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                    <text>The

..,...._.,,

-0

~

WOMEN'S CENTER
Invites you ...

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•--V1olence.
,;tt·A
'
·- .
~

~

October 2011
Monday, October 3rd, 20

4:00 p.m. in Kirkhof Center Room 2204
ReACT! is a new peer theatre education troupe that uses
interactive theatre methods, performed live by GVSU student
actors, to stop incidents of dating and domestic violence, sexual
assault, and stalking. Audience members will explore how they
can engage in realistic, safe and effective methods for preventing
and ending violence.

Thursday, October 6th, 2011

6:00 p.m. in Grand River Room, Kirkhof Center
Gail Griffin, professor and author will share connections between
relationship violence and larger cultural patterns through a reading
and discussion around her book "The Events of October" MurderSuicide on a Small Campus. Griffin's book explores the larger
issues of dating violence, gun accessibility, and depression and
suicide on campus.

Wednesday, October 12th, 2011

12:30 p.m. in DeVos Exhibition Hall
Silent Witness: Remembering Lives Lost
to Domestic and Dating Violence
The Silent Witness Program is an annual event held at GVSU to
remember the women &amp; children from Michigan that have died
because of domestic or dating violence in the last year. The
individuals are represented by full-size cutouts with a story
assigned to each witness. Readers represent GVSU student
organizations, faculty, staff and community members.
*For individuals needing special accommodations please contact
the Women's Center at: 616-331-2748 or womenctr@gvsu~edu.

~

Women!J,Center

@

GRAND'Vlli..EY
STATElJNivERsrry
WOMEN'S CENTER

1201 Kirkhof Center
womenctr@gvsu.edu

(616) 331 - 2748

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                    <text>Dating &amp; Domestic Violence Awareness Month
October 2011

ReACT!
Monday, October 3, 2011
4:00pm Grand Valley State University
Kirkhof Center- 2204
A new peer theatre education troupe that uses Interactive
theatre methods, performed live by GVSU student actors
to stop incidents of dating and domestic violence, sexual
assault and stalking. Audience members will explore how
they can engage in realistic, safe, and effective methods
for preventing and ending violence.

"THE EVENTS OF
OCTOBER" MurderSuicide on a Small Campus

Thursday, October 6, 2011
6:00pm Grand Val ley State University
Kirkhof Center- Grand River Room
Gail Griffin, Distinguished Professor of English at
Kal ama zoo College, w ill talk about the events that
surrounded the murder/suicide that unfolded on
Kal amazoo's campus in the fall of 1999 . The book she
wrote is about a tragic event that explores the lmger
issues of intimate partner violence, gun accessibility,
depression and suicide on campus. Came and learn
about the event that changed a college campus forever:

SILENT
WITNESS
PROGRAM:
Remembering Lives Lost to
Domesti c a nd D atin g Vio le nce

Wednesday, October 12, 2011
12:30pm Grand Va lley State University
DC- l05E. Hager-Lubbers Exhibition Hal l
The Silent Witness Program is an annual event held at
GVSU to remember the women and children from
Michigan that have died because of domestic or dating
violence in the last year. The individuals are represented
by full -size cutouts with a story assigned to each w itness.
Readers represent GVSU student organizations, faculty,
s.ta.ff and community members.

Get Involved. Take Action. Make A Difference.
Sponsored

by

GVSU Women's Center. Center for Women in T·ons1t1on. GVSU Women &amp; G ender Studies, ond Eyes W,de Open Student Orgornzot,on
For individuals requ iring special accamodations, pleose call the Women·s Center ot

@

GRANDVALLEY
5TATElJNivERSITY
WOMEN'S CENTER

616.331.2748

or email at womenctr@gvsu .edu

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                    <text>Dave Karpowicz interviewed by Ken Kutzel and Eric Gollanek
October 1, 2018
KK: This is Ken Kutzel, and I'm here today with Eric Gollaneck. We're interviewing Dave
Karpowicz. at the old schoolhouse up in the art gallery in Douglas, Michigan. It's October 1st,
2018. This oral history is being collected as part of the Stories of Summer Project which is
supported in part by Grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage
program. Thank you for taking the time to talk with us today. We're interested to learn more
about your family history and your experiences of summer in the Saugatuck-Douglas area. Can
you please tell your full name and spell it?
DK: Dave Karpowicz. K A R P as in Peter O W I C like in cat. Z like in zebra.
KK: Thank you. What can you tell us about where you grew up?
DK: I actually grew up in Chicago, right by Midway Airport. I was four blocks away from
Midway Airport in a little subdivision called Cleary.
KK: Okay, so how did you end up-? What are some of the most vivid memories of your
childhood?
DK: Oh, I think where you're interested in is how I ended up at the seminary that was part of the
Phelp's Mansion. Okay. I belong to a Parish called Saint Rita, and at that time, a recruiter from
the Augustian order, Father Dudley Day, came around and started talking to the kids, especially
alter boys, seeing if they wanted to pursue a possible life in the priesthood and I was recruited
and decided to give it a shot.
KK: And can you kind of put that in a time frame?
DK: We're talking.. I was my high school class with the class of seventy. So I was recruited in
the fall. Well, it would have been before school let out, so it would have been June-ish of 66. My
first year there was in 66. okay. September of 66.
KK: So, you can continue your story now.
DK: Okay.
KK: Sorry, I wanted to kind of clarify that.
DK: So, I came out with my family. they drove me out, dropped me off and life as a seminarian
began. For me, it was a new start. It was like I was only coming out of eighth grade, so there's
not a whole lot to start from, but it was time that time that I got to put all of that history behind
and start fresh in the new environment that was different for everybody going through it at the
same time. I was some I think you might wanna know.

�Back that time, the Phelps Mansion was used as a convent for Spanish nuns. I believe that the
people, the nuns that cooked for us were Spanish nuns, and I think they lived in there. But, I
think there was also a cloistered sect of nuns that lived in there. As you look from what is now
the Phelps Mansion across that field, that was the athletic field and you'd be looking right at the
seminary at the front. The seminary ran north to south three-story building cinder-black building.
The far-left side as you're looking from Phelps Mansion was where the refractory was at. A lot of
a lot of priest came into the seminary environment to retire. So, there's a lot of old folks there and
then after the Refractory, there's this long a row of buildings. Again, it was three stories. As you
walk down the hallway from the re- from where the priests were at, across you had dorms. First
of all, you- you have a refractory, beautiful windows overlooked which would be the back side
which would be with the Frisbee golf is at now. The early tees of the Frisbee golf. For those
folks who walk the property now the seminary is pretty much where the bicycle track.
Okay. It was up on that ridge. if you walked there, you can see bits and pieces of the tile that was
destroyed when the seminary got destroyed.
5:04
DK: I believe that I was in the second year that that particular building was there. It wasn't much
longer than that. I don't think that it was the third year, I think that it was the second year that it
existed, and as you walk down that hallway in the main - you- the Refractory had beautiful
windows that would have looked out to the West. Coming down the hallway, you would have at
dorms. which would be like finger finger appendages off the left-hand side. The right-hand side
was all the classrooms in the middle of the building. There was a library and the chapel was right
across from the library continuing down two more sets of of dorms here in the classrooms on the
right-hand side. The gym was in the back end.
KK: Oh, okay.
DK: I know that a lot of the kids who played basketball in Saugatuck played in the in that gym.
we played them several times and they just came in practice every now and then. The gym was
kind of a crappy gym. It had tile floors. So, it was slippery all the time. Let's see, what else do I
have to tell you. The property was different than it is now. when you when you came in to the
road. that led that leads to the Phelps mansion there's tennis courts in the right hand side. You see
those tennis courts? Well opposite of that that right on the road, there were barricades in there.
So, Phelps was considered to be… oh, I can't think a of word. but he was a collector of animals.
That pond that was in there used to have alligators in that pond there were two barricades.
As you take the road bends to the right a little bit. Well, if you went to the left over there and
went up that hill, he tried to do the perpetual motion machine up on top of that hill which is kind
of an interesting thing.
KK: M-hm.
DK: There used to be some real nice hikes up in there. when I was growing up. what else can I
tell you all? Okay. As you were - if you walking now and you decided to go into the Saugatuck
State Park and you take the road to your right, it kind of bends to the left heads out to the right

�some more. It passes a wet, a wet area over there. That used to be called the Swamp and that's
where ice-skating... We spent most of the winter cleaning off the brush, you know.
KK: Sure.
DK: And cutting down weeds and stuff and then it would freeze and you would play and they
would dig in few a holes in the ice and keep pouring water on there, but that's where the hockey
was played. From the Phelps Mansion, there's a hill that to the right.
If you’re looking at the mansion from the seminary the hill on the left-hand side. I kinda get lost
in the directions there but the other side of that hill, there was a big bar, a huge barn, and an open
field. They used to be called the Nun's Field. There's another little football area, that's where they
play softball and stuff. But, the barn was two-story barn, and it's claim to fame was that every
Halloween the senior class put on what they call Guadeamas, or a play. Let us rejoice, the Latin
for "Let us Rejoice" and it was a play and I remember the first year. There I was others again. I
would have been there for six weeks now, or five weeks. We met up there. We walked from the
seminary grounds into the Phelps Mansion and all. And then, we went over that hill into the barn
and the barn had hay bales all over for seating all over. There's people in the rafters and stuff and
I've never seen anything like that before. And, it was a terrific play and most of it was jokes
about the priest and stuff like that, but it was a great experience. It was snowing that day, too.
It was just kinda cold snowing. A snowy Halloween. I remember some, I remember some
yeah. and then, what else can I tell you? From the building, course a lot of athletics were in that
field between the two buildings.
10:00
DK: The back end of it where the dorms protruded out that was kind of a septic system back in
there. But the road… It was called Beach Road now. It's kind of from the Phelps Mansion.
You're looking across. You take that road, first road that's- it would be on your right-hand side.
You walk off and it curves to the right and up this hill. That's where all the tobogganing and
sledding used to be.
KK: Oh, okay.
DK: You used to go over that ridge then you have probably half mile run so the toboggans and
those saucers and stuff and get on top of hill and just kinda slide on down. It was great fun. It
was it was super. Oh, I don't know… What else you guys wanna know? The high school is high
school stuff.
KK: Well, so, did you have any contact with town? Did you go in? Did you hear stuff about it?
You guys were out there.
DK: We did get to go to town, into Saugatuck but I was a fourteen-year-old kid, you know, with
not a lot of money and it wasn't much to do other than go to the drug store. You went up to the
drug store and we have like an hour, hour and a half every week. To be honest with you, I went
once or twice, I got bored. Well, wasn't much to do for me but other guys went every weekend.
So, we went to the drug store, walked up and down, saw the you know saw the gardens and stuff

�and then again hey, where I was at, I would much rather be on the property, exploring, doing
playing ball or something.
KK: You know, you said you played other schools and all that. Did you know go like for sports
did you go to other schools? Tell us a little about that.
DK: Most of the sports were intramural, so you know we just played different teams within the
school Basketball, we did play other schools in basketball. I wasn't on the baseball team, but they
played other schools in baseball too. We didn't have many home games. The gym was small.
You know, they couldn't deal with any sort of crowds whatsoever so but I do know that we
played Saint Joe one time and I do know Saugatuck and I can't remember the others, but they
were from their perspective, it was a gimme game, it was just, yeah let's entertain them because
they were much better than we were.
In … ‘68. Well, ‘67. I can get the years mixed up. My freshman year, went during the basketball
season with and in sixty seven, the team went to the beginning of the state playoffs. We had a
big team. The center was big. The forwards were big. And then, everybody could shoot. I mean it
was it was a good team, but they had no endurance and the end of the three quarters way through
the game, they weren't conditioned to go for a whole game, and ended up losing. The second
year, they worked on conditioning quite a bit but all the talent graduated and that's. You can
never get it all right. that's, that's kinda how that went.
The biggest thing about the sports was probably that the team spirit. We knew we we're gonna
get basically slaughtered out there but those people who went to the games were all wearing
white and black and it would be. The cheerleaders would be going nuts and I mean it would be
all over, doing the best they could do.
EG: Yeah.
KK: Now, you stayed there all year? Or did you go home in the summer?
DK: We went home in the summer. We came in and right after Labor Day and then way they
worked it out is that every month, either your parents came in or we went home. In October, the
parents would come in. That was my mom's favorite time. She would- she would love that drive
as you drive into the seminary because of the trees and stuff. she said it just was outstanding.
November, of course, we go home for Thanksgiving Christmas go home for Thanksgiving. They
came up… I know that parents were here in May, because we went to the Tulip Festival and
I knew it it was on Mother's Day because of that.
14:52
DK: In summer the time we went home. [Chuckles] Back in those days it cost four hundred
dollars a month to go to the Seminary and extra forty bucks to do laundry. So, that was room and
board for four hundred dollars. It was different then.
KK: Yeah. So how big of a class did you have?

�DK: Probably started always fifty-five. Okay, and by the end of the first semester, you were
probably down to forty in the graduating class. My first year the senior class was pretty big.
They probably graduated … maybe thirty? But, I've seen graduating classes as low as twenty.
KK: Did everybody live on campus? Or were there kids that came in from- from elsewhere?
DK: No. To the best of my knowledge, everyone lived right there. Lived right there. That was
part of the experience, you know, the routine, the chapel time and all that, but there may have
been there may have been one or two that just kinda came in from the outside.
KK: So did you have all priests or brothers for teachers? Or how?
DK: Yeah. They were all clergy.
KK: All male?
DK: Hmm?
KK: All male?
DK: Yes.
KK: The reason that I ask that is because you know we're the same age and we started the lay
teachers, even in the Catholic schools back then, so I'm just comparing.
DK: I remember most of them being priests. Were there one or two that weren't, that might have
been. I don't know what they would have taught. I don't know. you know I don't remember ever
going to class with those was a lay person but they may have been.
KK: Did you… Did you ultimately become a brother or whatever?
DK: No, I stayed through my junior year and then left after my junior year, ended up going on.
Kennedy High School in Chicago.
KK: Oh, okay.
DK: That's where I finished up my high school career.
KK: Was it different, going back to a regular public high school?
DK: Because I was a senior, I figured it was a one-year deal. You know, I wasn't gonna make a
lot of long-lasting friendships. I just kinda put in my time. Got through the year and called it
good
and started college.
KK: Have you made any- have you stayed in contact with anybody from the monastery?

�DK: Yeah. Yeah. Several kids in my class. One or two. My turns out that my neighbor from
across the street was a year younger than I was. He went to the seminary also. We're still in
contact.
KK: Okay. So, I know in between you lived in California for a while, didn't you?
DK: Yeah, we did.
KK: What made you come back here? Well, tell us about California, first.
DK: Well, I was trained as an accountant, so I did accounting work and then had an
entrepreneurial bend and Anita was at a nonprofit executive. She ended up in a car wreck. I don't
know what they call it.
AK: Sloshed my brain around is the technical term.
KK: Okay. And by the way, Anita is also here. That's his wife.
DK: So, Anita was looking for something to sell and she thought if she could sell, she could
make a living out of doing that, because the nonprofit work wasn't gonna happen anymore. And,
she came across as product called a Pillow Pet. I don't know if you remember but it's a pillow
that opens up and into a pet.
KK: Okay, yeah, I remember that.
DK: Yeah, you might have. Anyway, we ended up, Anita's family lives in San Luis Obispo
County and we are selling these Pillow Pets at shows and festivals around California. That's were
living at the time and decided that we would decide basically that if people were buying them out
of a booth, they'll buy them out of a store. So, we had the money. Anita found a four hundred
square foot store in downtown San Luis Obispo.
19:54
DK: We started there. In the meantime, the people who run the Pillow Pet business, the creator
of it put on… decided to go into “As Seen on TV” commercials. She bombarded children's
stations with these Pillow Pets, and, all of the sudden, she created a demand where there was no
supply. We were the only one of the only one of the only few suppliers, so we were shipping
Pillow Pets like you wouldn't believe. At one time, we… At one time, we had three stores and
two warehouses.
AK: And an online.
DK: And an online. The online was richer. So that was, we called it riding the wave in. So, we…
we started with, it was a brand-new concept, saw that demand go way high then, once you start
seeing them in Best Buy all the hardware stores in Target, the quality got cheaper because the
owner of the company got pressured to basically license her stuff to somebody else. And all of

�that took place, demand started dropping. We start shutting stores. I went back to accounting for
a while. That's what I did. whenever the entrepreneurial effort has played out, I went back into
accounting.
AK: It was a great ride though.
DK: It was fun.
AK: Oh my god, it was fun. [Laughs]
AK: A heck of a lot of work, but yeah. We picked San Luis Obispo because they have the largest
Farmers Market in the co- in the State of California. It's all year long. Because we had the store
in a certain place, we could already be in this huge farmers market that's a big party. So, we can
just sell it once a week in terms of people from away. It was awesome. That's interesting. It was
is kinda fun.
KK: So, what brought you back to Michigan?
DK: Go ahead.
AK: Jerry Walsh was our realtor in San Luis Obispo. Jerry Walsh and I became friends and she
grew up in this area and so she has a house over here on North Union Street. We came to visit
her last year and we had a great time and then this year. We had a big fire we were are living in
Durango and we ended up coming to visit her because she's kind enough to let us come here.
There was smoke everywhere in Durango and so she talked to us and we had a great time while
visiting, and now we're here. [Laughs] Now, we live here.
KK: Well, welcome!
AK: Thank you.
KK: Welcome. It is interesting. What're you're you know when you came back, because both of
you had lived away, or you probably didn't lived here at all… What were your initial
impressions? Can you, you know, talk about that a little bit, coming back here?
DK: Well, of course I see the world through different eyes. I see how busy it is in the summer. I
see if how much fun people are having at the beach. We walked in. Back in the 70s and 80s, we
walked the Beach Road in the summer, but it was still too cold to get in the water by, you know,
early June late May early June. It was kinda chilly so we never even went swimming there. But,
we've lived in some beautiful resort-type communities. San Luis Obispo was one of them.
Morrow Bay, and Durango is a is a joyous community so we're used to that and were uses to
seasonality of it and love the busyness love to see the stores busy and love the quieter times too.
That's what I notice, the people have a lot of fun down. They were just having a lot of fun
shopping. having coffee eating in the restaurants playing on the beach. It's just... a lot of fun.

�KK: Okay. Do you have any other questions? We're gonna look here.
EG: You can talk a little bit about your time in the seminary here in the school year. What was a
typical day like? Or a typical week like?
DK: Sure. Days started at six o'clock. We were living in the dorm and the dorm is just one.
24:55
DK: It had twenty beds in it, say two sets of five, the way I'm remembering it, it could be be
more than thirty beds. This is a wall separating beds on both sides basically. one door led to the
sink room and the restrooms the other door led to the priest monitor of that dorm.
Days would start at six o'clock, and it depends on what year you're talking about because this is
right after Vatican two, so a lot of changes were happening in the church and the seminary back
in in the very beginning when I was a freshman. I wanna say that we started with mass first
thing, but I could be wrong, but I know do that there was a chapel time in the beginning. Then
we went to the refractory and ate. The refractory had tables of ten people, ten guys mixed
classes. Okay so wasn't like you… you were assigned a table. It wasn't like you in like you go sit
with you but your friends all time. Each table and seniors and stuff, and the way it works is once
Grace was said, somebody from the table went in the kitchen area, and brought the food out for
the table, and breakfast was served that way. Lunch is at noon hour-ish. School in the morning.
Lunch, school till about three o'clock, and then everybody had to leave the building for… I
wanna say an hour or hour and a half between 3:00 and 4:30 sometimes. So, everyone was
forced outside to do something so that's when all the intermural athletics were we're done and all
the hiking around and stuff. We come back in and we shower go back into the chapel. Kind of a
meditation period. The priests would be doing their vespers or whatever they're doing and we
just had quiet time the chapel for a while and then back to the refractory for dinner after dinner.
Mandatory study hall for two hours from like 7:00-7:00 with a fifteen-minute break in there.
Then, after that, you're free for an hour and then back to bed at 10:00, lights out at 10:00. That's
pretty the typical day.
KK: That's pretty tight schedule.
EG: That's a pretty tight schedule.
DK: Pretty tight.
KK: Now, was that five days a week?
DK: The only thing, it was 10-6 at least six days a week. There may have been one day where
was it a little bit longer, at least in the beginning. Yeah. Yeah it seems like it loosened up some
of the priests that were running the shows said, “You know you guys have to be responsible
enough to go to bed when you're tired. So, we're not gonna put on the 10:00 thing anymore, but
we're still getting up at six.” You know, the schedule change a little bit like that. So, whoever

�wasrunning the show kinda set their own rules for what they were what they felt comfortable
with. Yeah. Go ahead.
EG: What was the food like? What were some things that stood out that you remember eating?
Was it good? They had- Was it Spartan? Was it –
DK: So, lunches seemed to be better than dinners and they had some type of a Spanish rice deal
that I've never seen duplicated that was just delicious. Just outstanding. I mean it was a good day
when you got Spanish rice. [Laughs] It was a good day they when had hamburgers too. They
were huge hamburgers and it was just delicious and I can't remember much of the other meals of
course they were. Whatever you ate at dinner time would be in the lunch meal somehow. I mean,
very little waste going. I remember a lot of the food that peanut butter particular came from the
government. I mean [indistinguishable] Looked like a paint can filled of peanut butter with about
an inch and a half of oil in there. So, I remember that the rice came infive gallon or five-pound
things of rice so that was that was kinda how that was.
29:48
DK: What else can I tell you that's kind of fun? Some of the things in the dorm were really pretty
funny. You know that these are all- again, they're in all the same boat. It’s not like there were
mixed classes in the dorm yet all the freshman in the same dorm. One time, there was a whippoor-will in the springtime. Every morning about four o'clock is calling out calling out calling
out. One of the kids just lost it. He ran down that fire escape. "I'm gonna get that damn bird!"
Chased him down, trying to get that whip-poor-will.
The way that thing was laid out was that from the dorm to the fire escape in the back went down
into the locker room for that dorm. So, we basically got two lockers: one in the dorm area and
one down below for the outdoor stuff.
That is Saturday. You might be interested in that. Saturdays were around the house chore days.
Everybody all week long everybody was assigned a task for a month. you know you may have
toilets. You might have sink room. You might have the dorm, you might have a hallway, you
might have a classroom. Where ever it was assigned you had for month. On Saturday, it was
thorough cleaning day, so and so instead of classes after breakfast in the morning, people will go
down into the room where you pick up your mops and you pick up your all that stuff. Buckets
and mops, cleaning utensils and stuff. Go ahead. Then, Saturday afternoon was one of the days
they would head up to Saugatuck. A lot of guys would go on Saturday afternoon up there.
KK: How long was the monastery or the school, how long had it been there when you went
there, and how long did it last after you left?
DK: The best I can figure this out is that they were using the Phelps Mansion. as the seminary
itself. Then, they built the one that I went to the year prior. and that would've been 67 would
have been year two. In 72, they sold the building to the state, which made it a low
some type of a prison.

�KK: It was a prison after. A friend of mine was an auto guard there.
DK: So, you'd know more about that than I would.
KK: Yeah.
DK: They made that into there and what is now the Saugatuck State Park used to be part of the
seminary system. One of the recruiting two tools was four hundred acres. So, we used to take
those saucers and if you didn't go down to Beach Road. You kind of veered off towards the
dunes. Closer to the lake. The goal was to ride that saucer fast enough down those dunes, you'd
hit the last thing, you'd catapult up in the air, and you'd land on the beach. That was the goal.
[laughs]
EG: How often could you do that? When the conditions were right, was that feasible?
DK: It was doable. Trouble is it wasn't fun once you did it. [Laugh] You hit pretty hard coming
down. It was like, man….
EG: I've seen those saucers with the dents in them.
DK: Yes, yes.
EG: And a long walk back.
DK: A long walk back.
But, it was, for those guys who liked speed, it was faster than the Beach Road. But, it was
shorter, much shorter. The ride was 150 ft.
KK: Now, you brought some yearbooks, didn't you?
DK: Yeah, I did.
KK: When you look through, is there anything DK: Well, like I said, there's a lot of high school stuff. Here's another picture of the seminary
from the Phelps Mansion.
KK: See, yeah, that's a much larger building than I expected.
DK: Yeah, right in the middle, right in the middle from this angle here you're looking at the
library and across the from library would be that the Chapel. They had a beautiful - that old folk's
home for those priests was a beautiful facility. As you came in, it was like a rotunda. You come
into the rotunda, you turn to the right, and they had all of these little alcoves, about five of them,
where these older priests would be celebrating mass everyday, just by themselves and a

�server. One of the seminarians would be a server and stuff. The chapels were all mosaic, just
pretty.
34:50
DK: Yeah, I don't know. Like I said, all of this stuff is high school stuff. It's just, things that
happen in every high school that I can tell you stories about. But, I won't. There's nothing
different about it.
Here's another dorm picture.
EG: Okay, yeah.
KK: Oh yeah, that's interesting. Just beds, a series of beds. There you are.
DK: There I am, right there. [All chuckle]
EG: Now, there's students in the seminary from all over Michigan and Illinois, or?
DK: Well, I know there was people from Detroit, Gross Point. I know those people from Flint
were there. a lot of people from Chicago because Duddley Day worked with Saint Rita's Parish
which is where he lived in Saint Rita's which was Augustinian, which was six miles from my
house. Maybe something like that. There's a lot of parishes in there between, so he did all that. I
know that Southern Michigan had some representative. I couldn't tell you exactly where they
came from, but it just depended on how well the recruiter did.
KK: That's really interesting because it's, well there were schools in every other major cities.
You know that the monks or whatever or brothers would run and just kind of interesting. A lot of
sports involvement, obviously.
DK: Yeah well, you had to do something everyday, so intermural football, intermural softball,
intermural basketball. Some volleyball, not all that much.
EG: You made some mention of the Vatican, too the reforms, changes. What sorts of things, I
don't know how to ask this exactly, but what sorts of changes did you see in the Church or in the
school?
DK: This was back when the, we went from the mass where the priest was with his back to you
to looking at you. The Latin went out of the mass. There were major changes in structure. From
our point of view every class they had of us will I believe that they were in their second semester
of freshman year. Early as the sophomore, they got a casik or a black garb with a hood on it
and a black belt. When we were ready to do that, they decided they didn't wanna give us casiks.
we got a green jacket. You know but these guys, I mean they sleep late and they not even get
dressed, they'd just put the casik on, put the cincher on, and go down. I mean we to had do all
this other stuff and those -.

�KK: That's interesting. You didn't like that as much?
DK: No.
KK: Yeah, for the robe.
DK: Yeah, exactly right.
EG: Probably for teenagers as well, there's probably a certain coolness.
DK: Oh yeah, yeah.
Let's see some pictures of all those guys you…
KK: Yes, I noticed the casicks right away, and I was wondering. Right before you brought it up,
I noticed the picture.
DK: Yeah.
DK: I know what those were.
DK: All those guys were ahead of us.
KK: Did a lot of them become monks or priests?
DK: I would imagine that some classes had none that made it all the way through. Some classes
had one or two. I think our class wanna say that three became ordained One became an
Augustinian who ran the show here. At least two others became ordained from a different
organization. That's my recollection.
KK: That's very interesting.
DK: One of the guys that came through the the system was younger than me became a bishop. I
think. I wanna say his name is Dewicki. I'm not sure. It could be that I could get him mixed up
with somebody else.
KK: Yeah.
DK: Anyways, he's a Bishop, and the Order is very proud of that happening.
EG: Oh, sure.
KK: Oh, and you know, it's kind of funny, because when you hear people talking about the
Phelps Mansion, you hear about it being the prison and all that, but and you hear a little about it
being a monastery, but you never that it was a big school. You know what I mean? So, my

�thought was, monastery means they were just in the mansion. No, no. But obviously that was
quite a campus.
39:57
DK: There's probably, if you figure, maybe 120 altogether. So, it was pretty good, but one of the
memories is that when Christmas time we had to put on some sort of - it was our turn to put on
the play at Christmas time and we wanted to honor the Spanish nuns that did the cooking. The
cloister was full of Spanish and across the way. So, we wanted them to teach us this Christmas
song. You know, in Spanish and stuff, so we went and walked over there. You couldn’t see them.
They had on.... a screen between.
UNKNOWN: Is it, are you doing the oral history?
KK: Yes, give us a little right, okay.
DK: So, anyway they had the screen between us so I never did see what they looked like. It was
kind of interesting they're extremely friendly and did a nice job. At least, we thought it was a
nice job. [Laughs] What would we know? It was kinda fun.
KK: I think that it's kind of interesting that that all existed on one campus, too.
DK: For sure.
EG: Yeah, fascinating, interesting too. It sounds like you were, not surprisingly, kind of set off
from you know, you were there in some sort of isolation.
DK: Yeah.
EG: Sure. Lots of stuff going on in the late 1960s in Saugatuck and elsewhere. Music, popular
culture, news. Was there a lot of discussion about that?
DK: Some.
EG: Were you really kind of isolated from what was going on?
DK: It was interesting that especially on Saturday, they used to play music through the loud
speaker on Saturday, but all the music was approved by a priest.
KK: Yeah, okay.
DK: It wasn't like …
EG: They wouldn't play The Doors necessarily.

�DK: No, not necessarily. A lot of Mamas and The Papas, you know, stuff like that. One of the
guys that joined the seminary, not as a freshman, I think he joined as a junior, or something. He
was a very talented guitar player and he brought influence, he brought a guitar influence into the
mass. this is back when things were starting to get lax. One of the rooms was almost like a coffee
shop where this guy could sit and play. And people could hang out there. For as long as they
wanted to do that, but he was a he brought different music into the mass like "Tell Me Why
You're Crying, My Son." I don't know if you guys remember that?
KK: I'd have to hear more of it.
DK: [Sings lyrics to "Tell Me Why You're Crying, My Son"]
KK: Yeah, it's ringing a bell.
DK: [Continues to sing] "... through your loving eyes. take my hand my son. All be done be
done your when day is done." So anyways, he brought that in. He brought a lot of
Bob...Bob's...not Bob Seiger....
KK: Dylan?
DK: Yes. He brought Dylan's stuff into the service. It was a time of change. When I was there,
they had three different people running the show. It went from very conservative, very more
rigid to more lax than I was comfortable with. Just like [indistinguishable] That's just how it
went. It was just part of the times part of the people that were involved. It was interesting
experience. I'm really glad that I did it, you know? I had a lot of fun, a lot of fun.
EG: That's wonderful.
KK: We're glad you did too, because you're the only person that I've talked with that has
mentioned even that experience. And again, even when a person lives here quite a while, there
are things by the end that you don't know about. There really are. You guys never went to
Holland, either, or did you?
DK: When I was a junior we had this kid that was in my class was very creative. You know,
we're trying to raise money and this is one little room inside the school in the basement that
wasn't used for anything.
45:00
DK: It had the trophy case, which of course had no trophies in it. [Chuckles]
EG: That's what they were praying for. [Laughs]
DK: That was it! Some days, it was for the trophy case. Anyway, we decided as a class. This
was the kid's idea to create a bakery. Now, here you've got a population of people. Every one of
have birthdays at that table and stuff. Everybody wants to treat their table for whatever. We

�opened up a bakery and our supply came from Holland. One of the priests went into Holland
every day, bought you know, discounted bakery goods because we're buying in quantity. He
came back in, we'd sell these things, and man we were making money. We're making a lot of
money. Just selling these pies and cakes and dinner rolls. You know sweet rolls.
It gets a little interesting because twice we were robbed. Alright. It becomes very interesting in
terms of what forces would force force a kid to rob the Bakery. Well, you know, that's life. We're
assuming it was a kid. We're assuming it wasn't a priest, but there's nothing that said it couldn't
have been.
KK: Right.
DK: No one ever knew who did it. No one, no one pursued no one investigated. Just sort of
sucked it up. So, that was an interesting thing. So, you know.
KK: It's interesting what. When you sold the goods, did you have to turn the money in? What
was the story there?
DK: We were saving it for something. I can't remember what. I know that we, we made the
money I thought it was all going to go to a charity or something, a party or whatnot. I don't, I
don't remember what. You know was there no distribution between the Juniors saying that you
were going to get your piece of the pie. That was not the discussion. It was all going to be used
for something. It was interesting.
KK: Yeah, that's interesting. If that's a question with one of our, another interviews, were there
any shenanigans or trouble that people got into? Run ins with getting into detention? Those kinds
of things?
DK: Oh, yeah. They called it Jug, for whatever reason I don't know. But when you misbehaved
you had to spend time doing stuff sitting in the room or whatever. I remember one time I came
out of that locker room and in in the basement, and I just this was a Saturday morning and we
just finished cleaning and we're gonna go do something that was exciting. I ran to the doors,
smacked right into the biology teacher. That was a joke.
[All Laugh]
DK: So, that happens. So, yeah, kids would misbehave, and they would go into the Jug and stuff.
That combination from a priest's perspective is very interesting who all was there, because
you've got your retired folks, you got the priests that wanted to be there, you, you know, the
younger ones that wanted to influence the seminarians and stuff. You got priests that were
basically on their way out of the priesthood, that they were using this as a reflection period of
time to see.
Like you said, it's isolated, give some time to rethink things

�There was one priest there. that probably got there because of sexual tendencies. Misbehavior,
maybe, I don't know, but he was isolated out into that... Well... that you know of [laughs]. One
that I know of, that's exactly right. He never did anything in the seminary that I know, but
everybody was aware and cautious of the whole things but... Some people struggle. you know
people struggle with whatever environment that they're in.
KK: Okay, well, I really have no other questions, I don't think.
DK: Okay.
KK: Is there anything that you wanted to ask us?
50:00
DK: No, not really.
KK: Okay.
DK: Like I said, thank you guys for the opportunity to share.
KK: We're glad to get this on tape, we really are.
EG: Oh, yeah, that was fascinating. One other question that I'll ask you which is a wrap up
question that I really like is. We'll be thinking about who we see in these interviews for a long
time. So, imagine someone's listening to this fifty years from now or more from now. What
would you like them most to know about your life? Or about the community here?
DK: It was an outstanding opportunity. It was a lot of fun, you know, being… going in with the
attitude that I'm going to start all over again make whatever I wanted to make out of this happen
with the environment with a bunch of guys was a lot of fun. It did... I didn't have the… the same
high school experiences that most kids have. So, in terms of dating all of that is a delay in all of
that happening but I wouldn't have passed it up. It was a good thing. It was good while I was
there, and it was good when it was time to leaves.
KK: So okay. thank you very much. This concludes the interview.

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                    <text>Davelaar, Harvey

Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Name of War: World War II
Interviewee’s Name: Harvey Davelaar
Length of Interview: (40:43)
Interviewed by: James Smither
Transcribed by: Maluhia Buhlman
Interviewer: “We’re talking today with Harvey Davelaar of Grand Rapids, Michigan and
the interviewer is James Smither of the Grand Valley State Veterans History Project. Ok
now Harvey start us off with some background on yourself and to begin with, where and
when were you born?”

I was born in Wyoming Township, Michigan which was adjacent to Grand Rapids, Michigan
December 23 1923, and I’ve lived in the Grand Rapids area all my life andInterviewer: “What did your family do for a living when you were a kid?” (00:38)

My dad was a paper hanger and a painter, he was self employed
Interviewer: “And so what was life like for your family during the depression then?”

Well I actually had it quite good, my sister and I, my dad worked for the government for
the…what do you call it, slips my mind, anyway work progress.
Interviewer: “Yeah the W.P.A yeah.”

