
Australia and we would be going blacked out and that we would be
escorted for 48 hours by two U.S. Navy destroyers, and that's
precisely what happened. There were smokers aboard and you
could not light a cigarette on the deck or you were not supposed to,
and we truly ran blacked out all the way to Australia. There had to
be some disciplining done by the Skipper and when he called all
the passengers together he said "we've got food enough for this
extended trip, rather than going direct to Manila, so everything is
okay and there's plenty of whiskey and plenty of beer." And I
might say that the food was awfully good aboard ship. We crossed
the equator and of course that was cause for great hilarity when
King Neptune performed. We made - not friends - because the
barber was King Neptune and a couple of our people treated him
rather rudely - and he wasn't in the kindest or smilingest of spirits
when a couple of our guys got through with him dumping him in
the swimming pool, etc.
FRANK BORING:

If you could give us a description of the King Neptune's ceremony
if you would?

ED RECTOR:

As you know crossing the equator there is always a ceremony on
most every ship there is and it follows a general pattern around the
world. Some are more vigorous and participated in with more
hilarity than others. I suspect that ours would be in the top 10
percent in terms of what happened on this voyage. I won't tell you
all the details but briefly, people were required to swallow things
with a string to it and pulled back up and it was sort of really
awful, but was participated in with great vigor by our group to the

�extent that a couple of our people grabbed King Neptune, who you
know has his scepter - trident - sorry, and decrees what will happen
- and two of our boys just grabbed him and threw him in the pool
and he was more than miffed, let me say. The smile disappeared,
but it ended up peacefully and he didn't slit anyone's throat as he
continued to cut hair and shave the rest of the trip. We proceeded
from there, from the equator on to Brisbane, Australia. That was
delightful in that these were new waters, none of us had ever been
to Australia, we looked forward to that and we stayed there for 3
days and nights. Then we set sail for Manila. That was an
interesting leg of the trip because going up over the drifts to the
east of the Great Barrier Reef, we saw all that fluorescent water
and all of that beautiful sight at night when a glow followed the
ship with the fluorescence and heading into the Philippine Islands,
believe it or not, we had aboard of course some Navy types and
one of them was a communicator, Mickey Mihalko. We went right
through the U.S. Pacific fleet, it was out on maneuvers and
Mihalko who reads the dit-dah-ditty, he was reading the flashing
light from one of the ships and he said "what ship?" and our guy
replied presumably correctly and then they got the go-ahead by the
flashing light and old Mihalko was reading it off to us as we stand
in the dark running blacked out. So that was interesting and we
went right through the fleet. We were in Manila for at least a week.
Then from Manila, we went to Batavia, to Java, the Dutch East
Indies. There we were off-loaded, our 29 people and we stayed
there for 10 days and Tex Hill and I took this occasion to get on a
plane, the Dutch KLM, and we flew up to the mountain resort, the
capital of Java, and Bert Christman, the three of us, we were
squadron mates in the Navy and we stayed there for 3 marvelous
days and nights. What a time we had. Then we came back and we
lived in a beautiful hotel in Batavia, now called Jakarta. Then a
sister ship of the Bloemfontein - the Jaegersfontien that had taken
over…

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 3]
FRANK BORING:

You were just - when we got the interruption - talking of the sister
ship that was bringing over another contingent.

ED RECTOR:

At the end of that 10 day stay in Java, Batavia, now Jakarta, we got
on the sister ship of the Bloemfontein, the Jaegersfontein -, that
had transported other contingents of the AVG to the Far East and
after boarding her, we proceeded to Singapore. We were offloaded there and the first two nights we were billeted in an Army
camp. It was two horrible nights. If you haven't slept on or seen or
know what a charpoy is, that is an Indian roped bed or cot. That's
what we had to sleep on in tents. And after the second day our
fearless leader, Eddie Goyette, went down to see the American
Consul and that afternoon we were moved out and put in two
hotels, The Sunrise Hotel and those of us who were lucky enough,
in the fabulous hotel "The Raffles" the old Raffles. And there we
stayed for night on to 3 weeks. And what a time we had in
Singapore. It was absolutely delightful and that was our first
introduction to Asia, as it were. And while there, of the course the
Chinese community, how they knew I do not know, but they gave
us a banquet and I mean if you know anything about Chinese
hospitality, it was a sumptuous banquet, at a marvelous restaurant,
sort of outdoorsy like and there we were introduced first to
Chinese food. I have since become a lover of Chinese food and I

�can't go two or three weeks without an inner hunger for Chinese
chow. But there we were introduced to shark's fin soup, which I
love, but then it was ugh bit. But what a banquet we had and we
were introduced to these strange foods, foreign to us. But I must
say with later appreciation. It was a marvelous banquet. How they
knew who we were, I have no idea. But the Chinese know these
things. And I made friends there in Singapore that I have to this
very day. Incidentally, back to the Raffles Hotel, I fell in love with
that place knowing its historical background and I've been back
purposely three times since. They've added a wing, a modern wing,
but the old Raffles is still there in all of its appealing glory with all
of the names and the hallways and the dedicated areas for all of the
- for Kipling all of the other British writers who resided there from
time to time. So it's a marvelous place to re-visit. After the three
weeks, then we were put on a Norwegian coastwise freighter,
steamer. It had been in the Far East coast lines shipping. This was
a 4 day trip and thank God it didn't last any longer - to Rangoon.
We got aboard and there were bunks just for about 30 or 32 people.
Now picture if you will a prison cell or a wing where there are
levels, 3 cots to a side in one room and then also consider that up
in the Captain's quarters there were 2 bunks available with the
luxury of proper accommodations. We cut straws to see who got
those 2 bunks and I of course wasn't one of the winners. Now then,
let me explain the hellaciousness of living in those cramped
quarters down below for those 4 days and nights. At night when
the light was off you could hear all this skittering about on the
floor and you'd turn on the light and there were cockroaches, I kid
you not, that big that were scurrying to hide. We put up with that
and if you had to get up at night - I know one of our chaps sought
to be quiet and not wake the people and not turn on the light and he
crunched several of these cockroaches. Thereafter it was quite
okay for anyone who had to go to turn on the light while these
critters would scurry and hide. We endured that for 4 days and
nights. We arrived in Rangoon, went up the river and debarked in
the early afternoon and we were met there by Skip Adair, who
came down from Toungoo to greet us along with a couple of other

�people and it was relatively easy. They had coolies and help that
off loaded our gear on busses and took us to the train station and
then we had a delightful trip. We were now in Kipling country. We
got on the train during daylight and it took 4 hours to go from
Rangoon up to Toungoo, looking out of the window and talking to
other passengers and to ourselves, through endless rice paddies and
saying to ourselves and to each other "we're here at last" and that's
how we arrived in Toungoo.
FRANK BORING:

Please describe, especially keeping in mind your whole fascination
with Kipling and you've had all this time now to anticipate what it
was going to be like to finally be there, give us an idea of what it
was like to finally arrive in Toungoo and what did you find?

ED RECTOR:

Looking forward to what to expect when we eventually arrived in
Rangoon, I thought about it, trying to envision what it might be
like, but I just could not see, so it was totally new to me. When we
arrived Rangoon was a city of broad streets, lots of trees and it had
that comfortable, colonial, British look. Even then I detected with
my first encounter with that part of the world and I felt maybe this
was the way it would be and thereafter everything that I saw was more than 50% of the time it was a revelation to me in terms of the
natives - so it was new and that was the fascination, that it was
totally new and I was learning and that continued right on until the
entry into China - the wonderment of things that happened. I recall
as a boy seeing in the National Geographic a story about a native
tribe in Burma where the ladies had necks that were elongated and
there were 12 or 20 silver necklaces around their neck that kept
their head up. That tribe existed 10 miles away up in the hills from
Toungoo where we were based. One Sunday - we traveled by - all
of us had a bike - about 6 or 8 of us biked up there to see these
people and to take pictures and see them and it was a revelation to
me and all of us had heard about such people and knew about this
practice. We saw one lady whose necklaces had been removed and
she could barely hold her head erect, in fact she couldn't. But their
necks were truly elongated and it was a practice that just left us in

�wonderment. That is an example of the side trips that we took to
acquaint ourselves with what was going on. Another instance was
we would go shopping. Chennault lectured us from 7 in the
morning until 8 o'clock and then we flew until 1 o'clock. Then it
was so hot in Burma that we had been retired for - not siesta time but no activity and then at 5 or 6 we would start again. But during
the late afternoon and evenings we would go on shopping trips. It
was some 5 miles into the town of Toungoo and we would peddle
in and do shopping and buy objects d'art and whatever else
interested and we all became fascinated with the native dress, both
men and women, which is called a longee, which is nothing but a
skirt, a wrap-around skirt. It's called lungee in Calcutta, India, but
in Burma it's a longee. So we bought those because it was such a
handy garment and it's so very cool. And the natives it didn't seem
to bother them in terms of their activity and endeavor. So
everybody ended up with 2 or 3 or 4 of these longee's and I would
call Bert Christman and myself buying longee's in the shop and I
picked out 2 or 3 and he does the same. Then we'd hear this
snickering and look around and all these little girl salesmen and
customers are snickering and a couple of men are laughing and we
asked "why you laugh?" Well the patterns we had chosen for
attractiveness - and they're flowered patterns - men don't wear
flowered patterns - they are always checked, so we put those back
and got the checked ones and thanked them for letting us know.
FRANK BORING:

When you arrived in Toungoo, if you could give us an idea of
where were you billeted, what was the camp like, and then
eventually what were your first immediate duties? What were you
first asked to do?

ED RECTOR:

When we arrived in Toungoo, we were assigned to our own billets
by squadron. I was assigned to the second squadron and we had the
pallets in officer's billet and it was about 200 yards from the mess
hall and lounge. All of these buildings, by the way, are bamboo
constructed, walls with hard wooden floors and flip up and out
windows that were closed at night.

�(break)
FRANK BORING:

What we're looking for is really an idea - and you're doing exactly
- the division of the squadrons, and if you could also explain when
you start again because it was all interrupted, how were the
squadrons divided? You said you were assigned to a squadron how was that done? And then where you were billeted and
description of the barracks and then eventually what were your
first duties, your first introduction to the AVG staff, I guess when
you first met Chennault? If I remember correctly, he was not there
at this time. But begin with the arrival in Toungoo, the assignment
into squadrons, why were you assigned to Pandas as opposed to
any other.

ED RECTOR:

We arrived in Toungoo and prior to that time the selection of your
squadron had already been decided by Chennault and our
colleague, Charlie Mott, who sat down with Chennault and who
had our names and we were allocated and assigned to the
squadrons and Charlie, being Navy, he sort of got the Second
Squadron primarily all Navy, which it was. We had two Army Air
Corps guys and we lost one of those and the rest of us were all
Navy in the Second Squadron, the Panda Bears. That's how we
were assigned and the men, the ground crew personnel, the
technicians, they were assigned the same way.