W.P.A and he was fortunate in the fact that in the Godfrey school system where we lived had
gotten a grant to repaint their schools but the school board had furnished the superintendent for
the job, and he was the only contractor in the district and so they came to him and asked him if

�Davelaar, Harvey

he would run it, which he did and he did it through several years. So actually he was employed
just about all the way through the depression. So we were, you might say quite well off actually.
Interviewer: “Yeah, because I guess when we think of W.P.A work it’s usually the ordinary
guys working in that would be doing, and they wouldn’t make very much money.”

No.
Interviewer: “No but he was management essentially?”
He was management and he did not work for W.P.A he worked for the school board. So I don’t
know what amount of money or anything but relatively to everybody else we were living pretty
good.
Interviewer: “Yeah alright, now did you finish high school?”

I finished high school at Godfrey High School.
Interviewer: “In what year did you graduate?” (2:30)

I graduated in 1941, in a class of 83 which was the largest class ever graduated to that school at
that time.
Interviewer: “Now after you graduated from high school what did you do?”

I, at the time of course their preparation for war so one of the local automobile plants had been
converted into making dive bomber wings for the British and Dutch navies, and of course they
were hiring everybody they could get, so we were training a few of us about one month as
riveters and metal sheet workers and so I went to work there and I worked there until I was
called up to the navy.”
Interviewer: “Alright, and so when- Now do you remember how you heard about Pearl

�Davelaar, Harvey

Harbor?”
Oh yes it was my family’s tradition on Sunday we would go to church in the morning and
Sunday school afterwards and then come home and we would have the big dinner of the week
and after that my parents always took a nap and- But we had a radio which was not too common
and they got me to listen to the radio Sunday afternoon, but you do, in our strict Dutch neighbor
family that was kind of unusual. So I was sitting there listening to the radio and they broke in and
announced that Pearl Harbor had been bombed, and of course like everybody else I didn’t know
where Pearl Harbor was or where it was, but as afternoon goes on and more and more bulletins
came through we started to figure it out.
Interviewer: “Now before that happened, had you paid much attention to the news of the
world with the war in Europe that kind of thing?”

No, I was a typical high school kid.
Interviewer: “Now did the work that you had, was there a deferment available for that?”
(4:41)

No, they tried to get us deferred but not allowed. I must say that they kept us as long as they
could, they stalled off, but I did not want to get into the Army. Some of the fellas that I knew had
been drafted, and had gone to basic training and came home for a short time afterwards and they
said “Oh you don’t want to be in the Army” and I said “No I don’t want that” and besides I’m
partial to the Navy anyway I always have been, and so I talked to my folks and I said “I’d like to
enlist in the Navy.” of course I had to have their permission. I was only 17 years old and
Interviewer: “Now you would’ve been, if you’re born in 20-”

1923 and this was in the summer of 1941, about 42.
Interviewer: “42 you’re gonna be, you’re 18 then.”

�Davelaar, Harvey

Yep.
Interviewer: “But anyway, but you still wanted their support regardless. Did they actually
have to sign papers for you?”

Oh yeah they had too, so anyway I went to- Another fellow classmate and I went to the Navy
recruiters and enlisted and with permission of our parents.
Interviewer: “Right, okay so then where do you go for your boot camp?”
Well it was strange because so many of us didn’t want to deal with the Army, we overwhelmed
the Navy recruitment programs. So we would go to Detroit and get a physical and when we
passed our physical we would sign the date in the future when we would actually be called up
and that happened. We enrolled in either July or August of that summer and it was not until the
weekend after Thanksgiving that I was actually called up, and went to Detroit for a physical and
from there we went to Great Lakes for basic training.
Interviewer: “So where is Great Lakes?” (7:04)

Great Lakes is north of Chicago, between Chicago and Milwaukee.
Interviewer: “Alright, yeah very far northern end of Illinois there along the lake.”

Yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay, what did the training there consist of ?”
Oh I guess the basic stuff, you learned what the Navy’s all about, the rudiment knots and so on,
how to take orders and obey them, and I remember it was a bitter cold winter and we would
march from class to class. Of course we took physical fitness and all that sort of thing but I guess

�Davelaar, Harvey

that’s mostly it. We slept in hammocks, we were still in the old barracks, and had to get used to
that, not roll out during the night, but it went quite well. I rather enjoyed it, the discipline and so
on kind of fit me.
Interviewer: “Okay, well if you had a fairly strict family in your background anyway,
following orders was normal.”

Yeah, it was.
Interviewer: “Alright, were there some other people who were training with you who were
having some trouble?”

Oh no, there was a whole company. I forget, a little over a hundred men in each class, we were
called and we did all the paperwork, we were interviewed and so on. I was- I forget how many
weeks, either 12 or 15 weeks of training, and during the interview process they of course knew
that I had worked with aviation metal work. So when they assigned us where we were going to
go, I was assigned to a Navy aviation metalsmith which took place in Navy Pier in Chicago.
Navy Pier in Chicago at that time was completely made over into a school, with barracks and the
whole thing were on a pier, and that’s where everybody from out Great Lakes area went for
aviation training. Radios with engine hydraulics, whatever you were qualified for you were
trained there and then that lasted until about June of ‘43.
Interviewer: “Alright now while you’re there, particularly while you’re at Navy Pier,
would you be able to get liberty? I mean, could you go into Chicago?” (9:46)

Oh yes, every weekend we were, from Saturday noon until midnight Sunday we were given
freedom, and Chicago was a wonderful place to go to because a service person could not pay for
anything. Everything was free, all sports, movies, entertainment. All you had to do was go to the
U.S.O and ask for a ticket and you would get one and that was it, and of course the museum and
the other things there. So it was a wonderful place to be, to go to school.

�Davelaar, Harvey

Interviewer: “Alright, now what specifically did your training consist of? What were you
physically learning to do?”

Well I remember one was to read blueprints, and number two was we made different things that
were learned, taught us how to bend metal, how to mark it, and then how to rivet it together, and
then we also learned how to weld steel parts, and that was pretty much it.
Interviewer: “Did you work mostly with steel or did you have aluminum?”

All aluminum, the only steel I remember was in the class when we had to learn them, but yeah
welding which we never used again, but anyway it was part of the basic training of course.
Interviewer: “Alright, so now once you complete that training program what do they do
with you?” (11:28)

Well then we- the section on the pier was called outgoing unit O.G and we stayed there until we
were assigned to a place. Which for me was Naval air station Quonset Point, Rhode Island, and
arrived there- Six of us from our class were assigned there, the Navy transferred you that way
individually. In our case it was six of us together and we were responsible to get ourselves there
by X date and time. So we did that successfully.
Interviewer: “Okay, did you go by train or?”

Went by train, went by train from Chicago to Boston, Boston to Providence, where the Navy had
a bus waiting for us and they took us down to the Naval air station in Quonset Point was down
there against the bay, close to the ocean.
Interviewer: “Alright, and then what was your job once you got there?”

I was assigned to what was called the assembly and repair hanger, where I did just what the title
said, they assembled aircraft that were shipped there and repaired those that were damaged, and

�Davelaar, Harvey

so that was mostly what we did, but then I wound up with a group that was brand new. Was
installing rocket launchers underneath the wings of fighter planes and torpedo bombers, and that
became my number one task while I was there.
Interviewer: “Alright, now was there a larger command that you were part of, naval air
transport, something like that?”

No IInterviewer: “Or was that later?”

That comes later.
Interviewer: “So here you were just at the naval air station, so now was Quonset Point, was
that a place that was used as a base for anti-submarine patrol?” (13:33)

That was a permanent naval air station, all partnered structures as opposed to temporary. Yeah
what we did that was the purpose of the rockets underneath the planes that was anti-submarine
patrol, and they had large seaplanes and all the other stuff that goes with it, but our planes were
beyond what we called many aircraft carriers, Small ships that were converted into aircraft
carriers which did convoy duty to the- Through a [unintelligible] of course, but the object of the
rockets was a group of planes who would go out, and one of them was equipped with a search
light, a huge thing for our day, that took the places of bomb bays and tried to catch a German
submarine that had surface to recharge their batteries, and once they saw water, found one, then
the other planes equipped with a rocket would attack it, and hopefully do some damage and force
to go home or sink it maybe. Well I think that was an outside chance but they would damage it
anyway.
Interviewer: “Okay, so how long were you at Quonset Point?”

Was there about a year.

�Davelaar, Harvey

Interviewer: “Okay, and during that time I mean did you mostly just know other
mechanics or did you get to talk to the pilot or aircrew?”

No, nothing to do with the aircrew or any of the actual flying. It was just like working in a big
factory.
Interviewer: “And did you ever hear anything about what happened out there on the
ocean, either with convoys or submarines?”

No more than civilians did.
Interviewer: “Okay, so you’re just in your own world. Alright, now did you spend most of
your time just on the base or would you go into the smaller towns or Providence?”
I did there because as a permanent base that had everything. Had, what’s it called, ship service
was just like a store, and they had a restaurant that you could go to if you didn’t like the Navy
furnished meals. In a sense we were isolated but on the weekend there would be buses going into
Providence, but I was content just to stay on the base.
Interviewer: “Alright, now were you communicating with people back home very often?”
(16:06)
By letter, that’s the only way. When we tried to call home on the long distance telephone we’d
have to sign up, and so usually what we did, both the Atlantic and Pacific coast you would got to
the AT&amp;T place and you would sign up for a certain time, and they more or less guaranteed that
your call would go through at that time, and that’s the only direct communication I had with my
parents.
Interviewer: “Alright, now were you disappointed or relieved that you weren’t being sent
overseas?”

�Davelaar, Harvey

No, I was very happy because as a boy I was kind of an airplane nut. I used to make models and
fly them and so on so I was in an area where I- Kind of a dreamland or something, what I really
like to do work on actual airplanes, we’re actually contributing to the war.
Interviewer: “Right, so that works- Did you ever get a chance to go up in any of the
aircraft?”

No.
Interviewer: “We’re not giving out seaplane rides or anything.”
No they weren’t giving out any, the one thing, which really was on the west coast, if you had a
furlough home for any length of time there was the ability to go to a certain office on the edge of
air station, and ask if there were transport flights going in your direction, and this is all by chance
as I understood it, “Yes there is one going to Chicago or there is one going to Kansas City or St.
Louis, we can fly you that far.” and then you’ll add the weight and say “Something close to
Grand Rapids?” Chicago, Detroit or something, that I might get home from there, but that whole
process could take a day or two sometimes to get to where you wanted to go so I never tried it.
Interviewer: “Alright, now while you were out there in Rhode Island were you following
the course of the news very carefully, or were you just doing your job?” (18:36)

No, just doing my job.
Interviewer: “Okay, so how is it then that you wound up in California?”

Well as the submarine warfare was coming to an end, pretty well had the Atlantic to ourselves
they started shipping everybody. Not to the west coast of course, and eventually it’s going to be
the preparation to fight in the Pacific and end the war over there. So we once again went through
the O.G unit, the outgoing unit, and barracks, and then we waited to be transferred wherever. We

�Davelaar, Harvey

didn’t know where, we had sealed orders but there was a chief petty officer that was in charge of
us and he had the orders with- And he was not to tell us of course. So we were in the outgoing
unit and I can remember very vividly, one morning we woke up after a couple weeks there, and
there was a string of passenger cars in the sighting and he said “Yep, you’re shipping out, you’re
on this train.” So we took that train all the way to Oakland California
Interviewer: “Okay, how long did that take?”

About four day.
Interviewer: “Alright, did you have to stop much and let other trains go by?”

Well supposedly we had priority, but once in a while from Chicago onto Oakland the only time
we would pull off is when the streamliner, one of the fast passenger trains, was coming the other
way. We would put on siding until it went past and then we would go again.
Interviewer: “Right, and how did they feed you while you were on the train?” (20:37)

Oh very good, we were in the dining car, each one of our passenger cars was assigned a time and
you would go in and they would feed you. So we had it pretty good, not luxuriously but we had
hot meals let’s put it that way.
Interviewer: “Alright, and now once you get to Oakland then what happens?”
Got to Oakland and there again you’re in the outgoing unit, and sat there for about two weeks
wondering where we’re gonna go, and I was hoping to get on an aircraft carrier, that was my
dream, but I didn’t and my name was called and I was given a time to meet. So I was put on a
bus, and had no idea where I was going of course and we wound up on Treasure Island in San
Francisco Bay and said “Here’s where you’re gonna be stationed.” Well Treasure Island in those
days was a great big outgoing unit, where people getting off ships were kept for a while, and
people going on to the ship would get their assignments, but on that island was a huge aircraft

�Davelaar, Harvey

repairs facilities for Pan American Airways, we heard their seaplanes which were flying the
Pacific at that time as passenger planes, the Navy took it over and made an overhaul base out of
it and so we were assigned there, and once again we had very nice duty. We were kind of an
independent unit from everything else going out on Treasure Island, though we ate at their dining
halls and went to their movies and everything. We had all the privileges of the island, but
otherwise we were pretty well restricted to our little area.
Interviewer: “Alright and now what kinds of aircraft did you work on there?”

Well yeah, a PBY2 which was a four engine seaplane which was designed and put into service in
1937 and it was already obsolete but it was a huge aircraft, I got pictures of it and so they
decided that maybe it was still trying to get supplies off the Pacific every which way they could.
So they took these aircrafts and took all the armaments off it, sealed up the bomb bays and put
flat decks inside of them, and used them for cargo carriers. That’s how we got the naval air
transport service, that’s the [unintelligible] and so our, or my responsibility as a metalsmith was
to keep the metal parts of the aircraft repaired and functional and sometimes to put different
brackets and so on when they modernized the radio equipment or navigating equipment. So
anything to do with metal we were responsible for.
Interviewer: “Okay, now were you just- Would these planes get wear and tear from
extensive use or?” (24:14)

Well yeah, the big problem with them was they were not- They were strictly a seaplane they had
no wheels, like some others that had both wheels and floatation these were strictly seaplanes and
so they landed and took off from water. Well our biggest amount of work is they would hit
debris in the water and damage the hull and spring leaks and so forth, and that’s why we were
called over all these. When they were damaged too much they would be brought over to us, and
brought up on land and then we would recondition them and did this exactly like the word
overhaul means. Put new engines on them and new radio equipment or bring them right up to
date you might say.

�Davelaar, Harvey

Interviewer: “Alright, now did you have much communication at all with the other naval
personnel or you just, you sat at your own table?”

No, like I said we were an isolated group in the old Pan American facilities.
Interviewer: “Okay, now did you go into the city of San Francisco?”

Oh yes, Oakland and San Francisco were the places to go over the weekend, and our set up was
you could do that two times a month, one time a month you would get what’s called a short leave
to go into town, or you could go in Saturday and stay overnight Sunday, and as long as you were
back and ready to work on Monday morning at seven o’clock, you had that privilege and what
we called once a month was the long one you would go up and have both Friday and Saturday
night to go in San Francisco, and like Chicago is the most wonderful place because everything
was free, but in San Francisco I remember they had a multi story building of the U.S.O, that is
United Service Organization, and the upper floors were- Had cots you could sleep overnight so
that was the reason that like an overnight stay just to get off the base for a while.
Interviewer: “And did they have, did the U.S.O provide entertainment, either on the base
or in the town or did you just get tickets to go to things?” (27:00)
No, now I don’t remember going to anything specific at the U.S.O, only at the same thing as in
Chicago. I remember seeing my first hockey game, I saw a football game at the University of
California in Berkeley, and the Seals hockey team. I didn’t know they had a baseball team at that
time, and maybe they didn’t.
Interviewer: “Not major league there yet, Giants were still in New York.”

No that was way off, [unintelligible] yet.
Interviewer: “Okay, now were there- During the time you were in whether Rhode Island or
in California, were there particular news events or developments in the war that did get

�Davelaar, Harvey

your attention? Do you remember when Roosevelt died for instance?”

Yeah, I remember when Roosevelt died. I remember we kind of, by that time, we were older and
more curious about the war in Europe, and we knew that the war was ending down by just the
activities on that base and transfer of people we knew that the Pacific was being built up, and we
kind of figured that out ourselves, but we weren’t told it was happening.
Interviewer: “Okay, and do you remember hearing about the atomic bomb?”
Yeah, I remember hearing about that. That’s when I was waiting to be discharged out there,
that’s when that occurred.
Interviewer: “Okay so in August of ‘45?”
I’m sorry?
Interviewer: “August of ‘45 is when-” (28:46)

Yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay because I thought you weren’t discharged until ‘46.”
I was, that’s true, the discharge system was based on points, maybe you’ve heard of that, and it
was based on how many days you were in combat and all that sort of thing. Well having been
stationed in the United States all my career I was real low on points, so I was one of the last ones
to be discharged.
Interviewer: “But when they dropped the bomb you were already starting to count your
points?”

Yeah.

�Davelaar, Harvey

Interviewer: “You were waiting for your chance, okay. Now when they announced the
bomb did you have any idea what that meant really?”
No, we just knew that it was something very powerful and the cause of the war’s end.
Interviewer: “Because the Japanese surrender comes not very long after that.”

Yeah, August 14th or 15th.
Interviewer: “Alright, now once that happens does life on the base change at all once the
war’s over?” (29:48)

Well yeah because then the next thing was the highest point people were being sent home, so in
every unit you are losing people. Like in our case we had, people had served on carriers and so
or transferred one base to us and so they went first. The rest as your numbers came up you would
be sent home so, but also on the atomic bomb you mentioned that they were recruiting people
who would be willing to sign on for, I forget, a period of six or eight months extend their- Even
though they were eligible for discharge but if they wanted to extend it and work on my set up for
the test that were coming up. You could sign up for that for a certain period, six, eight months, or
a year. I tried to sign up for that but they were giving aviation medals and I didn’t have anything
to do with that kind of training so I didn’t get it.
Interviewer: “Okay, did they make any effort to encourage you to reenlist or were they
mostly just getting rid of people?”

Mostly getting rid of people, in my case anyway. I remember the officer that was in charge of
our group that went to a series of classes and so one of his first remarks was “I feel like I’m
talking in vain because I’m sure none of you want to reenlist but if you do this is your option and
what will happen.” Such as you’ll be automatically promoted one rank and of course you’d get
more pay and so on and more leave time to go home and that sort of thing, but no one did

�Davelaar, Harvey

Interviewer: “Okay, now during the time while you were in, did you ever get a leave to go
home?”

I did because I accumulated leaves, I was never able to get a leave because of the activity and
necessity of it, we didn’t get leaves but in August then they started opening it up, and that too
was based on how long since you’ve been home, and of course I hadn’t been home since I left.
So I applied and I was given one month leave, so at the time you had to go down to the station,
railroad station, and you signed up for a train to take you home and on a given date and time and
so on. So I went home for 30 days, I took my whole 30 days and went home in August. That’s
some of what I don’t know about what really happened on the base and it happened the fifth on
the calendar in August.
Interviewer: “Okay and then- But then you have to go back to the base?”

Oh yeah.
Interviewer: “Alright and then when did they finally discharge you?” (33:19)

That was a little different process too because these planes that we were serving were so obsolete
and probably so beat up, that they immediately disbanded our squadron, and so I was transferred
to Moffett Field, which is south of San Francisco and San Jose. Which is a big, primarily it’s a
testing air station for new aircraft techniques and different things, and they naval air transport
squadron but they’re all land based planes, four engine what would have been passenger planes,
or seats taken out and flight decks put in and they used to transport; however they were kept as
transport planes with seats but we maintained those, and then I was picked to be sent to gas tank
school, because those planes didn’t suffer very much damage as far as the metal was concerned.
So I was trained how to repair the gas tanks which were all inside the wings and that’s how I
finished out my career in the Navy.
Interviewer: “Okay, and so when do you get out?”

�Davelaar, Harvey

I got out March 2nd of ‘46.
Interviewer: “Alright, and after you got out what did you do?”

Well first thing I did is decided to just loaf around- Well a little different, I had an aunt and uncle
that live in San Diego and it was March of course and I thought I didn’t want to go back to
Michigan and bad weather and also I wrote my aunt and uncle, knowing the time I was going to
be discharge, if I could stay with them for two weeks, and they said “Sure come on down.” I had
two cousins there that weren’t home and so I did that and then I came home and had to make a
decision. My training in the Navy qualified me to become a metal apprentice and- Or not and so
seeing my dad starting back in his one man business, I took the easy way really to be honest and
said “Okay let’s work together.” So I did and from there on of course construction and
everything started building after World War II. So I met my sweetheart to be in April that year
and eventually we married in ‘48. From 1950 my dad and I decided to form a partnership and
create our own business, which we did, and we did that until my dad retired, and then after that I
had it by myself.
Interviewer: “Alright and was this all kinds of construction or still the painting and
papering?” (36:54)

This was all painting and papering, my dad worked strictly residential when he was alone, and
we expanded into commercial construction. We did schools, we did churches, and we did new
home construction, which like I said was just booming. If you had the manpower and time and
could do it we were hired. I don’t ever remember bidding on a job and everything, it was a call
and said “You have time, can you do such and such in the future?” or “Will you save time?” So
it was really a great time to be in business.
Interviewer: “Alright, now when you think back to the time that you spent in the Navy,
what do you think you learned from that or took out of it?”

�Davelaar, Harvey

Well number one was discipline of course, how to discipline yourself, how to take care of
yourself physically because otherwise you depended on your parents but how to budget time and
do a good job, knowing that one way or another you’re judged by what quality of the work that
you do. So I think those are the biggest things I took out, a lot of quote unquote good habits
which stayed with me the rest of my life.
Interviewer: “Okay and then just to think back to your time in the Navy are there other
things that stand out in your memory about that, that you haven’t brought into the story
yet?” (38:55)

You mean unusual things?
Interviewer: “Yeah.”

Well back to Quonset Point, the unusual thing was putting these rocket brackets on knowing that
that was something brand new, and so that kind of gave me a thrill I’d say, that I was on the
forefront of something happening.
Interviewer: “Do you know what kind of aircraft you were putting them on?

I was putting them on, it was called a F4F fighter plane and a TBM, which is a torpedo bomber,
and the f4f actually was a fighter that was- The Navy entered the war with but was soon
obsolete, it was small and could land on small carriers and what we call, I should say a jeep
carrier and so they were, of course they could build the carriers quickly and they were equipped
with- And the TBM could land on a small area so they were the ones that were sent out on a
convoy. You know we didn’t see these big aircraft carriers like the enterprise and some others
that were actually fighting aircraft.
Interviewer: “Alright so these were escort carriers and they could provide air protection
for a convoy in the middle of the Atlantic, so they had a job to do.”

�Davelaar, Harvey

Number one of course, go after the submarines, German submarines.
Interviewer: “Alright, well you’ve got kind of an unusual career so I’d just like to thank
you for taking the time to share the story today.”
You’re welcome.

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Douglas R. Gilbert (b. 1942) is an American photographer from Michigan. He was born in Holland, Michigan and is the son of Russell W. and Carmen (Andree) Gilbert. Gilbert earned a B.A. in social sciences and art at Michigan State University in 1964, an M.S. in photography from the Institute of Design at Illinois Institute of Technology in 1972, and a M.S.W. from Salem State College in 1993. He is married to Barbara (McDonald) Gilbert, and has three daughters, Robyn, Rachel, and Anne. Gilbert took a serious interest in photography at the age of fourteen. In 1963 he joined the staff of Look magazine in New York as the second youngest photojournalist in the magazine's history. As a Look photographer from 1964 to 1966, he photographed folk musician Bob Dylan, the Newport Folk Festival, Simon and Garfunkel, the New York City Financial District, the children and facilities at the Manhattan School for Seriously Disturbed Children. From 1967 to 1969, Gilbert did several shoots, including that of folk singer Janis Ian for Life magazine. After moving to Chicago, Illinois in 1969 to attend the Illinois Institute of Technology, Gilbert conducted notable photo shoots of business and political figure Lenore Romney, and pursued more personal and artistic photography, focusing on urban and rural landscapes in Illinois and Michigan. He then joined the faculty of Wheaton College, where he taught from 1972 to 1982. In 1993, Gilbert graduated from Salem State College, Massachusetts, with a Masters in Social Work, and later pursued a second career as a psychotherapist. Douglas Gilbert died in June 2023. &#13;
&#13;
Throughout his photography career, he pursued both freelance commercial work as well as artistic work. His art photography is characterized by its classic black-and-white format, and features people, places and objects shot great attention and sensitivity. Gilbert's works are held in the permanent collections of the Art Institute of Chicago, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta, The Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, and the Grand Valley State University Art Galleries, as well as in numerous private and institutional collections.&#13;
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In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: David Hernández
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 3/29/2012

Biography and Description
David Hernández was born in Cidra, Puerto Rico and arrived in Chicago in 1955. He has volunteered with
the Young Lords in many activities and events. But his primary community work has been with La Gente,
an organization he founded that worked with Latinos and the poor of Lakeview. Originally the group was
called the Latin Eagles Organization because he was working the Commission of Youth Welfare for the
City of Chicago and the Latin Eagles were a serious presence in the neighborhood where he was
assigned. Like the Young Lords, La Gente also had a Breakfast for Children Program. The group stood
with the Young Lords for affordable housing and against Mayor Richard J. Daley’s displacement of
Puerto Ricans from the lakefront and near downtown areas of the city. Mr. Hernández has been called
the unofficial, “Poet Laureate of Chicago.” He blends folk, jazz, and Afro – Latin music that chronicles the
pedestrian walking down Chicago’s streets. One of his famous poems is called “La Armitage” and
features the neighborhood of Lincoln Park and several prominent Young Lords. For several years he ran
El Taller, a community based workshop. He also founded Street Sounds in 1971. Mr. Hernández
performed at Harold Washington’s mayoral inauguration in 1977 and at his funeral. He also performed
in Humboldt Park for the Young Lords and at their 40th Anniversary in 2008. Mr. Hernández has taught
poetry workshops for the Uptown Community Clinic, the Chicago Public Schools, and community arts
programs like Gallery Humboldt Park. His first books of poetry, Despertando/Waking Up and Rooftop

�Piper were published in 1971. He followed with Collected Words for Dirty Shelf (1973), Satin City Lullaby
(1989), and Elvis is Dead but at Least He Isn’t Gaining Any Weight (1995), and The Urban Poems (2004).
Mr. Hernández also starred in a movie, “David Hernandez and Street Sounds” and recorded an album by
the same name. His poem, “Immigrants/Liquid Thoughts” was included on the audio anthology, “A
Snake in the Heart: Poems and Music by Chicago Spoken Word Performers” (1994). Today, David
Hernández lives in Wicker Park, continues to be active in the community, and to collaborate with the
Young Lords.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Okay, so if you can give me your name, and where you were born,

and your date of birth, and that -- (inaudible). (laughter)
DAVID HERNÁNDEZ:

Yeah, my name is David Hernández, and I was born on May

1, 1946 that means that I’m 65 years old. I came to Chicago from Puerto Rico, a
little town called Cidra, back in 1955. And my parents came over here because
there were a lot of job offers at that time. A lot of these little factories in Chicago,
a lot of jobs for Puerto Ricans, and specifically they wanted Puerto Ricans over
here. So my whole family, uncles, and aunts, and all of that, they all worked in
these small factories. So that was back in 1955, and I was nine years old when I
came here.
JJ:

Now, do you remember what part of the city you came from at the time [00:01:00]
or to first?

DH:

That I came to? Yeah, I lived on Armitage Street. Yeah, Clark and Armitage at
that time. And then we moved a little further --

JJ:

Do you remember what street or anything like that?

DH:

Well, it’s Clark and Armitage. There’s a big high rise building right there now.
And that was right next to the park, Lincoln Park. And so a lot of Puerto Ricans
lived in that whole area right there. And what they call Old Town, at that time, I
lived on Clark and Wisconsin which was what they call Old Town right now. So
we were all over the place around there, the Old Town area and the Lincoln Park
area.

1

�JJ:

So you’re saying you remember at nine years old -- you should remember some
of it.

DH:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

What was it like at that time? I mean what type of --

DH:

[00:02:00] It was a working, poor-class neighborhood. The apartment that I lived
in, I lived in what’s known a cold water flat at first. It was in the basement.
(laughter) My family was -- there were four --

JJ:

Why did they call it cold water flat in our neighborhood? Why did they call it that?

DH:

’Cause there was no heated water, (laughter) so they called it cold water flat. It
was cheap. And we had to take baths by heating up water, so I remember that.
And it was really small. What was going on is that a lot of these buildings around
there were being subdivided, and they were cramming as many Puerto Rican
families as they could in these places. Really small. Tiny.

JJ:

[00:03:00] So when they’re subdivided, what do you mean?

DH:

At one time, these apartments used to be really big. Subdivided is that they
would put a wall in the middle somewhere and fix it up so that there were two
entrances. And then where there used to be one family, now they could fit two
families, sometimes three families. So these were cramped, small places that we
lived in at the very beginning. And so, you know, it was --

JJ:

Was your family big, like how many?

DH:

I have three brothers and one sister, so there were six of us living in an area that
was maybe what they call a studio apartment today. All of us lived there. We
used to sleep in the same -- you know, two to a bed. The little one used to sleep

2

�on a mattress on the floor every night. [00:04:00] So this was the kind of thing
that was going -- that we lived on. My uncles and aunts were in the same
situation. Everybody around there lived in small places. They were roachinfested, a lot of rats and all of that. The landlords never came around, they just
primarily left us. They didn’t fix anything. Everything had to be fixed by us or
else it wouldn’t get done. At that point, we didn’t know, but everything was
painted with that lead paint. So later on, as kids were being born and all that,
some of them were mentally -- they were retarded, basically, because of those
paint chips, and the fumes, and everything that was going on -- the dust that was
coming in. So it was way different than what it is now, [00:05:00] that whole
area. A lot of old buildings, red brick buildings, and no stores hardly around
there. It was just one big long street with a lot of buildings. That’s what I
remember. The hallways were always dark. And that’s how my parents lived for
a long time. I always wondered why my parents were always tired, and part of
the reason was that they would stay up night so they could flick the cockroaches
off our faces as we were sleeping. They had to go to work, and then at night
they have to be night guards against the cucarachas. (laughter)
JJ:

A lot of roaches.

DH:

Yeah, a lot. But we were a community, and a lot of families really stuck together
-- my aunts, and my uncles, [00:06:00] and all of that. And so there was a
lightness to it. I mean we had these big parties and --

JJ:

So were other Puerto Rican families bringing their families, too? So your family
came with a lot of other aunts, and uncles, and all that?

3

�DH:

Right. Right.

JJ:

And it was also happening in that area?

DH:

Yeah.

JJ:

’Cause you said (inaudible) --

DH:

My grandmother was the first who came, and she lived on Halsted and Armitage
in that big corner building which is still there. And you can’t touch it today. I don’t
know, it’s a condo thing. But that’s where they used to live because that place
was really full of our people. My grandmother was the first one to come. She
came, I think, in ’48. Yeah, 1948. She lived there for a long time.

JJ:

Why did she come from Puerto Rico?

DH:

Better life. The small factories weren’t just cutting sheet metal and all that, they
also had a lot sewing factories, and so she was a [00:07:00] seamstress, making
baby clothes in a baby factory. So that’s why she came.

JJ:

She was a seamstress in Puerto Rico, too, then?

DH:

Yeah, right.

JJ:

So she actually knew a skill.

DH:

Right. Yeah, she brought that skill over here back in ’48. So she came first, and
then a few of my uncles.

JJ:

And she came to Armitage and Halsted or to another place?

DH:

Straight to Halsted and Armitage.

JJ:

Straight to Halsted and Armitage in ’48.

DH:

Nineteen forty-eight, there were already Puerto Ricans here. (laughter)

JJ:

On Halsted and Armitage, okay. (inaudible)

4

�DH:

Yeah, right. So that whole area was there. Then my uncles settled in -- and they
came in the ’50s, and we were -- I think my family was about the last one to
come in into Chicago and that was in ’55. So there was a big family. [00:08:00]
My grandmother had like, I don’t know, 10 kids because at that time, you had big
families. My friend, [George Perez?], he has 17 brothers and sisters ’cause they
were big families. (laughs)

JJ:

Where did he live?

DH:

He lived right next door to me. (laughs)

JJ:

(inaudible) apartments.

DH:

Right. And his apartment was bigger because they had to hold 17 people in
there. So somehow or other there was a sense of that community. And the
church was around, the Catholic church was around. We weren’t Catholic, we
went to the Protestant church.

JJ:

What denomination?

DH:

I think it was Methodist.

JJ:

Methodist?

DH:

Yeah, Methodist ’cause they were doing a lot of outreach work and all of that.

JJ:

(inaudible).

DH:

So we were pretty active in that in those [00:09:00] -- we were like --

JJ:

You were pretty active? What do you mean active?

DH:

The church, at that time, was changing because the neighborhood -- it used to be
like there was a lot of Germans and Italians around there, and some African
Americans, but not too much. I think it was probably the main ethnics which had

5

�German, Irish, and Italians, you know? Italiano. And so they were in the process
of being moved out or moving out. And so -JJ:

Was it a natural movement out or they decided to move out?

DH:

They were already moving out of the city, basically. They had improved their lot.
I’m quite sure that they went through a lot of stuff, too, but they were already
[00:10:00] in a place where they could do that, they could afford to move out.
They were the ones that owned some of the stores around there. So they were
moving out to the burbs, or starting to move out to the burbs, because the
suburban explosion was happening. So some of them moved out there. The
church that we started going to, we were the first of the Latino families to come
in.

JJ:

You remember where that was at?

DH:

I can’t remember.

JJ:

’Cause I know they had some Methodist on Larrabee and something.

DH:

It was around Larrabee. The Ideal Theatre was around there. The Ideal Theater
was --

JJ:

I remember (inaudible). Close to (inaudible).

DH:

Yeah. So that whole area was, of course, like that, you know? Yeah, so that’s
what happened. [00:11:00] The churches were changing because the Latino
families were coming in and all that. That’s what was going on. So the services
started being in Spanish and all that.

JJ:

In the Methodist and the Catholic?

6

�DH:

Yeah, the Catholic, too. Yeah, the Catholic, too. And you could see that
because of the other -- as I said, the other ethnics were moving out. So that
population in the churches was changing. But that became our social thing.

JJ:

What do you mean? What kind (inaudible)?

DH:

Well, that’s where a lot of families, that’s where they met. There wasn’t any
place for them to go. My family and a lot of the families just worked, and they
were tired all day, and then they would go to services at night or whatever was
going on in the church. They had dinners and all that. But the churches were
also helping us because we were poor. We were the poor people. [00:12:00] I
remember during Christmas that I would get Christmas packages, and it didn’t
have my name on it, it would just say, “Boy, 9.” “Girl, 12.” “Oh, I’m boy.” I
remember that real vividly. Then they would come to me later, they were all,
“These were donated by the richer parishioners.” (laughs) So that’s what I grew
up with, all these things. We were poor and all that, pero como Puerto Rican
there was a sense of tightness of community that was really going on. I’ll give
you an example. When somebody died, everybody would chip in for the funeral
expenses. For the holidays and all of that, everybody would have these big
parties, and we even [00:13:00] cooked a pig in the bathtub. (laughter) We didn’t
know. I remember a lot of my uncles drinking all this Pabst Blue Ribbon beer.
All the adults drank Pabst Blue Ribbon beer. When they started making a little
money, they would buy a new car every year that they could -- Studebakers.
That’s what they had in those days. And I went to school. My older brother went
to Waller High School which is now called Lincoln Park High School, it’s a real

7

�fancy school now. And I went Arnold School which was a little grammar school
right next door.
JJ:

How was Arnold at that time? What do you remember of Arnold?

DH:

Arnold and [LaSalle?]?

JJ:

[00:14:00] And LaSalle School you went to?

DH:

Yeah, LaSalle School. At that time, when I was going in there, it was kind of
diverse. You still had the German kids, and the Italian, and the Irish, and all that.
You had those, and it wasn’t too bad. Although there was tension, you know -- I
ran a lot, I got chased a lot. (laughter) If you went by the Italian neighborhood,
forget it. You know you’re going to get your ass kicked or you know that you
were gonna to get chased, so I knew how to run and I knew -- you know, we
learned what our boundaries were, you know what I’m saying? We knew that if
you went this way, it might be dangerous, so you had to be careful which way
you crossed and all of that.

JJ:

And this is when you were living near the park?

DH:

By the park, right.

JJ:

[00:15:00] Was there white gangs or just white youth?

DH:

Yeah, white gangs.

JJ:

They were chasing the Latinos?

DH:

Right because the thing about us is that --

JJ:

And you weren’t in a gang at that time?

DH:

No.

JJ:

You were just Puerto Rican, and they were just chasing you.

8

�DH:

They were just chasing us. Right. There wasn’t a gang at that time. The gangs
came later on, and it was kind of, I think, for protection. It was really protecting
ourselves and all of that. We were getting chased a lot. Part of the thing was the
racism that existed. The ethnics and all that, like I said, the Irish, the Italians, and
the Germans, and whatever -- and the Italians were the ones that would first
called spic. It wasn’t us, [00:16:00] but we inherited that word. These were lightskinned Europeans most of them, but the Italians were a little darker, and it took
them a long time to get accepted. But when we came, we had this African
Caribbean look to us and all that, and they didn’t know what the hell to make of
us because we were darker-skinned and so forth, and really mixed, it confused
the hell of out of them ’cause some of us were real light-skinned. Like I got
cousins that were red-haired and freckled face, and I have cousins that had really
(Spanish) kinky hair like I had and all that. So that’s when we were introduced to
racism and all that. [00:17:00] I couldn’t get a haircut at a regular barber shop
because they said, “We don’t do your type of hair.” I remember that. So we had
to go and get our hair cut by [Don Benjamin?] who was our community barber
shop. He didn’t have a license, but he did it in his basement or whatever -- in the
back, somewhat of a garage. We learned to survive with that. That was our
sense of neighborhood. The little stores, and there was [Vicente’s?] store which
was really like a bodega, he was one of the first ones to own a store.

JJ:

Do you know where that was located or no?

9

�DH:

That was around Larrabee. Larrabee and Webster. Webster and Lincoln and
Larrabee, right there. That whole area was -- it’s where we lived. Some of my
uncles moved further [00:18:00] west.

JJ:

When did they start moving west?

DH:

About a couple of years later.

JJ:

Fifty-seven?

DH:

Yeah, ’57 and all that. But they had been here already, so they were making a
little bit more money, so they were able to afford -- what we did was we moved to
626 West Webster. That’s by what they call Oz Park now. And that was all
Puerto Ricans around there. It used to be a Swedish neighborhood ’cause they
still had the Swedish hall or whatever it was.

JJ:

When you say all Puerto Rican, 60 percent?

DH:

I would say about 70 percent. Again, families, big families, and we all kind of
knew each other. I’ll give you an example. A few of my aunts, we all lived in the
same -- there was a house here -- [00:19:00] because we were able to afford a
little bit more -- and it was these old wooden houses. So they were bigger and all
that. So we took up about three or four of those houses with just my family -cousins, and uncles, and all that -- and friends like George Perez and all that.
And a couple of friends who were -- I had a friend whose name was [Randy,
yeah?], he was German. And he had blond hair, blue eyes, and he was a good
kid. His family accepted what was going on and all that. So it wasn’t total -- you
know, just being alienated by everybody. But we were all basically in the same
boat. It was like a class thing at that time, you know? Struggling to make it

10

�better and so forth. So this was on Webster Street, 626 West Webster,
[00:20:00] and my grandmother still lived on Halsted. She lived there all of her
life, Halsted and Armitage, in that same building. She lived there from ’48 until, I
don’t know, sixty-something when she went back to Puerto Rico.
JJ:

What was her name?

DH:

Her name was Juana, [Tonya?] Juana everybody called her. And she liked to
have a shot of rum every morning, and she smoked a cigar -- handmade cigar
from -- they used to bring them in and [Don Filomeno?] used to make them [right
there?]. Illegally, but --

JJ:

Did they make cigars in Cidra? Was that a tobacco area?

DH:

Yeah, Cidra, my hometown. I remember some of the things that were in Cidra.
And [Don Filomeno?] was the guy who made the cigars. And he lived right next
door, and he had this little -- ’cause in my hometown, there were three things
[00:21:00] that were around there in terms of agriculture: sugar cane, tobacco,
and -- what’s the last one? Coffee. Coffee, they used to grow coffee. Those
were the three main products that were coming out of Cidra at that time.

JJ:

Did people own farms there or did they work on the farms?

DH:

My grandfather and a lot of my family, when they were in Puerto Rico, they were
agriculture. My dad worked in the cane fields and all that. He was a truck driver,
he would bring in the cane and all that. But what happened was that the
factories basically took over everything, so everything got industrialized, so there
were no jobs for people that had an agricultural background. It was changing. I

11

�think that was when [00:22:00] Operation Bootstrap came in where the factories JJ:

The ’40s.

DH:

Right, yeah. Well, the factories came in, and they were tax-free for seven years
or whatever, and so they industrialized everything including (inaudible) aspect of
it. Where my uncles and my family used to have little cane fields or growing
coffee and all of that, these were taken over by the big corporations, and so then
you had to work for them. So there were no jobs. It got harder and harder. And
the cities didn’t have any jobs. Everything was being industrialized. So that’s
why there was this big migration to Chicago -- specifically Chicago -- and they
were encouraging the workers here -- the factory owners here and everybody
was encouraging for Puerto Ricans to come over here. I mean there were ads in
Puerto Rico, [00:23:00] in [el periódico?], in the newspapers in Puerto Rico
talking about that they would pay your fare over here, set you up in an apartment
and all of that. And those apartments that were in the ads, they looked really
nice, but when we came here, (laughter) man, they didn’t look so good. But it
was being encouraged because they had a lot of unskilled labor jobs at that time,
what they called. And these were dangerous jobs. I had two of my uncles
whose fingers were cut off. So you see a lot of old Puerto Ricans missing one
finger and you know that they worked for these small factories and all that.
Stewart-Warner was a big employer. This place right here, where I live now
which is a loft space, these are old factories. Two of my uncles worked here.
(laughs)

12

�JJ:

What is the name of this factory?

DH:

I forgot what the name of it was. [00:24:00] Hein something -- or Hendrickson.
All of these things that you see are called loft spaces today are really old
factories. That’s how small they were, but a lot of Puerto Ricans worked in these
places.

JJ:

You said there were like poetry people, or art -- culture people.

DH:

What we did is we bought three factories, old factories, these. There’s three of
them in this complex, and we renovated them. Every one us, and it’s only artists.
What we did is every one of us, we chipped in. This was around 10 years ago.
We chipped in $3,000 each, and we bought them because we got tired -- not only
as a Puerto Rican being moved out and gentrified, but as an artist, the same
thing. [00:25:00] Artists go where it’s cheap, where the rent is cheap and all that,
and then what follows is we make it pretty or attractive, and we do shows and
that attracts, and boom, before you know it, we get moved out because the realty
people come and that’s a prime area right now. I saw this happen in Old Town
when we were there. I saw artists moving in and all that, and I saw a little theater
space going up there called Second City. (laughs) I saw the storefront. I used to
get coffee for those guys, they would send me to go get coffee for them. And so
I saw that, and a few years later, boom. Got commercialized. And everybody,
including the artists, got moved out. So not only did I get moved out as a Puerto
Rican, low-income and all that, but I got moved out also as an artist. So this
place here is a result of gentrification. [00:26:00] What they call Wicker Park now

13

�on Milwaukee and Damen North Avenue, that used to be artists a few years ago,
and then it got commercialized because -JJ:

Wasn’t that also a Puerto Rican community, too?

DH:

Yeah, before that, it used to be a Puerto Rican community. The whole thing
around here was Puerto Ricans. Again, a few of my cousins lived over there on
Damen North and all that. And so I remember my friends, [Eddie?], (inaudible),
and some of them, we all grew up there, they all grew up around there. So they
got moved out. At first, they were living well with the artists who could afford it in
the little storefront. The artists were encouraged to move over there. That was a
real conscious thing done by the realty people, bring in the artists. Then in a few
years, boom. It got gentrified. You go over there now, you can’t touch that area.
[00:27:00] You cannot touch it rent-wise. So we got moved out not only as
Puerto Ricans, but as artists, also. That’s been the history of artists. We move
into a neighborhood, and then we get commercialized out and gentrified. We got
this building here with the idea that we were not going to get moved out again.
So we all chipped in, bought the building, and we got the city to subsidize us.
Our argument was that we are low-income to moderate-income people and
therefore we should get subsidized, and they did. They subsidized the hell out of
it. So we bought the building, we prettied it up, Mayor Daley came by, at that
time, and he loved it. [00:28:00] We were a case study. (laughs) But here’s the
idea. We all own our own units, and they’re beautiful. We had an architect come
in and all that. We all own our own units, and we got them cheap. But the thing
is we can’t sell at the market price. In other words, we can’t buy here and then

14

�make a killing and then -- sell it and make a killing on it. We can only sell a little
bit more for the improvements -- whatever improvements we got, not to make a
lot of money. And if we sell, we have to sell it to another artist or a family that’s
low to moderate income. That way we don’t we get gentrified. That way we’re
not going to have a lot of rich realty people coming here and trying to buy us out.
JJ:

So that concept came because when you were younger you were also [00:29:00]
involved in organizing, too, with -- what was the name of the organization that
you had?

DH:

The name of the organization that I had was called La Gente which means The
People. And this is when I was younger.

JJ:

They were located where?

DH:

They were on Halsted and Roscoe. Halsted and Roscoe Street just a little north
of Lincoln Park area. Just a little north of there. Lincoln Park was around
Halsted and Armitage, Halsted and Lincoln Avenue, that whole area. We were
just a little north of there. But they called it Lakeview area. But the same thing,
that whole area was being gentrified.

JJ:

What was that area like in terms of population? Were there a lot of Puerto
Ricans there, too?

DH:

Yeah. When we got moved out of Old Town and that whole area around there,
some of us went west as far as Humboldt Park. [00:30:00] Some of us went
north in the Lakeview and Uptown area, and that’s where we went to, we moved
to the Lakeview area right around Belmont, Halsted. Yeah, that’s basically kind
of like the dividing line that I remember. So from there --

15

�JJ:

Clark Street is also there, too.

DH:

Right. Clark Street.

JJ:

You were following Clark.

DH:

Right. Going up north on Clark Street. Thank God we didn’t go east because
now we’d be at the lake drowned by now. (laughter) So that’s what happened.
And it was a pattern -- boom, boom, boom, boom. We kept getting moved out.
But part of the reason was -- one thing was that some of the adults, some of our
parents and all that, always had the idea of going back to Puerto Rico. They
were going to make money here and move back. [00:31:00] Twenty years in,
they’re still waiting, (laughter) and they got stuck here. So they didn’t really
invest in terms of buying. So they were at the mercy of these landlords and
realty, and that’s why we kept moving around. That’s why I went to one, two,
three, about four different schools because one apartment, the rent would go up
and we had to move out again, you know, keep going. So that was the issue.
So when I was living around Halsted and Roscoe in the Lakeview area, there
was -- this was ’60s, so I learned -- Saul Alinksy, the organizer, he had a lot of
influence on a lot of us. And so I learned how to organize. A whole bunch of us
young people learned how to organize and how to create tenant’s unions to help
our people and the people in that area, [00:32:00] meaning that hold back the
rent because a slum lord didn’t fix the pipes, or didn’t give us heat in the winter
because we couldn’t afford the rent that month or whatever, so they would cut off
the heat or didn’t fix things. And again, roach and rat infested and all that. They
just didn’t give a damn. And so we learned how to organize, and form tenant’s

16

�unions, and go in there and hold the rent until things got fixed. And we learned
how to do the publicity game. Bring in the newspapers, bring in whatever just to
shame these landlords. So it became a big issue.
JJ:

So La Gente was doing this?

DH:

Yeah. What happened was this -- I used to be a youth worker [00:33:00] at that
time. I had graduated from Lake View High School and I was going to Wright
City College, and so I got a part-time job as a youth worker, and I worked for
Jane Addams Center. So I was supposed to work with the gangs. At that time,
the gangs were like the Eagles, the Latin Eagles and all that. In that area, there
was the Aristocrats which was the last stronghold of the Irish. (laughter) And so I
used to do that. And so with the Latin Eagles and all that. And we really did a
great job at keeping things cool and all that because we’re close to them, we’re
from the streets. We knew how to identify with them and they trusted us and that
was the thing. But a lot of changes were going on. These were the ’60s, so
things were getting politicized more. [00:34:00] People’s consciousness was
being raised. And so south of us in the Lincoln Park area, there’s a group called
the Young Lords. They started an organization, they started organizing there,
and that influenced us. A little further up north, the same thing. It was trickling
up. Again, the sense of community.

JJ:

What sort of things influenced the --

DH:

The way that they were working with the community, the way that they were
organizing. As a model, I think they used the Black Panther Party and all of that.
And in terms of setting up free food pantries, the free breakfast programs and all

17

�of that, these were models that we also used. Advocating for poor people in the
welfare office, we learned how to do that from the Young Lords. [00:35:00] We
learned the people at the welfare office, they have to be there all day, so we
would go over there with pots of rice and beans and feed the people (laughter)
and advocate for the welfare people because they were -- the people on welfare
that were there because these welfare offices, they were abusive. They made
everybody that needed money or needed help, they made them feel bad. They
made them wait all day there, and shame them. And these workers, they just
treated them bad, and so that’s why. And at the same time, we learned that you
could form unions, organize for the welfare recipients. So the welfare recipients
started learning [00:36:00] all of that. They became advocates. And so that’s
what we were doing. Doing tenant’s unions, forming tenant’s unions around
there. Basically the same thing because, again, this community organizing
became a real thing for me.
JJ:

Who were some of the people that were working with you at that time? What
were some of their names? I remember [Americo?] or something like that. Was
it --

DH:

Americo. Americo Rodriguez was there. (inaudible) Ramirez was there. [Elba?]
-- I forgot her last name. There was a whole bunch of us. A couple of priests,
Father [Lizek?] and I forgot the other one. They were pretty radical. And so they
all worked with us. [Sally Contreras?] was another one. She took on the
telephone [00:37:00] company.

JJ:

What was that? What did she do?

18

�DH:

Well, what she did is that they weren’t hiring enough Latinos, Puerto Ricans in
the telephone company. So she did some research and found out that a lot of
Puerto Ricans were making long distance phone calls all the way to Puerto Rico
and that they were making money off of us. So she threatened them with
boycott. They started saying, “If you don’t hire more people, we’re going to
boycott you.” And I’ll be damned if it didn’t work. And she brought a whole group
of people.

JJ:

Sally Contreras?

DH:

Sally Contreras. She brought a whole bunch of people to the telephone
company and said, “If you don’t hire us, more Latinos, more Puerto Ricans, we
will boycott.” And that was a threat, and it worked. It really worked. More
Latinos started [00:38:00] being hired and all that.

JJ:

Did you work with any other groups in Lakeview?

DH:

What happened with me was that I was working with the Eagles. And the police
thought that I was teaching them -- well, I was -- but what happened was that the
Civil Liberties Union, they had a little booklet about your rights. And at the
playground, the Eagles and some of the other street clubs, I gave them copies of
this, little manuals on learning their rights if they were arrested and all that. And
I’ll be damned, they picked it up. That’s what was going on.

JJ:

So if they were arrested not to say anything and --

DH:

Right. Say, “Why are you arresting me?” And they would ask why. And the
police didn’t like this. So they thought that I was some kind of a radical. So they
set it up so that I [00:39:00] would get beaten get up by them. They wanted to kill

19

�me. They set it up, they made an arrest and all of that the night I went out there
to see what I could do. Before I know it, I was surrounded by police.
JJ:

You were beaten up?

DH:

Yeah, I was beaten up, they were trying to open my hand and put a gun in it. I
knew what time what was. That was a [drop?] gun, and one of them was gonna
do me fatal (laughs) injury. But I didn’t open. But after that, I was so upset that I
quit. I quit working and I just became an organizer. So the Latin Eagles became
the Latin Eagle Organization. Again, using the Young Lords as an example.
And it was called LEO, but then we changed our name to La Gente because we
wanted to like -- that whole neighborhood was -- although it was primarily Puerto
Rican, it also had some African American and some poor white people that lived
in that area. [00:40:00] Because just north of us was Uptown, and there was a
lot of poor white up there. Southern Appalachians, they used to work the mines
and now were living up there. And it was pretty bad. So we changed our name
to be inclusive of everybody in that neighborhood. It represented what we had.
So it was called La Gente, and it was -- the model that we used was the model
that the Young Lords had set up just south of us. And the same issues -- getting
moved out, being gentrified. The same problems. So we set that up. And if you
look at it, at Lincoln Park, you had the Young Lords, the Lakeview area had La
Gente, and then north of us was the Young Patriots. So that whole area around
there was influenced by the Young Lords [00:41:00] in terms of what was going
on. And in turn, I think it was the Black Panther Party and some of the other
groups that influenced all of us. So we were learning from the Civil Rights

20

�Movement, everything that was going on at that time. So our consciousness was
raised, and so that’s what came about. That’s what came about. So that’s
where La Gente came into being. And we organized, we did, like I said, free
pantry which is now still in existence, it’s called the Lake View Free Food Pantry.
It’s still going on. It’s still going on. So some things lasted. So that was the
dynamics that were happening at that time.
JJ:

So there was some connection not only in the -- in terms of the ideology, but I
mean there was [00:42:00] actually good communication with the Young Lords at
the time and vice versa?

DH:

Oh, yeah. We supported each other, you know?

JJ:

What do you remember that we did together?

DH:

I remember whenever the Young Lords or the Young Patriots or whatever,
whenever there was a big event or a march that was going on, we would
participate in that. Here’s the thing is that I had friends in the Young Lords that I
grew up with who went to high school with me and who I had known since we
were little. So even though they were a Young Lords member, we were still
together. (laughs) So it was like -- you know what I’m saying? It was our familia.
You know, [Carlos Flores?], [Alfredo?], all of these guys I’ve known.

JJ:

And, actually, there was no initiation or anything, you just started working.

DH:

Right, we just started working. We just started coming and doing it.

JJ:

’Cause I remember being at a lot of your events, not just one or two.

DH:

Right, [00:43:00] a lot of events that we were --

JJ:

But I always knew that you were also the head of La Gente.

21

�DH:

Right. Yeah.

JJ:

So the Young Lords were political, but they were also from the street. So I mean
did you actually hang out with any of the Young Lords?

DH:

Yeah, and I hung out --

JJ:

What do you remember about that? I mean what type of people? How were
they?

DH:

I remember we used to party a lot. (laughs) I used to hang out --

JJ:

When you say party, what do you mean?

DH:

Partying. We would go to parties together, (Spanish) [00:43:46] and all of that
stuff.

JJ:

Dancing?

DH:

Yeah, dances.

JJ:

(inaudible).

DH:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

I’m talking about this is before they became political or --

DH:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay, so you knew them [00:44:00] before they became political.

DH:

Right.

JJ:

How were they before they became political, the Young Lords? I mean what do
you remember? You said the parties and --

DH:

That’s basically about it. There were fights once in a while and all that stuff, but,
again, it was because, basically, we had to defend ourselves from the white boys

22

�-- from the white gangs around there. They used to try to beat the shit out of us.
So there was this territorial thing that happened. So I remember some of that -JJ:

So there wasn’t that [gang of?] today? I mean there was a difference or -- I
mean at that time, that was the early part of the gangs, but today -- but it was
more territorial. Can you describe what that means? The difference?

DH:

There was a sense of protection. [00:45:00] We had to protect -- the Young
Lords, what I saw, and I remember some of the other gangs and all that, even
though once in a while they would fight amongst each other, it was primarily
protecting themselves from some of the -- you know, Lo Italiano and some of the
Irish gangs and all of that. I think it was born out of protecting ourselves and
protecting the neighborhood ’cause even though -- they didn’t call themselves
gangs. We used to call them street clubs. (laughs) So these street clubs weren’t
just -- a lot of people were not afraid of them because these were their sons and
daughters and all of that that were a part of it. And they used to hang out
together so they could go to the boys’ club or whatever and feel safe. [00:46:00]
But, also, they used to do things like, again, when [Donia Josefa?] died or
something like that, these clubs would make a collective. They would go around
and make a collection and so they could have a proper burial for her or ship her
back to Puerto Rico where they would buried and all of that. So there was thing
of helping out the community. They never really attacked their own community.
Never. I never saw that. Never saw that. So we used to hang out, and that’s
about it. Just hang out and talk about what was going on.

23

�JJ:

Do you remember there was a big incident that happened and it was about a
week long. [00:47:00] It was on Halsted near Belmont by California Terrace.
There was a place called --

DH:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

What do you remember about that?

DH:

I remember there was --

JJ:

What was that about?

DH:

I had two friends that lived in that.

JJ:

What year was that around? Basically it was like sixty --

DH:

Sixty-five maybe. Yeah, around ’65, ’66.

JJ:

This was at California Terrace by Barry.

DH:

By Barry, right over there. Right.

JJ:

Was that Lincoln or Clark?

DH:

Halsted. It was Halsted, Barry, and Clark. California Terrace. A lot of Puerto
Ricans lived there, and that was a slum. I mean really bad. My friend, [Jimmy
Morales?], lived there. What happened is that it got -- it got so bad that I think it
was Father Lizek and maybe [Father Charlie?], [00:48:00] real activists -- and a
lot of Puerto Ricans there went to their church which was -- I forgot the name of
that church on Wellington. Anyway --

JJ:

(inaudible).

DH:

Yeah, right. And so they organized the people there --

JJ:

But there was an incident. I believe the Aristocrats had to jump somebody from
there or -- were you involved?

24

�DH:

No.

JJ:

I know that a lot of people from Halsted &amp; Dickens and the Eagles --

DH:

Oh, yeah. Yeah, right. Eagles.

JJ:

-- came here to fight with the Aristocrats.

DH:

The Outcast Angels. (laughs)

JJ:

Yeah, the Angels.

DH:

Well, they used to be called the Angels.

JJ:

They had a whole week of -- gang-banging for a whole week.

DH:

Yeah.

JJ:

(inaudible).

DH:

Yeah, against the Aristocrats.

JJ:

Were you involved? Were you a part?

DH:

Oh, yeah. Yeah.

JJ:

What do you remember of that, of that era? ’Cause other people have
mentioned that, also.

DH:

What I remember is that we were really -- I was really pissed off [00:49:00] at
what happened. And Jimmy Morales and some of the other people, we wanted
to exact some vengeance on what happened because they really -- I think what
they did is they beat up a kid or tried to rape one -- I think they tried to rape one
of the girls. What was her name? I can’t remember her name. I want to say
[Ava?]. But they really roughed her up pretty bad. So that’s what did it. That’s
what lit the fuel. And so the Eagles, Outcast Angels -- who else was there?

JJ:

I know Halsted &amp; Dickens, all the different gangs -- clubs, all the different clubs.

25

�DH:

Yeah, clubs, all the clubs around there.

JJ:

And Halsted &amp; Dickens came up there. There were two or three hundred people
out there (laughs) for a week. For a whole week.

DH:

For a whole week, yeah. And driving around. They used to drive [00:50:00]
around looking for the -- and I think that was about the last -- that’s what really
did the Aristocrats in. I think they were never powerful (laughs) after that. They
lost. So it was a statement that was being made. So the Aristocrats, they
understood what was going on, so they chilled out. After that, they were no
longer that powerful. But I remember that. The thing I’m talking about is in
California Terrace -- there’s two. A few years later -- yeah, it was a few years
later. You know, that place was so bad that they organized, and they -everybody there, all the tenants, they organized and they held their rent back in
escrow. And then they had an opening, [00:51:00] a house -- what do you call
that? A house-warming party or whatever, and they invited the press, the invited
the public to come and see what it was really like in there. And they had in little
baggies or something, they had a cockroach, a dead mouse in there, and they
were giving it to people just to show how bad it was. And it worked. It worked.
The city got on their case over there, the inspectors came and really -- because
the inspectors were on the take. So, of course, all these slum lords, they could
just pay off and nothing would be done about it.

JJ:

So what do you mean on the take? I mean inspectors.

DH:

The take means that a lot of inspectors, they’re supposed to come in and inspect,
and if they see things that are bad or wrong, they’re supposed to report it back to

26

�the city and force the landlord to make repairs, basically to improve the building.
And a lot of them [00:52:00] were on the take, that means that they were bribed.
That means that the landlords, once a month or whatever, he would pay them off.
So much was set aside just to pay off the inspectors not to come in there. And
I’m talking about electrical work, I’m talking about just things that really needed to
be done. A lot of fires occurred in these buildings ’cause of the bad wiring that
happened, and the electrical inspector and all that was supposed to come, and
he would take a bribe and just leave it as is and say everything’s perfect. So
that’s what happened.
JJ:

What else do you think we should add to the interview that we haven’t touched
upon? I know we didn’t go into other events that you participated in.

DH:

So much to say. One of the things I want to say is [00:53:00] that at that time -all of us were young, we were the ones who were really leading a lot of this stuff,
and organizing, and doing really great stuff not just in our community, but in
terms of nationwide. The anti-war movement, that influenced us. The hippies,
(laughs) the Yippies, the Youth International Party -- all of these things. The
Black Panther Party, all of the -- SDS, all of these. We were all basically together
on all of this. So that’s what I remember. It’s all connected. This is not an
isolated factor, this was going on nationwide, [00:54:00] and so that influenced
us. One of the things, also, that happened was that I’m a poet, I’ve been a poet
since I was 11 years old. And so me and other artists, we organized. Got
Gamaliel Ramírez, some musicians, artists, and all that, we started doing a lot of
things together. And out of that outcome we created El Taller which means The

27

�Workshop. And what we did is that all of us artists got together and formed this
organization to deal with community, and we recruited a lot of kids, and we work
primarily with kids, to come and help us do art. So the graffiti that was being
painted up there by some of the kids on the street, some of the gang bangers if
you want to call them, some of them really have talent. (laughs) [00:55:00] So
Gamaliel and other artists took them in and showed them how to do murals. So
out of that graffiti experience came these beautiful murals that are out there
today, you see? So we had an influence to a lot of these kids. Some of them are
really talented. They knew how to play bongo, and congas, and music and all
that. So we steered them that way, and it worked. It worked. I was part of the
whole cultural movement that we created.
JJ:

And on that same topic (inaudible) campaign, the aldermanic campaign. You did
a thing with Bob Gibson or -- do you recall that?

DH:

Yeah. That’s when Cha-Cha Jiménez was running for alderman. (laughter)

JJ:

Do you remember any of those verses or anything?

DH:

And together. And together we can make it. [00:56:00] Turn around and we
shape it. That’s how I remember that. That was a great song that Bob Gibson
and I wrote together for --

JJ:

For the aldermanic campaign.

DH:

-- for the aldermanic campaign of Cha-Cha Jiménez and the Young Lords.

JJ:

Bob Gibson is a folk singer and (inaudible).

DH:

Bob Gibson was really well -- I mean he made it big at one time. He was the
ultimate folk singer.

28

�JJ:

Well, you’re well-known, too, (inaudible). (laughter) So you did a few things like
this, some events, in terms of supporting the Young Lords through the years.

DH:

In ’71, I published my first book. So then unbeknownst to me, I became the first
Latino poet to be published in the state of Illinois. So that’s been an honor that I
created, but I didn’t know that at that time. [00:57:00] In terms of the arts and the
cultural aspect of it, it’s been a movement. It’s been a part of the movement for a
long time. I’m part of that movement that was influenced by the Young Lords. I
was influenced by the Black Panther Party, I was influenced by a lot of what was
going on at that time. I’m a product of that. At that time, I had an afro. I’m baldheaded now, but I was 6’2” with that damn afro because I used to pick that
sucker up. (laugher) I used to wear dashikis and all of that stuff. And, plus, the
connection to Puerto Rico, that was important. Puerto Rico Libre, you know,
tengo Puerto Rico en mi corazon. That was an influence from the Young Lords
’cause they were the ones that really brought that aspect into the Puerto Rican
community here. Free Puerto Rico [00:58:00] about the colonial status of Puerto
Rico and all of that, all of that was taught to us by the Young Lords. I know there
are other people now that are trying to revise history and say, “Well, we’re the
ones” -- no. No, it was the Young Lords. Cha-Cha Jiménez and that group over
there that really raised our consciousness in terms of connecting back to our
culture because we were losing it here in some ways, so we got acculturated. If
it wasn’t for the Young Lords, there wouldn’t be this Puerto Rican pride that we
have today that still exists. I think it was (inaudible) that wrote something about
the identity crises that we suffered because when we came here everything was

29

�in terms of Black or white, but we were both. We’re multicultural, multiracial, and
all of that. [00:59:00] And so the Young Lords, again, were the ones that really
instigated that whole concept of being proud of who were, and learning about our
culture, learning about our roots. That’s important. Really important, you know?
And so that’s what rooted us together. If it wasn’t for all those lessons taught -because, see, the Young Lords were not just an organization, they became the
teachers. Simple.

END OF VIDEO FILE

30

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                <text>David Hernández was born in Cidra, Puerto Rico and arrived in Chicago in 1955. He has volunteered with the Young Lords in many activities and events. But his primary community work has been with La Gente, an organization he founded that worked with Latinos and the poor of Lakeview. Originally the group was called the Latin Eagles Organization. Like the Young Lords, La Gente also had a Breakfast for Children Program. The group stood with the Young Lords for affordable housing and against Mayor Richard J. Daley’s displacement of Puerto Ricans from the lakefront and near downtown areas of the city. Mr. Hernández has been called the unofficial, “Poet Laureate of Chicago.” He blends folk, jazz, and Afro-Latin music that chronicles the pedestrian walking down Chicago’s streets. One of his famous poems is called “La Armitage” and features the neighborhood of Lincoln Park and several prominent Young Lords. Mr. Hernández performed at Harold Washington’s mayoral inauguration in 1977 and at his funeral. He also performed in Humboldt Park for the Young Lords and at their 40th Anniversary in 2008. Today, David Hernández lives in Wicker Park, continues to be active in the community, and to collaborate with the Young Lords.</text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: David Lemieux
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 7/15/2012

Biography and Description
David (pronounced "Daveed") Lemieux joined the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party in the
spring of 1969. At age 16, he was the second youngest member of that Chapter. He was a "rank and
file" member and functioned in all BPP activities including the Free Breakfast for Children Program and
the dissemination of the Black Panther newspaper. As a member of the Education Cadre, he was
constantly engaged with "speaking" the mission and purpose of the Black Panther Party. He remained
active with the BPP into the early 70s.
In 1982, after consultation with other members of the activist community, David joined the Chicago
Police Department and began a 26 year career where he was able to use his office and authority as a
vehicle to serve the people.
Currently, David Lemieux gives seminars facilitated by Chicago's Black Star Project entitled "Keeping
OUR children out of the 'Just US' System" and speaks locally and nationally on the role of peace officers
serving the community through the justice system. He is active with the Chicago Black Panther History
Project and other efforts committed to preservation, education and reclamation of the true history of
our struggle.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

David, you can give me your name, full name, and date of birth,

and where you were born?
DAVID LEMIEUX:

Okay. My name is David Lemieux. I was born April 10, 1953 in

Georgetown, Ohio. I came to Chicago when I was very, very small. I have no
real memories of Ohio. I grew up in Chicago.
JJ:

So, you were like a couple years old?

DL:

I was in maybe first grade or something. Kindergarten, first grade.

JJ:

So, no recollection whatsoever?

DL:

Not really, no.

JJ:

And your parents, where did they come from?

DL:

My father’s from Haiti. My mother’s from here.

JJ:

She’s from Chicago?

DL:

Yes. They’re both deceased now. Well, as far as I know, my father’s deceased.
(laughs) I can’t verify.

JJ:

Oh, you can’t verify?

DL:

No, if he’s alive, no. My father’s name was [Mark Lemieux?]. [00:01:00] That’s
about all I can tell you.

JJ:

So, you didn’t grow up with him at all?

DL:

Very short term. I was raised essentially by my mother.

JJ:

What do you know about him?

1

�DL:

I know he was from Haiti. I know he was working at a hotel maybe. They met -of course, my mother was white, my father was Black, so it was not the most
popular thing in 1953, or the safest thing for people. They were together for a
little while. Things were not easy for them. I don’t know if he stayed here. I don’t
know if he went back to Haiti. I really don’t know.

JJ:

Where were they living? (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

DL:

In Chicago. Well, see, I lived in Chicago -- when we moved to Ohio -- I’m sorry,
when we came here from Ohio, [00:02:00] we moved to Hyde Park in Chicago. I
don’t know a whole lot of my parents’ history. I get a little confused. I don’t know
if they met here. My mother traveled a lot. So, I don’t know if she met my father
here or if she met him in San Francisco because she lived in California for a
while.

JJ:

Tell me what she did. She traveled (inaudible)?

DL:

She traveled. My mother was a free spirit, bro. She just went different places.
When she came here she was working. I remember when I was a little kid she
worked at the Conrad Hilton hotel downtown. And then, she worked for this -- as
an accountant at a warehouse. Not a trained accountant, but my mother was
self-taught. She did books for this small company. Can’t really give you a lot of
history about my parents. There’s not a whole lot I can tell you.

JJ:

So, you grew up in Hyde Park.

DL:

Grew up in Hyde Park basically.

JJ:

Hyde Park is a rich area. [00:03:00]

2

�DL:

Hyde Park isn’t a rich area at all. But Hyde Park is close to the University of
Chicago. It’s a very diverse community. I don’t know if my mother did it just by
accident. I don’t really see her as being someone who was going to do a lot of
research. When she came to Chicago, like I said, I was very small. To end up in
Hyde Park, which was, for Chicago, a very diverse community -- remember,
Chicago was very segregated. Hyde Park, however, was not because of the
University of Chicago community. There were people from all over the world. I
went to St. Thomas the Apostle Grammar School which was, as I recall, roughly
80 percent Black, 10 percent white, and [00:04:00] 10 percent miscellaneous. I
may be a little wrong with the figures. It may have been a little less than that.
But it was primarily Black students, although there were still white students there
that you could see, that were visible. There were families there that had been
there a long time.

JJ:

So, it was the neighborhood that changed basically. (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible)

DL:

Hyde Park never really, really -- Hyde Park has been pretty consistent all the way
through. I mean, there’s more Black people there now. The neighborhood, when
I was growing up, was, like I say, it was diverse. There were a lot of Black folks
living there, and there were a lot of white people living there, and there were
some Asians living there. Wasn’t a lot of Latinos. There were some Eastern
Europeans. There was a few Latinos.

JJ:

There were [a few, is that right?]?

3

�DL:

But not a lot. But not a lot. But this was in, [00:05:00] what, early ’60s. I went to
high school. I started high school in ’68. Went to Hales Franciscan until I got
kicked out.

JJ:

To where?

DL:

Hales Franciscan. My grammar school was at 55th and Woodlawn. My high
school was at 4935 Cottage Grove. So, a lot of my high school years were spent
at Parkway Gardens which is at 64th and King Drive. I mean, one of those
situations where I didn’t necessarily live there but I was there all the time. Well, I
was a kid. I had a girlfriend that lived there. I spent a lot of time with her family.

JJ:

So, how was your childhood?