(break)
FRANK BORING:

Begin in Toungoo again.

ED RECTOR:

After arriving in Toungoo, we already had our assignments for
squadrons that we would be assigned to and we were met.

(break)
FRANK BORING:

Start over right from the very beginning.

�ED RECTOR:

On arrival in Toungoo by rail, we had already been assigned to our
squadrons. That assignment had been arrived at by Chennault and
our colleague, Charlie Mott, who had the lists of people, both
ground and pilots and they were assigned accordingly. Our billets
were of course by squadron. The pilot squadron, the billet, in terms
of where we slept, ours, the Second Squadron was 200 yards from
the mess hall and the lounge. The First Squadron and the Third
Squadron, their officer billets were in the same area. Down below,
the men were also billeted by squadron near their mess hall and
their lounge and the assignments having been made by the time
any of us - and we arrived in contingents - by the time we arrived
in Toungoo everyone knew their assignment, where to go and were
transported to those billets. The billets themselves were native
made. It might be constructive to say that this Toungoo Air Base
was built by the RAF and was one of several strategic bases up in
the central part and northeastern part of Burma, strategic locations
for the RAF and this was 190 miles north of Rangoon and it served
our purposes ideally. The billets were already in place and the cook
shacks, the mess halls, so it was ideal. The runway was less than
5000 feet. There were no taxi-ways. You taxied down the runway
to take off. The regime that we followed might be of interest.
Chennault addressed every incoming group, the pilots and we
would have breakfast at 6 in the morning. At 7 o'clock he would
address us in terms of tactics, what he expected, describing the
Japanese aircraft, telling us the tactics and techniques to be
employed, particularly against the Japanese Zero, which was their
top line fighter at the time and following his half hour of
instruction each morning and this went on, a lecture each morning,
for about 3 weeks. Then we would start flight training. We would
go out and check out in - first of all we had to check out in the P40 because none of us had flown it before.

FRANK BORING:

Before you get into that, could you describe the first time you
actually met Chennault?

�ED RECTOR:

Meeting Chennault was something all of us had looked forward to
and I met him on the base at the headquarters building when we
were brought in and introduced to him and then later, after we had
checked into our billets, I met him again at that evening meal in the
mess hall and the lounge and I found the occasion to say to him
"Colonel Chennault, may I ask you a question, Sir?" and he said
"yes". I said "I wonder if you have any plans for us to receive,
those of us who want to, to receive instruction in the Chinese
language?" and he said "No". And I said "I wondered about it
because some of us took lessons with a Chinese Professor on the
way over and we found it fascinating for the time we were aboard
ship and I just thought that you might continue this here, because it
would appear to be helpful." He said "no, we have no such
program." I said "I wonder why, Sir?" and by this time he's calling
me Eddie, he says "Eddie, I'll tell you. Back in 1937 when I arrived
in China in Nanking I went in to see the Generalissimo and
Madame Chiang and had my first 45 minutes with them and
Madame Chiang then, when the meeting was over, saw me to the
door and I turned to her and said 'Madame Chiang, I wonder if you
would recommend to me a Chinese tutor?'" and she said "What
for?" I said "Well Ma'am, aviation is a technical business and I'll
have to speak the language if I'm going to get over the points that
have to be made technically." and he said with that Madame
Chiang took her little fist and beat it in the palm of the other one
and said "Don't you ever learn Chinese." And he said "Well why
Ma'am?" and she said "Because then you'll become like all of the
British and the other Americans who come over here to help us.
Then you start forgiving us for all of our shortcomings and failures
and you'll become another old China hand and that is not what we
need."

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Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 4]
ED RECTOR:

I asked the General then why we didn't have such a program, that I
would think that it would be helpful and beneficial. And he said
"Eddie, I'll tell you a story. When I arrived in China and in my first
meeting with the Generalissimo and Madame Chiang, Madame
Chiang saw me to the door and in saying goodbye and thanking her
I said "By the way Madame Chiang, I wonder if you could
recommend to me a Chinese tutor." She said "What for?" He said
"Well I need to learn the Chinese language." She says "What for?"
And I said "Well Madame Chiang, aviation is a technical business
and it must be taught - there are technical aspects that must be
understood and I would think that I would need to know the
language." And with that Madame Chiang folded up one tiny fist
and beat it in the palm of her hand and said "Don't you ever learn
Chinese." And he said "Well why, Ma'am." and she said "Because
then you will become like all the British and all the Americans
who have come to China over the years and the decades to help us
and you'll become forgiving of our shortcomings and failures and
you will become an old China hand and you are therefore useless
to us. We want someone to be absolutely firm in fact dictatorial in
allowing us to get over these decades of forgiveness that we've
been getting from the western world." And he said "So Eddie that
was good enough for me." And I said "Well Sir, if it's good enough
for you, it's good enough for me too."

�FRANK BORING:

Let's now look at Chennault's - from the point of view of you were
a young pilot, you'd already gone through training in the Navy, had
a certain knowledge and understanding of the airplane that you
flew, certain amount of confidence in what you were doing,
Chennault was actually talking about things that were foreign to
you in some ways, in terms of his tactics. Give us from that
perspective, not the later perspective of after you'd done battle and
tested out his theories, but the young pilot sitting there listening to
this man, who you were literally putting your life in his hands?

ED RECTOR:

In those morning briefing's that he gave to all of the pilots, and it
was the same briefing to everyone and it was 2-1/2 to 3 weeks
long, he talked about and explained the capabilities of the P-40 and
the capabilities of the Japanese aircraft and particularly the
Japanese Zero which was their top line fighter. The significant
thing that he taught us was to use the assets of the P-40 in fighting
the Japanese aircraft. There were 3 basic things. First you cannot
out-turn a Japanese airplane, their radius of turn is much shorter,
never try to do a typical turning dog fight. Secondly, you have him
out-gunned, never refuse a head-on pass, and thirdly, when he is
out-turning you when you have made a pass, stick the nose down
because he's got a radial engine and you've got an in-line engine,
stick the nose down 20, 40, 60 degrees and you'll immediately pull
away, use that speed to climb back up and join the fight again. He
said if you keep those 3 principals in mind and never try to turn in
a dog fight, that's the way to fight the Japanese. And that is
precisely what we were schooled in and what we were drilled in
and we followed that. It's interesting to note that Chennault later,
after December 7th, wrote a 10 page treatise that he sent back to
General Hap Arnold explaining the tactics that were used and why
they were so successful and why we had been successful on
December 20th, 25th, 27th, and subsequently and that bit of
information was never disseminated to the field and several of us
have wondered since that had it been disseminated, how many P40 pilots in the Philippines and Java, New Guinea, Australia and

�elsewhere might have lived had they not tried to turn with the
Zero.
FRANK BORING:

What was your impression, your opinion, if you will as a pilot, of
the Japanese pilot before Chennault started talking to you about it
and then what was your impression after Chennault started
educating you in the Japanese pilot, as a pilot?

ED RECTOR:

The lectures by Chennault had taught us, first of all to respect the
Zero and that's what we had prepared for and we had due and
proper respect for the Japanese aircraft. When fighting actually
started, we found that the Japanese, the pilots were bold, they were
effective in many instances and we also ran into some ancient
aircraft. We ran into some fixed-wing aircraft over Rangoon and
over northern Thailand, but we also ran into the other versions of
the Zero. So we ran the gamut of what we faced. They had fixedwing dive-bombers also. We met all those 3 types. The thing that
we were aware of, and became aware of real fast, was that the
Japanese didn't know how to escort bombers. They always sat back
about a mile or 2 miles, rather than put escort fighters up forward,
like all U.S. and all other Air Forces do and to the end of the war,
later in the 14th Air Force, that is the way they fought. The fighters
were always back a mile to 2 miles and they never had a forward
escort, ahead of the bomber formations. That continued during our
stay in Burma until we were pushed out.

FRANK BORING:

Let's go back to the pilots themselves. Before Chennault started
giving you lectures on - not the capabilities of the airplanes - but
the Japanese as pilots. I know in America there was a lot of
propaganda of the Japanese as having bottle neck glasses and buck
teeth; they didn't know how to fly and all this kind of stuff. Did
you have that impression? Or what was your impression of the
Japanese as fighter pilots before and then what information did
Chennault give you that may have changed your opinion of that?

�ED RECTOR:

Chennault in his briefing's had said that the Japanese pilots were
brave, they were cocky, they were sure and against the
competition, which was the Chinese Air Force, they had been very
effective, but they had their vulnerabilities and that, first of all, do
not believe in the denigration of the Japanese pilot as being unable
to fight or see, he is very capable, as you will find out when you
get into combat. Then he said there is a degree of rote-ness in their
performance once in combat or going into combat and he was
absolutely right. Later when we did get into combat we found that
he was absolutely right.

FRANK BORING:

During this period of time in training, you got a chance to really
get to know the men that you were working with. When you first
arrived in Toungoo there already were some people that were not
going to take the heat and the conditions. Give us some
impressions of the men that you had met there. Not just the ones
that eventually stayed on, but also your opinion of - what was your
reaction to some of the people that resigned early and how was this
process of getting to know the men?

ED RECTOR:

Meeting the rest of the AVG personnel after we arrived in
Toungoo was - looked forward to it and eventually you meet
everyone. Of course I met all of my squadron mates the first day
there. Then on the flight line I met the ground personnel and
eventually most of the ground personnel in all the other squadrons
as well as the categories of specialists, from supply to propeller
experts and so on. My impression was that this is a very select and
able outfit. During that period there were some - call them
defections - 2 or 3 or 4 who decided to go home. I never knew
them, knew nothing about them but they were very few on the
order of 3 or 4, certainly less than 5. Then the rest of them were
effective people. Little did I know how effective they were until
we got into combat. We had, without a doubt, a selection of the
most capable, able, smart, dedicated crew chiefs, armorers,
radiomen, that it is possible to assemble anywhere. Without them,

�let me tell you, we would have been dead in the water by April
1942, were it not for their smarts and dedication.
FRANK BORING:

In November of 1941, the AVG had come to look like a trained
fighter group. You had gone through the preliminary - learning
how to fly the P-40's. During that period of time though, some of
the pilots had never flown a P-40, some of them had been used to
other types of aircraft which were completely different from the P40. Please describe any of the problems, as you saw it, of not only
yourself, but also in your evidence of what you saw around you,
the problems that went on during training. Because we know that
Chennault was very frustrated at times, in fact at certain times he
even closed everything down and had you go back into the
classroom. Give us your impressions of that training period time?

ED RECTOR:

During this period of training in the fall of 1941, aside from
Chennault's lectures and classroom work, we did a lot of training
in the airplane, getting to know it. As an example, I got in the P-40,
for my first flight I had a cockpit check and I looked out at that
long nose and I started up the engine, and you have never seen a
more safe, slow taxiing out to the flight line. I expected that nose
to do this - it is so far out there - because I'd been flying SB2U2's
dive-bombers in the Navy - with the radial engine and that nose on
that P-40, that Allison engine, it stuck out to the horizon and I
tiptoed out to the runway and took off and after a couple of flights,
why that disappears and you taxi confidently, if not cockily,
because that's one barrier that you're past. The other guys also had
the same reaction with that big nose sticking out. In the operations
there were several mishaps as one would expect. On interesting
story that happened eventually after we were in China, one of our
colleagues, a pilot, he had crashed three P-40's. He was a P-boat
pilot before being recruited, flying big boats in the Navy and on
the crash of the 4th P-40 - just coming in for a landing - he would
land 10 feet in the air and the plane would drop in and there went a
P-40. Finally Chennault called him in and said "Listen you're fast
becoming an ace here, but you're knocking down P-40's instead of

�Japanese" (this was after the war started) and he said "I think I'm
gonna move you over to the flight section and you can help fly the
Beechcraft." This pilot, tears running down his cheeks, literally,
said -- by this time it's General Chennault - "General, don't do that
to me, just send me home." He said "I came over here to fight and
that's what I want to do and I'm not going to fly a Lockheed
aircraft transport." Sobbing he said "Just send me home."
Chennault, if I might digress here and say what my opinion of
Chennault, he was a brilliant tactician, he was the greatest leader
that I have ever known. If there is one weakness that Chennault
had, it was a soft heart. He was too forgiving, both in the AVG and
also later when he was Commander of the 14th Air Force. He put
up with mediocrity simply because in the instance of this pilot that
I have been talking to you about, if you show him that you want to
fight, so Chennault forgave him and said "Okay, I'll give you one
more chance." Do you know that that individual went on and he
eventually shot down two aircraft?
FRANK BORING:

What I'd really like to get into now in the training part, what was
the discipline like? And the differences that you saw between the
way the AVG operated and the way that you were used to in the
military and going into the fact that there was no ranks and all that.
For the public to note what that was like. So as I know it, but the
audience doesn't know it, there was a real sense of purpose and
they knew what their jobs were. But give us an idea what the
discipline was like and the difference between AVG and what you
were used to in the Navy.

ED RECTOR:

The contrast between the AVG and the military service, being
formerly Navy, was quite a contrast indeed. There was comradery,
there was a looseness, there was not the fastidiousness, if you will,
in our organization. It was a hail fellow well met bit between the
ground crew and the pilots. We did have rank in terms of flying in
the squadrons. From Squadron Leader, Flight Leader and
Wingman and there was a hierarchy in terms of Line Chief and
Chief of Specialties amongst the technicians and the ground crew.

�But amongst all of us there was no saluting or sir'ing and that led
eventually - there inevitably would be some instances of bad
apples that had to be cast aside. Fortunately, thank God, they were
few. They were literally fired and sent home with a dishonorable
discharge. But by and large these were all dedicated people and
you made a point of getting along. And I might say that those that
were discharged and sent home they were pilots as well as ground
crew. Again, fortunately very few.

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Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/540"&gt;Fei Hu Films research and production files (RHC-88)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 5]
ED RECTOR:

In essence the AVG was comprised of dedicated people and this
dedication and the relative lack, in fact the almost total lack of any
confrontational aspects or any spit and polish that we knew as
military people, both technicians, ground crew and pilots, was
missing and the reason we got along so well, aside from the bad
apples that I have mentioned, was the fact that there was mutual
respect. We knew that we had the best people, we had seen them
perform, and again to repeat, it was the mutual respect that these
guys knew what they were doing and they knew that we were
fairly effective pilots with the scores that we started piling up. So
there was no reason for any conflict at all and why, by and large, in
fact not by and large, but in almost every instance there was
complete cooperation.

FRANK BORING:

Let's try to get more detail in - I keep using the word discipline and
I use it as a two-edged sword, the discipline the military talks
about as necessary for an effective unit that held the unit together
and operated almost like a business as opposed to a military unit.
You've mentioned self-respect, how Chennault fits into this
somewhere, the evidence that you saw of people doing things and
you go oh that person does that well. I guess that's what I'm trying
to get at that if you could once again give us the answer back again
in perhaps a different form?

�ED RECTOR

I thought I had, but give me 30 seconds. The key to the success of
the American Volunteer Group stems from several things really.
We evolved in the AVG at that time, left the discipline, the control
of the military service. That's how we performed. We arrived in
Toungoo and that discipline that we knew before, it was ingrained
in us and it started with Chennault. He's an ex-military man, a
retired military man, we were. We knew and he knew what was
required of people and you do your job and you don't get into
trouble and he instilled that along with his fascinating personality
really. There wasn't an AVG'er that was not struck by the
magnetism of this man. So it started from Chennault and down
from him to the flight line, the former Master Sergeants in the
Army and Chief Bosun's in the Navy and Marine Corps. These
were men in authority with responsibility and the technicians and
the others that were fully qualified in their fields. Once you saw
their capability, and above all their dedication to doing the job,
then there just automatically arose a mutual regard and above all,
respect for each other and out of that flowed the comradery and the
support. There was no saluting or sir'ing at all because it wasn't
required and we were not a military outfit. But the regard that we
had for each other, and again the respect. These were smart people
and aside from the bad apples, very few, less than 5 pilots and
ground crew combined, that were kicked out and sent home, there
could not have been gathered a more competent, informal, nonmilitary coterie or cadre of people, than the AVG.

FRANK BORING:

If you would ………… once you heard of Pearl Harbor?

ED RECTOR:

Recall that continuing contingents of AVG'ers were still arriving in
batches of 4, 10 and 16 right up and past December 7th December 8th out there - Pearl Harbor day, we had people still
arriving and we had pilots incidentally who had never fired the
guns on the P-40 prior to going into combat. Good story there that
I think I should intercede with. One pilot came down after his first
dog fight and shot down an airplane and he also had a probable and

�he came in and was being debriefed and the armorer finally came
up and said "Bob, why didn't you fire your 50's?" and he said "I
did" and he said "No you didn't, there's not one shell gone." Well
this guy had been taught how to take the 30 calibers - you do this,
they're all manually charged, like this, it's manually charged. The
two 50 calibers are up here firing synchronized through the prop.
You grab a pistol handle and you pull it all the way back to your
shoulder until it stops and let it go and then you have loaded it and
it's ready to fire and Bob did not - he'd never fired guns before, he
was an instructor before signing up. And he had grabbed these
handles and pulled them back right here and let them go and he
thought they were firing and he had shot down an airplane and got
another probably by using only his 30 calibers. But December 7th,
the 8th out there, I recall it very well because I happened to be
having breakfast with Chennault that morning, it was about 7:30 in
the morning and the message center came in with the message and
that's when we first heard that Pearl Harbor had been attacked and
he stood right up - and I won't say that I saw a smile on his face but I will tell you this, there was a look of relief that even that
taciturn man could not hide and he said "well, this is it" and he
started quietly and gave a couple of orders. He said "get 4 airplanes
airborne immediately" and then he set up other patrols during the
day, relief. These sorts of actions proceeded during the day. During
the next couple of days he was in conference with the
Generalissimo. As a matter of fact, he flew to Kunming and then
came back and then he met with the British who came up from
Toungoo. The big Air Commander of southeast Asia was there, Sir
so and so Poppin (Brooke-Popham), and the Chinese, General
Chennault and the Brit's arrived at after the first week, what the
deployment of our force would be, because it was going to be
hurried up quickly because now we are in the war. We, the pilots
and the ground crew, we realized the balloon is up. This puts a
totally different aspect or picture, our country is at war, so this is
not to protect the Burma Road, this is all out. So we were even
more motivated, if that were possible. So after this change in our
attitude and this week of conferencing, one of the squadrons was -

�the Third Squadron, was dispatched to Rangoon to help the British,
the RAF, defend Rangoon and the hurry up operation of
dispatching us to Kunming, the Second and First Squadrons was
hurried up, expedited because the Japanese had just resumed the
bombing of undefended Kunming. So this was hurried up by a
week, our deployment to Kunming. We took off - those two
squadrons - and arrived in Kunming about 5 in the afternoon and
there was smoke in the city where the Japanese bombers - they
were using Kunming as a bombing practice target. We saw the
smoke and the debris in the city when we landed and were
deployed for the night and then were up and ready at 7 o'clock the
next morning for combat, we had alert on the line.

�</text>
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&#13;
Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
&#13;
Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 6]
FRANK BORING

Let's begin first though with [?] and then start into Kunming.

ED RECTOR:

With Pearl Harbor, my personal feelings were that this is it, this
adds a dimension four plateaus above what we had come out here
to do, it was my country at war, this is totality and this puts a new
aspect on it that heightened my appreciation of what I would be
doing and what would be required of me as against the contract
that I had signed and was expected originally and was the cause of
me being out in the Far East. My attitude changed in this regard
that it was more dedicated, I was more disciplined - not disciplined
but oriented in terms of total effectiveness and that was the impact
it had on me and remained that way. So it was literally about a four
plateaus leap in terms of concentration, in terms of doing what
would be required. I personally reviewed in my mind, because
after Pearl Harbor I reflected to myself the readiness of the
Atlantic Fleet that I had just left and then what had happened at
Clark Field in the Philippines and was continuing to happen around
the world, the disasters that were happening in the desert of North
Africa. I thought about all of those things but I had no doubt in my
mind that it would be turned around. Never a qualm in terms of
whether we would win in the end. Those are the thoughts that went
through my mind and knew that what we would have to do that we
were in a prime position to be effective at the outset. We were in

�the theater, we were facing the Japs right now. Here was an
opportunity, a golden opportunity to make an impact. Those were
the thoughts that I mulled over and I had no qualms or any concern
about the danger of it because I was ready for it to get started,
knowing that I was good.
FRANK BORING:

Describe if you will your landing.