DL:

Childhood was interesting. You know, I always use the term -- I love my mother
[00:06:00] dearly, but my mother raised me by what I describe as benign neglect.
Benign neglect is a political term that usually refers to the relationship between a
colonial power and its colony, where the colonial power doesn’t really mess with
the colony as long as they do what they’re supposed to do. They’re not really
hands on in doing a lot of raising. My mother certainly gave me a foundation for
right and wrong and etiquette, things that were very important. I’m certainly not
going to -- she wasn’t neglected there. I wasn’t neglected as far as not having
food and clothes and all that. But my mother worked in 3:00 to 11:00 shift when
she worked at the Conrad Hilton when I was in grammar school. So, by the time
I got home from school -- she would see me off in the morning, but when I got
home from school, there was nobody there until eleven o’clock at night. So, I
was kind of on my own. [00:07:00]

4

�JJ:

[I actually worked?] at the Conrad Hilton later (inaudible).

DL:

Yeah, so, I was one of the original -- what they called latchkey kids where they -she tried to have babysitters and people that would watch me. I had brief periods
where I would go maybe stay with somebody after school or whatever. School
was like eight or nine blocks from where we lived. So, that was a nice little walk.
Wasn’t no taking the bus. But since she had to go to work before I got home,
that never worked out because I would always eventually just walk home. I didn’t
want to stay with other people. I did stay with one lady for a while. That was
kind of cool, her and her family. Actually, her name was [Nancy Ramos?]. She
was Mexican. Actually wish I had stayed there longer because maybe I could
have learned Spanish. [00:08:00] But she had a kid and a husband and sister in
law. They just sort of babysat for me. I wouldn’t really sleep there, but I would
stay there. They lived close to where we lived. Then I would just go home. They
would take me or walk me home. So, I wouldn’t just be unsupervised for all
those hours after school. But then, after a certain time, I was just pretty much on
my own. I learned how to cook and do all that kind of stuff. And my mother was
cool.

JJ:

Your mother’s name was what? (inaudible)

DL:

[Ann?].

JJ:

And your father?

DL:

[Mark?].

JJ:

Mark. And any brothers and sisters?

DL:

I’m an only child.

5

�JJ:

You’re the only child.

DL:

Yeah.

JJ:

So, you were cooking and --

DL:

Cooking and -- I got pretty self-sufficient. I started working a part time job when I
was 15 as a busboy at a restaurant. [00:09:00] Matter of fact, I remember my
mother going and lying about my age because you were supposed to be 16 to
work. So, she went and told them. They didn’t ask for a birth certificate. So, she
told them I was 16 so I could. I never had to give my mother any of my check.
But once I started working, of course, then she didn’t have to give me as much
money, which was good. I would do my own day to day maintenance with things.
I mean, again, my mother certainly provided food, clothing, shelter, and love. We
had a good relationship. It just wasn’t maybe the traditional -- I don’t know. I
don’t have anything to compare it to too much. It’s how I grew up.

JJ:

So, then non-traditional, (inaudible).

DL:

It was cool. My mother said to me one time -- this was not when I was a small
child. I was actually -- it may have even been when I was in the Panther Party.
I’m not sure. [00:10:00] But my mother even said to me that, “Son, there are
some things about you that I’ll never really understand exactly because you’re
Black,” referring to me, “and I’m white,” talking about her. So, it was never -- I
always liked to compare my mother to Mary Tyler Moore. She was so nice and
kind of oblivious sometimes to things. At least maybe it appeared that way to me
when I was younger. As she got older and I got older, I realized that she may not
have been so oblivious to things that were going on. But at the time, she was

6

�just -- there was an instance that happened when I was in high school. I was
always a troublemaker at school, but not a troublemaker like misbehaving, like
doing anything [00:11:00] like gang stuff. But I got politicized when I was in
seventh grade. I became attached to the struggle when I was in seventh grade.
So, that’s a kid. That’s a grammar school kid. I saw Stokely Carmichael on
television. And this was when all the demonstrations were going on in the South.
They had the Freedom Riders riding the buses. And keep in mind, I had never
been south except for one trip to Florida, and I’ll tell you about that. But when I
saw Stokely Carmichael on TV, when he said Black Power, he was speaking
before a bunch of people the Lowndes County Freedom Party in Lowndes
County, Alabama. They were registering people to vote. And he was speaking at
a rally, and he said very loudly that what we need is Black power. And when I
heard that, I was like, “That’s what I’m talking about.” [00:12:00] I would say that
and joining that Black Panther Party were two pivotal points in my development,
I’d say, as a human being. They just were. Hearing that -JJ:

What did it mean to you?

DL:

Well, the thing is this. When I was much smaller -- I must have been about five
or six years old -- my mother and I went to Florida. My mother looked like a
Latina. That’s how she looked. My mother had very coal black hair. My mother
was a very nice looking woman. Her features and her very dark hair and the way
she pulled it back -- we were at a swimming pool in Florida and I’m guesstimating
it was about ’59, about the year the revolution down there, and a lot of Cubans
came to the U.S. [00:13:00] I mean, granted a lot of them were what may have

7

�been perceived in Cuba as white Cubans. They were really people with money.
Some people came. But in America, they were people of color. In America, they
were foreigners and people of color.
JJ:

Even though they were [white?] (inaudible).

DL:

Well, that becomes a vague term. That becomes a vague term. But there was
still -- in Miami, there was always a lot of Cubans. There’s a lot of Cubans in
Miami. So, we were at this swimming pool that didn’t have any signs posted or
anything like that. My mother couldn’t swim. But in a section of the pool there
were what of course I know now to be Cubans. And they were visibly a little
different than the other people that were there. And they were in a certain
section of the pool. I mean, a lot of this is retrospect because I remember it from
then. [00:14:00] Nobody ever taught me how to swim. Somehow I just knew
how to swim. So, when I was a little kid, I could swim. So, I get in the pool and
my mother got up to use the washroom. I mean, there’s a lifeguard there. She
didn’t know how to swim anyway, so nothing she could do if I started to drown.
(laughs) But she wasn’t really worried about that because I could swim really
well. So, I just got in the water and I just started swimming all over the pool.
Well, apparently, I swam in a part of the pool that the Cubans were not supposed
to go into. But I’m just swimming. And a bunch of white teenagers -- I mean, I
even remember this now. A bunch of white teenagers jumped in the pool and
they started pushing me under water. And I remember they were saying, “What’s
the matter, Carlos? Can’t you swim? What’s the matter, Jose? Can’t you
swim?” I mean, they’re calling me all these names like that. So, obviously they

8

�thought that I was Latino, that I was with this group of Cubans. [00:15:00] Had
they known I was Black, it might have even been worse. But I knew I was being
singled out for some difference I had with these folks. That was, I would say, my
first real encounter with racism. But I certainly didn’t analyze it back then. I
didn’t really know what to associate that with until later when I got older and I
figured out the Carlos and Jose part in 1959 in Florida and Cuba, whatever. But
going back up to seventh grade and becoming attached to the struggle -- we
were watching TV and we would see the dogs and stuff down in Birmingham and
the water hoses. We saw all that. Just like you watched the war in Vietnam, you
also watched the civil rights struggle going on. There was something about not
fighting back that did not appeal to me. [00:16:00] I was terrified of the idea of
going to the South, but I always imagined -JJ:

(inaudible)

DL:

Yeah, I just wasn’t feeling that. I just wasn’t feeling that. And I will admit that I
was terrified about going South. I mean, I thought they had Black folks just
hanging, lynched from every tree because I had always been here. And like I
said, the experience in Florida -- I really hadn’t put that into perspective then. I
saw them throwing rocks. As a matter of fact, I even saw Dr. King when he was
here. My mother took me to see Dr. King, I want to say, maybe at the auditorium
or (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) [was pretty progressive?].

DL:

Oh, yeah, without a doubt. She didn’t talk a whole lot about it, but she was. I
mean, I sort of analyzed that later. It’s kind of hard going back to that time. It’s

9

�like, “Okay, cool. We’re going to see Martin Luther King. I know he’s about
nonviolence. Okay.” [00:17:00] I was still a kid, but I just wasn’t really about that
idea of these people throwing bricks and rocks and water hoses on you and
siccing dogs on you and not fighting back. There was just something about that
that just did not sit well with me. So, when I heard Stokely Carmichael say Black
Power, it wasn’t just me, but some of my friends and a little bit older -- we would
start talking about things that were going on. Keep in mind, we’re talking about a
kid in grammar school. But we would start talking about social issues as much
as our seventh and eighth grade minds could comprehend and figure out certain
things. And then, I remember in eighth grade, that’s when we started listening to
records of Malcolm X, “Ballot or the Bullet,” “Message to the Grassroots.”
JJ:

So, what year was this?

DL:

This was in ’67, I want to say, because Malcolm was assassinated in ’65.

JJ:

[I would say ’68 was?] (inaudible).

DL:

And ’67 -- I remember [00:18:00] listening to him actually at St. Thomas. We had
an after school group. It was Black Christian Students Association. I wasn’t
Catholic, but wasn’t none of us really religious at all. We just, okay, we had this
group because that way we could use the facility and maybe get some Kool-Aid
or whatever from the church. And we would sit there and we would discuss
social issues. So, I was already very much attached to the whole idea of
resistance when I was in eighth grade. So, when I went to high school --

JJ:

Now, eighth grade -- where was the school?

10

�DL:

Eighth grade, 55th and Woodlawn, St. Thomas. I went to high school at Hales
Franciscan at 4930 Cottage Grove, Hales was the only all Black Catholic school.
It was an all-male school. But at Hales, we started a Black student union.
[00:19:00] Even though it was an all-Black school, we started a student union
because we were sort of in conflict with the priests. The priests, all but one, were
white. And we would have these things with them. “Look, you’re all a bunch of
white missionaries trying to civilize us.” I mean, we really had these ongoing
things with these priests.

JJ:

Would you come by that and tell them that? Because it’s kind of hard to talk to a
priest like that. (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

DL:

Well, we would do it -- yeah, there were some of them that were pretty
aggressive with their stuff. I remember being a sophomore in high school. When
I was a sophomore in high school -- when does school get out? In June? In May
of ’69 -- I started freshman year in ’68 and ’69 was my sophomore year. In ’69 I
joined the Black Panther Party. I was in the party and still sitting in [00:20:00]
school in Hales Franciscan wondering why I was there because I thought the
revolution was going to start tomorrow, and I don’t know why I’m sitting here
listening to these white people talk the counterrevolutionary nonsense.

JJ:

So, you thought the revolution was going to be --

DL:

It was imminent.

JJ:

It was imminent?

DL:

It was imminent.

JJ:

You know, [a lot of people felt that?] (inaudible).

11

�DL:

And again, I was 16. I mean, your sense of urgency is heightened. Your sense
of mortality is nonexistent. So, why couldn’t it be the revolution tomorrow? I
mean, hey, the brothers are ready to do what we need to do. And then of course,
once I joined the party and could put organization to this -- I mean, I remember
there was one of the guys that I went to high school with who was a little older
than me who brought a Panther paper to school. [00:21:00] I remember looking
at the Black Panther paper and he said, “Well, you know there’s a chapter here in
Chicago.” This was ’69, and he was going to a meeting on a Tuesday night at
2350 West Madison. And I was like, “Man, that’s what I want to do. I want to do
that.” I believe it was, like I say -- I’m almost positive that it was May because I
know I was 16. And I was the second youngest member of the Chicago chapter.
There was a brother we called [Oppressed?]. That’s not his name, but we called
him Oppressed, who was 15. So, he was the youngest, and I was the second
youngest. I remember coming to the meeting. And by me being so light
complected, there were people that were looking at me a little funny. But the
brother I was with said, “This is David, my friend from -- I got to school.” I guess
he verified my race credentials or whatever. [00:22:00] I went to the political
orientation class (audio cuts out) and studied the Red Book and started going to
the breakfast program and selling the papers. I mean, being 16 years old and
getting up at 4:30, 5:00 in the morning to go and serve breakfast to some
children, especially -- ironically being an only child, I didn’t really have a lot of
interaction with other -- I didn’t have no brothers or sisters. But I actually liked it,
the whole idea of what we were doing. See, I sort of got it. I got it at a young

12

�age. I got the whole international view. My concern as far as my immediate
concern is the quality of life for Black people in America. [00:23:00] That’s my
immediate concern because that encompasses who I am and my family and
what I’m dealing with. But I was able to immediately grasp our solidarity with
these different liberation struggles throughout the planet.
JJ:

Because you’re looking at Stokely Carmichael and Black Power (inaudible).

DL:

Right, I’m really feeling that.

JJ:

You’re feeling it, okay.

DL:

And I’m feeling the Black Panther Party. Again, my concern, my personal
concern, what David is concerned with is my community. But I recognized early
the similarities between what other oppressed peoples are and have dealt with in
the world. [00:24:00] I was able to understand the whole concept of capitalism
and socialism. I got that there were these rich greedy people.

JJ:

And your mother is not telling you this.

DL:

No, I’m not getting any of this from her.

JJ:

Are you getting some of it from school?

DL:

Only from friends. I’m not getting any of this from -- there are no authority figures
that are telling me this. This is from my own -- you have to remember, I was
reading Malcolm X when I was in grammar school. I was reading Fanon when I
was a freshman in high school. I read everything I could get my hands on. I
read as much literature that I could get my hands on that had to do with the
struggle, that had to do with resistance. I read Che. I read Fidel. I read that
because I was ready to go to war. I mean, I liked the -- the social programs were

13

�fantastic. I understand. As a mature person -- [00:25:00] I’m 59 years old. I
understand all that now. Back then, what I was waiting for was to have the
[carbine?] and go to war. That was like -- I’ll do all these other things, but when
do I get to get the [carbine?] and go to war? Yeah, I’ll do that, that’s great. But
we’re talking about a 16-year-old now. We’re not talking about an adult. But the
biggest appeal for the Panther Party and the greatest appeal to me personally
was saying that our lives are precious enough, and our freedom or hopefully our
future autonomy from this government is precious enough to fight for, to actually
fight. Not have a conversation, not make [00:26:00] declarations, not file
petitions and march and, “Please, can you all stop treating us like this.” I like the
idea that if you try to harm me, if you try to hurt me, I will hurt you back, I will
harm you. I am not going to let you do whatever you want to me because I am a
child of the African Diaspora. That does not give you the right to have control
over me to the point where you can do whatever you want to me or to my people
just because, or because you can. I say you can’t. I say if you try, I’ll fight you
back. I believed in that. This came from my -JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

DL:

-- came from my friends and from me.

JJ:

And your mom a little bit.

DL:

Well, the thing with my mother was this. [00:27:00] My mother was proud of me
that I was rebellious, if you want to put it, for lack of a better way of putting it. My
mother, of course, had not been treated well by most of her family. I won’t
include my grandparents. They were cool. My grandfather was legally blind, so

14

�he couldn’t see me anyway. And he just really -- my grandparents were very old.
They were already in their seventies. I mean, my grandparents died when I was
in grammar school. But they always treated me well when I would see them.
They were in Ohio. They were cool. They never discussed anything. They
never mentioned issues of race. I heard my grandfather use some terminology. I
mean, I never heard him say nigger, but I heard him say darkies. I mean, I was a
little, little kid. I heard my grandmother [00:28:00] bemoan the fact one time -- I
think she said something like, “Couldn’t Ann find a white man?” She might have
said that. But she didn’t -- but even saying that, she didn’t say that to me. I was
probably not supposed to hear that. As far as the way they treated me, they
treated me okay. But my politicization -- whatever, I’m not saying [the word?], but
you know -- I got politicized and conscious on my own from my own reading and
from what I saw. I didn’t need somebody to feed it to me. I read it. I started
listening to Malcolm X. Watching people get beat and dogs sicced on them was
enough for me. And you have to remember here in Chicago -JJ:

(inaudible)

DL:

That was on television. But remember, here in Chicago, being so segregated, I
knew that Hyde Park was a special community. But we could not go -- we, being
Black folks, we could not go to Marquette Park. [00:29:00] We could not go
anywhere near Bridgeport. We couldn’t -- when I was in grammar school, Black
people couldn’t go to Rainbow Beach which is at 77th and South Shore Drive.
It’s all Black people now. But when I was a kid, you could get beat to death over
there. Matter of fact, all the way when I was in high school, a friend of mine got

15

�beat into a coma at Rainbow Beach, which is at 77th South Shore Drive. This is
in high school. So, that had to be, again, ’69. It wasn’t even the 70-- you know,
the ’60s.
JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) and the history in Rainbow Beach from the
1920s?

DL:

I think those riots were 31st Street maybe. I think when they killed --

JJ:

So, 31st Street was Bridgeport.

DL:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) 31st Street, yeah, but that far east isn’t, but
Black folks were not welcome. There were riots there back in -- [00:30:00]

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) of Bridgeport.

DL:

Right, yes, it would have been.

JJ:

That’s where Mayor Daley’s [gang?].

DL:

Exactly, the Hamburg gang. But a lot of people now -- it’s hard for them to
imagine --

JJ:

But Rainbow Beach you couldn’t go --

DL:

Couldn’t go anywhere near there. South Shore -- there were some Black people
living in South Shore. South Shore was like the really bourgeois stuff, at least
that’s what we thought. You have to remember, people trying to analyze other
people’s neighborhoods and their pocketbooks doesn’t always come out quite
correctly. You may have someone living in a house that looks -- I mean, I never
lived in a house until I was an adult. So, I thought that anyone that had a house
was rich. I mean, that’s just what I thought. If you lived in a house, you must be
rich. When it’s people working three and four and five -- not three or four -- but

16

�people that worked two full time jobs in order to provide that particular
environment for their children. So, I realize now that they weren’t [00:31:00] rich.
But I thought South Shore you had to be kind of rich to live there. Of course, I
found out later that wasn’t the case. But reading Malcolm and listening to it, and
then -JJ:

You mentioned (inaudible).

DL:

No, I’m just saying, there are older people that I started being around -- I met
another brother from Haiti, it’s actually “Ai-ti.” His name was [Leslie Vieux?], V-IE-U-X, Leslie Vieux. I don’t know whatever happened to him. I haven’t seen him
since I was in eighth grade or maybe a freshman probably. But he was what was
called a Black nationalist. And he would come and talk to us, and he talked to us
about Haiti and about the formation of the country and how they defeated the
French [00:32:00] and threw out their enslavers. So, I was pretty fired up by the
concept of fighting for your freedom, protracted armed struggle. When I got in
the party, I started reading Mao, Fidel, people that had had successful
revolutions, and then also combined with the Haitian Revolution.

JJ:

Oh, the Haitian revolution?

DL:

I mean, all of it. Just all of that’s going on in my mind.

JJ:

You’re studying this.

DL:

Right. I’m reading about this. I read about Toussaint Louverture and JeanJacques Dessalines and Henri Christophe, and that was 1796 to 1804. But all
that was inspirational. All that was like, “Well, you know what? You can fight

17

�against oppression and you can win. [00:33:00] And You can fight for real. You
can actually fight.”
JJ:

Did you say you were born there or --

DL:

No, I was born in Ohio.

JJ:

Your father was.

DL:

I was born in Ohio. I mean, it was just -- I’ve ironically had these contacts and
connections with Haiti even though not so much through my father. It’s just
worked out that way. It’s like it’s just meant to be that way. But the biggest
appeal for the party to me was the idea of armed struggle. I’m just saying. The
social programs were absolutely fantastic. I’m just saying for me philosophically
the idea of armed struggle --

JJ:

You were ready.

DL:

I was ready.

JJ:

And a couple of things. You were ready, but the party is saying, “We have to use
the programs to educate you.”

DL:

Oh, sure, absolutely. I was ready but I wasn’t a fool either. [00:34:00] I did defer
to the -- I perceived as the wisdom of people that were older than me. It’s funny.
I say older than me when I see old films from then, and I realize that the
leadership of the party was 20, 21 years old. I was 16, so they were older than
me. So, I deferred to their -- I guessed they were smarter because they were
older. Remember, I wasn’t from the generation that, like now where the dynamic
between young and old is totally screwed up. There was some element of me
thinking that maybe you knew a little more than me because you were older. And

18

�then, of course, the party had a central staff. When I first joined the party,
Chairman Fred was still incarcerated.
JJ:

When was that?

DL:

May of ’69. I know exactly. If I got a calendar, I might even be able to figure out
the date. I know it was a Tuesday evening in May, and I know it was eight
o’clock. I mean, it was a meeting at the headquarters. [00:35:00] I took the
number 20 Madison bus with the other guy I went to school with. And we got off
the bus and it was raining. Junior Walker and the All-Stars was playing “What
Does it Take to Win For Love for Me” from -- I don’t know if that was a record
shop or -- there was a record shop that was right by Panther headquarters, and
they were blasting that through the speakers. So, anytime I hear that, I think of
that. I remember that very vividly. I was just a solider. I was rank and file in the
party. I did the things that members of the party were expected to do. I sold
papers. I went to the breakfast for children program. I went to rallies. I
remember this guy inviting me once [00:36:00] to speak to -- because he knew I
was in the Panther Party -- to speak to a group of people from the Baha’i faith
because they wanted to know. And I talked to Che, you know, Minister Che.
He’s like, “Yeah, go ahead, brother. You can talk to them if you want to.” It
wasn’t like a big, huge -- it wasn’t like I was in auditorium. It might have been like
10 or 15 people over in Hyde Park. Remember, Hyde Park has always been a
more unique community in the city than any other place. I mean, it just is. Even
though the University of Chicago is the devil. Still -- (laughs) it’s the devil. At the
same time because of it being an academic community, there were always

19

�bookstores and places of gathering where progressive people could gather. It’s
just always been that way. [00:37:00] During the ’60s, we used to go up to the
Point, and that was all Black folks. We would go out to the Point and brothers
would play drums and sisters would dance -- it’s at 55th -- it’s the Lake Point,
Promontory Point it’s called. It’s right there at 55th and the lake, Lake Michigan.
It’s a park, it’s a park. And brothers would go out there and play drums and
sisters would dance. We would solve the problems in the Black world.
JJ:

To have a discussion.

DL:

Yeah, right. Somebody might have even a little tape of Malcolm. There was not
so much cassettes then, but someone might actually have a reel-to-reel -- they
even had little portable record players. I remember them having little portable
record players that you could buy. And I remember listening to Malcolm outside
once on one of those record players like that. It was like this little portable thing.
[00:38:00] But you could actually play records on it. I remember listening to
Malcolm in the park once, a bunch of us sitting around.

JJ:

Do you guys were really listening to the speeches?

DL:

We listened to the speeches, yeah.

JJ:

So, that was [a whole study?], this is pre-Panther?

DL:

That was pre-Panthers yeah. But once I was in the party, like I said, I would go
to the political education classes, and I was studying revolution. I was studying
the revolutions that had occurred, how they occurred, how Fidel landed with the
yacht, Granma it was called, and he had X amount of people. I mean, I’m not
good with numbers. But let’s say he had 87 people, and almost all of them got

20

�killed immediately. They got spotted by a plane, by one of those spotter planes.
And they killed a bunch of them. But because of the [00:39:00] true need for
revolution in Cuba at the time, the oppression they were suffering under
Fulgencio Batista, those who were left in Fidel’s group were able to go through
the countryside and continue to recruit. So, they were able to replace all the
people that were lost in the initial encounter. And the revolutionary army grew
and grew and grew and grew. And as we knew, in 1959, they marched into
Havana, overthrew Batista. He fled the country. I read about things like that. To
me, that was very inspirational, how you can start with these very few people and
be decimated. But still, as long as there were people who carried that
revolutionary zeal and enthusiasm to the people, that you could organize and get
the revolution to grow. [00:40:00] And I truly, truly in my heart believed that’s
what was going to be happen here in America. I believed it. I believed it was
going to happen and nothing could stop it.
JJ:

And your friends believed the same thing?

DL:

Yes.

JJ:

Did they join in?

DL:

Well, (laughs) the friend that I was talking about was in the party. This guy, he
was already in the party, and he took me down there. I haven’t talked to him in
many years. I don’t know what’s happening. Kind of lost contact with that
particular person. But I have other comrades from the party that we remained
tight for 40 years.

JJ:

What were some of the other comrades? (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

21

�DL:

When I first joined the party, I’m pretty sure that [Billy?] was there when I very,
very first joined in ’69. This guy’s name was -- well, he may not want his name
mentioned on this -- I don’t know what he’s doing now, so I won’t. [00:41:00] He
and his brother were both -- he had a twin brother, and I can’t remember if his
twin brother was participating, but I know he was in the Panther Party. Most of
the people I go back really far with, you know. (laughs) When I joined the party,
Che and [Wanda?] and Billy and, you know, [Billy Dunbar?]. We’ve stayed in
contact pretty much off and on most of our lives since then. I’m also involved
with the history projects as well.

JJ:

So, what is the history project?

DL:

The history project is where we’re trying to organize archival information about
the Illinois chapter of the party and also do similar to what we’re doing now,
[00:42:00] interviews, oral histories, oral histories. Pretty much that, and compile
it into a presentable program that can be used.

JJ:

Why do you think there’s a need for [that now?]?

DL:

Well, because as time passes, the people who can tell the real history of what
happened in any given circumstances are not going to be here forever. So then,
everything becomes speculative. People our age -- we’re all plagued by the
veracity of our memories. I mean, maybe we’re not always so clear. But we’re
more likely to be clear than someone who wasn’t there at all. [00:43:00] We may
remember different versions of something. But I would rather have two or three
people who were actually at an event or around during a certain time in history
speaking on that than someone who wasn’t there at all speculating on what they

22

�think might have been. That’s not going to work. But I do remember the
Rainbow Coalition. I remember interesting stories about that. I was working
security -- oh. (laughs) I’ll tell you, when I first joined the party, Chairman Fred
wasn’t there. When he got out, I happened to be in headquarters, in party
headquarters, 2350 West Madison, sitting at the top of the steps. And I guess
Fred and Che and different people were in the back in a meeting. [00:44:00] But
I was to be there at a certain time. So, I wasn’t there when he got there, but
when they come out of this meeting, he sees me. And he goes -- he hadn’t seen
me before. Because of the way I look, he goes, “Power to the people.” He
asked me was I in the Young Lords. That’s the first thing he asked me. (audio
cuts out) “Are you a Young Lord?” I said, “No.” Then he said, “Are you a Young
Patriot?” And I was offended, I will admit. This if Fred Hampton. This is
chairman of the Illinois chapter. This is the first time I saw him. I already held
him in awe.
JJ:

You had already knew him.

DL:

I already knew who he was.

JJ:

You’d seen him.

DL:

I believe it was Mr. Che who said, “That’s a Black Panther there.” Because, you
know, [they had Che, this is a Black Panther?]. He said, “Oh, all right, Brother.” I
mean, that was it. That was, again, Che verifying my race card, I guess. He let
him know I was from the South Side. [00:45:00]

JJ:

Being light skinned, also.

DL:

As well you know, not always easy being green, brother.

23

�JJ:

So growing up actually, it was a blessing or -- at times I had situations where [you
just mentioned?], but it was a blessing also because I could kind of see from
other angles. How was it for you?

DL:

This is the thing, I never --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) the incidents that --

DL:

I think that it has been an issue with me my whole life. I’m 59. I’ll be 60 this time
next year, and it’s still an issue.

JJ:

And you said (inaudible) it never goes away.

DL:

Right, it never goes away. And [00:46:00] it is what it is. I know how I look.
When I was younger, it was very painful. It was not fun at all. It was -- people
could be very -- say very mean things because, see I never tried --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

DL:

Yeah. Well, see, the thing is I never tried to go anywhere else. The concept of
what they used to call passing or whatever, that just was never even -- I never
even considered that. It wasn’t like, “Oh, I’ll just go over here and be with Todd
and Brandon.” I just never even thought to do that. And because I never thought
to do that, when people would even suggest things like that to me, I found that
very hurtful. You have to remember, starting to be involved in the struggle when I
was in seventh grade -- what are you, 11, 12 years old? [00:47:00] So, I was
already conscious when I was a kid. So, I became very aware of race and issues
of race and everything and being called out of who I was or suggested that I
should go do this, that, and the other when I was already committed not only
being who I am -- I’m just Black to me, just light skinned Black person. So, when

24

�people would imply that you would feel differently about injustices and about
things that were aimed at Black people that somehow you would feel different
because even though, “Yeah, we know you’re Black, but you’re real light, so
maybe you feel differently about it.” I didn’t feel any differently about it. I didn’t
feel less oppressed or [00:48:00] less anger at the people who did these things
because I share some complexion traits. My momma didn’t oppress me, but I
didn’t associate my mother with the behavior of white people in general. I mean,
I knew that wasn’t the behavior of white people in general because I was able to
observe their behavior, you know, in life. I was able to see it. I was able to see
how, yeah, sure, I could go places sometimes and maybe people would not -- I’ll
be the first to admit, sure, they didn’t know me. But I was always with other
people who were browner. So, maybe they weren’t reacting to just me, but they
were reacting to the presence of Black folks then. So, I was still privy to that
constantly, seeing their behavior and how they would treat people. And I never
felt [00:49:00] like I had some sort of dispensation from that. “Well, you’re a
white man.” That would really irritate me when people would come with that.
JJ:

They used to call me Casper the Friendly [Ghost?].

DL:

I can only imagine. (laughter) See, I remember exactly how you looked in 1969,
believe it or not. You were a little smaller then, but I remember. Yeah, you were
a little smaller then. But I remember. Like I said, I remember you and Chairman
Fred embracing on the -- it was either you and Fred or you and Che embracing
on the stage.

JJ:

On the stage, where?

25

�DL:

It was at Grant Park. It was at Grant Park.

JJ:

Oh, I remember that. They had to take Che out of there because they had a
warrant.

DL:

See, I wasn’t privy to all that, but I don’t doubt it.

JJ:

They stopped us on Lake Shore Drive. Did Fred (inaudible) get rid of him
(overlapping dialogue; inaudible). [00:50:00]

DL:

Quickly, get him out of here, before the pigs get him. I remember, like I said, my
first encounter with Chairman Fred. Just so you know, when he asked was I a
Young Lord -- hey, it’s always been cool if people thought I was Puerto Rican
because to me, Puerto Ricans are children of the Diaspora. But I wasn’t trying to
be confused with a Young Patriot. But speaking of Young Patriots, again, I was
sitting at the top of the steps at headquarters, working security, 16, I had my
thing. And the door opens downstairs and here comes a white man and a white
woman. And the white man has got on a denim jacket with the Confederate flag
on it. So, I was like, “Whoa, [00:51:00] hold it right there man.” I didn’t shoot
him. But I’m like, “Stay right where you are.” I remember so clearly he said -- I
swear he said, “Howdy.” He said, “My name is Preacherman Donald Fesperman
and this is my wife, Darlene. I’m here to see Chairman Fred.” (laughter) I wasn’t
right -- I knew that we had these different coalitions with different groups, but I
had never actually seen any Young Patriots before. I had seen their Rising Up
Angry newspaper. So, I saw some of the guys with the black leather jackets. I
guess they called them greasers back then or something, [Mike James?]. Was
that his name? Mike James.

26

�JJ:

Yeah, Mike James went with the greasers.

DL:

Right. I saw some of their pictures, but I had not [00:52:00] -- remember this is
2350 West Madison. These were hillbillies, and I had never seen them before. I
hadn’t seen Slim Coleman yet. Eventually I met Slim Coleman and I eventually
met most of these folks just tangibly. I mean, I was rank and file. It wasn’t like
they were coming to see me. But I met some of these people. I remember
chairman or whoever coming and saying, “Oh yeah, let him up.” “Okay, if you
say so.” So, he goes on by and he’s got a big old Confederate flag there. I read
their literature, somewhat after the fact. I read some of their literature. And
again, I got it. I wasn’t overly comfortable, but I got it. You know what I’m saying.
I was very comfortable. I was comfortable --

JJ:

You got it, but some other people were negative. [00:53:00]

DL:

With the -- well, I was comfortable with the Young Lords. I was comfortable with
peoples of color. I was not particularly comfortable with the coalitions with other
folks. But that was contrary to party philosophy and party intent. I just wasn’t
entirely comfortable with it. But that’s part of the party. Intellectually, I could get
it. I got it intellectually. I remember going to be SDS --

JJ:

Emotionally you had a problem with it.

DL:

I emotionally had a few problems with it. I remember going to the SDS
convention when they had it at the -- not the amphitheater -- the place that they
tore down. What was the place that they tore down on State Street? [00:54:00]

JJ:

Coliseum.

27

�DL:

The Coliseum. They had the SDS convention there, and I went down there to
sell Panther papers, which was great because it was zillions of folks. And you
could sell the whole stack of papers. But I remember, now here’s all the -- what
we called the white mother country radicals. That was terminology.

JJ:

That was Eldridge Cleaver, that was (inaudible).

DL:

Yeah, maybe it was -- right. Again, like I said, coming from Hyde Park, I come
from a diverse community. So, I wasn’t -- I had met white folks that were okay
with me. That would be (inaudible) my mother. But I told you, my mother’s
always a separate entity to me. So, it wasn’t like -- I knew these -- it’s not like I
looked at these folks like they were the enemy necessarily, but [00:55:00] I also
just wasn’t entirely comfortable. I’m most comfortable around people of color. I
just am. That’s just the way it is. I don’t mean to no harm. I just am.

JJ:

Did you see the Young Lords a lot or were they --

DL:

I didn’t see them a whole lot. I saw them sometimes. I had a friend in -- because
I got kicked out of Hales and I ended up at Kenwood. And there was a Puerto
Rican brother that went to -- I can’t remember his name -- that went to Kenwood,
that had one of the YLP buttons. I know that’s a different -- the fist with the rifle.

JJ:

That was our button.

DL:

That was your button. “Tengo Puerto Rico en mi corazón”? “I have Puerto Rico
in my heart.” Is that it?

JJ:

YLP was the next year, the following year. It was created in Chicago. Everything
was created in Chicago.

DL:

Okay. But he had a button that said -- I remember that button. [00:56:00]

28

�JJ:

The purple berets and we had the buttons.

DL:

Right. Now, that, I remember. I remember I would see members of the Young
Lords, like when we would occasionally go to a rally on the North Side, I would
see them. Again, I had a whole different -- a very comfortable affinity there. That
was cool. Purple berets -- and of course, in literature, I would see the brown
berets in California, the Chicanos with the brown -- see, I was cool with that. It
was a little hard for me to deal with the whole Confederate flag thing with that.
And it’s funny. The thing with the greasers, the Mike James folks, [00:57:00] I
want to say I was in the party when I did this, but it may have been the year
before I joined the party. At 95th and Throop, there’s a Catholic girls school
called Longwood Academy. It’s a girls school. And they were having some
problems. It was majority white, but they were having a problem with the Black
girls being harassed when they got out of school. This was back in maybe ’68.
And they were at the bus stops up there and they were bothering them. And I put
a rifle in a guitar case and went up to the bus stop. I was 15, 16 years old,
whatever. If it was in ’68 I was 15. I was already in high school. I actually went
up there with this guitar case because I thought they were actually attacking
them. [00:58:00] I took a rifle up there. I was going to protect those sisters up
there at the bus stop. So, that’s kind of where my head was at. I remember that
the people that were supposedly bothering them -- and I saw some of them -looked like the guys that Mike James was working with -- they were all these
white boys with black leather jackets and grease in their hair.

JJ:

The white gangs were dressed like that, that’s (inaudible) the greaser [name?].

29

�DL:

Yeah. So I saw some of them up there.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) but they were being evicted too, (inaudible)
their homes too.

DL:

But I’d say that the --

JJ:

So, was there -- you were glad that Mike James was working with those other
guys?