ED RECTOR:

Prior to December 7th, the Japanese had moved into Bangkok and
Chennault and the RAF wanted to have pictures of what that
contingent consisted of. They had moved from French Indo-China
into Thailand and to Bangkok, Donlong Airdrome particularly. So
we took a P-40, Eric Schilling did, and took it down to Rangoon
and the RAF photographer, the technician installed an RAF aerial
camera in the belly, the bottom of the P-40 and they checked it out
on the ground and it worked okay and he might have even tried an
airborne flight to see that it worked and he learned how to do the
mechanism. Bert Christman, a Squadron Leader of mine in the
Navy and I were sent down then to join him as his escort to go
over and photograph from as high as we could get Donlong
Airdrome. We took off about 1 o'clock in the afternoon. The P-40
did not have the range to go to Bangkok and back so we stopped at
the Craw? Peninsula, a RAF field called Tavoy. We arrived there
with smoke and haze all around there airfield and the Japanese
from Thailand and particularly from Bangkok, Donlong Airdrome,
had just strafed the airfield before we landed. We quickly refueled
and started climbing and Crix, Bert as we called him, we both got
up high, I was a little higher than Crix and he was back here, and
we were looking because we expected the sky to rain Zeros. We
climbed past 24,000 feet, 26,000 feet and we're still climbing and
we're 50 miles from Donlong to get to the maximum altitude that
we could. Well at 50 miles out my engine starts sputtering and I
had to get on the wobble pump. The wobble pump provides more
air, pressure to the fuel system and we get to 27,000 feet, beautiful
sunshiny day, couldn't have been better and I ride that wobble
pump all the way in and I'm looking all over for Zeros and so is

�Bert and we go in and I see Eric rolled that P-40 up like that and
eyeballed the airfield and then he rolls it back and snaps a picture
and then he rolls it up again and we're still looking for airplanes,
riding the wobble pump. Then after he makes that run we turn and
stick the nose down and head back for Rangoon, 400 miles an hour
indicated. I got down to the level where I could get off the wobble
pump and we proceeded back to Rangoon, landed. They took the
film in and it was a magnificent photo run. There were over 130
airplanes wing tip to wing tip there. Beautifully portrayed and
lined up wing tip to wing tip and there were other aircraft off to the
side that were support aircraft like transports and so on. That was a
marvelous bit of intelligence for the British and for Chennault and
for the Chinese, to know that that kind of force had already landed
in Thailand and was present at Bangkok.
FRANK BORING:

What was Chennault's reaction to this prize in front of him?

(break)
ED RECTOR:

On arriving in Kunming from Toungoo with the early debouching
because of the bombing that had started at Kunming, it was a
beautiful day and the flight up was serene and we arrived about 5
in the afternoon and I recall flying over Kunming Lake, a beautiful
body of water and we had been briefed on the airfield that some
elements, some sections of it would be under construction but it
wouldn't be any problem in terms of landing and that we'd be at
7400 feet, we'd be landing at altitude compared to 400 feet at
Toungoo, to keep that in mind and we landed and our ground
people were already up there and in place and we knew where each
squadron would be, where our radio rooms would be and where the
flight lines would be and we were properly escorted and parked
our aircraft. The ground crew already knew what airplanes were
scheduled for what type of check. Incidentally, mine was
scheduled for a 25 hour check and the cowling came off that night
and some work was done on it and the next morning the cowling
was off and that's another story. But then we were put into vehicles

�and we were taken to our billets and this was a contrast. My group,
the pilot's group was transported across town, right through the
center of town and we saw evidence of the bombing that had taken
place that day and the day before and there was debris all about
and crowds of people, masses of people that I had never seen
before. It was just overpowering the number of people. Streets
filled with people shoulder to shoulder, it seemed. But we arrived
and our billets were in the dormitories of a former girl's school and
this is western construction and a dining room downstairs and a bar
and beds and instead of cots and mosquito netting - oh we did have
mosquito netting also. And so these were palatial quarters
compared to what we'd been accustomed to. So that was a
wonderful contrast and a respite to get away from those bashes as
they were known in Burma. Before we left the airfield that evening
to go into our quarters - I was Assistant Operations Officer - and
I'd made out the schedule for the next morning alert. The
maintenance was already squared away in terms of what was to be
done. Then having done that and secured a place of operation,
that's when we moved into our billets. The next morning we were
out at sunrise, a little before sunrise to have an alert ready for takeoff and it was at that time that I saw it was daylight and I'm
looking at all these coolies working on the airfield and that was
amazing with the rollers being pulled and the splitting of rocks by
women and children and the totality of the human effort to
improve and repair the runway and the taxi and parking areas also.
I was impressed with that. Then I was doing other work because
my plane was in for a check - the first Jing bow, that's an air alarm
sounded, an alert and four planes took off. Then there was a two
ball alert - that means they're closer. So four other planes were sent
off and four more. By this time, right after the first Jing bow and
after the sound of the second, I streamed down to the line I said
"get that cowling back on my P-40" and Harry Fox was our line
chief, they started putting the cowling back on, they hadn't gotten
that far and they got the cowling on and I eventually - many things
happened in terms of the first five making contact and then
breaking off and then others, the second two flights making contact

�with a formation of nine Japanese bombers that had flown up from
Indo-China, that was where they were based and doing their
practice runs over Kunming. So I caught up with the fight, with all
of these guys making passes.
FRANK BORING:

Wait - I want a lot more detail on that particular thing - the
warning net - so you're in Kunming now

ED RECTOR:

Fairly well on into our stay in Toungoo, I became aware of the role
that Chinese people, Chinese personnel played and would play an
ever-increasing important role in our endeavor. The first
impression was that there were Chinese in Toungoo including the
Colonel's Aide, P. Y. Shu, and also several others in terms of
specialties, but it came home to me when I found out that all of our
P-40's, the 99 P-40's that we eventually received and were
assembled in Rangoon, they were assembled by Chinese and with
a Tech Rep, a Technical Representative and they were test hopped
before we ferried them up to Toungoo by a Chinese pilot, who
incidentally later turned out to be one of the dearest friends I've
had, later Chief of the Air Force, Ambassador to Korea, the whole
bit. But he was a test pilot who flew every one of those P-40's
before we got them in.

FRANK BORING:

His name?

ED RECTOR:

That test pilot was Y.T. Low, the friend of the AVG, later one of
the dearest friends I've ever had in my life. I knew him on Taiwan
and later he was Commander of the Chinese Air Force, later
Ambassador to Korea.

FRANK BORING:

Were you aware of what was going on with the Chinese
interaction?

ED RECTOR:

Still in Burma we were briefed about the ground net. I can bring it
in in terms of seeing the ground net in operation. We had been

�briefed about it before so I can start with the first Jing-bow and
say…
(break)
ED RECTOR:

In addition to the physical damage that we saw as we drove
through town from the airfield into our billets, another aspect that
was very apparent to us was the support the Chinese gave us.
Hundreds of them on the airfield that helped park the airplanes and
they of course were responsible for feeding us and bedding us and
boarding us and tending to us and caring for us, that was apparent
the first night. Thereafter, they were the people who slung the
props and did the hard manual labor and the next morning, when
we got the first Jing bow alert, there came into being the full
appreciation of what Chennault had briefed us on before, the
effectiveness of the ground warning net that he had organized on
his own when he came to China and it was all over China. And the
effectiveness of it was that when that first Jing bow went up, those
planes were being warmed up and taking off in Indo-China and
they had watchers that close to know about it. When the second
Jing bow was sounded, they had crossed over Lao Kay? Coming
up to Kunming and the third Jing bow is when they're 150
kilometers away. So that was an indication of the effectiveness of
the net that we had been briefed on. The next morning we were
prepared for operations and we had the early dawn alert out and
ready and manned. The rest of us came out about an hour later and
it was then that we heard the first Jing bow. My plane had been
readied for a 25 hour check, which meant that the cowling, the
covering of the engine, had been taken off and the mechanics and
technicians were just getting ready to turn to in terms of what a 25
hour check includes, and I yelled to them, ran down to the flight
line actually, and said "put that cowling back on" and promptly
went back, got my parachute and got my cap and paraphernalia,
ran back and got in the airplane, warmed it up. Prior to this, the
early morning alert flight had taken off. Two other flights had
taken off later with the second Jing bow, and I got off after they
did and joined up with them due east of Kunming in high towering

�cumulus clouds. I saw the fellows hanging on their props shooting
at this formation of nine bombers in a big, beautiful Vee. I plowed
on in and I said I'm not going into that maelstrom, because I
thought, how are they keeping from killing each other? Because
they were just hanging and making passes and no bombers were
going down. So I pulled up to the high perch, that's the beam of the
last of the formation, the last guy on the port side of this vee, and I
stood up there in a typical attack thing that you're taught from the
first day you learned fighter tactics, and that's called a curve of
pursuit, and with that I came in like this, rolled in, and you're all
moving forward and you are inevitably drawn in behind, but I
started firing at an angle off of about 40 degrees, gradually closed
until the last 100 yards, I was going right up the tail of the airplane.
I could see my bullets hitting the plane and it wouldn't go down.
Something happened to me then that was unique and I learned
forever and thereafter, I got what is called target fascination, that
is, you become fascinated with the target and you fly into it. I
damned near did it. At the last split second - and I'm still shooting,
my guns have been shooting for seven seconds, five seconds,
which is a long burst - and at the last moment I shoved the stick
forward and I came so close that airplane - I can see in my mind's
eye today the camouflage and the Zeus buttons and the welding
and as I went underneath, I saw - right in his face - the dust bin
gunner hanging over his gun, and I had shot his lower jaw away.
But with that target fixation, I damned near killed myself and I
learned from it and never did it again, obviously.

�</text>
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&#13;
Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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                  <text>Fei Hu Films&#13;
Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                <text>Rector, Edward F.</text>
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                <text>Interview of Ed Rector by filmmaker Frank Boring for the documentary, Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers. Ed Rector served as Vice Squadron Leader of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) 2nd Squadron "Panda Bears." He joined the AVG after discharging his commission from the US Navy, and left the AVG when it was disbanded in 1942. In this tape, Rector discusses how the news of Pearl Harbor and being at war heightened the AVG's operations, in addition to the important role the Chinese personnel played in their endeavor.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 7]
ED RECTOR:

When I caught up with the formation and the melee of my
compatriots who had them under attack, I pulled up to the typical,
what is called high perch position for a fighter curve of pursuit
attack, and that's about 500 feet above the formation. I made such a
curve of pursuit, 40 degrees angle off, I started shooting and as I
closed in I…

(break)
ED RECTOR:

I'm in the high perch position - that is the normal position for a
curve of pursuit fighter aircraft attack and from there, I started…

(break)
ED RECTOR:

When the cowling was back on my airplane and it was ready, I
warmed it up quickly and took off and I had the report by radio
that the formation was east of the field and of course the town, I
barreled out in that direction, going through cumulus clouds that
towered above us and on either side, and there were great big
valleys of open space, and I eventually caught up with the
formation of ten Japanese bombers, and my colleagues who were
making attacks on them and I looked in wonderment as to why
they hadn't run into each other because this was the first combat
we had ever been in and they were swarming underneath and all
around and hanging on their props and I didn't want any part of