DL:

Look, I’m not mad at none of them, okay? Of course, now --

JJ:

They did admit that they were a little racist.

DL:

Sure. And of course now, in retrospect, [00:59:00] again, being in the Black
Panther Party was one of the more pivotal or important parts of my life. I think
that the Panther Party, as my comrades have said earlier, is one of the most
important organizations that has ever existed. The fact that J. Edgar Hoover
called us the most dangerous threat to the security of America is one of the
greatest compliments that we could ever get. America was founded on the
genocide of the Indian and the enslavement of the African. It’s not right and it’s
not likely to ever be right because it’s founded on something that’s incorrect.
This very system, the very government, it’s founded on something that’s
incorrect. The only institutions in this country that were designed specifically with
Black people in mind has been chattel slavery and penitentiaries. So, for us to
have been a group [01:00:00] that fought against that and the very nature of what
runs this country, that made us extremely important. Maybe because of our age,
we probably were not overwhelmed by the risks we were taking because I don’t
think that we really comprehended what we were up against. Of course, the

30

�COINTEL Program and the 24/7 battle against us. We would occasionally sleep
and our enemy never sleeps. And that’s something that has continued until
today. [01:01:00] We get caught sleeping. They’re always awake. That’s just
the way it is. Battles in the future have to be fought by -- our battles now and in
the future have to be fought by people that always have someone that’s awake.
You just have to sleep in shifts, but somebody always has to be awake.
JJ:

You mentioned penitentiary. Did you ever have any problems with courts or
anything like that?

DL:

No. I did get arrested with a pistol. I’ve carried a pistol almost every day since I
was 16 years old. And as you might know, in 1982, I was able to get on the
Chicago Police Department. I was a policeman for 26 years.

JJ:

Oh, I didn’t know that.

DL:

Yeah. Just as I am. People think that going to the police [01:02:00] academy
was like going back to high school. But that’s --

JJ:

What station?

DL:

I was in the tactical unit. Well, I went to 71st and Cottage Grove in patrol. I was
in uniform for a year and then I was in plain clothes after that. I worked an allBlack district, which was fantastic. Then I made detective in ’96 and all I dealt
with was shootings and murders. I was a violent crimes detective. So, I say
unequivocally that the system is not our friend. So now, I do seminars for Black
Star Project keeping our children out of the just-us system because it is the justus system. I never had any illusions that I was changing the system. I liked the
idea of the community being represented. Everything that’s in our community, we

31

�should be represented, not just superficially but realistically. [01:03:00] So, I
never represented the police department as a community. I represented the
community in my behavior. That’s another whole topic.
JJ:

What years were you a police officer?

DL:

Oh, ’82 to 2008.

JJ:

Oh, this is later.

DL:

Oh, yeah. I was 30 years old when I got on the police department. I was in the
party 16 to like 19.

JJ:

During that period, there were no [problems in areas?] (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible).

DL:

Oh sure. That was the reason that I even ended up doing that was because
Howard Saffold was on the radio one day making an appeal saying that we need
brothers and sisters to take this job because we need to be represented in these
cars in the community. The police aren’t going away. Black Panther Party
always espoused community control over the police. [01:04:00] Well, what better
control is it than to be it? They can’t make you be a pig. If that’s how you’re
going to be, that’s how you’re going to be. They can’t order you to do pig things.
If that’s your methodology, that’s what you’re going to do. I was a Panther on the
police department, just like I am now. I didn’t miss a beat and I didn’t change. It
is what it is. Did they know all that? Did they ask me? Did they interview me?
No, they’re not that sophisticated. I mean, at a certain point, they figure out how
your behavior is, that you’re not -- again, I came on at the time right when Harold

32

�Washington was being elected. It was shortly before his election. I worked in an
almost exclusively Black district.
JJ:

You know (inaudible) campaign, the Young Lords worked on his campaign. They
were the first Latino group to endorse him and the first Latino rally was held by
former Young Lords, [01:05:00] so-called former Young Lords.

DL:

So-called former. You never really totally stopped.

JJ:

In Chicago, we never quit the Young Lords.

DL:

Just like there will always be Panthers.

JJ:

But in fact that was Northside Hispanic Coordinator, (inaudible) use the term
“Hispanic” anymore, because I ran for alderman too for a while.

DL:

I remember that.

JJ:

You remember that?

DL:

I do remember that in 1980, ’83 maybe, ’82, ’83, ’84.

JJ:

Actually --

DL:

Oh, back then when he ran because Harold was elected in ’83.

JJ:

I turned myself in exactly to the day of Fred Hamptons -- the anniversary of his
death.

DL:

December 4th.

JJ:

December 4th in ’72. And I went and did my year. And as soon as I came out,
we announced that I was running for alderman. In fact, because we had that in
mind [from the beginning?]. [01:06:00]

DL:

Shall I give some last thoughts?

33

�JJ:

And then after that, the Harold Washington campaign came. We worked on that.
So, we haven’t really stopped working. It’s just we haven’t talked about
(overlapping dialogue; inaudible). In fact --

DL:

Is that still running?

JJ:

Yeah, (overlapping dialogue; inaudible), yeah, [what are some final thoughts?]?

DL:

Well, final thoughts is (audio cuts out) Black Panther Party will absolutely remain
one of the most significant organizations in the history of our struggle here in
America. We didn’t cover all of the bases. We covered most of them. We had
social programs. We had political education. And also, we had military
objectives as well, or a military element, meaning. And I think that’s very
significant. That was the appeal of the party to me. I don’t think that there’s been
anything like it since. There’s always been [01:07:00] resistance. But the idea of
-- as Fanon says, I’m not quoting is word for word, “True freedom for the slave
comes when he kills the slave master.” Now you can kill them metaphorically, but
you can also kill them literally. And the audacity of us to suggest that, yes, if you
try to harm us, we will actually fight back and we will take out your soldiers as
you try to take out ours. That was a big deal, which is why [01:08:00] every force
of the government available was mustered to try to destroy that, to even destroy
that as a concept because to this day, that remains the most dangerous of
concepts, that the lightbulb will go off and the those people who are oppressed
will actually fight back against their oppressors. That’s some dangerous stuff.
That’s my final words on that.

34

�END OF VIDEO FILE

35

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                    <text>-bravery and human
kindness in risking their
lives to save Jewish people in the Netherlands. It
lli
but one of several
awards the Termaats
have received over the
years.
"We except these
awards with reservations
and only in the name of

I

Celltiaued .... , ... 14

all the men and women
who served in the re·
sistance," Terrnaat said.
Today the Termaa1s
live a peaceful retirement.
They insist that their lives
arc not lives of bravery
and valor, but lives of
doing what had to be
done.

DAVID MANDU.
For evt:ry person that
was saved by the resistance and people likt!
rher Termaa1s, 1housands
of othc:rs - mos1ly Jt!ws
- became vic1ims of the
· Germans.
In I 944, the 15-yearold Mandel and his
Czt:choslovaldan family
- his parc:nts, brothc:rs
and sisters, grandparents,
and aun1s, uncles and
cousins was forced
from its home by 1he
Nazis and taken to
Auschwilz, a nolorious
concentra1ion camp.
Mandc:I, his brother
John, and facher Isaac
were "chOOSt!n" by SS
guards to work . Mandel,
separated from his facher
and bro1her, slavt:d umkr
brulal corn.li1ions in a coal
tnillt:.
As bruial as 1he conditions wi:rc, the duly saved
tht! lives of Mandel, and
his fathc:r and brother. All
other members of his
family - immediate and
extended - were gassed
and cremated on the same
day.
In January, 1945 as the
Rus.sian army closed in on
the Nazis, thousands of
prisoners wc:rt: forced lO
march in the snow back
coward Germany, as che
Nazis auempced hide the:
evidence of 1heir
atroci1ies. Mandel escaped
one night during che
n~rch and managed to

---

survive 1hc: cold and the
pursuing SS men. Mandel
managed to find his
bro1hc:r and father, in
poor health, but still alive.
"Tm mt!rdy one of the
fortunate fow who have
served and are now able
to carry on and remind
tht! world of 1he gross
injustices of lhe war," a
!earful Mandel said.
After recuperating,
Mandel and tht! survivors
of his family, came 10 the
U.S. They seuled "•in
Grand Rapids in the: late
I 940's whert: Mandel
began to work for William Klc:in, then a single!
1:!t:n's clo1hing store. He
worked chert: m.my years,
a11d now owns chi: business that has several
Grand Rapids locations.
Da\·id said his survival
and his suixcss in this
country is his own revenge again:.! those who
pcrsecutell him and lus
pcopk, though al timl!s
1he pain of his memories
are still unbearable.
Boch Mandel and tht!
Termaacs havc: uScd their
1raumatic pasts to help
peopk understand the
horror of 1he Holocaust
and to slop his1ory fro~
repealing tha1 horrible
eve111. For tht! pas! three
years chey have served as
special gucs1 speakc:rs in a
GVSU poli1ical sciencc:
class 1i1lt:d .. Human Aggression and Cooperation ."
The award ceremony
was set also 10 note 1he
Dec. 7 anniversary of tht!
bombing of Pearl Habor.

�</text>
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&#13;
Other materials in the collection are related to the Termaats' experiences on the eve of and during the Second World War, especially the German occupation of the Netherlands and the Termaats' participation in organized resistance to the Nazis. Also included are materials that document the family's post-war life in the United States, including their public efforts to recognize, commemorate, and honor people and events significant to World War II.</text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: David Mojica
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 1/22/2012

Biography and Description
David Mojica is a very important, unsung hero in the history of Puerto Ricans in Chicago. He has never
received honors nor has never been paid for the work that he continues to do daily for the common folk.
Yet for many years, he has volunteered his services in Humboldt Park. Mr. Mojica has been the head of
the Cocineros union for many years, helping to provide jobs and distributing Puerto Rican pride flags and
shirts, and good tasting fast food to the entire community. The Cocineros de Humbolt Park have
sponsored their own events that include live bands, speakers, and other entertainment. Mr. Mojica has
also been able to keep the Cocineros together while protecting their rights to sell in the park. Mr.
Mojica’s activism extends back to the 1960s. Right after the Division Street Riots in 1966, he was active
with several community groups in Humboldt Park with whom the Young Lords collaborated. Mr. Mojica
was also one of the primary Puerto Rican community workers that helped to elect Harold Washington,
during his first bid for mayor. He volunteered every day at the Fullerton Ave. near Western Ave. in the
“Washington for Mayor” office. Mr. Mojica’s work included distributing flyers and posters, identifying
registered voters, phone canvassing, and “Get out the Vote” work at the precinct level. Mr. Mojica was
also a Young Lord who helped to organize the first Hispano rally for Harold Washington at North West
Hall in 1982, and the victory rally at Humboldt Park during the first official Mayor’s Neighborhood
Festival where over 100,000 Puerto Ricans attended.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Okay, (Spanish) [00:00:00 - 00:00:03]. What’s your name?

DAVID MOJICA:

David Mojica.

JJ:

David Mojica.

DM:

Yeah.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:00:07 - 00:00:10] -- well, what kind of work do you do?

DM:

I’m working for the Cocineros Unidos of Humboldt Park.

JJ:

Cocineros Unidos, the kitchen -- what do you call them?

DM:

It’s the group of concessionaires and they are located at Humboldt Park.

JJ:

Okay, and what do you do there?

DM:

I administrate them. I make sure that everything is in place and we’re under the
contract with the park district.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:00:47]?

DM:

Usually, we sell (Spanish) [00:00:53 - 00:00:58]. (laughs) It’s a Puerto Rican
kitchen, I could say. And I’ve been working with them for at least for 10 years. I
used to --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:01:13 - 00:01:17]?

DM:

Well, we have a concessionaire that sells concess-souvenirs. And some others,
they have places in different places of the park and they sell Puerto Rican food.
Also, there’s a concessionaire of tacos, hot dogs, street corn. Everything, a little
of everything.

1

�JJ:

What is your connection? I mean, how did -- to the -- let’s say to the Young
Lords, I mean? What is your connection to that?

DM:

[00:02:00] Well, I was working with the Harold Washington campaign and I met
José Jiménez and we got -- we get a -- we start a friendship. And to now, we’ve
been working for the community.

JJ:

Okay. (Spanish) [00:02:27].

DM:

(Spanish) [00:00:29].

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:00:30]. So you were in Jersey City?

DM:

Jersey City. I stood in Jersey City for -- to 1960- ’63. I came back in ’63 to
Chicago. And then I started -- I came with my family. I had a wife and we start
from there.

(break in audio)
M:

[00:03:00]

JJ:

Okay. David Mojica, can you -- (Spanish) [00:03:07 - 00:03:15]?

DM:

(Spanish) [00:03:16] --

JJ:

The names (Spanish) [00:03:20] in there.

DM:

Oh. It is about my father. He couldn’t find a job over there and it was a bad
situation. That’s why we came to New Jersey and Jersey City, in Jersey City.
And he start working there as a chef. And I used to work with him in there and at
the, you know, (Spanish) [00:03:49] --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:03:51] --

DM:

-- in dish washers (laughs) is what we call them (Spanish) [00:03:57]. It sound
like we [00:04:00] are recording records. So I stayed there for quite a while but I

2

�got married, you know, or I got together with my wife. And I came to Pue- -- to
Chicago in six-- in 1963 to the -- to Wicker Park area. And I met a lot of people, a
lot of Puerto Rican. There was so many that the -- Wicker Park is so, it was all
Puerto Rican, mostly. And we had everything: bodega, grocery stores,
restaurants, everything in the Richard Street in the area of Le Moyne. Not Le
Moyne, Hoyne and Division. All this area, there was a theater called [00:05:00]
San Juan Theater which is gone because it changed, the neighborhood changed.
And I saw a lot of people, a lot of young people, getting involved in gangs like the
Young Sinner [sic], Latin Kings, you name it. (laughs) But they got together -they used to get together with us and we used to tell them that they was not -- it
was not good to get involved in gangs or anything, you know? So I think that
most of the guys that were involved later, they changed their mind and start
working for the community, for the people in the community. (coughs)
JJ:

And what do you think [00:06:00] was the reason that they were getting --

(break in audio)
JJ:

Why do you think? Why do you think they -- before we --

(break in audio)
DM:

There was nothing else to do. There was not -- they were not giving jobs to -- for
youth. And I think there was nothing else to do so they would like to start
hanging out and fighting. I believe they start fighting with the older -- what do you
call the -- like the Italians, the European. Because they -- every time they see
somebody in the area, they kicked (laughs) somebody’s butt. And they start
getting together to go and fight with them but see, the thing is [00:07:00] that they

3

�were not using what they using now. They used to fight with the fists, not the -no -- none of them had guns, you know. And to defend the people that were in
the area.
JJ:

And what places did you work at? I mean, what types of jobs did you work?

DM:

I worked with (inaudible) machines, punch press machines, bicycle company like
Schwinn bicycle. Sani company, I worked for Sani. Roland company was part of
the Sani’s company. [00:08:00] I work at the shop at O’Hare field. You know,
when they were giving food to the -- for the planes. I worked there. And then, I
start -- in ’68, I start working with a -- in a bar and make new friends. And then, I
stared getting together with the -- with guys that winning the -- like in ’66. You
know, they got involved in the helping, you know, making organization like SACC.
And --

JJ:

SACC was a --

DM:

A community group. A Spanish Action Committee [sic].

JJ:

Spanish Action Committee.

DM:

Yeah, that’s after -- that was formed after the riot in [00:09:00] ’66.

JJ:

So then -- okay. And what was that --

DM:

They were doing -- they were fighting for jobs. They were fighting for jobs
because there was nobody -- they would not hire anybody in -- on the
government or maybe for a -- for the Cook Country or for the welfare [public
aid?]. There was nobody in there. They need Spanish-speaking so we’re
fighting. Even though I remember an issue that a policeman had to be 5’9”
(laughs) before he can get hired to be a policeman. So we -- there was a lot of

4

�things that was change during those days. And I know I could see a cop, you
know, he’s not even five foot and (inaudible) and [00:10:00] he’s doing the work,
too. So a lot of thing was change.
JJ:

So I’m going to ask you, so you were working with SACC. But then, you had a
group, too, right? I mean --

DM:

Yeah. We form a group in 1967 during a fire on Milwaukee Avenue which there
was eight people died including children, I don’t know, four children and other
people. And they didn’t have no -- they didn’t have no place, they didn’t have no
clothing, they didn’t have no food. So we start working with them then from -while we were organizing the group, we start working with them. And we wanted
a -- to do a shelter. It never come true but [00:11:00] we kept the organization
working. And later on, we had a -- we met other people like with the [CEDA?]
program, we had some slot. That’s when I met José Jiménez and we was -- start
working together and working in the community.

JJ:

And they had some slots from CEDA.

DM:

CEDA, CEDA, yeah.

JJ:

CEDA?

DM:

CEDA, that was the government, the federal government. And they were doing --

(break in audio)
JJ:

Okay.

DM:

I heard that they were -- they need somebody at the Harold campaign
headquarters on Fullerton [00:12:00] and they need somebody and they want --

5

�and I need a job. So I got involve and they were put me 100 dollars a week. And
I used to work in the office, answer the phone, getting volunteers and then -JJ:

So you got involved and what happened? I’m sorry. What did you get involved
in? Go ahead.

DM:

In the campaign. There were some Young Lords working there. That’s when I
met a lot of the guys and they were working for the community. They were
working the campaign all the way.

JJ:

What did you do at the campaign? Was the campaign for Harold Washington,
the mayor?

DM:

For Harold, for Harold Washington. For mayor.

JJ:

What did you do?

DM:

I used to answer phone. I used to answering the phone [00:13:00] and at night,
we used to work canvassing and work precinct every day.

(break in audio)
DM:

Well, one of the reason, I like the guy, I like the guy. So I said, “Well, let’s help
him out.” No for the money. I needed money, but it helped me out to do so I can
work all the way with the campaign. And we make it.

JJ:

How did you see Harold Washington helping you? Helping you, you know what
I’m saying? Helping what you were doing? Because you were working with the
community. How did you -- how did [00:14:00] you see him helping with his
campaign? What did it -- what would it do for you?

DM:

Oh. Well, I got a lot of people -- when they were asking for a resume, I got a lot - lots of people there on, you know, on getting the jobs. And one of those guys

6

�was Luiz Gutiérrez. He got a -- I took the resume even though I told him I need
somebody to write down mine. And he say, “Well, I help you out.” Which so we
work together in getting those. I took him to downtown and he got the job. He’s
doing fine [00:15:00] in Washington now.
JJ:

he’s a cop? What kind of --

DM:

And he work -- he was one of the guys that I was -- I had in Harold campaign. I
had six precinct that I work in. One of those precinct was Luiz Gutiérrez. He ran
it.

JJ:

(inaudible) [00:15:30] --

(break in audio)
DM:

We not do it (laughs). We not communicating now but you know.

JJ:

What do you want -- what do you think I should talk more about -- okay. Okay.
You came in ’63, right?

DM:

Right.

JJ:

Okay, so in ’63, the Young Lords started in [00:16:00] 19-- it was a gang in 1959,
but as a political group, they started in 1968. So did you know anything about
the Young Lords at that time?

DM:

Oh yeah. I used to talk about the Young Lords. They was-- they were a gang but
then, they --

JJ:

So what did you know when they were a gang? What did you hear back then?

DM:

They found a headquarters, a church, they had a church where they did a
program there for the people. So they change from gang, they changed to work
for the community so --

7

�JJ:

So did you hear about them when they were a gang?

DM:

I hear when -- they were a gang but I never hear anything, what do you call it,
bad about them. I know they was a gang [00:17:00] but everybody had a gang
(laughs) just to fight somebody that don’t like them so there was nothing bad
about that. I thought maybe they were help -- they were doing some fighting
because they couldn’t protect themself.

JJ:

So then you heard they changed into a community group and then how did you
feel as a Puerto Rican? How did you feel with these --

DM:

Well, I think was a great move because the community needed help. Because
there was so many things that need to be corrected. And like when CEDA
workers -- CEDA slots started, they start giving people [00:18:00] jobs working for
help groups, police relation, everything. So everybody started working,
organizing and get jobs. Get jobs.

JJ:

When you say you were organizing, what, for example, you mentioned you were
working with SACC. What did organizing mean? What did they -- how did they
organize?

DM:

Well, first, they had a training. They had a training of different things. Health,
politic relation, education, and they used to train people. We used to train people
and they -- a lot of them got together. Even though with the politics, [00:19:00]
that a lot of people got involved in politics. Because after the training, they start
preaching what they -- what was the training for. So it was good for the
community because they learn something and then, they start helping others.

JJ:

You had a group, too. What was the name of your group?

8

�(break in audio)
M3:

-- pretend that I just turned on the camera. Go ahead.

JJ:

You had a group.

DM:

Yeah.

JJ:

So what was it called and what did they do? What did they do?

DM:

People’s Association for Community Action. And we used to have different
committees. We -- one -- I was working with the public aid committee. We used
to get people together and [00:20:00] find out what was the problem. And we
used to call the representative at the public aid office. And we used to tell them
what was wrong because a lot of people used -- they used to take them off the
program. And a lot of people, they didn’t receive checks and we didn’t know why.
But (laughs) there was a lot of things going on so we started working with the -with people inside the office and we form some committees there in different
office. And we communicate with the -- every time we had a problem with
somebody, we try [00:21:00] to make sure that they help the people and they
take care of the problem. And if I -- if there is any people used to come in and
ask for help. So we -- the main thing was that we have different committee to
work on it.

JJ:

You had different committees?

DM:

We had different committee like police relation, (Spanish) [00:21:34].

JJ:

How many organizations and did you guys work together? How many different
organizations --

DM:

Oh, we had, we had --

9

�JJ:

And what were they? What were they?

DM:

We work with ABC, work with UCA (sic), United for Community Action. We work
for -- [00:22:00] we had a organization called United Front. It sound like
(laughter) a terrorist group but they were not. And SACCs, Spanish Action
Committee. Well, I -- there were so many, I don’t recall right now.

JJ:

Did these groups ever work with the Young Lords?

DM:

Yeah, most of them. They used to got together when there was something going
on about a march or jobs or whatever. They -- everybody used to get together.

JJ:

Marching. So then, this was about --

DM:

Organizing the community, yeah.

JJ:

So there were a lot of marches at that time?

DM:

Oh, you name it. There was a lot of crimes, a lot of killings from different
[00:23:00] groups. Like a guy got shot and they don’t know why he was shot,
(laughs) --

JJ:

Now, who shot him?

DM:

-- so -- but the -- there was so much police brutality at that time.

JJ:

Oh, the police were --

DM:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay. So there was police brutality and these groups were marching or...?

DM:

Against them. Yeah, against the problem, against, you know.

JJ:

What other problems besides police brutality were going on at that time?

DM:

Jobs, welfare, health. There was no clinic. I -- at that time in Wicker Park, there
used to be one clinic. That’s all. And the people -- the people had no insurance

10

�or anything. [00:24:00] And at that time, they don’t -- a lot of people don’t know
about the Cook County hospital (laughs) so it’s, you know. So when this
happened, every -- a lot of people was disoriented. And it need to be that thing
was organized. So everybody was organizing.
JJ:

(coughs) Pardon.

DM:

I went there to see the project they were doing and my sister used to live a block
away on Walton close to Grace. And they -- the general were -- they had
different programs there.

JJ:

[00:25:00] So what kind of programs did they have? Do you remember or...?

DM:

Wood painting, teaching kids how to paint. Make murals. And they had a -- they
had a answering service that people used to go there and then they’d call and
they’d write down their -- whatever they need. So they were active at that time.
They were really active in the community.

JJ:

And this was not in Lincoln Park. Where was this at?

DM:

Uptown.

JJ:

So they were up -- went from Lincoln Park to Uptown, the Young Lords?

DM:

Uptown. Yeah, that was in Grace and Walton?

JJ:

Right.

DM:

Close to the -- to Wrigley Field. So that’s mainly Lincoln Park, no?

JJ:

Okay. So [00:26:00] you heard about the Young Lords when they were in Lincoln
Park and also in Lake View in Uptown.

DM:

Right.

11

�JJ:

And you knew the Young Lords when they were a gang. So I mean, what -- you
mentioned that -- so you -- so what was your feeling? Why did you -- your
involvement in the community? What’s the reason that you were involved in the
community?

DM:

Like I say before, I need to help. I need to help the people because I know the
struggle they were going through. There was -- they had big families, they don’t
have a place where to stay. And whoever will help the community, I was with
them. I gave them credit for that. [00:27:00] So I got involved with the -- with
them and to see what they really -- what they really need.

JJ:

And you first started getting involved so how many years have you been involved
in the --

DM:

Community? Oof. I’ve been in -- since 1966 throughout the ’90s. I was working
very, very active in the community. But then, I start getting sick and I couldn’t
participate like I wanted to so I had to step out. And --

JJ:

And you [00:28:00] lived in what area mostly?

DM:

Humboldt Park. In the Humboldt Park area. Yeah.

JJ:

In the Humboldt Park area? And what kind of changes have been going on in
that area? Since you came to Chicago in 1963, what kind of changes --

DM:

It was bad.

JJ:

Can you explain what -- the whole changes or...?

DM:

Well, now they --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:28:19] --

12

�DM:

The Wicker Park, Wicker Park is still there. But you can hardly see Spanish
speaking there or Puerto Ricans. They are not -- the neighborhood changed
completely. Everybody sold the house, the place. They sold the house for
maybe 35-, 15,000 and now, you cannot (laughs) -- it’s almost a million dollar for
an apartment. So it’s -- there [00:29:00] are a lot of changes and they -- I -- I
don’t see a lot of groups now. Groups, the groups now, what they do is trying to
survive with the paying their electricity, pay the bills to the people working in that.
So that’s what they make the -- like, to make money for paying the -- just staying
there, you know. But they not too involved in training. They not training people
like the -- where we used to do. So there’s a lot of changes now. And it’s tough
because I think that [00:30:00] in order for you to do a good job in the community,
you have to deal with the people. You have to know people, you have to know
what they -- their problems are, and work with them. Trying to teach them what
you know and how to go about in resolving those problems.

(break in audio)
JJ:

Okay, go ahead.

DM:

There’s no help for the people that need the shelter. Right now, we need a
shelter bad. Some shelter that -- in those shelters, if somebody is in a shelter, at
maybe five o’clock in the morning or four o’clock in the morning, they have to
leave. [00:31:00] Even though you got family and you have to leave and come
back or the same day maybe at six o’clock so you could get a place where to
stay. And it’s bad because you need something that could provide some good
assistance for the people that needs a place where to stay.

13

�JJ:

And why do we need so many shelters? Because before, we didn’t have a need
for shelters.

DM:

We need a big place. We need --

JJ:

Before, we didn’t have to. Why do we need shelters now?

DM:

Because people can’t find no jobs, people cannot afford to pay an apartment.
The rent is so high that a lot of people can’t afford it. They get kicked out from
one place to another [00:32:00] and we need help. I mean, these people need
help.

JJ:

So how -- why do you think that happened? That there are so many changes
going on in Humboldt Park that there’s -- when you first came here, it was all full
of Puerto Ricans you said. But now, that community is no longer there, right? So
what do you think happened?

DM:

There was displacement. I mean, there was -- the economic is bad. When they
were -- when we were here, a lot of people had to moved out because fires.
There were a lot of fires at that time. A lot of people, a lot of people died and
[00:33:00] I heard that most of the displacement was for profit. Lots of people
had a building and because they could not fix it or anything, the best thing for
them was to burn it and they didn’t care who was in there. They just burn it for
profit. And you see Wicker Park, there were so many -- there were so many fires
that if you go to Wicker Park right now, most of the building that you see are new
because most of those lots were empty because there was a fire. And now, the
developer came back and built new buildings, right? But none of us [00:34:00]
can afford them. Because we didn’t have -- we don’t -- we not -- our kids drop

14

�out. There was a lot of drop out. A lot of people could’ve been professional right
now but a lot of people can’t afford it. And they had to move someplace else.
Florida, Puerto Rico, different states. And most of these same -- most of the
same thing is happening all over the states. If you got money, you can survive
but if you don’t got no money, you cannot live. [00:35:00] You cannot stay there.
You have to move somewhere where you can afford it. So we -- we like
(Spanish) [00:35:12 - 00:35:35]?
JJ:

(Spanish) [00:35:35 - 00:35:43]? Where are they moving to?

DM:

(Spanish) [00:35:45], they moving to the ghetto. (laughs) Wherever is a ghetto,
there’s a community that is going down. That’s why they went -- [00:36:00] that’s
why they went the ghetto to live because they cannot afford to go to a upgraded
area because they not -- they not making that much money or receiving money to
live there. So wherever there is a ghetto, so (laughs) that’s where they’re living.
That’s why they have to go.

JJ:

And where are the ghettoes located now?

DM:

Located?

JJ:

Yeah, where are they at?

DM:

It’s going down. (laughs)

JJ:

It’s going where?

DM:

Down west.

JJ:

Down west?

DM:

Down west with the -- at the past Cicero, that’s -- that’s ghetto there. So south,
down south, there’s a ghetto there. So (laughs) what can I say?

15

�JJ:

Okay. Are there any [00:37:00] in the suburbs or no?

DM:

Suburbs? If (Spanish) [00:37:01] -- if it is a ghetto there. I mean --

JJ:

But they’re going to the ghetto.

DM:

They go to ghetto, man.

JJ:

They’re not going to the (inaudible).

DM:

And then when I say ghetto, it’s an area that is going down. That are people -what the people don’t want, that’s where they go. Because that’s -- they can
afford it. I mean, it’s -- you have to find a, I mean, a area that don’t cost too
much. That there, you don’t have to pay the landlord 1,500, 2,000 dollars for an
apartment? [00:38:00] You know.

END OF VIDEO FILE

16

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                <text>David Mojica is a very important, unsung hero in the history of Puerto Ricans in Chicago. He has volunteered his services in Humboldt Park. Mr. Mojica has been the head of the Cocineros union for many years, helping to provide jobs and distributing Puerto Rican pride flags and shirts, and good tasting fast food to the entire community. Mr. Mojica was also one of the primary Puerto Rican community workers that helped to elect Harold Washington, during his first bid for mayor. He volunteered every day at the Fullerton Ave. near Western Ave. in the “Washington for Mayor” office. Mr. Mojica’s work included distributing flyers and posters, identifying registered voters, and phone canvassing. Mr. Mojica was also a Young Lord who helped to organize the first Hispano rally for Harold Washington at North West Hall in 1982, and the victory rally at Humboldt Park during the first official Mayor’s Neighborhood Festival where over 100,000 Puerto Ricans attended.</text>
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                    <text>William James College Interviews
GV016-16
Interviewer: Barbara Roos
Interviewee: David Rathbun
Date: 1984
[Barbara]

… talking about three things that stuck out in your mind.

[Rathbun]

Two or three things. I came to William James in 1981, so I didn't have much time
in William James. But my first recollection: my first council meeting. I sat down in
the skylight room with this group of people, most of whom I didn't know yet, and
during that meeting there was a debate between Robert Mayberry and Steven
Rowe in which the two men were arguing: Socrates versus Aristotle. And I
thought to myself: "My God! Someone still cares about this stuff." And I
remember going home and carrying on a good part of the evening about what an
incredible place this must be where faculty people, instead of sitting and
bickering about small, petty stuff, argued from real philosophic basis. What an
incredible place. That's one of my favorite memories of William James and one of
my earliest memories of William James. I also remember the ordeal of
interviewing for the position here. I think my first meeting was at eight o'clock with
Glenn Niemeyer and I talked to people the entire day and the entire evening and
finally finished with Forrest Armstrong at one thirty the next morning. Pretty
incredible ordeal. Makes a lot of sense as I got another place in retrospect.
Another real strong memory in my mind, and again it’s a fairly early meeting, was
in a PCC meeting in which we we're discussing the changes in the photographic
curriculum. And the facility needs through [?] needs. And I remember there was a
room in the basement which was in question about who ought to use it and
clearly the film and video people needed for room, clearly the photography
people needed the room. And Deanna and Barb said: "We will give up that room.
You need more than we do." And it was a kind of generosity again I had not
encountered at any other institution I had taught in. The ability to put aside one's
self-interest, one’s immediate needs, in the interest of the larger program. I was
impressed. I hadn't encountered that.

[Barbara]

Let me stop your train of thought slightly while I check everything because I
couldn't [inaudible]. Let me zoom in on you a little bit and then we go on. If it’s not
interrupting you too much, I would like to know why you think this was all so
different. Don't answer yet because I have to get the shot… Right now, I have the
shot.

[Rathbun]

Okay, in the past, at the Institute of Design, which is a pretty remarkable place.
decisions were made on the basis of politics. They were made on the basis of
narrowly defined self-interest. Your sense from beginning to end was that you
better be prepared to scramble and scrap for everything you were going to get for

�your program because nobody was going to give it to you. As a result, there was
an attitude and the feeling among the faculty of distrust, of suspicion, people
were constantly tailoring their behaviors and looking over the shoulders to make
sure the right people are watching and that the wrong people one right behind
them.
[Rathbun]

I don't recall ever sensing that at William James and I think for me it was one of
the extraordinary aspects of working with a group of people that were the faculty
and the last two years of William James. The sense that people really cared
about what somebody else was doing. That they wanted to share and making it
good. That they were willing to put time and energy and sometimes give up
things that they need is in order for something else good to happen. It was not
my experience at the Institute of Design it was a very different kind of faculty.
People who were not very generous particularly with the resources, or with their
time, with their giving to students even.

[Barbara]

But there must have been structural reasons for all this. What structural reasons
can you analyze?

[Rathbun]

Well, I think one of the things that made William James such a delightful place,
for faculty, was that it really was not a competitive environment in the sense that
we had to compete with each other to succeed either within our programs or
within the institution. The fact that we didn't have merit raises, the fact that the
review process was not punitive but was rather something that was intended to
help us understand each other and to grow with each other. The fact that we met
weekly in faculty meetings, that we knew each other and we knew what was
going on that we had some control over our destiny in this building. I think all
those were important aspects of that feeling of collegiality and community. That is
not that way in very many places. For me it was probably the most extraordinary
teaching experience I've had the two years that William James was here. The
freedom to dream, the freedom to pursue the dreams, the freedom to share your
dreams with colleagues, the willingness of colleagues to dream with you, to be a
little bit crazy at times when it was appropriate to be crazy. The sense that things
were possible, and it that was good to pursue those possibilities. It was a feeling
that pervaded this place. God knows it was no joy to come to council meetings
every Friday morning. There were a number of times I would prefer to be sailing
around the lake or something. But it was never really a problem to come to those
meetings because we were doing something. We were making decisions. We
were assuming the responsibility and we were doing a pretty damn good thing
with our programs.

[Barbara]

Let me change the [inaudible]. Wonderful, very clear. Very clear. Very Clear!
You're dark on one side your face but I like it. You know what I mean? It’s not
dark, I like the naturalness.

�[Rathbun]

Now, I'm not sure, maybe you should ask me some questions, if you want more
specific kinds of things.

[Barbara]

You were very specific then. I pushed a little on your work.

[Rathbun]

Because those are… that was the sort of thing I was thinking about saying was
those two events, the room generosity from you and Diana. I don't remember the
first one now. It’s a good thing you're taping this. And then just the sort of overall
sense of what an incredible thing this place was.

[Barbara]

There are two things that I'd like to ask on the basis of what you said already.
You said you taught very well and it’s not clear to me why one would teach
better. I can understand why one would be happier as an individual. But why
teach better?

[Rathbun]

If you think that being happy as an individual has nothing to do with teaching well
– it has everything in the world to do with teaching well. At the Institute of Design,
I never felt support particularly from colleagues or from the administration. That
began to chip away and erode my commitment to the place. The more times I
was worked over, the less excited I became, and the more I had to turn to purely
an internal discipline to keep things going well. And I did that, but it was not with
great effort. The feeling of support of collegiality, of sharing both a destiny and
also shaping that destiny was absolutely vital to feeling good about teaching and
being here and being with students.

[Barbara]

Were students different? We just have a different breed of students here.

[Rathbun]

Its apples and oranges. It's difficult to compare. We're talking on one hand about
a very expensive private school in Chicago that draws a national constituency of
generally wealthy and well-educated students. As opposed to a state college that
draws essentially from one area within the state. But the differences I think
ultimately are sort of superficial. They have remedies. The biggest difference was
simply one of experience and visual literacy Those kids in Chicago have seen a
lot and the kids initially here haven't seen very much. Even allusions to people as
like Edward Weston drew blank stares when I arrived here. It was changing. The
William James students were different in the sense that they were much more
aware of what they were up to with their educations, I think, for the most part. I
remember when, in the last year of William James, when there was all this
rumors and talk and almost every day brought a new scenario of what the
reorganization was going to be like. I remember that Provost Niemeyer appeared
at a student forum in the Campus Center and there were probably a couple of
hundred students who were there. It was interesting to me as I looked around the
room that good percentage, perhaps the majority of those students, were William

�James students and that the questions that were being asked the hard questions,
and the appropriate, questions were coming almost uniformly from William
James students. In that respect I think William James is doing something very
well for students, making them understand that they had responsibility for their
education.
[Rathbun]

That they had the right to ask questions and to expect answers about their
educational experience and about what was going on. And they were asking
pretty intelligent questions and Niemeyer wasn't entirely happy about that. He
squirmed a lot. He clearly wasn't pleased with some of the questions that were
being asked. But it occurred to me and watching that whole thing transpire: that if
really interested in an educational experience for students in which they
understand that they have control over their lives was working here, he should
have been tickled that those people were asking those kinds of questions,
because it meant that their education was working.

[Barbara]

Do you remember what they were asking?

[Rathbun]

I don't remember the specific questions, Barb, I just remember that during that
whole discussion the questions and seem to be right on the mark, that seem to
be the right questions that students ought to be asking, the William James
students were asking. And it was not entirely comfortable for the administration to
have to try to answer those questions. But it was precisely an indication of
success in the educational experiences that students were having here.

[Barbara]

Let me ask you this but let me change the shot and zoom. Woah, that's darker
zooming in. Okay, good. I want to ask you: this is all very well to talk about how
we taught them to ask the questions, but it didn't save us. What could have
saved us, or what was your experience in the process of closing James?

[Rathbun]

Well, it's all too easy in retrospect to understand that nothing could have saved
us, short of moving the school somewhere else. And it's hard for me to really
understand how all of that transpired Barb because I wasn't here during most of
William James. I had really sort of one good year and then the second year,
which was the last year of William James, everything was in turmoil and up in the
air. I seriously doubt that there was anything significant the faculty could have
done, or the students could have done. I think the decision was made, I think it
was simply a matter of how to implement the decision and dissolve the units. And
I think after that happened the degree to which there was hostility, it was like
someone turn on the tap, it was like packs of dogs were being held at bay and
suddenly been released and it seems so unnecessary.

[Barbara]

Tell me, that's too vague, I don't know what you mean.

�[Rathbun]

Well, the attempt in an early discussion in the School of Communications to
eradicate all evidence of William James having been in Lake Superior Hall. The
suggestion on the part of some faculty from a previous unit that the portrait of
William James be painted over with post-haste, with great haste. That's the right
way to say that.

[Rathbun]

The articles that appeared in the Lanthorn characterizing William James’
students and faculty as some sort of malcontents. Things which under a healthy
old division probably would not have been printed suddenly were popping up all
over the place. It seems clear to me that the decision was made and it was only a
matter of how to work it out with the least damage from their perspective.

[Barbara]

Do you see any organizational or other holdovers from James in the new
structure?

[Rathbun]

Well, I don't see very many and I'm so busy that it's hard for me to look very far
away. And I thinks that's one of the problems of the new structure. Certainly, we
don't have the kinds of collegial possibilities that we used to have. I think it's clear
that those holdovers or those instances where the William James philosophy
carries on are to be found in individuals, and mostly individuals that were in
James, although it is interesting that there are other faculty who continue to be
sympathetic and espouse certain ideas. And I'm not, again… because I wasn't a
part of William James from the beginning and for years and years and years, I
don't know whether I am really Jamesian in the sense of wearing a badge. I think
that I'm interested in intelligent educational experiences for students. I don't think
of myself as trying to teach them something. I think of myself as a fellow traveler
with them. I think of myself as someone who is growing with them, and what I try
to do is provide environments and experiences which hopefully allow the
students to learn something. And I think that maybe is a part of what William
James College was about at its best. I think it's just damn good teaching and I
think wherever people are teaching in that kind of way, where they understand
that they really are involved in this with students and perhaps at best what we
can do is try to create a series of experiences from which students can learn
something. And I think that's living. I think it continues to live. But I don't think
you're going to find it in any particular unit; I think your going to have to look at
individual people.

[Barbara]

I'm out of questions. Do you have anything else to say?

[Rathbun]

I don't think so. I mean, I can stop at this point.

�</text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: David Rivera Reyes
Interviewers: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 1/12/2011
Runtime: 01:28:27

Biography and Description

David Rivera’s family arrived to the Division and Clark Streets area in 1950 and from there in 1952, they
moved to Clybourn and Halsted Streets between the Cabrini Green Housing Projects and the Lincoln
Park Neighborhood. A few months later David Rivera arrived and the entire family moved to Don
Orelio’s house on Dayton Street between North Avenue and Willow Street. They were brief neighbors
with the Cha-Cha Jimenez family who lived downstairs from them.
Not long afterwards the Rivera family bought a house across from the alley on Fremont Street, south of
Willow where Bissell Street intersected. This was one of the first enclaves of Puerto Ricans that settled
in Lincoln Park. The enclave connected with others later but stretched in the area from Halsted street
west to Sheffield Ave., and from North Avenue to Willow Street.
David’s grandfather became the neighborhood barber and David’s siblings built a homemade
rollercoaster that came down the railing and stretched into the large backyard and back. It was basically
a crate with roller skate wheels and each kid paid two or three cents with empty bottle refunds, for the
ride.
David’s nickname was Chicken Killer because he and his brothers worked at the live chicken store on
North Avenue, of which the street had become the primary business area for the Latino section. He also
worked with his cousin Orlando Davila on a milk truck as well as several other factories of the area.

�While only 10 and 11 they were a part of the Knights which soon later Orlando organized them with
others and they became a totally new group called the Young Lords; as a street group or gang in 1960.
David also led the motorcycle group called the Sons of the Devil while still being the Field Marshall for
the Young Lords political group.

�Transcript
JOSE JIMENEZ:

Can you tell me your full name, and when you were born, and

where you were born?
DAVID RIVERA REYES: My name is David Rivera Reyes. I was born in Puerto Rico - Coamo, Puerto Rico. I was born in 1948, so I’ll be turning 70 in a couple of
months.
JJ:

So you didn’t answer me, how was Coamo, Puerto Rico? What do you
remember about Coamo?

DRR: In Coamo, we used to live in the mountains in an area called Santa Catalina. It
was a community where you couldn’t use a car to get up there, it can only go so
far, and then you’d have to walk the rest of the way. I remember we having a
community [00:01:00] well where people went and got their water, their potable
water, carry it back in cans. I remember the big square cans that after they -cracker cans, Export Sodas cans, that was the thing that people used to carry
their water. They would wash their dishes outside one of the windows in the
sink. Their baths were either in the river or they would take water and go into the
outhouse with soap and water in another smaller can, would bathe. People out
there lived mostly off the land. Everybody worked the land. If you didn’t work
your own land, you would work for someone else. Mostly likely you would go
[00:02:00] out and cut sugar cane which was one of the main jobs that people
had down there was sugar cane -- and building in cement blocks, but the majority
would work their own land and sell their products in town to make a living.
People that were able to save up some money and fly out after the big migration

1

�back in the ’40s, late ’40s. My parents were some that came -- I believe it was in
1950 when they came up to Chicago. It was my parents, and some uncles and
some aunts. I remember that [00:03:00] they would live in a small hotel on North
Avenue and Dayton -- North Avenue, Dayton, and Clybourn. There was a
restaurant called The Golden Ox. In that building, there were lots of rooms for
rent. A lot of them stayed there. Maybe sometimes even three, four, and five
people in one small room. They would get jobs wherever they could. Mostly
they got maintenance jobs, or jobs where they had to clean up after everybody
or, if they were lucky, restaurant jobs. My mother was a lucky one. My mother
was a blonde-haired, blue-eyed Puerto Rican woman. She got lucky, she got a
job at a called Carbit Paint Company [00:04:00] right off of North Avenue by
California.
JJ:

Carbon Paint --

DRR: Carbit. Carbit Paint Company. She was paid to put labels on cans. I believe
she started at about $0.75 to $0.80 an hour. She worked in that company until
she retired. But in that company, she was able, because of her hard work, was
able to put a few of my uncles to work there, my aunts to work there, other
people that would come in from Puerto Rico looking for jobs, a lot of them ended
up working at Carbit Paint Company and all through her hands.
JJ:

Where was this located?

DRR: The company was on North Avenue, [00:05:00] but they got bigger, so they
moved over on Kingston by the railroad tracks. There they bought a big factory
and they would make their own paints there. And then the North Avenue location

2

�became the actual store where people go and buy their paint. I remember me
working at that paint company myself when I was 17.
JJ:

A lot of Puerto Ricans?

DRR: Pardon.
JJ:

A lot of Puerto Ricans?

DRR: A lot of Puerto Ricans. I would say 50 percent of the labor -- or even more so -practically all the laborers were Puerto Ricans, and the majority of the Puerto
Ricans were from our small town in Puerto Rico, Coamo. It was more like a
family thing. [00:06:00] But they were hard workers and they were liked very
much -- except my father. My father worked in a lumber company.
JJ:

So what was your father’s name and your mother’s name? And your siblings.

DRR: My father’s name was Franciso, my mother’s name was Angelica, but they called
her Angie, or, as we call her, [Las Halo?]. We also had my grandfather, Gregorio
Ortiz, and my grandmother, Sofia Ortiz. But my grandfather was a man of all
trades. That was a man that I learned to admire. Soft-spoken, a man of few
words, he was a professional barber, professional carpenter, cabinet-maker,
[00:07:00] instrument-maker, he would build his own guitars and all kinds of
instruments. He was very professional at what he did, and that’s how he made
his living. As a matter of fact, [he who worked back?] for himself doing this
actually did better than a lot of people that worked in factories, and especially
married to my grandma because she used to take every penny she had and put it
away which was good because it actually allowed my mother to be one of the
first Puerto Ricans in the neighborhood to be able to literally buy her own house.

3

�And she bought it on Fremont Street right over there by crooked Bissell. Matter
of fact, the address over there was 1705 North Fremont [00:08:00] Street, a
house that had four apartments, and she would rent the apartments. And my
mom was a very strong woman which made us -- we became a little -- you would
say little better off families in the neighborhood. But from there, a lot of them
took off, and eventually a few of them bought their own buildings, their own
houses. And this is in the Lincoln Park area, right on the outskirts of the Lincoln
Park area.
JJ:

So (inaudible) from there, did you come from -- from what house?

DRR: Well, when they first came, actually, they lived around 63rd and Halsted.
[00:09:00] From 63rd and Halsted, they moved down to around 43rd and Halsted.
JJ:

What year?

DRR: I would say 1950-1951. By 1952, they had moved out to the Lincoln Park area
over on North Avenue and Halsted, Clybourn. By this time, 1953, we went to
school. I started going to school in 1953. I was going to Mulligan School on
Sheffield, so were my brothers and my sisters.
JJ:

So how many brothers and sisters and what are their names?

DRR: I had one sister [00:10:00] called Damari, my brother, Nelson, my brother, Jose,
and my brother, Selsa, and myself. That’s where I can say I have all my real
childhood memories.
JJ:

At Mulligan?

4

�DRR: At Mulligan, on Bissell and Dayton, on Fremont and Bissell. Even though they
run parallel, Bissell -- we call it crooked Bissell because it took a turn and it ran
into -JJ:

What kind of memories?

DRR: Fun memories. That’s when we went outside, played with our friends, building
skateboards out of two by four’s and old roller-skates and using an old crate for
it, [00:11:00] and putting handles on it, and dressing it up with bottle caps.
Building bicycles out of parts that we found. I remember we found a tire, we
needed a tire, and it had a bubble in it, so we put black electrical tape all around
it. So we drove 10, 20 miles an hour on that bike, and all along it would go bloop,
bloop, bloop, bloop, bloop, bloop, (laughter) down the street. At night, we would
play games and go to the play lot, play baseball -- mostly stick ball. We would
play stick ball on the street. It was a fun time growing up. Wearing our little Davy
Crockett t-shirts and our cap pistols playing war.
JJ:

So Davy Crockett was a big person at that time?

DRR: Oh, Davy Crockett [00:12:00] was our hero. Davy Crockett -JJ:

I actually had a Davy Crockett hat.

DRR: Oh, yeah, the little hat with the tail, the mask of the Lone Ranger, Zorro, The
Cisco Kid, all became our heroes. Those were the programs that we watched.
We had a lot of channels. All four of them: Channel 2, Channel 9, Channel 7,
and Channel 5. And Channel 11 you had to pay for. Those were wonderful
memories. The only bad part about there was that being from a different country,
a different culture, we couldn’t go into every store that we wanted to. [00:13:00]

5

�We would be told to get out. Or if we went to a hamburger stand, we would be
told, “We don’t serve your kind.”
JJ:

You saw that?

DRR: Yes. Actually, lived it.
JJ:

How did you see it? Give me an example.

DRR: Well, I just told you. We were not allowed to go in there. I didn’t even think that it
was racism, I just figured it was -- we weren’t allowed in there, and we weren’t
allowed in there. What I was told, “When an adult tells you no, it was no.” You
didn’t speak back to an adult. You had to respect an adult no matter who it was.
That’s how we were brought up. We were brought up under the strength of a
chancleta and a good leather belt. That’s how -JJ:

The shoe? The chancleta?

DRR: Oh, that chancleta. Yeah, the almighty chancleta. [00:14:00] It had a lot of
power. You could loud mouth all you want, but when grandma took out that
chancleta, you shut up. (laughs) But I guess I never realized it until later on in
my -- as I got a little older what it really was. I just thought, “You can’t go in
there, you can’t go in there. They don’t want you in there, they don’t want you in
there.” In my neighborhood, it was mostly Latino, some Blacks, and the whites
that were there, now I call them poor whites -- Appalachian whites. They were
treated by everybody else just as bad as we were. So since we all played in the
street, we didn’t see no difference, we just played with everybody and [00:15:00]
everybody played with us. But now, as we started to move out of the
neighborhood away from Mulligan School, started going to Newberry School,

6

�some of us went to Newberry School, some of us -- I got sick to where I couldn’t
walk very well, so I would get bused to school, to a school called Spalding on
Washington and Ashland. It was a parochial school because I had to walk on
crutches. Now, I was there for about three years after I left Mulligan. When I got
out of there, it was 1961. In 1961, I started hanging around [00:16:00] with the
other kids that -- I let go of the crutches, so I was able to go out. And my cousin,
Orlando, and Lupe, and Hector, and Blas -JJ:

So your cousin was Orlando Davila?

DRR: Orlando Davila.
JJ:

The one that founded the Young Lords street gang.

DRR: Yeah.
JJ:

That’s your cousin that --

DRR: Yeah, Orlando Davila would work with us -JJ:

And Lupe and his brothers --

DRR: Yeah, they’re from the same town we were in in Coamo.
JJ:

Oh, he’s from Coamo, too.

DRR: Yeah, we all -- our parents all came up at the same time.
JJ:

Did they live near you?

DRR: Yeah.
JJ:

Where did they live?

DRR: They lived on Bissell just north of Willow. Yeah, between Willow -JJ:

That’s where Orlando lived?

DRR: Yeah.

7

�JJ:

Okay. What do you remember of him? Do you remember anything?

DRR: Oh, I remember everything of him. He was the third of four boys. He had
[00:17:00] a sister named Myrna. His father, Lupe, and his mother Mercedes.
His mother’s name was Mercedes. His older brother was Blas, and there was
Hector, and then there was Orlando, and then there was Lupe. And Orlando and
Lupe were the ones that used to hang around with us because they were the
younger ones. I remember Hector, it was in the ’50s, late ’50s, when we heard
the news that Hector had died. I don’t know all the details, but they found him in
a chair, and he was dead. I remember when they buried him, Orlando stepping
up to me and saying, [00:18:00] “Does that hole look six feet deep?” I looked at
him, I said, “Man, I don’t know.” He goes, “Yeah, because they say they gotta be
six feet.” I says, “Well, I really don’t know.” But that was devastating to them.
JJ:

So Orlando, I mean he’s the founder of the gang. So what type of person was he
when he was younger? A mean guy or did he --

DRR: Orlando was not a mean guy. Him and I hung out a lot. We would walk to
school together, we would get out of school together, we would go to the A&amp;A
together, we would go to the play lot together, we walked home together. You
know, we were close because we lived close to each other. We even worked in
[00:19:00] a milk truck together.
JJ:

What did you guys talk about? What did you talk about together?

DRR: We talked about anything that was going on, like, for example, when he was
working for the milk truck -- Orlando was a worker. Orlando always had a job.
When he wasn’t at the milk truck, he was on his bicycle delivering newspapers.

8

�He always had a paper route. You know what? I never remember Orlando
backing out of anything or from anybody. Orlando was a warrior. He was a softspoken, [00:20:00] a kid of very few words, but he was a warrior. And he loved
his family and he loved his friends, but he stood up for what he believed in. And I
believe that that’s why we looked at him as a leader because he was a fighter.
Like I said, as we started branching out away from the little neighborhood, we
started running into different other problems which was gang problems. Like our
parents would go to Saint Teresa’s Church. When we went, we had problems
because you had a group called Corp which was actually -- came out of the
German Bugle Corp. Saint Michael’s -- not Saint Teresa’s, Saint Michael’s.
[00:21:00] And they also had, in the neighborhood there was a street called
Mohawk, so they had a group called the Mohawk Boys. And down around
Dickens and Halsted was a group called Roma’s, they used to hang around
Roma’s restaurant and pizzeria. And we had problems with them because the
hot dog stand that we used to like to go to was Uncle Frank’s over there on
Halsted and Dickens, and just down the street was the Roma’s restaurant, so
that caused a lot of conflicts, a lot of fights. And that’s when we started grouping
up as gangs. Now, I remember some of the first gangs were [00:22:00] the Black
Eagles, the Paragons, the Imperial Aces, the Continentals which was the one
that Carlos Flores belonged to, and my brother, Selsa, belonged to -- the
Trojans, and then there was the Young Knights which were the ones that
Orlando put together which weeks later became the Young Lords. I remember
the first time that they became the Young Lords, we took white paint and painted

9

�the Young Lords name on Burling Street, right next to the border [00:23:00] play
lot because we were declaring that our turf, the playground over there on
Armitage and Burling. Where at that time, they had just finished building the new
Arnold Upper Grade Center, that was the summer of 1962. Summer of 1962,
they finished building the Arnold Upper Grade Center right across the street from
Waller High School, and it was supposed to open for class at the end of ’62 and
the beginning of ’63. We got t-shirts, we had black and purple sweaters which
we got the colors [00:24:00] from watching the movie West Side Story.
JJ:

Where’d you watch it at?

DRR: We watched it at the Biograph Theater. I remember the day we went to watch it,
we got into a big old fight over there because the kids from Roma’s, and the
Mohawk Boys, and the Corp were all there, and so were the Young Lords, so
were the Paragons, the Imperial Aces, the Black Eagles -- the Black Eagles was
the gang that almost all the other kids looked up to because they were like the
older kids, 17, 18-year old kids. And we were just really young, we were only like
14, 15-years old. [00:25:00] A lot of gang fights.
JJ:

So how did the fights start? At the Biograph?

DRR: At the Biograph, I really don’t know. All I know is that everybody started running,
and everybody was kicking, everybody was pulling out knives, everybody was
taking their belts off to use as whips, popcorn was flyin’ all over the place, soda
was flyin’ all over the place. The Puerto Rican kids on one side, the white kids
on the other side, everybody else was terrified. All I know is that we ran out of
there laughin’. I remember stopping at the alleyway on the way down Lincoln

10

�Avenue, and that’s where [00:26:00] -- as a matter of fact, it was Orlando who
pointed it out to me and said, “Hey, this is the alley they had killed John Dillinger
at.” I said, “Yeah, but let’s get out of here.” So we ran down that alley all the way
to Austin Street and away from there. Later that night, we got an attack by
bottles from a car that drove past the play lot, and we were chasing them, and I
think they were the Mohawk Boys who did that. In school, it was the same thing
because they used to go to the same schools we did.
JJ:

They went to Mulligan?

DRR: Not Mulligan, we were already going to Arnold Upper Grade Center, and some of
them were first year Waller High School. Newberry -- I think he [00:27:00] used
to go to Newberry. I remember my cousin, Arsenio, starting the Trojans group.
Then from there, we started hanging out -- got a little older, we started hanging
out -JJ:

So why did they have -- like you said, your cousin started the Trojans, and they
had the Black Eagles, and they had these other -- Paragon and that. Why were
people starting these groups?

DRR: Well, at first the groups used to get together even without a name because it was
actually for protection. You did not want to walk to school by yourself. Most of
the time, you walked by yourself, you ended up getting chased, by yourself or
beat up.
JJ:

[00:28:00] Why? Why were they chasing you and beating you?

DRR: Well, how should I say? I hate to say it this way but the white groups at the time
felt that we were invading their territory.

11

�JJ:

The gangs?

DRR: The gangs, the Puerto Ricans itself. The Puerto Ricans. Remember, the Lincoln
Park area was almost all white. When the Puerto Ricans started moving in, and
then the Blacks started coming in from around North Avenue and Sedgwick or
the Cabrini-Green projects because they couldn’t all go to Cooley, they felt
threatened. They felt their neighborhoods were being taken over [00:29:00] and
they wanted to fight for their territory. As far as they were concerned, it was their
play lots, their restaurants, their park. And they figured, “We beat them up, they’ll
go away.”
JJ:

So the white groups were worried about their territory, but they were attacking all
the Puerto Ricans?

DRR: Yeah, they were attacking anybody that didn’t belong there.
JJ:

Is that correct or -- I don’t want to put words in your mouth.

DRR: What?
JJ:

I don’t want to put words in your mouth. So they were concerned, the white
groups, about their gang territory, but they were attacking every Puerto Rican.

DRR: Yeah, they didn’t know the difference.
JJ:

So they didn’t want to attack a gang, they were attacking Puerto Ricans. Is that
correct or no? Or were attacking the gangs?

DRR: [00:30:00] They were attacking gangs because it was teenagers against
teenagers, though when older Puerto Ricans would walk down the street, they
would get mugged or talked down to. A lot of people didn’t pay attention, they
didn’t understand what the hell they were saying anyway.

12

�JJ:

When you say older, do you mean teenagers?

DRR: No, when I say older it’s your mom, your dad, your grandpa, your grandma.
JJ:

The moms and dads were mugged.

DRR: I remember my grandfather, for example, coming out of Del Farm’s over there on
Halsted and North Avenue, and how he would say that a couple of white kids
would run past him and knock his bags off his hands. It was just, “Here’s an old
Puerto Rican man, let’s knock his groceries out for the fun of it.” [00:31:00] They
just became like natural enemies. Yeah, you know what? It’d be safe to say that
it just became a racial thing because to them everybody was Puerto Rican. You
could’ve been from Mexico, but if you talked Spanish, you were Puerto Rican.
It’s like today everybody’s Mexican. If you speak Spanish, you’re Mexican
because that’s everybody focus, on Mexico. The thing was that the groups
banned could actually fight for turf, to actually fight [00:32:00] for a place to be
able to go and hang out like the playground. Or when we aren’t allowed or told
we couldn’t go to North Avenue beach -- every time you went down to North
Avenue beach, there was always a big fight. The Puerto Rican teens, they used
to go down there to play baseball, were told to get out or they couldn’t play there
after they were told that they could. We were fighting for the right to live here is
what you were actually doing. At the time, we didn’t see it as what we see it
today, but yeah. [00:33:00] And all these groups, it was because of different
friends you had, different age groups. For example, a Young Lord couldn’t
become a Black Eagle because they were too young. The Black Eagles were

13

�older kids. The Imperial Aces were older kids. I’m trying to think of some other
names.
JJ:

Was there a lot of drugs at that time? Because today the gangs are into drugs.

DRR: No, they weren’t into drugs. The older ones did smoke marijuana. They used to
call it reefer back then. They would smoke marijuana. Marijuana came into the
city in the early [00:34:00] to mid-’60s, that I remember. I remember that’s when
I started smoking when I was about 14, 15. I’m talking about cigarettes, and
some of my friends were already smoking marijuana cigarettes. I don’t
remember them using any heavier type of drugs. Now -JJ:

But I meant at that time when you first started fighting with the white gangs?

DRR: No, not at that time. Then when the Young Lords themselves moved to their
hangout from Larrabee and Armitage, Halsted and Armitage, or Dickens and
Halsted over there, [00:35:00] we started hanging out on Leland and North
Avenue.
JJ:

Wieland.

DRR: Oh Wieland and North Avenue. And over there near Wieland and North Avenue
was a restaurant called the OK Corral, and that’s where we used to hang out at.
By now, there was -- I’m looking for (inaudible).
JJ:

Need a break?

DRR: Yeah, a break.
(break in audio)
DRR: But like I was talking about, we were -- we moved down to North Avenue and
Wieland. The OK Corral -- because our hang out became Old Town in Chicago.

14

�JJ:

What does that look like? OK Corral?

DRR: The OK Corral was just a restaurant. We used to hang out there, [00:36:00] and
everybody was meeting there like we used to meet at the old A&amp;A restaurant.
JJ:

A&amp;A restaurant, where was that at?

DRR: That was at Armitage and Larrabee.
JJ:

And what did that look like?

DRR: That was just a small restaurant with a counter, about three or four chairs in it,
and the kids used to go in there and hang out. I remember Mary, the lady that
first bought it, she couldn’t take it because she liked the kids, but the kids didn’t
allow good business to come in, so she sold it to Octavio. Octavio let us hang
out, but him, too, had the same problem. We were hanging in there so other
folks wouldn’t go in there and eat, so eventually it just closed down. Same thing
with the OK corral. [00:37:00] Now, by this time, we’re 16, 17-years old. I’ve
already quit school.
JJ:

Were there more Puerto Ricans at that time moving in or no?

DRR: A lot more Puerto Ricans.
JJ:

What year was this?

DRR: We’re talking about 1964-’65, ’66.
JJ:

Why were they moving in?

DRR: Why were they moving in?
JJ:

Yeah, what was going on that a lot of Puerto Ricans were moving in?

DRR: It was just a Puerto Rican neighborhood. The people that came in, you know,
that’s where people went to. They search out their own people, actually.

15

�Chicago’s very diverse, you know, everybody had like their own neighborhoods.
I remember there, [00:38:00] for example -JJ:

So it was segregated, they had their own neighborhoods.

DRR: Right, their own neighborhoods.
JJ:

It was diverse, it had different peoples.

DRR: Exactly. By this time, though, the Puerto Rican population now is moving east of
Halsted and east of Larrabee. Now, you were going into what used to be
considered, you know, a non-Latino area. You only saw -JJ:

So now the Puerto Ricans are invading.

DRR: Exactly. So the other groups are feeling like they were being invaded, exactly.
JJ:

The people felt that?

DRR: Yeah. At the same time now, during this time, besides the teenagers, there was
a lot of things going on also with the Latinos -- [00:39:00] the parents. Some of
the parents are now doing a little bit better financially even though they are only
$1.10, $1.20 an hour, they were doing -- other things were going on. What was
going on? I don’t know if you’ve ever heard of a group called the Hacha Viejas.
JJ:

Yes. In English, what --

DRR: The Hacha Viejas? Old Axes. They were involved in other things. Now some of
the Puerto Rican people are opening up stores, they’re opening up bars -- still
working in factories, but they’re opening up these businesses. I never
understood why. I figured they work hard for it, but later on I found out that it was
the numbers -- the lotería, numeros. [00:40:00] Numero lotería china they called
it.

16

�JJ:

Chinese?

DRR: Mm-hmm. It was just like today’s lotto, but only it was clandestine, it was
underground. You sold numbers, and people were making money from it. Also,
the marijuana business was growing. Besides the marijuana business growing, it
was the Vietnam war. The Vietnam war was creating a new kind of animal, one
that was always there but never seen as much, and that animal -- I call it animal,
but -- for lack of a word, but the heroin addict. I moved away from the Young
Lords [00:41:00] in about 1965, and got together with my cousin, Gilbert,
Santiago, and started a group called The Sons of the Devil motorcycle club. I
was with them when -JJ:

Where did you start them at? What streets?

DRR: At Saint Teresa’s Church, actually. (laughs) Actually, it was Saint Teresa’s
Church. They called themselves the (inaudible) at first, and then they became
The Sons of the Devil motorcycle club. There were only about four or five of us.
But later on, that’s when Cha-Cha got locked up around that time. He came out
with something new, and that was a red book by [00:42:00] Mao Zedong, Stalin,
Lenin. It was very confusing to me at first because communism -- I didn’t see it
as communism. I understood commune as people getting together. By now,
there’s a lot of communes going because a lot of hippies, and people living
together, and the free love thing came out, and everything. What Cha-Cha was
talking about now was liberation. He was talking about independence. He was
talking about self-determination. And I went back to work with the Young Lords -or to the Young Lords, and was being re-educated with these things, [00:43:00]

17

�reading these books and different type of mentality, different way of looking at
things. Me, I always saw it as my people needs help. This is my people, this is
what we’re gonna to fight for. And it became a fight. It became a war. Not like
the war that my parents were fighting. My parents were fighting a whole different
type of war.
JJ:

What were they fighting?

DRR: They were fighting the war of keeping their dignity.
JJ:

What do you mean?

DRR: Dignity as far as human beings. Not being mistreated or looked down at, less in
their jobs and jobs that turn good hard-working men to start thinking less of
themselves then to turn to alcohol, and wife-beating, [00:44:00] and child-beating
-- to be able to still feel like men. It was something that was epidemic.
Practically all the people were having problems.
JJ:

How were they doing that?

DRR: How were they doing the -JJ:

Your parents, how were they keeping dignity?

DRR: Oh, no. My father was one that fell into it. My father became a drinker, a drunk.
Every Friday night, yes, he brought home what he had to bring home, but he also
brought home my mother a war. My mother paid the consequences of all his
hardships and the things that he was going through as a man or as a person. It
happened to a lot of good men like that. Meantime, now, this is causing
problems between fathers and sons.

18

�JJ:

[00:45:00] So he was going through some things and it was impacting her? It
was affecting her?

DRR: Well, it was impacting her because she was the one that was getting beat up.
JJ:

Oh, so he was beating her up.

DRR: She was the one that had to go to work with a black eye, she was the one that
always had to put up with the fact that she was told that she was nothing but dirt.
Why? I really don’t know. But my mother was a warrior. She kept going.
JJ:

What did your mother do? How did she respond?

DRR: By this time, two of my brothers went into the military. One went into the Air
Force which was Nelson, Jose [00:46:00] went into the U.S. Army, 101st Airborne
Division. By this time, it was 1967-68. I came home, and I literally moved my
mother -- my father went to work, and I went and spoke with my brother, Selsa,
and we went to talk to Luis Rivera who owned the store over there on Willow and
Halsted, it was a Spanish store. He loaned us the pick-up truck, and we actually
found a small apartment on Larrabee Street, and moved my mother out before
my father came home from work. That’s how we pulled my mother out of that
mess, together with my grandparents. By this time, things were going on in the
neighborhood.
JJ:

So were other men doing the same thing?

DRR: [00:47:00] Oh, yeah. A lot of the men.
JJ:

Do you know of anybody else that was doing that?

DRR: I don’t want to mention names because -JJ:

Don’t mention names, but can you give me an idea of what it was like?

19

�DRR: Oh, yes. My cousins were going through the same thing. My friends were going
through the same thing with their parents.
JJ:

Why do you think men were going through that?

DRR: In Puerto Rico, they went and worked a hard day’s labor and maybe made a
dollar or two a day -- a couple of dollars a day, but they took pride in what they
did, and men were looked at because their word was their bond. He didn’t have
to have a dollar in his pocket, [00:48:00] if he had his word, he had everything.
Over here, their word meant something among themselves. Outside their
groups, their word was nothing. “I will pay you next week,” meant nothing. They
didn’t have the education to get a higher paying job. So over here, to be able to
survive, they had to take shit jobs which allowed the other people with better jobs
to look down upon them, so now they’re feeling lesser.
JJ:

So they’re being treated lesser, looked down on.

DRR: Lesser, and they went home and just took it out on their own. [00:49:00] It’s just
something that it was a great vicious circle.
JJ:

Were the women getting any help from anything?

DRR: Oh, no because if you remember, it wasn’t until the early, mid-’60s that -- you
didn’t see no Latino policeman. You didn’t see no Black policeman, you didn’t
see Latino firemen, you didn’t see no Black firemen. You didn’t see Latino or
Black proprietors until then. It was into the later ’60s that groups like the Young
Lords organization, and groups like [00:50:00] later on the Young Lords party,
groups like the Comancheros, and the Patriots was the white group, and the
Brown Berets, the Black Panther Party. -- it was when groups like this came out

20

�saying, “We have rights. We deserve to be able to this school to get the
education we need.”
JJ:

So that was the older women, right? Our mothers and fathers, that’s what you’re
saying. But what about the Young Lordettes? [00:51:00] How did that affect
them? (inaudible) Queens?

DRR: The Young Lordettes were women which actually were Young Lords, they
became the Young Lordettes. When the Young Lords became political, the
women became -JJ:

(inaudible).

DRR: Right, because they were women who were fighting for their rights as women.
JJ:

I mean before they became political.

DRR: Before they became political?
JJ:

Right.

DRR: Before they became political, they were just like any other women.
JJ:

Getting beat up, too?

DRR: Yeah. Just all the gang members pulling their girlfriend’s hair or slapping them.
JJ:

So the gang members were doing that to (inaudible)?

DRR: Definitely. That was their MO, you know?
JJ:

Okay, so now you’re saying that that [00:52:00] made some changes after the
Young Lords became more political? Is that what you’re saying?

DRR: Exactly. There was a big change.
JJ:

How did that happen?

DRR: The change was that the women were fighting for their rights, their rights to --

21

�JJ:

What women? I mean which woman was --

DRR: For example, Angie. I admire Angie. I love that woman. One of the strongest
women I ever met. She was one that fought for women’s rights, to be equals to
their men, not -JJ:

She was a Young Lord?

DRR: She was a Young Lordette, yes. If you want to call her a Young Lordette after
they became political. But she was married to Pancho Lind which was one of the
comrades who fell in this, [00:53:00] I would call it, war for civil rights. Her
husband was a fallen comrade just like Manuel Ramos, a fallen comrade -- Fred
Hamilton, Mark Clark.
JJ:

So what do you remember the women doing around that time with Angie? What
was she looking at (inaudible)?

DRR: They were educating the other women in the neighborhood.
JJ:

Educating, what do you mean?