�that melee, so I pulled up to the high perch position that a fighter
pilot takes when he flies a curve of pursuit, and when I was in
position, abeam of the formation, I turned and came in like this and
started flying 40 degrees angle off and eventually ended up behind
the last bomber on the left, on the port side, firing all the time and I
closed in rapidly and something happened to me at that point that I
remembered thereafter forever. I'd been briefed and I knew about
target fixation or fascination, that is when a pilot becomes
fascinated and flies into the target that he is attacking. That almost
happened to me. At the last split second, I shoved the stick
forward, went underneath the plane, I don't know how close I
came, but in my mind's eye today I can see the absolute finite
detail of the riveting, the camouflage paint, the insignia and the
dust pin gunner who had been firing at me as I came up the slot. As
I ducked underneath, he was slumped over his gun and I shot his
lower jaw away. I see that very clearly. I'll never forget it. I pulled
out to the left then and climbed back up to the high perch position
and made another pass. This time I came in and there was one 30
caliber firing and I thought well, I'll go out and make a head-on
pass. So I charged the guns again, remember they were all
manually charged, and I barreled ahead and came back head-on at
the leader of the formation. I depressed the trigger and one little 30
went pop, pop, pop and then I went right over the top and I had
him dead to rights - if my 50's had only been firing. Then I pulled
out and barreled ahead again, recharged the guns, made another
head-on pass and the little 30 caliber in the wing, the left wing, had
stopped firing, so I thought, well to hell with it, I might as well go
back to Kunming. The formation had flown up from French IndoChina. They followed the railroad up and it ended 50 miles - it
turned 50 miles east of Kunming and then came in due west. Well I
presumed, when I decided to go back to Kunming, that they would
turn and head immediately for Haiphong, where they were based
across the China border in northern Indo-China, so I flew
alongside to get their heading and then I turned and flew a
reciprocal of that expecting to see that big, beautiful Kunming
Lake and no difficulty at all in finding my way home. Well,

�remember that they were 60 miles east and then they had turned
south to Haiphong. The reciprocal I flew, put me 70 to 100 miles
east of Kunming and that's how I "got lost", I just ran out of fuel.
That was also another - that was really a scary time because in
trying to find these glossy, slick supposed maps, I was looking for
an auxiliary field that was shown on these supposedly maps which
pointed these out. Well I felt that I knew where I was and I went
down this valley
(break)
ED RECTOR:

I was in this curve of pursuit, which is a typical fighter attack,
where you are a beam of the airplane that you're shooting at. I
started curve of pursuit, started shooting at 45 degrees angle off
and continued to fire until I was within 100 yards of the bomber
and going right up his tail. That was a five to seven second burst of
fire or longer and I got target fixation. I'd been told about target
fixation and this is when a pilot becomes fascinated with the target
and literally flies into it. I almost did that. At the last moment, as I
came up astern, right up his tail with the rear dust pin gunner firing
at me, at the last split second I shoved the stick forward, went
underneath the bomber - I don't know how close I came - but in my
mind's eye today I can see the rivets, the camouflage, and the detail
including the rear gunner with his lower jaw completely shot away
and sagging drooped over his gun. I pulled out to the left having
missed the plane and pulled back up to the high perch position,
made another run just like the first and only one little 30 caliber
was firing in my left wing and then I pulled back up again to the
high perch position and again I looked back at that maelstrom of
my colleagues that were firing and falling back, and I said I don't
want any more of that, so I said I'll go out forward and make a
head-on attack. So I fire balled it, moved out in front of the bomber
and turned around and I recharged all of the guns, the 50's that are
synchronized firing through the prop - the four 50's, two on either
wing and had the leader dead in my sights and I started shooting
quite a distance away and the one little 30 caliber continued to go
pop, pop, pop and I pulled up off the top, turned around, fire balled

�it and moved out ahead again, recharged all the guns and came
back for another head-on pass and even the little 30 caliber had
stopped firing and I said well I might as well go home. I flew
alongside the bomber formation, took their heading, turned to fly
the reciprocal of that heading, which would take me back to
Kunming and I couldn't miss the big expanse of Kunming Lake
and in taking this reciprocal heading, I had not taken into account
that the bombers - I would have thought and I would have headed
straight for home - but instead they had followed the railroad up
from Haiphong, 50 miles east of Kunming and then followed the
railroad straight into Kunming, that's the way they were turned. So
picture if you will, me taking a reciprocal of these bombers that
were 60 miles east of Kunming when they made their turn, and in
the fighting I didn't know that they had turned - you're not aware of
that - and so instead of coming back to Kunming, I was 70 miles
off course and that's why I eventually was lost and was running out
of fuel and why I ended up 1/3 of the way to Chongqing at a little
village called Suning. Well in reaching this place, being a Navy
pilot I know how to search because when you're at sea, you're more
appreciative of navigation - you don't do pilotage at sea, you do
dead reckoning and the whole bit, and you know how to do a
square search and I broke out my little chart, which was a glossy,
slick map - a picture that had the location of alternate airfields
around Kunming and I thought that I had determined where I was
and I said well if I follow this road I will get to this alternate
airfield. I followed that road and I was in sunlight, but the road led
into a shallow valley and that valley suddenly ended up in a river
bed with sheer cliffs going up on either side and I'm underneath a
400 foot overcast by this time and I'm pulling 40 and 60 degree
turns to stay in the river canyon, and the canyon narrows more and
one time I made a 90 degree turn and I said well listen it's just a
matter of time until I crash into one of these canyon walls on either
side. Ahead of me I saw a straight of about two miles, and with
that I pushed full power on, pulled that P-40 back and at 130 miles
an hour started climbing into the overcast. It was a terrible, terrible
period. I fully expected any instant to go crashing into a mountain.

�I climbed and climbed what seemed to be an eternity. Then it
started getting light above me and only then did I dare hope that I
would live and suddenly I broke out into beautiful, bright sunlight.
I let out a shout of glee, did a 180 and headed straight back to the
cleared area that I had flown over and by this time my red light,
fuel warning light is on. I go back to a village that I recognized and
I drug this field and saw that there was an open area under
cultivation that I could land on. I put the flaps down, left the
wheels up, came around for a landing, and just before I touched
down - being an old carrier pilot I triggered in on the prop - then I
chopped the throttle and at the same time reached and turned the
switch of to prevent a fire, and I skidded to a halt and made sure
that everything was off. Then I looked up the hill toward the
village and here is an army of people. It looked like a waterfall
coming down the hill, two little positions, that they just flowed
toward me. I reached in and grabbed my 45 and I got on the other
side of the crowd approaching and I crouched down below the
cockpit and I had my pistol ready - and then I thought, Rector this
is stupid. What are you going to do? And I didn't know where I
was. I didn't know whether I was in China or Jap territory or what.
So I put the pistol back in my pocket, slid over the fuselage facing
them and I just stood up like this when they arrived, waiting to see
what would happen. And of course they were friendly and I found
a lad who spoke English - or he found me and in halting English
we conversed and I told him who I was and they took me in town
for a very fine luncheon and I had to tell them some stories on
what had happened. They had heard the planes overhead and had
for many years. Most times they were Japanese planes. Chennault
had told us that any time you go down, be sure you retrieve the
guns and any ammo, and that particularly. So I got a garage
mechanic - I got two of them from in town through the interpreter and we dismantled the six guns and the ammo and I took some of
the communications equipment and we put all that in the bed of a
truck and I overnighted there. The next day we drove most of the
day and we arrived at one of the four quadrant headquarters of the
ground observer net, that I told you about. There, was one of my

�colleagues, the radio operator and I overnighted with him and got a
message in to the old man that - the Colonel - that I was okay.
Then the next day I proceeded on to Kunming. The General said Chennault called me over to his headquarters and said "Well what
happened?" I repeated the story that I've just told you and he said
"Well Eddie, I'm glad you're alive and that you're back, but you
should have stayed in there when your guns stopped firing." I said
"What for sir?" He says "to draw fire so the rest of the boys could
get their shots in." I left there shaking my head and said "What a
man!"
FRANK BORING:

What was the reaction… particularly if Tex was involved here, if
he's part of the story at all?

(break)
ED RECTOR:

I reported to my squadron, the Second Squadron to Jack Newkirk,
the Squadron Commander and he had me tell the story and I did
and Newkirk said "Well I think he's right, I know he shot that first
airplane down." So that's it. He said "By the way, the boss wants to
see you." And that's when I went over to see Chennault. But
obviously my squadron mates were glad to see me back and they
already knew that I was safe and they said "how was it? What was
it like?" and so I had to tell them the story again.

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Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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                  <text>Fei Hu Films&#13;
Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 8]
ED RECTOR:

After our fight on December 20th, on December 25th and
December 27th, the Third Squadron had their marvelous two days
over Rangoon and after that effort they were a bit spent. So the
Second Squadron, my squadron was chosen to relieve them in
Rangoon. So we left for Rangoon and I flew down on the
Transport to Lashio because I was proceeding on the ground and
were off loaded at Lashio. The other guys flew the planes down.
They stopped at Lashio to refuel and proceed on to Rangoon.
Lashio, which is the rail head of the Burma Railroad. I rode the
train from there all the way to Rangoon and arrived about 10
o'clock in the morning and I must say that I had visions of being
strafed - at least I was thinking ahead - and I thought my God!, I
don't want to come this far and get killed by being strafed on a
train and I was looking left and right and ready to leap or do
whatever I might be able to do if the Japanese caught the train
approaching Rangoon. So I was very alert. But I arrived and we
were billeted - I joined the rest of the squadron - and we were
billeted on the airdrome, or adjacent to the airdrome in RAF
barracks, officer's quarters. The Japanese were making desultory,
single and double and triple bombing raids at night to disturb us,
all hours of the night and we couldn't get any sleep. So our
Skipper, Jack Newkirk, went into town and he found out that we
could get billeted in town. And all of us, except one or two of the

�pilots, were billeted around town with the colonial British. Seven
of us were billeted in the Burma Oil Company compound. Now
these are beautiful colonial homes, beautifully appointed and
staffed and we deployed our aircraft at night, by the way, 20 to 30
miles out of town - 15 miles - into what is dry pans. And they were
named by British-Scotch names - Johnny Walker, Johnny Red
Label and Black Label. So we had 3 of these places and we
disbursed them, just left the airplanes out and the next morning we
went out by British lorry - and the lorries picked us up incidentally
in the evening to bring us into town. So picture if you will, the first
day that - or the third day that we've disbursed the aircraft, the
lorry, instead of taking us back to our billets adjacent to the
airfield, took us into this marvelous, big, spacious compound, it
was 9 o'clock at night, and Bert Christman and I were roommates,
they'd billeted us together. Remember we were squadron mates in
the Navy, Tex and Crix and myself on old Scouting 41. So we get
out with our kit and we're in our flying suits and we go up to the
blackout curtain and knock and just as we stepped up to the
threshold of the door and were going to knock, the blackout curtain
is pulled aside like this, and a servant said "come right in." We
stepped inside and looked around at this beautiful, beautiful home
and then he turned and picked up a tray and he said "would you
gentlemen prefer or would you like a little refreshment?" And
there were two double scotches and soda on the tray. We said
"Yes!" So we had a marvelous drink there and were seated in the
hallway - we weren't seated, we were still standing there, sipping
or drink. Then we heard this feminine voice coming down a curved
stairway and we looked up and here is this beautiful vision of a
woman in a long gown, coming down the stairs and saying
"Gentlemen, welcome, thank you" and she came on down. What a
beautiful lovely lady. I'll tell you more about her later. She came
down and her name was Joan Rigg, and we were in the home of
Basil Rigg, who was an executive with the Burma Oil Company.
This lovely creature came down and she was apologizing, shaking
hands, saying welcome and saying "thank you for what you did on
December 25th and 27th and thank you so very much. But I must

�make one apology, Gentlemen, after the bombings on the 25th and
27th, the servants were scared and they ran like the devil, they fled,
and we're making do with just five." So Basil, who was doing his
fire marshall duty, he came in with his hat on and we said hello,
and we sat down in the living room - and we went up and
showered and got into informal dress and came back down, had
another drink and then we had dinner about 10 o'clock. The Brit's,
you know, in colonial fashion, they never dine before 9 or 10 and
this evening it was at least 10. We stayed there and what a joy it
was to be in that beautiful home. Every morning we were picked
up at 4 o'clock by a British lorry and out to retrieve our aircraft and
then back again. That went on until we lost Crix and that was in
combat over Mingaladon.
FRANK BORING:

If you would - I realize this may be painful, but if we could go into
that day that that happened and your reaction and the impact it had
on the squadron?

ED RECTOR:

Crix and I being roommates traveled together, of course, and being
in the same squadron, he was senior to me by a couple of years and
he was the Flight Leader on 1 o'clock one afternoon when we're
standing alert under the Japanese force approaching from the
northwest. Recall that the Brit's had radar; it was rudimentary, but
nevertheless, effective. They could tell you many unfriendliness,
many unknowns approaching from the northeast. They couldn't
give you chapter and verse in vectoring, but they could tell you
that unknown planes were on their screen. On the day that we lost
Crix, I was flying his wing and we took off and his radio
communications was a little Victorian thing that you wind like this
and it was far less than adequate. Well he pointed that he could not
hear and he said "you take the lead" because I'm talking to the
controller. So he slid over on my wing and I took the lead and we
climbed at max power and max rate to the northeast.

(break)

�ED RECTOR:

I was flying Bert's wing when we were launched to meet this
oncoming unknowns from the northeast. We took off in formation
and Bert, after we lifted off pointed to his headset to indicate that
he was not receiving instruction from the controller who was at the
radar site and he pointed to me to take over. With that he slid over
and got on my wing and continued to climb at max power and max
rate of climb to the northeast. We continued to climb until we got
up to 14,000 feet or thereabouts, still all out and I looked up ahead
and here is a formation of massive aircraft. I didn't know how
many until I got right to them and I got up just about level??? And
I sighted them, then I continued climbing as they approached
directly from a distance. We had about 5 to 700 feet of altitude on
them when we got up to them. Remember we were approaching
like this - and the formation consisted of 27 fixed wing dive
bombers, in a beautiful parade formation and aft of them about 2
miles was their fighter escort. Crix and I were all alone; we were
the first to contact. Well I got on the horn and announced that I had
found them for the others, who were patrolling in other areas, and
then I headed for the bombers and Crix was on my wing and I
thought well we can get in one good pass before those fighters get
up close and we have to tangle with them. So I made a pass over
that formation and I didn't fire at one plane, I just hosed the whole
formation because they were in close and pulled up immediately to
height and turned to come back and I was into the escort fighters
by this time, and the formation is continuing and I never
determined whether we had knocked one down or not. It was again
a maelstrom of activity. I had to dive out and then climb back
again and the fight was going on and you'd see the fighters and
they were all over. By this time our other - our boys had caught up,
so it is one big whirl of activity. The bombers never did get to the they didn't drop their bombs on the airfield and they disappeared
and went home and we were all busy with the fighters. We
returned and landed and were debriefed and Crix had not landed
and I of course, because we were roommates and he was a very
dear friend, I pieced this all together to find out just what had
happened. He had been hit and had bailed out and the people on

�the ground, the Burmese - this is 20 miles from the airfield to the
northeast - they confirmed that his chute had opened and he was
descending and that he had been strafed in his chute while
descending and…
(break)
ED RECTOR:

As we headed in to the bomber formation, I could see the fighter
escort in the back and there had to have been some 18 to 28
fighters as their escort.

(break)
ED RECTOR:

We made our first pass from about 5 to 700 feet above the dive
bomber formation, tight parade formation and remember they had
rear gunners shooting at us and I raked the whole formation, didn't
aim at one plane, pulled around in a very tight turn and I could see
Crix's fire going by me to the right as he made a pass. Then I
turned immediately because I knew we would be engaged by the
fighters and I turned and headed straight for them and shooting at
the first fighter I saw, heading for me, and after that we became
separated. I didn't see Crix again. I don't know what caused the
operation or whether he was with me or whether one of the rear
gunners might have nicked him, or what happened. We continued
and we were joined by some 8 or 10 of our P-40's by this time, as I
had called attention to as to where the fight was taking place, and it
was a whirling mass of activity there and I had to dive out at least
twice. The bombers did not drop their bombs on the airfield. They
had turned while we were engaged with the fighters and got back
to Thailand from whence they came. We had a good dog fight and
forget what our claims were on that day, but we landed all but
Crix. Later that afternoon, we wondered what had happened. The
word came in and his body, which the natives had brought in, and
they related this story, that Crix was coming down by parachute
and that the Japanese fighters attacked him and just laced him up
and down, his body was full of bullet holes, one through the base

�of his skull. So that was how he was delivered and that was the
explanation of how he died. This was not traumatic - but he was
one of my best friends and my roommate and I lost him and I
dearly loved that guy, because he was such a fine gentleman.
Everyone in the AVG loved this guy. To give you a little
background on him, he was an artist. He drew strips - you're too
young to remember - but there was an adventure strip called
"Scorchy Smith". He drew this for two years for whatever the
syndicate was that produced it and then he decided that he would
get enough experience in aviation to eventually arrive at the day
where he could draw his own strip and that's why he applied for
and took flight training and had been in the squadron in the Navy
bombing for what later became Scouting 41, when I arrived. He
had been there 2 years. He was an old Ensign. So that's how our
friendship started. So here he is and he had already started drawing
his strip, by the way, to get the background, because back in
Norfolk we would go out and raise hell on weekends or at night,
and Crix would be there at his drawing board like artists have at a
slant, putting down ideas. He was an excellent artist. He helped
very much in terms of drawing our insignia, not only for our
squadron but for the First Squadron and the Third Squadron.
Disbursed the airplane that night and I went back to my billet and
the Rigg's were as crushed as I was because they'd already grown
so fond of us, the two of us, but Crix in particular and Joan tried
that night to be as helpful as she could and I was somber, I'm sure
it was apparent. But she was just as grief stricken as I was. So two
days later, there was a funeral in the local Christian cemetery. By
this time Crix and I had met a couple of lovely ladies and we'd
dated them and they were there for the funeral, plus parts of their
family and others, so Tex, myself and well most of the whole
squadron - I think we left only 2 or 4 guys to stand alert - and the
service was about 4 in the afternoon, and it was a beautifully done
service. Incidentally, I went back to Burma six or eight years ago seven years ago to be exact - and I went by to try to find that
graveyard and I found it, but it had grown up. There were trees that
were 50 and 70 feet tall. It had not been kept up and there was no

�way I could find his grave, look though I did. I went to the
authorities and they had no record at all and that was a
disappointment. I had visions when I went back there to see a
beautifully marked grave and I had a camera, I was going to take
pictures and bring them back to our organization and just as a
keepsake and a memento for me.

�</text>
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                  <text>Collection contains original 1940s films and interviews conducted in the 1990s, documenting the history of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) "Flying Tigers." The Flying Tigers were organized by the United States to aid China during the Second Sino-Japanese War. &#13;
&#13;
Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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                  <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections &amp; University Archives</text>
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                  <text>Fei Hu Films&#13;
Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                <text>Rector, Edward F.</text>
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                <text>Interview of Ed Rector by filmmaker Frank Boring for the documentary, Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers. Ed Rector served as Vice Squadron Leader of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) 2nd Squadron "Panda Bears." He joined the AVG after discharging his commission from the US Navy, and left the AVG when it was disbanded in 1942. In this tape, Rector describes the day the AVG lost Bert Christman (also known as "Crix") and his memory of the funeral, in addition to his return trip to Burma in search of his grave. </text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 9]
ED RECTOR:

Our operations, during the rest of our stay, the Second Squadron,
before we were relieved by the First, was - call them routine although they were anything but that. They consisted of being up
on alert and interspersed with that, mostly in the mornings were
raids over Thailand, Mae Sot particularly, that was a little grass
field just over the Burma border into Thailand. We raided it plus a
couple of other airfields. Tack, that later became Toplee [?] in the
Vietnam War. I recall one mission that was unique because we flat
out caught them by surprise. They were playing volley ball when
we swoop in and start raking their airplanes on the ground. Other
times we were caught - our guys - when my colleague, Charlie
Mott, was shot down and became a POW. They were ready with
ground fire and also with an airborne alert. So we were lucky at
times and other times we met opposition and that was interspersed
with alerts when the Japs would come over. I recall one instance
when the Japs came over with a formation of seven bombers in a
beautiful Vee, and again, my airplane is on the ground and it's
being repaired, the plugs were being changed. Our Line Chief was
a guy by the name of Fox, what a gem amongst a coterie of gems
and I recall saying to Fox - Harry Fox - I said "hurry up Harry,
hurry, hurry" and he's cranking trying to get the plugs in and the
cowling back on and I'm standing down there and I look up there
and finally these bombers - I can see them, right in beautiful

�formation and the guys are having at them and only four of the
bombers got over the field.
(break)
ED RECTOR:

I look up at 45 degrees and here's this formation and they started
out as seven, four of them got over the airfield but at 45 degrees,
there were five of them in formation, Harry Fox is trying to change
the plugs on my P-40 and I'm saying "Hurry, hurry, Harry" and
finally when they got to 45 degrees, I knew that we couldn't make
it and I said "I'm heading the slit trench" and Harry looked up from
his stand and he looked up at the bombers and he took one more
turn and I'm cowering in the slit trench and he's up there on this
platform, and he looks up at the bombers and they're at 60 degrees
now approaching 70, and he takes his tool and he looks up at them
and he throws this wrench at them "You sons of bitches" and he
gets off the stand and comes and jumps in the slit trench - he
doesn't jump in the slit trench with me, but he just hunkers down,
still cursing, and they dropped their bombs and our boys had
dropped another one of them and the three of them turned away
and they never got 10 miles away until the Brit's and our boys
finished off the total of the seven.

FRANK BORING:

Right after this…

(break)
ED RECTOR:

Eventually the Second Squadron was a bit beaten up and
Chennault said…

(break)
ED RECTOR:
(break)

Chennault determined that we needed a rest.