DRR: Educating women in the neighborhood as far as their rights to stand up as
women, that they had rights, too, that they didn’t have to take abuse, that they
didn’t have to walk underneath or behind, that they were there to walk next to
their man. They had equal rights as anybody else and any man there. And
Angie [00:54:00] was one person who gave strength to a lot of these women.
God bless her.
JJ:

So how did the gangs take that?

DRR: Well, at first, the gangs didn’t think it was too good. Like, “What do you mean?
Go make me some coffee,” “Go make it yourself.” “What do you mean go make

22

�it myself?” A lot of things changed. It got to the point where, “Hey, can you
make me some coffee?” “Sure, honey, I’ll make you some coffee -- or, “You
serve it,” or something. But they went because they wanted to go, not because
they were told to go. You learned to treat (laughs) your woman as an equal, and
she was a comrade in arms.
JJ:

So in the Young Lords, they learned to do that?

DRR: Oh, the Young Lords did that.
JJ:

So these are the same Young Lordettes, but now there’s some change -- what
kind of changes [00:55:00] did you see?

DRR: Oh, I saw a lot of changes. Their attitudes, sure.
JJ:

I mean you were there with the Young Lordettes when you were a Young Lord.

DRR: I saw changes as far as -- and you know what’s funny? Is that a lot of them
changed, but there were a few that did not. There were a few that were still
accepted being told -- or being submissive to their man. Others were submissive
to their man because that’s what they wanted to be not because they had to be,
but they also stood for their rights. You know what? The relationships even got
stronger because the women actually respected their -- they listened to their man
because they respected that man as a comrade, and as an equal, and not as a
master. [00:56:00] And those are the things that changed. They weren’t being
seen like that anymore. They were women, they were taught to stand up if they
were abused or beaten which is what actually really started the big push on
battered women.

23

�DRR: But I mean within the Young Lords. What did you see the -- difference? Did you
see any difference or there wasn’t any difference?
JJ:

I saw a lot of difference. The difference was at first, the guys used to hang out
on the corner. The girls were there if their boyfriend was there. If their boyfriend
wasn’t there, she ain’t gonna hang out because it was disrespectful. How they
talked to each other, how they talked to the comrades, or to their friends.
[00:57:00] After this, it didn’t matter. The guys were hanging out, the girls wanted
to hang out, they came out to hang out. It was okay now. It wasn’t, “You don’t
do that to your man,” type of thing. Changes to the point of -- what can I tell you?
I can’t really explain it, all I can tell you is that the difference was they were no
longer underlings, they were equals in every sense of the word, and you learned
to respect them as women and as a comrade. And they were there to help you
and fight with you side by side for everything that we were fighting for because
while we were doing this, we were fighting. [00:58:00] It was a war. It was a war
for our rights. It was a war to be able to say, “This is ours.” We have the right to
education, we have the right to choose the school we want to go to. We have the
right to be able to become who we want to become. It’s a right that we didn’t
have, and it was that group of kids, that half of them didn’t even understand what
the hell was going on, all they knew was that they had rights and that’s what they
were fighting for. And the Young Lords organization was one that took it there
and above and beyond to the recognition of not only in one little spot in Chicago
called the Lincoln Park area, but it spread out to New York, Pennsylvania,

24

�California, and it got to be known [00:59:00] around the world as a movement for
the rights of the human being.
JJ:

And so your parents came in the ’50s, and they settled around, you said,
Clybourn and North Avenue?

DRR: Yes, North Avenue.
JJ:

Dayton Street, right around there. That little area, how did that build up? So that
means that there was a few Puerto Ricans moving into that area.

DRR: Yeah, the Puerto Ricans started moving in -JJ:

How did Lincoln Park look?

DRR: -- the mid-’50s.
JJ:

Yeah, how did Lincoln Park look?

DRR: They started moving in from like 63rd and Halsted down to around Clark and
Division, and they kept moving further north, and they came around the western
part of the Lincoln Park area west of Halsted. [01:00:00] And then after the mid’60s, they started moving towards east of Halsted, and started actually -- Halsted
and Armitage, all those big tenement buildings, Sheffield and Armitage, Racine
and Armitage, that area. The high school became more Latino-populated with
kids.
JJ:

Waller High School?

DRR: Waller High School, mostly. Lakeview High School. The Lincoln Park area is
what you would call a few years ago the Humboldt Park area. That’s where the
majority of the Puerto Ricans lived until the late ’60s [01:01:00] the Young Lords
were fighting against urban renewal.

25

�JJ:

So the neighborhood grew into Puerto Ricans, it became (inaudible) all over the
place.

DRR: Mostly Puerto Ricans, exactly.
JJ:

When did you start noticing the change, and then what was taking place with
other families there? When did you start noticing? We’re going the opposite
way. (laughs)

DRR: 1962, 1963 -- ’61-’62, that’s when the Lincoln Park area started to flourish. When
Arnold Upper Grade Center opened up again in the school year of ’62 and ’63, by
this time more Puerto Ricans had moved in, more families had moved in. By this
time, you already had [01:02:00] like restaurants, small restaurants, Hispanic
restaurants and grocery stores like Luis Rivera’s store over on Willow and
Halsted. You had the stores over on Armitage and Halsted. So it was growing to
the point where it was home. Actually, it was our neighborhood. It was the
Puerto Rican neighborhood, really. A lot of other stores moved out. [01:03:00]
But with it, came the resistance because now there was not only the white gangs
to deal with, now it was politics. You’re talkin’ about McCutcheon, for example.
JJ:

McCutcheon, who is he?

DRR: The alderman. What was his name? Big Jim or -- I forgot their names. They
were more like mafias types that had to do with the government.
JJ:

McCutcheon, alderman?

DRR: Well, McCutcheon was the one whose office was blown up over there on -JJ:

You mean other organizations?

DRR: Yeah, other organizations. I can’t really --

26

�JJ:

The Lincoln Park neighborhood association. People like that?

DRR: People like that, yeah. It had to do more with gangster type [01:04:00]
organizations.
JJ:

But they weren’t gangsters, they were --

DRR: Business people.
JJ:

They were business people.

DRR: Yeah. No gangsters, (laughs) (inaudible) people.
JJ:

(inaudible) gangsters. I know that there were some little gangsters at Bissell
Realty and the real estate company.

DRR: Exactly.
JJ:

They were like gangsters. The real estate companies were gangsters.

DRR: That’s what I always believed.
JJ:

How would you believe that?

DRR: I always believed that because it was just the way they carried out their business,
the way they -JJ:

Real estate people look like gangsters to you?

DRR: Mm-hmm.
JJ:

They’re supposed to be business, but you thought they looked like gangsters.

DRR: They looked like gangsters to me. They looked like gangsters to me, unless I
was stereotyping ’em. I’m not sure, I might have been. But to me, they were all
in the same club. [01:05:00] And I’m talking about the real estate people, the
aldermen, and everybody else in that.
JJ:

They looked like gangsters to you?

27

�DRR: Yeah.
JJ:

They didn’t look like legitimate business people?

DRR: Well, they might have been legitimate because they had the paperwork. I don’t
know. To me, it was all a front.
JJ:

Are you just saying that because you became political? Or are you just saying
that because you felt it?

DRR: No. I looked at them, and it was like if I was sittin’ on this side on the street
looking at our group, only they were a lot better organized, that’s why.
JJ:

So it was like another gang -- gangsters.

DRR: [01:06:00] Yeah, but better.
JJ:

Okay, so it wasn’t business people like you go to Walmart or --

DRR: No, definitely not.
JJ:

It was not like that. Okay, so we’re dealing at Lincoln Park -- we’re dealing with
gangsters.

DRR: Exactly. We were dealing with [other things?].
JJ:

And Fat Larry (inaudible).

DRR: Fat Larry, yeah.
JJ:

He was clearly a gangster (inaudible). So you’re saying the rest of the real
estate people --

DRR: I believed they were all tied up in all of that because I’ll tell you, you think, for
example, anybody that ever came to help us, let’s say -- and I’m talking about, for
example, [01:07:00] when we took over People’s Church. Everybody expected

28

�Reverend Johnson to kick us out and turn against us, but instead he decided to
be with us and help us. Weeks later, he was stabbed to death with his wife.
JJ:

Who do you think did that?

DRR: Who do I think, personally?
JJ:

Yeah, personally.

DRR: Personally think that? I think they were the ones that did it. Those gangster
types because they figured they get rid of him, they get rid of us because us
being there was causing them a whole lot of trouble. Their businesses, they
couldn’t run ’em as they’re supposed to. People didn’t want to buy houses there.
[01:08:00] We became like bad news. And, remember, what they wanted was
rich people or people with money to buy those properties because that’s why
they wanted us out of there. But we were resistant. And definitely they couldn’t
go out and kill half of us which they did because they did kill a few of us. No
matter who pulled the trigger, there’s quite a few of us that died in those battles.
And I named some names before. Manuel, Pancho, Mark, Fred -- you keep on
naming ’em -- Martin Luther King, Malcom X, all these were killed in this war,
[01:09:00] and a lot of times others were tried. For me, how did they tear us
apart? The biggest weapon they ever used was drugs. And those drugs were
not introduced by our own people. In the immediate sight, yes; behind the
scenes, no. They couldn’t beat us with guns, they couldn’t beat us with force
because we fought back, the same way we fought back the day of the fiesta at
the church.
JJ:

Tell me about that fiesta. What was that all about?

29

�DRR: We were celebrating People’s Church, and we were having a big fiesta right
outside the church, and we had asked permission to [01:10:00] McCutcheon, as
a matter of fact, to give us permission to block Dayton Street on Armitage and
Dayton Street at the alley. That way everybody that lives on that side of the
church could come down Dayton and pull out on the alleys and go up to the other
streets. After they said yes, they said no. After they gave us the permission,
they said no, and they send out the storm troopers. The storm troopers came,
they arrested four or five of our guys that went out to get some gasoline for the
generators, and you -- they were looking for you, so you had to go into the
church, and everything going was crazy. But there must have been 200-300
policeman out there in riot gear, [01:11:00] plus the ones parked at the high
school waiting, hundreds more.
JJ:

Oh, so they had some at the high school.

DRR: Yeah, they had a lot of them. So that’s when you told me to go out there and
speak because the captain wanted to -- or the commander wanted to tell us to
break it up. And I did. And after him and I spoke, he ended up -- it was better to
close the street, give us our wish, let us have our party, leave a few of his
policeman there, if we promised to clean up and throw all the garbage away
afterwards. And I gave him my word that we would, he blocked off the streets,
[01:12:00] he blocked it off at the alley and on Armitage, and we had a wonderful
party.
JJ:

And a victory for the community.

DRR: Yeah, a big party for the community, yeah. And I got to hand it --

30

�JJ:

That’s the one that’s on the website of Grand Valley State University, that block
party, that’s on there.

DRR: That block party?
JJ:

That’s (inaudible).

DRR: Oh, that’s (inaudible).
JJ:

So what other things were you involved in with the Young Lords once they
became political?

DRR: My job?
JJ:

Once they became political, what other events do you remember?

DRR: Well, I went to speak at a few universities and picked up donations. I was
involved in the People’s Park.
JJ:

What was that? What was that about?

DDR: The People’s Park [01:13:00] was when they came down to tear up the -- they
tore down the tenement buildings, and then they decided they were gonna start
doing the groundwork, and we got hundreds of people to come that one night
and we formed a human chain right in front of Halsted and Armitage and blocked
the bulldozers from getting on the land. And then the next day, all through that
night, we worked moving rocks and things and cleaning up the lot. And the next
day, somebody donated a jungle gym and some swings and we made it into
People’s Park, a playground. And so that was a stand because we stood out all
night. [01:14:00] I remember doing camp fires out there with the people. I was
also involved with the Venceremos Brigade.
JJ:

Yeah, talk about that. What was that about?

31

�DRR: I was put in charge of looking for volunteers to go cut sugar cane in Cuba.
JJ:

Why were you doing that?

DRR: Because Castro was calling it the harvest of the ten million (inaudible), [la zafra
de los diez millones?]. They were trying to get at least ten million (inaudible)
sugar. Not only with their own macheteros, they were using macheteros from
here, volunteers. And 1970 was the first group, 1971 -- [01:15:00] I believe it
was ’70 I went to Cuba. We went down there with about 400 strong to cut sugar
cane from daylight to sundown to help them with their harvest. Also, my activities
with the Young Lords, my activities with the other countries also got me into a
committee called (inaudible) that took me to -- got myself invited to China, and I
went to Mainland China as a guest of the Chinese government.
JJ:

How long were you there?

DRR: I was there for about three weeks. That was in 1971. As a matter of fact, while I
was there, [01:16:00] that’s when Hoover died. J. Edgar Hoover died while we
were sittin’ in China because China was celebrating. They actually celebrated.
(laughs) I became very political and got to be well-known. And the things that I
did do, like speak at the universities, what happened at the church -JJ:

And your title in the Young Lords, what was it?

DRR: What?
JJ:

What was your title?

DRR: My title with the Young Lords? National field marshal. And you gave me that title
from the beginning, and to this day I wear it. I’ve been national field marshal for
now what? Fifty years? (laughter)

32

�JJ:

So your family, what happened after Lincoln Park?

DRR: [01:17:00] After Lincoln Park, well, my mother and father got divorced. My
mother bought a house in Lincoln Park. It was funny because we bought that
house for $24,500.
JJ:

Where was it at?

DRR: On Howe Street. Yep, $24,500. And when she passed away, they sold that
house for $110,000. That house a couple of years ago when we went down
there just on a memory lane trip, I think it was going for about a million and a
quarter. Same house.
JJ:

So the property went up through the years.

DRR: (laughs) It really went up.
JJ:

Are there any Puerto Ricans --

DRR: Very, very, very few.
JJ:

today at Lincoln Park?

DRR: Very few.
JJ:

[01:18:00] After the years went by, what do you think that they were trying to do
in Lincoln Park? Why did they want to kick out the Puerto Ricans?

DRR: Well, they wanted an area that was close to the lake, close to downtown. It had
two diagonal streets which was Lincoln and Clark, easy exit to the Gold Coast, a
short drive. They actually wanted a suburb, an inner-city suburb, you can call it.
And from there, they kicked us out to -- and pushed us out towards Humboldt
Park. And today, they’re kicking us out of Humboldt Park.
JJ:

How come the Puerto Ricans didn’t rebel? Why didn’t they [01:19:00] fight back?

33

�DRR: You know what I think it was? I believe that our parents came and they took
what they had to take because they didn’t know how to fight back or they feared
to fight back. It took us to fight what we really wanted for. And it took us
because, believe it or not, it damaged us in a lot of ways. And soldiers of
freedom fighters that we were. We took the beating in order for our children
today and our grandchildren [01:20:00] today to be able to go to school the way
they’re doing. We have children and grandchildren who are cops, lawyers, I got
one that’s a doctor because they were able to go to these schools that they
needed to.
JJ:

How many grandchildren do you have?

DRR: I got 36 grandkids.
JJ:

Any great-grandkids?

DRR: Yeah, about 16 of them. But today, I talk with them -JJ:

And they still call you a gang member?

DRR: (laughs) Well, one of them called me a sit under the tree, old type of grandpa.
But what I’m saying is that we took it so that our children can enjoy what they’re
doing. I speak with my grandchildren today, and I told them, “Did you know that
at one time you couldn’t go to the same restaurant and buy a hamburger where
this guy went?” [01:21:00] “Oh, come on, Grandpa.” “Did you know that
sometimes you couldn’t go to this school just because you wanted to?” They
didn’t know that. Thank goodness that somebody -JJ:

Why are you telling them that?

34

�DRR: It’s like you say, why did they stop fighting? Because they believe now that they
still have everything. And I hate to say it, but this guy, Trump, best thing he ever
did was run for president because he sure woke up a lot of people to reality and
what’s really going on. He woke them up with a slap in the face.
JJ:

On that note, I mean he woke them up. So the Young Lords [01:22:00] fought
back in Lincoln Park, but they kicked all the Puerto Ricans out of there. So did
the Young Lords win or did they lose?

DRR: You know, that’s a good question. I like to feel like I won.
JJ:

What do you mean? Why do you say that?

DRR: I won that battle, we won that battle.
JJ:

Why? What makes you say that?

DRR: Because if you look at today’s people’s lifestyles, our people’s lifestyles, they’re
100 percent better than what they were for us, and that’s because our children
and our grandchildren were able to benefit from what we fought for. [01:23:00]
We moved out, but we didn’t leave everything, we took a lot with us. And our
kids today are what they are today and it’s because of people like the Young
Lords. And half of us really didn’t know -- we knew where we wanted to go and
what we wanted, but we didn’t understand the impact of it all. How many Latino
policemen do we have today? Lawyers? Firemen? How many Latino judges do
we have? How many [01:24:00] Latino channels do we have? How many Latino
stores? Today even Winn-Dixie has Latino stores. And it all came back from the
Latino people, the Puerto Rican people -- let’s say Latino people -- because it
wasn’t just Puerto Ricans, it was every single Latino nation out there that fought.

35

�If we have all this today, our kids, our grandkids, that was because of people like
the Young Lords.
JJ:

Any final thoughts?

DRR: Don’t give up. Don’t give up, keep fighting, there’s always something to fight for.
There’s always something [01:25:00] that belongs to you, and you have the right
to have it.
JJ:

What’s the most important thing that you feel that the Young Lords contributed to
Puerto Rican and other people -- other oppressed people? Or just other people
in general.

DRR: What the Young Lords contributed?
JJ:

That people should know about.

DRR: That a group no matter how meaningless it may seem, how meaningful and
powerful it can be [01:26:00] if you’re fighting for what you believe in.
JJ:

Any more final thoughts?

DRR: I was going to say you can tell stories, we’d be here forever.
JJ:

I got one. How many grandkids did you say you have?

DRR: Thirty-six.
JJ:

And how many grandkids?

DRR: Great-grandkids?
JJ:

Well, yeah, great-grandkids.

DRR: Great-grandkids, about 16.
JJ:

So 16 and 36. So how many kids do you have? And we didn’t say their names,
what are their names?

36

�DRR: Oh, my children, I have -- there’s David, Jr. David II; there’s Latisha, there’s
Le’Von, biological. [01:27:00] My other children are Laura, Marianna, Diana -she’s with God -- and Chrissie, and Charlene. Those are my heart-so-logical
children.
JJ:

What do you want them to know about David Rivera Reyes?

DRR: Not too much, I hope. (laughter)
JJ:

What do you want them to know?

DRR: I just want them to know that whatever might have seemed crazy, if they see this
video, that they find out and keep it in mind that everything they have and the
power that they have today was because of people like their dad [01:28:00] who
were willing to sacrifice what they needed to sacrifice for them to have what they
have today, and the rights that they have today. And they have other rights
which they should continue to fight for.
JJ:

Okay, thank you.

END OF VIDEO FILE

37

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&#13;
The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: David Rodriguez
Interviewer: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 5/15/2012
Runtime: 01:19:32

Biography and Description
Oral history of David Rodriguez, interviewed by “Cha-Cha” Jimenez on May 15, 2012 about the Young
Lords in Lincoln Park.
"The Young Lords in Lincoln Park" collection grows out of decades of work to more fully document the
history of Chicago's Puerto Rican community which gave birth to the Young Lords Organization and later,
the Young Lords Party. Founded by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, the Young Lords became one of the
premier struggles for international human rights. Where thriving church congregations, social and

�political clubs, restaurants, groceries, and family residences once flourished, successive waves of urban
renewal and gentrification forcibly displaced most of those Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos,
working-class and impoverished families, and their children in the 1950s and 1960s. Today these same
families and activists also risk losing their history.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ: Okay, if you can start with your name, where you were born, and what
year -- you know, what’s the -DAVID RODRIGUEZ: Okay, my name’s David Rodriguez. I was born in Chicago,
Illinois, in 1956 on Chicago Avenue in Henrotin Hospital, okay?
JJ:

Henrotin Hospital?

DR:

Henrotin Hospital, I remember. Can’t get too much more Chicago-er than that.

JJ:

Oh, yeah, that’s Henrotin Hospital by LaSalle.

DR:

That’s right, LaSalle, on LaSalle.

JJ:

I thought it was on Oak Street.

DR:

Well, now it is.

JJ:

Yeah, it’s on Oak Street.

DR:

Yeah, so that’s where I --

JJ:

It’s right between Chicago, Illinois.

DR:

Exactly. And after that, I don’t remember too much until I get older, okay?
(laughs)

JJ:

Okay. No, that’s fine.

DR:

So --

JJ:

Who’s your mother and father?

DR:

My mom and dad are Roman Rodriguez and Clotidle Rodriguez Flores, and if I’m
not wrong, it was 1953 [00:01:00] when they got to Chicago. And they went
there like all the other families that were going at that time from Puerto Rico.

1

�They went there looking for work, okay? I have other aunts. Their mom was part
of the (Spanish) [00:01:16]. They went to different parts of the States too, Atlanta
and parts like that, looking for work. They worked in the fields picking tomatoes JJ:

Picking tomatoes?

DR:

-- okay? And actually, my dad got involved with the community through the
churches, and my mom and dad worked with the churches in the communities.
They worked with the priests, and they started creating new organizations and
groups in the church. And they would have their own parties and stuff like that,
and that was basically it. In those days, there were not that many Puerto Ricans
in Chicago, okay? We were, I think, one of the first 40 or 50 families that were
there, [00:02:00] and you were there. And you should know that too because
you were part of the family, you know? And basically, we all went to school in
the same area. We grew up together. Our family was really tight. We were
always at parties together; you know, family reunions and things like that every
year. I mean, basically, we saw each other all the time, okay? It was not a once
a year thing, so we knew each other well, okay? It was more like one big family
with sisters and cousins and brothers and stuff like that, you know? We watched
out for each other, you know.

JJ:

So what do you mean? How did we see each other often in --

DR:

Oh, we went all the time to the family parties, to the family reunions, to the
church parties that were going on, the organizations they had going on. I would
go all the time over where you were hanging out with the Young Lords, and I

2

�remember you used to get on the mic -- “That’s my little cousin going by me,” at
the church on Dayton. I remember all of that stuff -JJ:

Yeah, that [was fun?].

DR:

-- and [00:03:00] then I remember there was a problem, okay? I was still kinda
young. I remember one of the Ramos boys was shot or something like that.

JJ:

Manuel Ramos.

DR:

Manuel Ramos.

JJ:

Did you know the whole family, or...?

DR:

Well, Billy Ramos was one of the first musicians I worked with.

JJ:

Who?

DR:

Billy Ramos, William, his --

JJ:

Oh, you did?

DR:

-- younger brother, and we went to school at the same school.

JJ:

I didn’t know that. So William Ramos was Manuel Ramos and Tyron Ramos’
brother?

DR:

Right.

JJ:

And what did he play?

DR:

He played timbales.

JJ:

He plays timables?

DR:

He’s a timbalero, yeah.

JJ:

Okay, so he was the little one.

DR:

He was the youngest that I remember.

JJ:

William Ramos?

3

�DR:

Yeah, Willy Ramos.

JJ:

And then he played timbales for what band?

DR:

It was with --

JJ:

I’m sorry. I have to --

(break in audio)
DR:

Yeah, Willy ran with --

JJ:

Willy Ramos.

DR:

-- [Defunto’s?] brother, right. And basically, Billy was a timbalero, [00:04:00]
went to school with us at --

JJ:

What school?

DR:

Wasn’t that called -- what was that school? I can’t --

JJ:

Franklin. You remember Franklin?

DR:

No, it was the Catholic school.

JJ:

Immaculate Conception?

DR:

No, it was by Sheffield and Armitage, the one over there.

JJ:

St. Teresa’s?

DR:

St. Teresa’s, okay.

JJ:

So he was going to St. Teresa’s with you?

DR:

Yeah, we went to St. Teresa’s.

JJ:

You went to St. Teresa’s?

DR:

Yeah, I went to St. Teresa’s. I went to also Immaculate Conception. He was
also there with us too --

JJ:

I remember that.

4

�DR:

-- okay? And the first band he played with was a band that we called Latin
Explosion. That was the first band that we played together in, but as far as
bands go, that was not the first orchestra I heard. Oh, yeah, he also played in
the very first kids band we ever had, which was in Immaculate Conception.

JJ:

You might have to repeat it for me. So this was Manuel Ramos from the Young
Lords?

DR:

[00:05:00] Manuel Ramos from the Young Lords’ little brother, Billy Ramos.

JJ:

The one that got killed by the police?

DR:

Exactly. I remember it like today, the march and everything down there.

JJ:

What do you remember of the march?

DR:

What do I remember from the march?

JJ:

I mean, how did it --

DR:

I remember it --

JJ:

-- occur to you?

DR:

-- looked like an army coming down the street. I mean, I was a kid, you know.
This is what we saw as kids. We saw this huge army coming in full gear, you
know, coming down the streets, and we were like, “Wow, what’s going on here?”
Carrying a coffin with the flag and all this stuff -- and I remember people
screaming and crying. Really a shame, you know? Those were rough days.

JJ:

There were a lot of people?

DR:

There was thousands and thousands and thousands of people. I mean, it was --

JJ:

Yeah, it was a lot.

5

�DR:

-- thousands of people, yeah. There was definitely a lot of people. It looked like,
I said, a sea of people. It looked like an army was marching through the city, you
know what I mean? And those are the fresh memories that I have.

JJ:

Now, how did you feel? Because most of these were Puerto Ricans.

DR:

Well, you got to remember I was [00:06:00] young. I can tell you we took it like,
“Okay, wow, that’s our community,” and we were proud, you know. But I didn’t
realize exactly what was going on, you know? We looked at it more like, “Wow,
Puerto Rican power! That’s [amazing?],” you know. But we weren’t really into
the movement or anything, or looking into what was happening or anything. We
just were riding with the crowd. The people that were feeling it, though -- later as
I grew up, I thought about those things, and I remembered what I saw. And then
I said, “Wow, that was really a sad situation,” you know? Those were turbulent
times, you know, in Chicago.

JJ:

Turbulent times at that time?

DR:

That’s what it was, turbulent times.

JJ:

But how did the parents feel about it?

DR:

The parents? Well, you know the community in Chicago. Some of the family
members were fine with it. Some weren’t. You know, some looked at it like, “If
you are talking bad about the government and the United States, oh, they’re
going to blacklist the whole family. Everybody’s in trouble,” this and that.
[00:07:00] And they didn’t realize that there was just a movement going on, not
only with the Puerto Rican community. It was going on in the Black community
and even in the white community. It was going on in all the communities at that

6

�time. In the ’60s, there were just movements because people were fed up with
politics as usual, and they just wanted to change things. Thus, Obama, (laughter)
okay?
JJ:

Yeah. What was St. Teresa’s like? What type of population was there?

DR:

St. Teresa’s? Remember, it’s a Catholic school. Now, in the Puerto Rican
community, their religion is real important. In those days, you couldn’t get smart
with a nun. You couldn’t get smart with a priest. You wouldn’t think about saying
anything wrong to any one of them. Okay, an example: if you were in a Catholic
school like I was, in those days, the teachers had the right to spank you. They
didn’t beat you up or anything, but they would take a ruler [00:08:00] and give
you a quick thwack. And if you said something to one of these teachers, or if you
went back to your parents and said, “The nun hit me --” “Oh, the nun hit you?”
Bam, you get hit again because --

JJ:

You get hit again.

DR:

-- yeah, you did something in front of them. If a nun hit you when you did
something, you’re a bad boy, (laughs) you know? So that’s the way it was. So
actually, I --

JJ:

So what grades did you go?

DR:

All the way to eighth grade.

JJ:

So first to eighth grade?

DR:

From first to eighth grade.

JJ:

I was going to say I only went sixth, seventh, and eighth.

7

�DR:

Oh, yeah, you’re lucky you went through those grades. No, I went from first to
eighth, and after that, then I was thrown to the dogs at Tuley High School the first
time I was ever in a public school. Shock treatment. It’s like, you know --

JJ:

So where were you living at when you went to St. Teresa’s?

DR:

We were living on Armitage and Sheffield right in the heart of --

JJ:

Right by Lincoln Park?

DR:

-- Lincoln Park.

JJ:

Armitage and Sheffield?

DR:

Armitage and Sheffield.

JJ:

And do you remember the address?

DR:

Nineteen Twenty, something [00:09:00] like that, Sheffield.

JJ:

Sheffield?

DR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay. And so what years are we talking about?

DR:

We’re talking about there 1968, ’69.

JJ:

Okay, that’s when the Young Lords were there.

DR:

Right, when the Young Lords were there. You guys were all over Dayton and --

JJ:

We were all over Dayton? And what --

DR:

The People’s Park had just been finished.

JJ:

So people knew about the People’s Park?

DR:

Yeah, everybody knew about the People’s Park. It was --

JJ:

The whole community?

8

�DR:

The whole community. I mean, all the kids after it was built -- that’s where they
went, and everybody knew about the Young Lords. We also knew that the
Young Lords were the only group that was really helping the community in those
days. They started the lunch program for the kids. A lot of kids would go to
school hungry in those days until that -- I remember the first day it started at our
school, even. We were like, “Wow, free lunch today,” (laughs) and it was pretty
good.

JJ:

(inaudible)

DR:

Exactly, you know, so they started that. And I remember they would come, and
they would give shots to the kids at the church and [00:10:00] stuff like that. And
they’d distribute out food to the -- I remember they worked with a lot of the poor
women and the women that had children that didn’t have fathers.

JJ:

The daycare center.

DR:

The daycare center, exactly, and I remember all of that stuff.

JJ:

So the whole community was kind of involved in that whole thing?

DR:

The whole community was involved with it; basically the whole community.

JJ:

You’re talking about a big area?

DR:

No, we’re talking about a huge area. We’re talking about where all of the major
population of the Puerto Ricans was in Chicago at that time.

JJ:

It was at --

DR:

This was at Lincoln Park.

JJ:

-- Lincoln Park.

9

�DR:

And the Division in Armitage of what they call the barrio now existed, but it was
nothing like Lincoln Park. Lincoln Park was the area. That’s where the Young
Lords were. That’s where the music was. That’s where the community leaders
were. That’s where the organizations were. Everything was coming out of there.

JJ:

Out of Lincoln Park?

DR:

Out of the Lincoln Park area.

JJ:

And you mentioned the music. What kind of music were you hearing?

DR:

Well, okay, now the music is what I am. I’m a musician.

JJ:

You’re a musician.

DR:

[00:11:00] I’m a musician. I’ve been a musician all my life. You should know
that. Basically, in those days or a little bit before that, the Puerto Ricans -- when
they first got here, there was no salsa bands or no big, Latin jazz bands or any
other kind of bands like that in Chicago. There was little combitos, and you
know, whatever came from the island.

JJ:

You mean combos?

DR:

Little combos, you know, and trios and things like that, stuff that came from the
island. A few guys got together here and there, and they made a little group or a
little trio, or a little group --

JJ:

Who were some of the trios that you remember?

DR:

Calpio y su Trio.

JJ:

Which one?

DR:

Calpio.

JJ:

Calpio?

10

�DR:

[Luis Catala?], okay, and then the combitos were [Heberto?] y su Combo,
[Carlito?] y Su Combo, Felipe y Su Combo, Vitin Santiago. Tony Quintana y Su
Quinteto. You know, those were the little things, and that --

JJ:

And these were in Chicago?

DR:

These were in Chicago, but they weren’t popular. [00:12:00] You know, that’s
what they had, and so --

JJ:

Because I remember Tony Quintana.

DR:

Well, Tony Quintana also had-- what do you call that? -- sold airline tickets in
agencies. And plus, he had the TV show --

JJ:

That’s right. That’s what I remember.

DR:

-- so that’s where he used to sell all his tickets. (laughs) Great guy, Tony; I love
him. But anyway, so those guys were basically -- that’s what that was. They
weren’t the best at what they did, but that’s what we had. And so whenever there
was a party, that’s what came on. And people were happy to see it because they
didn’t have anything else. All the sudden, the kids that were being born, me, us
in general, and all the kids that were young at that time, didn’t get into Latin
music immediately. We started playing rock and roll, and blues and soul music,
and rhythm and blues, Santana music, and stuff like that. And they were all over
us. “No, you guys can’t do that! No, [00:13:00] we need Latin bands!” I
remember it at home constantly. “What are you doing? You’re playing this stuff.
No, don’t you play any Jíbaro music?” “No, Pop, that’s for Jíbaros, you know.”
We thought that was a saying that was like a hick, Jíbaro from the mountains,
and we didn’t realize that we were laughing at our own culture. We were young.

11

�We weren’t born in Puerto Rico. We were born in Chicago and raised in
Chicago. We had a conflict going on at home. We were being taught the Puerto
Rican culture. And we would get on the streets, and then we were being taught
the American culture. So it’s like, we had to mix ’em both together.
JJ:

I mean, what were some of the differences?

DR:

Some of the differences? The language, mainly. You would go out on the street
all day. You’d be at school in English. Everything with your friends was in
English. And now all the sudden, you came home, and you had to talk Spanish, I
mean, because your parents didn’t talk English. They had just gotten here,
gotten off the boat, you know what I’m saying? And they were still learning the
language. A few broken words -- they knew [00:14:00] enough to get along on
their jobs.

JJ:

What about their style versus what you were seeing at school, even the way they
dressed and everything like that? I mean, what --

DR:

Oh, yeah, that was different.

JJ:

Were you ever embarrassed?

DR:

We were greasers. (laughs)

JJ:

You were greasers?

DR:

We had greased back hair and everything.

JJ:

And dirty hair and everything like that.

DR:

Yeah, I mean, they dressed --

JJ:

And it was really curly.

DR:

You know, exactly.

12

�JJ:

Dry, curly hair.

DR:

Dry, curly hair.

JJ:

(inaudible)

DR:

Exactly, and we were greasers, man. You know, our mothers would come and
iron our hair. (laughter) Remember that?

JJ:

I remember that, yeah.

DR:

And that was unbelievable, you know? “What are you doing to my hair? I have
good hair,” you know?

JJ:

And that’s where your bad hair comes from.

DR:

Yeah, [it was like?], “Jesus.” That’s where it came from. That’s why they did
that. Everybody was mixed like that, but that’s basically what it was like.

JJ:

And were you ever at all embarrassed of their style?

DR:

No, I can’t say I was ever -- actually, I was always [00:15:00] proud of my
parents, and I was kinda proud of my whole family. I was proud of you. Many,
many times, I would throw your name out. “Oh, my cousin’s Cha-Cha Jiménez.”
(laughter) I was a young kid. You were Cha-Cha, you know, so many times, I put
you out there. I put you on the line, man. And my parents both worked with the
community and the churches and stuff, so I was really proud of them too.

JJ:

So they were working with the community?

DR:

Yeah. Actually, that’s what made me --

JJ:

So what was your father’s involvement?

DR:

My father was involved with the Caballeros de San Juan, with the (Spanish)
[00:15:32] with the Hermanos de la Familia de Dios. You know, they’d do

13

�dances for the community, and they hired bands from out of town. And they
would come in, and they would play, I mean, big dances. One time, they brought
Tito Rodríguez, and that was huge for the Puerto Rican community. And El Gran
Combo, another time, they brung. The first time Gran Combo came, the
Caballeros de San Juan brung him.
JJ:

Oh, the Caballeros de San Juan brung him at that time?

DR:

Now, [00:16:00] in those days, there was one Latin band. (laughs)

JJ:

One Latin band?

DR:

One salsa band, I’m going to say, not Latin.

JJ:

In Chicago?

DR:

One salsa band, and the salsa movement was starting up in the ’60s too. And all
the sudden, that band started up, which was La Conquistadora --

JJ:

La Conquistadora.