�ED RECTOR:

The Second Squadron had been in Rangoon for nigh onto two
months and Chennault decided that we were a bit beaten up and
that our planes needed detailed maintenance and that the pilots and
the ground crew were due a respite. So he sent the First Squadron
down to relieve us and from there the Second Squadron proceeded
back to Kunming. The First Squadron stayed for another two or
three months and they retreated after the Japs had moved on to
Rangoon and they moved up to a place - the oil fields in Burma about 40 miles northwest of Rangoon and then from there
eventually on back into China also.

FRANK BORING:

What was your activity like with the Second Squadron at this time?

ED RECTOR:

The Second Squadron, after moving back to Kunming, we resumed
raids over French Indo-China. We took the offensive, and soon
after that we were disbursed further east in several locations. And
as the First Squadron was brought back also, we were sent back
initially to Loiwing and to Lashio on special missions. One of
those missions happened to have been to go to Hayho [?], where
we overnighted and that's where we lost Newkirk, when we raided
Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai. We did that from the southwest
corner of Hunan Province at Loiwing. Then after that series of
operations and we were pushed out of Loiwing and the Japanese
approached all the way to the river, we pulled all the way back to
Kunming and then started our operations eastward to other bases
and throughout eastern China - not throughout but up all the way to
Hankow and south toward Canton.

FRANK BORING:

Is this the same period of time that Black Mack McGarry was shot
down or is this much later?

ED RECTOR:

It was during this period.

FRANK BORING:

Okay, if you could give us some idea - were you there at that time?

�ED RECTOR:

Yeah. When we pulled this raid, we had maneuvered 1500 - 1200
miles in order to pull off this raid in Chiang Mai and Chiang Drai
and we arrived at Hayho [?] with 12 or 14 aircraft, but the [?]
pilots that were to replace us also came in.

FRANK BORING:

Did you have any comments or reactions about…

ED RECTOR:

I've got a good story to tell you about that change-over.

FRANK BORING:

Good.

ED RECTOR:

By the time the AVG was fully withdrawn from Burma and we
were back in China, Chennault - he didn't concoct - because as a
thinking tactician he had this plan. He knew that in northern
Thailand at Chiang Mai and Chiang Drai, it was within our range,
there were hundreds of Japanese aircraft, up to 200 aircraft. He
concocted or planned this assault on those two bases by having us
fly from Kunming - and remember this is a free-staging area to do
what he wanted to do, to catch them off guard. We flew from
Kunming back to Loiwing and refueled from there and then we
went into one of those auxiliary fields that I mentioned earlier, it’s
called Hayho and it's in eastern Burma. Right up - not next to, but
fairly close to the Thai border. We flew in there at dusk and then
we spent the next three hour - four hours really - shammying. Now
shammying is to take a shammy and - there had been pre-placed
fuel up there - but you doesn’t take fuel directly from the barrel we always did - even in China - we shammied all fuel that went
into a plane. So we sat there and shammied fuel out of 5 gallon
cans - these were 5 gallon can and so we were fully loaded and
then we went to bed about 11 o'clock at night, tired as hell and we
either 14 or 16 airplanes - I think it was 14. We were divided and
briefed. Some of us would go to Chiang Mai and some would go to
Chiang Drai - which is about 50 miles north of Chiang Mai. We
overnighted, got up real early and went out and took off literally it
wasn't even quite dawn. We had headlights down at the far end of
the runway to get airborne. We got airborne and headed out part of

�the way and the people led by Newkirk that went to Chiang Drai,
headed up in their direction and Bob Neale, who was leading the
element or the 8 planes that I was with, headed for Chiang Mai. It
was hazy, visibility was just terrible and with the sun coming up
and with all that haze, it wasn't possible to identify anything. We
couldn't find a landmark at all and we proceeded time and distance,
old Navy tradition and I see some mountains sticking up from here
and there and we go straight ahead, and Bob Neale, is weaving
back and forth, trying to wonder where the hell we are and we
looked - and we were all searching - I think Bob was just about to
turn around and go back, and with that, Charlie Bond flew by him,
rocked his wings and in effect said "follow me". And here is an
ice-cream coned hill sticking up like this, beautifully round and
pointed, Charlie had been there on a reconnaissance and he
recognized that. We went screaming down around that damned hill
and headed right for the airdrome. The Japs never knew what hit
them. They were warming up their airplanes and it's barely light
and one of our guys took the head off of a crew chief that just
stood up and looked around like this and the guy came back with
the leading edge of his P-40 bloodied, he just took the guy's head
off. They went up and down that line several times, those who
were on the mission, and it turned out that I was assigned top cover
with Black Mack McGarry with the proviso that we could - if the
Japs did not have a dawn patrol and nothing happened, then we
could go in and make a pass. So nothing happened and I turned and
went in - I started in and I even started firing my guns and I saw a
damn plane and I thought Rector you moved too fast, and I pulled
up. And it wasn't a Jap, but was one of our guys and I mucked up
on that one. But Mack went right on in and he was hit. The timing
on this mission was very precise and exact and we had to get the
hell out of there, but that was a hell of a damn take that day in
terms of planes destroyed. I can't quote you the figure, but it's in
the records. But we started gathering up again and Black Mack
McGarry pulled up to join me and I noticed that as he pulls in to
formation that there's white smoke coming from his plane and he
never did get quite in formation and started circling and I rocked

�my wings and I broke radio silence and said "hold it fellows" to
Bob Neale.
(break)
ED RECTOR:

Black Mack pulled up to join me and I kept waiting for him having
throttled back and I looked and when he almost got in formation I
saw that he was streaming white smoke. That was a bad indication
because that meant that his coolant had been hit and caused that
white smoke - that was always evident. We weren't in radio
contact, but I started circling and I couldn't talk to him but I did
call blindly to Bob Neale that we had - that Mack was hit and I
started circling and then I stayed close to him and he headed for a
high ridge and I could see that he wasn't going to make it, he
couldn't get over it and I sort of flew top cover on him and
observed him and the other guys were circling overhead. Finally he
turns to parallel this ridge, this low ridge of hills and it was
apparent that he would have to bail out and so he rolled the P-40
upside down, dropped out and the chute opened and he floated
down and went into the trees and I continued to circle and Neale.

(break)
ED RECTOR:

Mack's chute opened and he floated into the jungle. Bob Neale
continued to circle with a couple of the other guys. I reached into
my pocket on the flying suit, the bottom of the leg and I took out
the map, my map of the area and I circled it with my pencil and
said you are there and I could see the top of his chute in the trees,
and I put the flaps down and came in with a carrier landing as well
as I could and got ahead of him because I knew when I dropped the
map that it would flutter, and I saw it fall and it was fairly close to
his proximity, or in proximity to him and then I reached in, and of
course we always carried some sort of ration with us and we did
have chocolate bars that were that big and I had one in case I went
down and needed a little sustenance. So I took that out and I was

�quite accurate with this and Black Mack confirmed that he got that
chocolate bar and I dropped it, then we went on our way.

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Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 10]
ED RECTOR:

We were sending out patrols to find out where the Japanese were
in Burma and how far they had advanced and on one of these
patrols of four planes, I happened to have detected them
approaching the top rim of the Salween River Gorge, leading up to
the defoliated position where the road winds back and forth down
to the bottom of the gorge, the bridge is there, and again winds up
the far side of the gorge to the plateau beyond. I caught the
advance columns, the scouting columns of the Japanese on that
high ground on the west side, the Burma side and we raked them
real good and then we came back and reported that and subsequent
to that, the old man launched successive attacks against the column
and by this time the Japanese had moved in and had gone down to
the very edge of the water, presumably, and that's where our boys
who were so successful with bombing and strafing up and down
the gorge, in terms of stopping the Japanese and holding them
there until the Chinese got the last of their troops out of Burma - or
rather into China and across the Salween and then blew the bridge.

FRANK BORING:

What were your missions like after that?

ED RECTOR:

Following the Salween operation, we operated east from Kunming.
We were deployed to a number of bases including Chungking, at a
base called …it was about 40 miles outside of Kunming. The

�Chinese had prepared very excellent airfields for us at Liuchow,
Kweilin and Hengyang and subsequently Ling Ling and that's in
the Seong [?] Valley. So we operated there regularly and we did
operations north of Hengyang, which was the easternmost of the
bases that we utilized at the time and we would go forward and
attack the shipping - I recall one instance where Harry Bolster,
myself and two other fellows - we caught a small Japanese gunboat
on the Yangtze River and we sank it, we strafed the hell out of it
and it and we left it and it was later observed - oh the Chinese
reported that - through to Chennault, and he was the one who told
me that we had put it on the bottom. In addition to that, by this
time remember it's June and more Army Air Corps troops are
appearing in the theater. Recall that I told you that the 51st Fighter
Group was virtually in China by this time intact. Also the 11th
Bomb Squadron was activated and in that 11th Bomb Squadron
you'd be interested to know, there were two - I'm sorry, three good little Tokyo bomber crews - B-25 crews and this was the 11th
Bomb Squadron of course was equipped with B-25's and we were
operating with them and escorting them on missions. They were
from Hengyang, they were given the mission to bomb Hankow well that is the heart of the Japanese offensive and I thought it was
a pretty good mission and I had six airplanes to escort their B-25's
and if I might draw backward for you what happened, Hankow is
here and the loop of the Yangtze River is like this - it comes out of
the mountains, the Himalayas, comes up like this and here is
Hankow. It loops around like this in a beautiful big bow and then
comes on down here and turns east and goes out to the Pacific.
Okay, we are down here, remember the bow that I explained, and
Hengyang 300 miles away and we took off from there heading for
an 800 mile round trip. We were escorting and we were heading to
Hankow and look immediately and the leader and the navigator are
about 50 miles off course, they're not heading for Hankow, they're
going - remember the bow - they're going right up the center of it
and Hankow is over here. We should have gone like this. So I drew
up alongside and I rocked my wings and we're going up this way
and I pointed hey it's over there - to you that way - and he nods his

�head - he's a Major and on we plod. I go up and rock my wings
again and I'm screaming like this with my fist, we're hand talking,
or I am, I'm hand cursing and he wouldn't turn and I just shook my
head like this. Okay we go straight up to the head of that curve,
that bow, hit it right here and then they realized they were wrong
and they turned west and I said oh here we go and around…
(break)
FRANK BORING:

If you would start by saying they were headed straight for the bow
and then realized their mistake.

ED RECTOR:

I got in the normal - with my flight of four - I got in the normal
position for escort, forward or abeam and 500 to 1000 feet ahead
because I thought the Japs might intercept us, but hoping for a
degree of surprise. We headed north and we got so far in that I said
something is wrong because they're not heading toward Hankow,
they're heading right to the top of the bow, that broad, big expanse
of the Yangtze that goes like that, we were going up the center of it
and I go alongside and rock my wings and point over to Hankow
and the guy looks and he's a Major, by the way. The leader of the
formation, the Major of the five planes continued straight ahead
until he hit the Yangtze then realized his mistake and he turned left
and followed the Yangtze around until the bend that headed where the river was flowing north - and there after he turned south
he saw Hankow - to him - and then I said Oh my God! as I saw
their bomb bays opening and they went by at 7000 feet or 8000
feet and they demolished that fishing village that they had
mistaken for Hankow and I am screaming to myself but I'm
keeping control because I know where Hankow is and with this
mucking around, they probably know that we're approaching. Well
they stuck the nose down and we went out of there at 300 miles an
hour and down we went. Remember the sun is setting in the west
behind Hankow and we went by there at near 300 miles an hour
and I'm tucked in close with my two fighters, my two elements to
be close enough to be of any help. If you want to know one of the

�disappointments of war - we went by Hankow, we were within 3
miles of the airfield, we went right by the docks they were
supposed to be bombing, looked over at the airfield and there are
over 100 - close to 200 aircraft, wing tip to wing tip, the sun
glistening off their wings and on we went back to Hengyang. What
a mucked up mission and I was wary thereafter of bombardiers
trying to lead formations.
FRANK BORING:

You had mentioned earlier that there was… as these people started
to come in.

ED RECTOR:

We started getting replacement pilots when we knew that the AVG
was being disbanded. They started trickling in and while we were
still AVG they started flying with us. We started putting them right
on missions and orienting them and getting them prepared for the
successor organization that would supplant them, the 23rd Fighter
Group. So they were under AVG control, just like they were a
member of the AVG, but they were Army Air Corps. That
proceeded smoothly. It was just a continuing thing and it
proceeded without any difficulty at all. I know that when Tex came
out to - he'd been on a ferry trip to India, when he came out to
Hengyang where I'd been holding fort with the Second Squadron,
he said "the old man asked me to talk to you - he told me, would
you go out and talk to Eddie. He said if everybody goes home, I'm
gonna have all these new pilots in here who don't know the terrain
and we'll have to just pull back to Kunming and stand down and
learn all over again. He said some of you've got to stay." And he
said "Would you go out and talk to Eddie, see if he'll stay?" Tex
comes out from his trip down to Calcutta and to India and repeated
this to me. And I said "Tex, I want to go home" and he said "So do
I, but the old man asked me to ask you" and I said "of course
you're staying?" and he said "Yeah" and I said "Okay". So that was
when I made the decision to stay on and become part of the Army
Air Corps. Subsequent to that, there's another interesting story. The
day that the AVG was moving out - remember we stayed on two
extra weeks at the General's behest - and I was taking - had already

�been made Command of the 76th Fighter Squadron, Tex the 75th,
and Frank Schiel's the 74th. I had the 76th at Kweilin and Frank
Scheil with the 74th back at Kunming and Tex had the 75th up at
Hengyang. Recall that this is the first time in any war, before or
since that I know of, where a fighter group has been activated on a
fighting front. We got our orders and commands and the AVG
went home the next day and we went fighting and continued
fighting. Now remember, I'm Navy. So that night the Seaport Six
came in with all the new pilots and the ground crew - it was a 21
passenger C-47 and they all reported to me and I said "well doesn't
Tex get anybody?" he was up there all alone. And they said "No,
we were all told to report here." So I said "Armorers line up here,
mechanics line up there, radio operators there." I split them down
the middle and I put half of them on the plane and I said "you are
now assigned to the 75th Fighter Squadron" for which Tex is
forever grateful. I sent them to Hengyang and otherwise he'd have
been flat on the ground because he'd had pilots, but that was all. So
I kept the others. Then there's a marvelous man who lives here and
a very dear friend of Tex's and mine and all of the AVG, who was
there early, Johnny Allison. He was there for the transition.
FRANK BORING:

Okay we'll talk about him after - we have talked to him ourselves.

ED RECTOR:

That night, remember I'm in Hengyang, I cornered Johnny Allison
by this time a Major with his own background in the Army Air
Corps and I said "Johnny, I don't care about the Japs, I can handle
the Japs, but here I am Navy and I don't know one thing about
Army Air Corps organization or what is required of me and that's
the only thing that worries me. Could you give me some sort of
help or guidance?" He said "Eddie, you have nothing to worry
about. You've got an Adjutant and a First Sergeant that are back at
Kunming where the administrative headquarters are, you've got
your personnel here. Don't you worry about those Army Air Corps
regulations, you just continue what you've been doing and
everything will be all right." The next morning the C-47 comes
back and lands from Hengyang, they overnighted up there again

�with the Hengyang crew. My boys got aboard and I can recall them
now "Bye sucker". Incidentally, I took these new sports - I kept
them up until midnight, telling them what to expect tomorrow.
Because if they'd be up in their first fight - and I spent two hours
telling them what to expect and I got the goodbye sucker bit from
my AVG buddies who were going home. And before 11 o'clock
the next morning, we were up in our first fight and everything went
swimmingly and my fears were for naught, because I did have
good people.
FRANK BORING:

A final couple of questions… but let's begin back down when you
first started hearing about the stories being told and that you were
being known and then Time Magazine coming out.

ED RECTOR:

Early on, with our early successes, we began to get stories from the
press and also by radio that word of the successes that we had and
were having was public knowledge, not only back in the States, but
it certainly was in China. The backwoods of China were sort of
supposedly primitive, but rest assured, the word got around. They
had radios, they had newspapers and the word traveled pretty well.
Then we began to get reports that our successes were noted, not
only in the States, but worldwide. So by the time we left Rangoon
and Life Magazine was there with the photographer and a reporter,
and subsequent to that our - I was going to say notoriety - but our
feats became well known. That was through the time that we before we were disbanded by Presidential decree in July 1942. To
bring that forward in terms of - again the notoriety that we got, this
is 50 years. This is our 50th anniversary coming up, which we are
celebrating in a gala fashion in San Diego on the 4th of July and
I've been asked about this because there has been increasing
interest in the American Volunteer Group, the Flying Tigers,
literally for the last five years. There wasn't a lot of interest after
that except for special groups. But now there's an increased interest
by almost everybody. I get calls every week to make speeches or to
autograph a picture or to submit copy or something like that, as do
the rest of the surviving members of the Flying Tigers. There is

�one unique thing that I say in my talks, particularly in the last 2-1/2
months. I said remember that we were recruited in the first place to
help a friend resist an aggressor, the Japanese. And I said the only
difference between that and Desert Storm is in terms of, first of all
the quality and above all the quantity. But again, Desert Storm
represents the U.S. going to the defense of a weaker neighbor of
the aggressor. I said that was true in China, the reason for the
AVG.
FRANK BORING:

In terms of your own life, you've accomplished a number of things
after…

ED RECTOR:

Looking back on that year of the AVG, I would say without
question, it was the most significant year of my life. It afforded the
opportunity to, first of all, prove to myself that I could do the
things that I had dreamt of doing. Secondly, it gave me - after that being - going through that proving process, I was competent
beyond compare, I had lived to become and fly - a military pilot
and to fly military aircraft, I was automatically tendered a regular
commission at the end of the war and spent 20 years in the Air
Force with the year in the Navy. So it was a very - it could not
have been a more fortuitous time because never before nor since,
was there the opportunity to do what we did in that fleeting literally - moment in time, to operate in the free-flown fashion that
we did for a marvelous, magical year, and to have accomplished
what we did. So it was - having gone through that - I'll call it a
crucible - there wasn't anything I couldn't do after that.

�</text>
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Christopher, Frank&#13;
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Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Edward “Ed” F. Rector
Date of interview: May 16, 1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 11]
ED RECTOR:

In reviewing the one year fighting existence of the American
Volunteer Group, the Flying Tigers, one might say that its greatest
impact was on the Chinese. Recall that they were beaten, they had
no capability themselves in terms of area, it was totally gone and in
that one short year, we restored the confidence of the Chinese, they
were standing tall and so appreciative and rest assured that every
success we had spread throughout China. The Chinese knew about
it. We couldn't go anywhere without being just lauded for what we
had accomplished. For the U.S. and the rest of the world, really for
again a fleeting year, we were the only ones of the allies, the only
outfit that was having any success with a total of 294 airplanes
destroyed in six months, was quite a feat. Those were the effects in
terms of the Chinese, the U.S. and the world, but from a personal
standpoint, it was fruitful for all of us. It was for me I know
because having gone through that one year crucible, short though it
was, I emerged confident and I was looking for - I had made
enough of a record that I knew this would stand me in good stead,
looking toward the end of the war, which I knew we would win, a
regular commission in the Army Air Corps, by this time - the
Army Air Force. And in addition to that crucible, that one year, my
competence was raised fourfold and I knew that there wasn't a
challenge thereafter that I couldn't face with confidence and with
knowledge that I'd succeed. Certainly I would not fear it.

�</text>
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&#13;
Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
&#13;
Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/540"&gt;Fei Hu Films research and production files (RHC-88)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections &amp; University Archives.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="806808">
                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/InC/1.0/?language=en"&gt;In Copyright&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                    <text>~

M. C. F I ELD

~- T. F I ELD

WE CATER TO
PARCELS POST , EXPRESS , AUTO. TRUCK AND CAR LOT TRADE

Fruit Guara11teecl First Class Whe11 Shipped
Terms: Cash With Order

FANCY
SHELBY,
Mt LE NORTH-WEST OF SHELBY
TELEPHONE 133

hEFEREN C E :

CHURCHILL Be WEBBER ,
BANKER S. SHELBY

�</text>
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                  <text>Collection contains images and documents digitized and collected through the project "Growing Community: A Century of Migration in Oceana County." This project was a collaboration between El Centro Hispano de Oceana, the Oceana County Historical and Genealogical Society, and Grand Valley State University funded by a Common Heritage grant from the United States National Endowment for the Humanities. The materials in this collection document the history of communities in Hart, Shelby, and Walkerville and explore themes of migration, labor, religion, family, belonging, national and cultural identities, regional, national, and international connections, and citizenship.</text>
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                  <text>Grand Valley State University. Kutsche Office of Local History</text>
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                  <text>Grand Valley State University Libraries. Special Collections and University Archives</text>
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                  <text>application/pdf</text>
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                  <text>Text</text>
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                  <text>Image</text>
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              <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                  <text>eng</text>
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              <name>Date</name>
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                <elementText elementTextId="770077">
                  <text>2016</text>
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                  <text>Oceana County (Mich.)</text>
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                  <text>Account books</text>
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                  <text>Diaries</text>
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                <text>DC-06_Oceana_Peterson_Marge-001</text>
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                <text>Red Arrow Orchards</text>
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                <text>Peterson, Marjorie (Field)</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/"&gt;In Copyright&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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