DR:

-- which was (Spanish) [00:16:18] our family members too.

JJ:

They were part of it?

DR:

Yeah, they were our family members.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:16:24]?

DR:

Jesus Rodriguez.

JJ:

And Jesus Rodriguez was also from the Caballeros de San Juan?

DR:

Exactly, our cousins.

JJ:

So they were...?

DR:

They had a band called La Conquistadora, and --

JJ:

That was the only band?

14

�DR:

That was the only band, and they would play all the dances for the Caballeros de
San Juan, unless they were bringing somebody else from out of town. That’s
what actually got me started into salsa music because I went to one of the
rehearsals, and I saw them rehearsing. And I said, “Geez, these are my cousins.
This is something I never heard before.” I was playing rock and roll, and Ricky
was playing rock and roll. [00:17:00] He had a band too.

JJ:

Ricky, our cousin?

DR:

Ricky, our other cousin. He had a band of his own, and they were all playing
rock and roll, and Beatles stuff and stuff like this. And all the sudden, I heard our
other cousins that came from the island were playing this. And then I said, “Wait,
what’s this?”

JJ:

And so --

DR

As far as I was concerned, Latin music was cuatros, you know, jibaro music, trio
music, and bolero music, you know what I mean?

JJ:

But you played the bass.

DR:

Right, so as far as I’m concerned, that’s basically what I thought Puerto Ricans
had until I was awakened. And I said, “Wait a minute, these people have big
bands. I want to know a little bit more about my culture.” And then so actually,
that was part of our family (inaudible) too because --

JJ:

So here, we had a family in Puerto Rico that’s playing one type of music, and a
family in Chicago playing it differently?

DR:

Completely.

JJ:

Completely different?

15

�DR:

Completely different.

JJ:

But then --

DR:

And then when they came to Chicago --

JJ:

So when this was awakened in your eyes, it was like you had to learn both
cultures?

DR:

I had to learn both, [00:18:00] exactly. That’s why --

JJ:

Because that was really Puerto Rican. They were both Puerto Rican.

DR:

Exactly, that’s the way it was. Both cultures needed to be learned.

JJ:

And so which --

DR:

And not only that because don’t forget that by that time, we were getting older.
Our parents were starting to take us out to the parties. You know, we were 12,
13 years old by then, 14, and so they wanted music for the kids too, for the
teenagers. So they would hire a band that could play Latin music and American
music. Thus, Ricky makes a little bust in La Conquistadora. Then finally, in
about 1968, ’69, completely everything changes. I heard some stuff from a guy
out of New York called Willie Colón, and it was being played in all the bars. And
Willie Colón and Héctor Lavoe got really big in Chicago, and they were the ones
that you could say [00:19:00] basically got all the bands to switch over from rock
and blues and jazz to start playing salsa, okay? When Willie Colón hit the scene,
all the bands in Chicago wanted to play that stuff. Back then, they weren’t --

JJ:

So what are some of the bands at this time that you can --

DR:

There was a band called the Soul Medallions. I don’t know if you remember the
Soul Medallions.

16

�JJ:

[I can’t say that I do?].

DR:

They were the hottest band. They were everywhere.

JJ:

What type of music did they play?

DR:

They played salsa. They played Joe Cuba stuff because they had vibes, so they
played a lot of Joe Cuba stuff with Cheo Feliciano singing and stuff like that.
Great stuff. And then came La Justicia. And when La Justicia came out, they
were actually a band called The Mystics, but they were rhythm and blues and
soul music. And they broke up, and they knew --

JJ:

They were The Mystics first, and they played rhythm and soul? Because I
remember those type of bands too.

DR:

Right, they were The Mystics.

JJ:

The Mystics.

DR:

[00:20:00] They switched from being a rhythm and soul band, they switched
completely over to a salsa band --

JJ:

A salsa band.

DR:

-- okay? And La Solución was originally a Santana band, but before that, you
had --

JJ:

You were in La Solución.

DR:

I had La Solución, but before that, there was, like I said, the Soul Medallions, La
Justicia, La Confidencia, Oportunidad, La Unión, La Solución, La Humanidad, La
Liberación, Latin Explosion, Heberto y Sus Estrellas -- Jesus, there’s so many
bands and --

JJ:

This was in the ’60s?

17

�DR:

This was during the ’60s, yeah.

JJ:

The middle or late ’60s?

DR:

No, these were from about ’68 to about ’77, ’78.

JJ:

And they were playing in what neighborhoods?

DR:

They were playing in all the Puerto Rican neighborhoods, in all the American
neighborhoods. We had all the neighborhoods.

JJ:

So they were making money?

DR:

Yes, definitely, and we were in the Black neighborhoods. We were in the
American neighborhoods. We were in the Italian neighborhoods. What
happened was when that music hit the scene, [00:21:00] all the people in
Chicago, all the promoters -- and I’m not talking about just Latino promoters. The
American promoters were freaking out because all of the sudden, they were
having all of these kinds of people showing up at, say, the Aragon Ballroom. You
know, usually, they would have to hire an act from out of town or from Europe or
from some other place to fill the Aragon Ballroom. This is the largest dancing
ballroom in Chicago. It’s a huge venue, and so they would have to call people up
there to fill this place, you know? Now, all the sudden, you had a bunch of local
bands. Any one of ’em could fill the Aragon by itself, and it was a local band.
And they were from the Puerto Rican community, which was a limited population,
so they were like, “What the heck is going on here?” We actually went to play at
Waller High School one time, [00:22:00] and that’s when we realized what we
were doing and what was happening. The girls started throwing things at us,
their underclothes. (laughs) We were like, “Wow, like we’re The Beatles or

18

�something?” So when we were trying to leave, they caused a huge riot. They
had to call the police and everything. The police show up at Waller High School.
“It’s a regular workday. What’s going on?” They show up and go, “Oh, man, you
kids. We’ve heard about you guys. Yeah, no, you guys can’t play anymore
unless you have a police escort.” So for about three months there at a certain
point, because we’re -JJ:

And what band was this?

DR:

La Solución.

JJ:

La Solución, okay.

DR:

For about three months there, we actually had to tell ’em where we were going to
play so that they would know that we were in the area. And they would have a
little bit more police in the area because it was just unbelievable. You did
something yourself, which I always remember. [00:23:00] After Hector and Willie
broke up, Héctor Lavoe and Willie Colón, you were the guy that finally got ’em
together to do one show before they finally -- they never did anything else after
that together. It was --

JJ:

Oh, they didn’t do it after that?

DR:

No, and that was at Humboldt Park when you brung them in. I think that was --

JJ:

That was in ’83.

DR:

In ’83, yeah.

JJ:

June of ’83.

DR:

Exactly, and --

JJ:

That’s when we --

19

�DR:

-- that came out in the paper. Over 100,000 Puerto Ricans showed up for that
concert.

JJ:

You played that, didn’t you?

DR:

My band, definitely. (laughs)

JJ:

I remember you were cheering for me.

DR:

Oh, definitely, yeah. But besides that, we had many orchestras. I had many --

JJ:

Now, can you describe that day? Because that’s kind of important in our history.

DR:

That day was big.

JJ:

And how was your --

DR:

Oh, no, you know, everybody was waiting for it. Everybody said first, when it was
announced, “Willie Colón and Héctor Lavoe? They broke up. They hate each
other.” (laughs) I mean, they hated each other. And I don’t know what you did,
but the buzz was for about four weeks --

JJ:

It’s called money. We paid them money.

DR:

Money. (laughter) Okay, [00:24:00] that’s probably what it is, money.

JJ:

We had money then.

DR:

Yeah, well, they showed up, and the people just wanted to go crazy. I mean, that
was a big thing for Chicago. Even New York has to remember, and Puerto Rico
has to. I mean, they have to bow to that.

JJ:

And you said it was a big thing for Chicago. What do you mean?

DR:

Well, it was the most important venue Willie Colón and Héctor Lavoe that I could
say ever played because they literally drove 100,000 people by themselves --

JJ:

To that event.

20

�DR:

-- to that event, and it was done in Chicago.

JJ:

And the Young Lords had something to do with it. In fact, I was the --

DR:

You were the only one, exactly.

JJ:

-- only one onstage.

DR:

Cha-Cha Jiménez.

JJ:

Yeah, so that was (inaudible).

DR:

So those were the days, and I remember also many of the musicians. I have to
mention a few of these musicians -- they were good musicians -- like Ella
Martinez, Jesús Soto; Edwin Rodriguez, my own brother; Hector del Valle.
These are cats that -- they’re still playing, and they’re still out there [00:25:00]
making good money. And they’re playing with big people and big stars. And
they weren’t given as much credit as they should’ve gotten because there was so
much trouble and static going on in the community at those times, you know? A
lot of headhunting went on with the bands in those days too.

JJ:

What do you mean, headhunting?

DR:

Well, “My band’s better than your band.” They would go out there and actually
try to take your gig. They’d show up with their whole band at your dance and try
to take your gig. “Oh, let me play two sets there for free, and I’ll show you how
good my band is,” (laughs) and they tried to take your work.

JJ:

You had competition, eh?

DR:

A lot of competition, which was bad because we didn’t need that in Chicago. It
wasn’t as big as New York, and the population wasn’t as big as New York or
Puerto Rico, so they were basically cutting each other’s throats. And we were

21

�seeing these people every day. We were seeing each other’s faces every day,
and we’re cutting each other’s throats every day. It wasn’t good. It’s not like, you
know, we saw this guy once in a [00:26:00] while. The community was so strong
that we saw them all the time, so it’s like, “I know what you did.” So there was a
lot of static that happened because of that. It was a different scene than New
York or Puerto Rico. Chicago was different.
JJ:

What do you mean?

DR:

Well, remember, Chicago is an industrial city. People, when they moved there,
they went to work. Parties in Chicago are basically Friday, Saturday, and
Sunday, okay? It’s not a tourist city like New York or Miami or Puerto Rico or
San Juan. You know, they live off the tourism label. How many millions and
millions of people go to New York every year, the Big Apple, or Miami or Puerto
Rico for their vacations, stuff like that? And so there’s a lot of parties, and a
bigger venue for orchestras and for musicians. In Chicago, no. Chicago’s
completely different. It’s a working class city, [00:27:00] okay? It’s an industrial
city, and you work all week long. And Friday, Saturday, and Sunday is when you
go out and party with your wife or with your girlfriend or whatever, and that’s
when you go and see the musicians. And most of the musicians out there hold
steady jobs, and I ain’t talking about musicians that, when they leave, play with
the best bands in the world and they don’t have to work again in a factory. They
just stay there because they have a job. You know, once you have a job, and
you’re raising a family, you’re not going to be jumping from place to place or
doing things like that. So the way I see it -- the settling of the Puerto Rican

22

�community in Chicago was done by the sons and daughters, not really the
fathers and mothers, because a lot of the fathers and mothers packed up and
left. And they’re still packing up and leaving, most of ’em, but their sons and
daughters were raised there and born there. That’s what they know, so they’re
staying there now, that first generation. Chicago is [00:28:00] actually, in my
opinion, being built now.
JJ:

It’s being built now?

DR:

It’s being built now, in my opinion, by the kids that were left behind, by the first
and second generation of Puerto Ricans that are starting to get into their fifties
and their forties and that now. And they’re the ones making community
movements and doing stuff with the community, and working with the new kids.
And their kids are being born now, and their kids are starting to become
teenagers and things like that. So yeah, in my opinion, now Chicago is actually
being built as far as the community. That’s the way I see it.

JJ:

And you --

DR:

But it couldn’t have been done without any of the struggles that were dealt. I
mean, it just wouldn’t exist at all without what happened in the ’60s and the ’70s
there.

JJ:

Which ones?

DR:

I mean, you have to realize there was a machine called the Daley Machine in
Chicago. He was doing everything possible to clear out all the Latinos there in
Chicago, okay?

JJ:

He didn’t like Latinos, [00:29:00] or he just didn’t like their neighborhood?

23

�DR:

He just didn’t like their neighborhood, I think. It wasn’t so much a personal thing.
I think it was more like, “We were here first,” that kind of a thing. He was Irish,
then you had the Italian community add on next to it. So the Irish are coming
down on us, you had the Italians, and they were their first. You had the mob and
the Italianos. You’ve got the Irish mob, which is the police in Chicago, and you
got, I mean, Daley’s gestapo. That’s what we used to call them, the Daley
gestapo, the Irish cops, and then you had the Italian real mob. And then all of
the sudden, you’re seeing these Puerto Ricans who aren’t scared of anything,
(laughter) and they’re fighting with everybody. “We don’t care. No, get out of
here!” “No, you make us move.”

JJ:

So what was --

DR:

That was our attitude.

JJ:

So this is a physical thing?

DR:

Well, there was a physical thing going on, yeah.

JJ:

There was a physical thing?

DR:

There [00:30:00] was a physical thing, of course. I mean, you couldn’t walk
through that neighborhood without being -- you had to run through the
neighborhood. (laughter) Otherwise, you weren’t going to get out of their
neighborhood, okay? That’s the way it was.

JJ:

Yeah, we had a motorcycle.

DR:

Yeah, the little motor.

JJ:

We came through the park.

24

�DR:

Yeah, you just couldn’t get out of those neighborhoods, so it was bad. I
remember one of our bass players from one of our bands was on the way over to
rehearsal one time. He finally showed up at the rehearsal all beat up; broken
nose, broken arm, this and that. Oh, the whole band ran out. “What happened?”
“The Gaylords.” (laughter) Remember the Gaylords? They were basically
American greasers, a hillbilly gang.

JJ:

So you’re talking about some of the gangs. The band had to fight the gangs?

DR:

Actually, most of the bands in Chicago were ex-gangbangers. (laughs)

JJ:

So they came out of the gangs, then?

DR:

Yeah, because if you weren’t in one, you had few probabilities of surviving.

JJ:

So you had to be in the gang at the time? Is that what you’re saying?

DR:

[00:31:00] Not so much be in it, but associated with it.

JJ:

Associated with it.

DR:

Yeah, you had to be associated. You didn’t have to really be in it. But if you
associated with them, and trouble happened and you didn’t show your face, then
you were also in trouble --

JJ:

Also in trouble?

DR:

-- okay? So without coming out all the time and saying, “Yeah, I’m this,” or, “I’m
that;” you know, just by saying, “Oh, I live here,” and, “That’s where I’m at.”

JJ:

So wherever you lived, you were part of the gang?

DR:

That’s basically it.

JJ:

That’s what it was.

DR:

If you wanted to live there in peace, that’s what it was.

25

�JJ:

Now, to change the subject, I just wanted to make sure that -- there was the
Puerto Rican Congress, and there was also Caribe Ruiz?

DR:

No, all in one. The Puerto Rican Congress was owned by Carlos “Caribe” Ruiz.
That’s where all the bands were, and that’s --

JJ:

That started on Larabee and North Avenue?

DR:

They started on Larabee and North Avenue.

JJ:

Were you there on Larabee and North Avenue?

DR:

No, I was not. I show up on the scene on 11th and North Avenue.

JJ:

So 11th and North Avenue?

DR:

That’s where [00:32:00] it became, really, the Congress; where they painted the
murals and everything.

JJ:

So that was the Puerto Rican Congress there?

DR:

That was the Puerto Rican Congress.

JJ:

They moved to there?

DR:

They moved to there.

JJ:

So they used to be on Larabee and North Avenue?

DR:

They had the club on Larabee and North Avenue. That was the first Puerto
Rican club.

JJ:

So it kind of moved west?

DR:

Right. That’s where all you guys went when you --

JJ:

Right. When we were young, we used to go there.

DR:

That’s where you guys went. The first Puerto Ricans that got there -- that’s
where they went.

26

�JJ:

Because that’s where the Puerto Rican Parade was.

DR:

Exactly, that’s where the first Puerto Rican Parade -- which was Caribe that did it.

JJ:

Caribe Ruiz was part of it?

DR:

Caribe Ruiz was in the --

JJ:

And the Caballeros de San Juan.

DR:

And the Caballeros de San Juan, and then he got into working with the kids in
the community. That’s when all the bands were created. All those bands --

JJ:

So what year was that? That’s what I’m trying to see. Can you explain a little bit
about him, or...?

DR:

Caribe?

JJ:

Yeah, about Caribe.

DR:

Okay, so I can go as far as La Justicia with Caribe. Caribe started the bands;
that’s where I come in. I can tell you Caribe really started the orchestras in
Chicago. I’m not [00:33:00] saying he started the bands. The bands started
themselves, but he took over them and he pushed ’em. And he was the one that
gave them their names. He was the one that promoted ’em, and without him,
none of those bands would’ve had any recognition at all. I mean, I have to be
honest about that. A lot of people throw (Spanish) [00:33:16] on Caribe. They
didn’t like him because he did so much. It was basically because they were just
jealous. For me, they just didn’t like him because they were jealous. I couldn’t
find any other reason. They would say this about him, and they would say that
about him when it all came down to this. They were unhappy because he was
getting money for the bands, and he had seven, eight bands. He had the

27

�majority of the bands, and they were all the best bands. He started ’em himself.
You know, he pushed these bands. He bought them equipment. He got every
band a brand new PA, every band new amps, every band new personal
instruments, everybody band brand new uniforms. Every band was recording,
[00:34:00] you know, and Caribe did this. Before that, there was nothing coming
out of Chicago.
JJ:

So he was managing. He was making money, but he was using that money to
promote the bands.

DR:

He was reinvesting it. He was always reinvesting --

JJ:

Reinvesting it.

DR:

-- the money. And usually, 90 percent of the musicians would come to him
during the week. “Hey, Caribe, I need 20 or 30 bucks.” He was like a little piggy
bank. Every day, 20 or 30 musicians would say, “Give me some money,” and he
was just passing -- he never said no. Never, so we never had to really -- and
plus, we got paid at our gigs. (laughs)

JJ:

For a change, yeah.

DR:

For a change.

JJ:

He made sure that, you know -- but there’s no free beer here. You had to play
for it.

DR:

Exactly, so that’s basically what was going on with Caribe. Caribe also was
involved with a lot of community organizations. The Trina Davila Center -- he
worked with you guys --

JJ:

Yeah, with the Young Lords.

28

�DR:

-- the Young Lords, many times, and he also gave music for you for whatever
kind of occasion you guys needed. We did a [00:35:00] lot of work with the
community organizations, a lot of it, and that was another good thing that the
bands did. That helps the community.

JJ:

So he promoted the salsa in Chicago and Hispanic music.

DR:

All of it. He definitely promoted all the salsa in Chicago, all of it.

JJ:

Because like you said, there was some bands before that were playing, but they
had some --

DR:

They never really did anything. None of those bands that I mentioned before
ever really made any noise, how do you say. They broke up. The bands after
that, though, that Caribe handled, they all had a name. They were all recognized
through all Latin -- I mean, everywhere you went, they knew about the bands in
Chicago.

JJ:

Some of them, I remember. I’m just trying to find those other bands who came
back from Lincoln Park, any salsa bands.

DR:

Well, definitely, I’ll tell you what --

JJ:

Well, the Puerto Rican Congress was the --

DR:

-- La León, La Solución, most of the guys from La Justicia, most of the guys from
La Confidencia --

JJ:

Were from Lincoln Park?

DR:

They were all from Lincoln Park too, [00:36:00] yeah.

JJ:

They were all from Lincoln Park, okay.

DR:

That’s where they were born. You know, they took --

29

�JJ:

Okay, [now even?] before that summer, some of the guys were -- wherever they
lived, they had to be part of the gang. So when you lived there, what was the
gang there?

DR:

(laughter) There was a gang there.

JJ:

Weren’t you part of a group, or no?

DR:

I was recognized as part of a group.

JJ:

Okay, what was that group? You weren’t in the group?

DR:

My brothers and I -- no, I was never in the group. I was just recognized as part of
the group, okay? The Latin Kings.

JJ:

The Latin Kings? Okay.

DR:

Lived there all of my life on Sheffield and Armitage, Armitage and Richmond. I
always lived in Latin Kings territory. Actually, I was one of the original Pee Wees
from Dayton and Armitage. (laughs)

JJ:

You were one [00:37:00] of the Pee Wees from where?

DR:

Dayton and Armitage.

JJ:

And then the --

DR:

Piso, Wiso, Baby, me -- we had Frankie, a bunch of guys.

JJ:

In the Latin Kings? Okay, because that was turned into the Medinas -- were they
part of that group?

DR:

Yeah, they were part of that group.

JJ:

So they were part of that group.

DR:

They were all part of that group, but that’s something today I won’t dwell on. You
know, those are --

30

�JJ:

Because when you’re growing up, you do --

DR:

Growing up, exactly. You grow up, and it’s a life experience.

JJ:

Because you said you were in that part of Chicago.

DR:

And actually, when we got into the music thing, I would go and play in all those
rival gang territories. And they recognized me all the time. And, you know, I told
’em, “Listen, I’m a musician, man.” “We know, man. Don’t worry about it.”

JJ:

But didn’t you tell me some stories about -- you had to duck a few times?

DR:

Well, yeah, we had to duck quite a few times, you know?

JJ:

So give me an example.

DR:

Okay, here’s a good example. We went to play at a place up on the northside in
[00:38:00] the Lake View area. (laughter) And we get to this place. It was a
house party, and the band was playing. And some of the guys recognized the
guys in the band, and they said, “Man, half that band is Latin Kings.” It was a
house party for another gang, so finally, they realized. And I had to go to the
guy, and I said, “Listen, you know, your buddies want to tear us apart, man. I
mean, we’re going to have to defend ourselves here in a few seconds, you know.
What are you going to do? I mean, you hired us to play here. You knew that this
was going to --” “No, don’t worry. I’ll take care of the situation.” This is the way
they take care of that situation: they line up seven guys in front of the orchestra
with bats and knives. (laughter) And they say, “The first one that dares touch any
one of these guys has to cross this line.” And we played the rest of the night with
seven guys in front of [00:39:00] the band.

JJ:

That’s the way it was.

31

�DR:

I’m not kidding. This actually happened. God, Jimmy, I hope you remember
that. (laughter) Actually, when we left, though -- the protection ends at the door.

JJ:

When you had to leave?

DR:

The protection ends at the door. Once you load that car, and that last guy walks
out that door, jump in the car and run as fast as you can because -- “Bananas!
Bananas!” And they start throwing everything they can.

JJ:

That’s what they used to call the Kings back then?

DR:

Bananas --

JJ:

Because of their colors?

DR:

-- because of their colors, yeah, so that’s basically what happened there. I can
name you bad times with the bands. When the bands were first starting in
Chicago, a lot of them didn’t sound that great, okay? They were young kids,
remember, that were learning.

JJ:

So you --

DR:

And all the old folks wanted to see their kids playing, so they were hiring these
kids to play with --

JJ:

It’s a learning [00:40:00] process.

DR:

-- exorbitant amounts of money, okay? They were paying money for these kids
that were learning, okay? And so we went to play at this place in Gary, Indiana
one time, La Solución Orchestra, and I remember being on stage. And the band
had only been together about three or four months, and it wasn’t a band yet,
okay? It was a bunch of noise still, but they hired us. And they hired La Justicia
Orchestra, thank God. Those guys were always La Solución’s best friends,

32

�okay? And people booed us off the stage. They booed the band literally. Some
of the guys started crying. Remember, we had guys in the band who were 13
years old. Some were as young as 12, 14, 15. I was one of the older ones at 16,
and a few of the other guys started crying. They had nerves back then. They
started just crying. A lot of them wanted to stop playing music permanently, and I
remember the manager and the guys [00:41:00] from La Justicia coming up and
saying, “Listen, man, don’t worry about it. One day, they’re going to wish they
can get your band in there.” And, you know, about four or five years later when
La Solución really hottest thing there was, there was -- we had just come back
from Puerto Rico. We were traveling. We had our records out. We were the
band, and we had gone back to Indiana many times but for other people. And
we were making them pay the price. (laughter) We remembered all the time
what had happened in Indiana, so every time they mentioned Indiana, you know,
if it was a regular 2,000 dollars, we’d go, “No, 4,000 dollars. You want us to
move? That’s it.” So I walked into the Congress one time; Caribe was there. I
went to get Caribe to give me some money. (laughs) I walk in, and Caribe goes,
“Hey, Dave, how you doin’? You need some money?” And I go, “Yeah, I need
some money.” He goes, “Sit [00:42:00] down. Hey, you know who this man is
here?” I’m looking at the guy going, “Actually, no.” And Caribe goes, “This is the
bass player from La Solución.” The guy gets up and -- “Oh, it’s a pleasure to
meet you,” and this and that. “Oh, yeah, sure. Nice to meet you,” and this and
that. And Caribe goes, “Remember that time we played in Indiana, that they
booed you guys off the stage, and the owner of the dance came up and said,

33

�‘Don’t ever bring me these kids again’? He wants to hire the band now.”
(laughter) It was him. And I looked at the guy, and I go, “Really?” And the guy
goes, “Yeah, but you know, you guys were young.” And I go, “Yeah, but you
didn’t want to give us a break. Look what we are now.” You know, I told him just
like that, but we gave him a break coming down to three or four hundred dollars’
difference. We still screwed him. (laughs) Is that allowed to be said?
JJ:

(laughs) Yeah, you can say that. So where are you at today? You’re living in
Puerto Rico, and --

DR:

I live in Arroyo, Puerto Rico. I’ve been living here [00:43:00] now 12 years, and I
play --

JJ:

Why did you decide to come down here?

DR:

I had some back surgery done. I won some money in a lawsuit, and I always
wanted to move to Puerto Rico because of the music. I just wanted to move
here, you know? I wanted to try something else in Latin music because Chicago
had run out of its boundaries for me. It wasn’t doing what I wanted to hear, so I
came here to try some different stuff. Actually, I’ve gone good so far, so...

JJ:

And [what do you play?]?

DR:

Well, I play with the Puerto Rico Latin Xpress Orchestra. That’s my orchestra
with Tino Sanchez, one of the best known bass players in Latin music. And I
play with some of the best musicians in Latin music, and they’re part of my
orchestra. We got Monty Montgomery. He also plays with Víctor Manuelle,
Fania All-Stars and everybody. And [Willy Trompeta?], William Santiago played
with (inaudible) and with [Marina Dión?], many of the [00:44:00] big bands too. I

34

�have, on the piano, Ricky Rodríguez. He directs Lalo Rodríguez’s orchestra.
Singing, I have -- on this CD, the new one, it’s Ito Rivera. He used to sing with
the Puerto Rican Power, and his brother is Jerry Rivera, the singer that’s out
there.
JJ:

He’s in the band right now?

DR:

But Ito was famous before Jerry, trust me. Make sure you say that. (laughs)

JJ:

Yeah, he’s been around.

DR:

Yeah, Ito was with the Puerto Rican Power.

JJ:

But Jerry’s his brother?

DR:

His brother Jerry, yeah. And I have musicians like Milo Orta, Choco Orta’s
brother, and I also have musicians like Lester [Ojeda?]. And he used to play with
Impacto Crea. I also have Pablo Cardenas. [00:45:00] He’s a master
progressionist and altoist. The guys I’m mentioning, these are very, very good
musicians. It’s a different style. You know, in Chicago, you play with good
musicians locally, but when I came here, I was offered the chance to play with
some of the top talents. That’s what I’m working with, some of the top talent here
and --

JJ:

What are some of the places you’re playing now?

DR:

Oh, we play everywhere, all around the island. For example, right now, I have
something going on with American Health Medicare where I do some stuff during
the day so that I’m at different venues all over the island. Next month, for
example, I’ll be in Guayama, Salinas. I’ll be in Fajardo, I’ll be in Orocovis, and
then Mayagüez. Those are daytime venues. Most of the weekends, I’m at the

35

�Gran Melia Hotel in Rio Grande with a small Latin jazz ensemble. That’s Monty’s
group, and I play with them. [00:46:00] And plus, I play with everybody who calls
me. I just recorded one tune on Tito Rojas’ new CD. Cut number five is
dedicated to his father. He called me to do a bit, so...
JJ:

And so it was always your ambition to get into music? I mean, why did you start
thinking about music? I mean --

DR:

I don’t know. (laughs) That’s a good question. I mean, as far as I can
remember, I always --

JJ:

Because what is the music instrument that you play?

DR:

I play the tres, but I didn’t start on the tres. I started off on an accordion. The
first instrument I ever picked up in my life was an accordion.

JJ:

And how did you get with that?

DR:

We lived on Bissell and Armitage, and Don Lulu’s? daughters were taking
accordion --

JJ:

Don Lulu?

DR:

Don Lulu.

JJ:

Lulu?

DR:

Lulu; that was the owner of the building. His daughters were taking accordion
lessons, and [00:47:00] they were teenagers. I was a kid. Now, every time they
came home with their accordions, I would start making noise. And then they
freaked out because I started playing something, [on the accordian?] I guess.
And my dad made me take accordion lessons. My friends would be outside

36

�playing, and I’d be in the kitchen sitting with my dad cooking. “You did it wrong!
(laughter) Play it again.”
JJ:

He was your teacher, or...?

DR:

Well, he was --

JJ:

Your coach.

DR:

My coach, yeah. He was the one with the whip, (laughter) so that’s what was
going on there. Then after that, I had some family members like Ricky and
Paolo, my uncle and my cousin. They played guitars and a cuatro, and every
time we went to their house, I would grab their instruments. And Ricky had a
Mustang.

JJ:

So when would you go to their house at this --

DR:

Every day, almost.

JJ:

Oh, because I didn’t --

DR:

Almost every day, you know.

JJ:

I was going to say --

DR:

Yeah, no, we were raised together [00:48:00] basically. You know, if it wasn’t
every day, it was every week. We saw each other three or four times a week.
You know, that’s the kind of thing it was, and I would go to his house and grab
his instrument. And I mean, they would make me play on the bed because they
didn’t want me to drop it. Ricky had a proud, white guitar; a Fender Mustang. It
was one of the first ones they had of that white guitar, you know, that Fender
Mustang, and he was really proud of that guitar. And I would go grab it. (laughs)
I’m banging on that thing, so he decided to teach me a couple chords. And they

37

�taught me a couple chords, and from there on, I went by myself. My brother
Edwin, who ended up playing trombone, he taught me a couple chords. He won
a contest for something somewhere.
JJ:

Edwin?

DR:

Edwin. And the contest winner was going to get some free guitar lessons, so I
made him go to class. He didn’t want to go. (laughter) I would make him go to
class and then [00:49:00] come home and teach me, “Or I’ll beat you up.” That’s
what went on, and he taught me the chords. And that’s exactly what happened.

JJ:

Okay, your brother Edwin --

DR:

Yeah, he’ll remind you of it too if you talk to him.

JJ:

“Oh, he would beat up everybody back then.”

DR:

Yeah, he’ll remind you of it too. “Oh, yeah, he used to beat me up if I didn’t teach
him the chords.” That’s the way he was, but that’s exactly how I learned how to
play. I wanted to learn so bad that I would do whatever it took to learn.

JJ:

So there’s Edwin and how many else in your family?

DR:

Everybody at home was musicians. Everybody did something as far as
musically. It’s me, Ruth --

JJ:

What did Ruth do?

DR:

Ruth sang.

JJ:

She sang?

DR:

Ruth sang, and Junior sings. And --

JJ:

You said Ruth with a T, or...?

DR:

Ruth.

38

�JJ:

How would you spell that?

DR:

R-U-T-H.

JJ:

T-H, Ruth.

DR:

Like the Bible stories.

JJ:

And she sang? What kind of music did she --

DR:

(laughs) Ruth used to love Donnie and Marie Osmond.

JJ:

Really?

DR:

I’m looking at [00:50:00] you, girl. (laughter) Donnie and Marie Osmond. I mean,
really, really big fans of “One Bad Apple.” And my brother, Junior -- Dean Martin
and Frank Sinatra. How far can you get from Puerto Rico? (laughter) Nah, he’s
a crooner. He’s won karaoke contests singing Dean Martin and Frank Sinatra.

JJ:

Did he?

DR:

Yeah, he’s a crooner, man. He’s definitely a crooner. He sounds like Dean
Martin.

JJ:

Does he? Wow.

DR:

Really good. And me and Edwin and Jesse were the musician-musicians that
played. Edwin and Jesse both play trombones.

JJ:

Edwin and Jesse?

DR:

Jesse’s still playing. Edwin retired a while ago, but Jesse’s still playing, and I
play the tres.

JJ:

The tres? Okay, but why did you pick the tres? Was that --

39

�DR:

Actually, I had started off on the guitar, and like I said, I started playing many
instruments. I played accordion. I played [00:51:00] drums. I played guitar. I
played bass. I even tried a little bit of marimba.

JJ:

Because isn’t the tres Cuban?

DR:

Yeah, the tres is Cuban, and I tried cuatro --

JJ:

So cuatro went bad for you (inaudible)?

DR:

No, it wasn’t nothing like that. What happened was that when I got into Latin
music, salsa, I was hearing an instrument in the background of some of the salsa
bands. And I was saying, “But that’s not a cuatro,” because I knew the sound of
the cuatro. I said, “Well, what instrument is that,” you know? And Caribe was
saying, “No, that’s a cuatro.” I said, “No, that is not a cuatro. That’s something
else.” Finally, Albert Martinez, La Justicia Alfie, says, “No, that’s a thing called a
tres. It’s a Cuban instrument, and they play it with the salsa bands and stuff like
that.” I go, “Yeah? I want to learn how to play that,” because I really liked it.
And Caribe gave me one on my 18th birthday, and it was a gift that he had given
to someone else that didn’t [00:52:00] do anything with it. So he took it from him
and gave it to me. A week later, I was playing all the songs in the band on it. I
learned all that literally in one week. I learned all the songs in the band. I wasn’t
quote, unquote, “a monster” on the tres, but I was playing the tres in all the songs
in the band in one week. It’s something that other musicians couldn’t -- after two
years, they’d give it up because they’d get one wrong. I don’t know. It was an
instrument that I caught right away, and I understood it immediately. I could tell I
knew exactly what it was, and I knew how to play it. I felt it, and that’s why I

40

�ended up on the tres, and thank God. I made a lot of money playing the tres.
(laughs) Hang on one second.
JJ:

Can you remind me -- yeah, let’s wait a second.

DR:

Yeah, wait one second. Yeah, I --

(break in audio)
JJ:

And you said in Lincoln Park, that the Young Lords hung out?

DR:

Lincoln Park.

JJ:

We’re ready to go, right?

M1:

[00:53:00] Go ahead.

JJ:

Okay, if you can tell me -- we were talking about the Young Lords and when the
FBI was coming to your house. Can you explain that?

DR:

Okay, that was in about ’65, ’66, ’67, those years.

JJ:

This was probably later in ’68 after the Young Lords had the --

DR:

Right, after their whole thing --

JJ:

It was the --

DR:

-- okay? Yeah, man, ’67 or ’68 around there. You’re right.

JJ:

Yeah, with the --

DR:

Okay, what happened was -- I remember getting up to go to school in the
mornings, and there were black cars parked in front of the house. The FBI was
sitting there in front of the house. The story I had from my folks was that at that
time, they were looking for you, the FBI.

JJ:

For Cha-Cha Jiménez?

41

�DR:

For Cha-Cha Jiménez because of the Young Lords thing. They were considering
you guys a militant group and all this stuff. You know, you were anti-American
for them. They didn’t know that all you were looking for was just to help the
[00:54:00] community, so you were screaming that you were anti-American, you
know? That’s the way it was in those days, so what happened was --

JJ:

But why were they at your house?

DR:

-- that they knew that you were our family. And my dad offered to let you stay
there a few times while you were dodging all -- they knew this, and they called
my dad and my mom. They said, “You know, you have one daughter,” my sister
Ruth. “It’d be a shame if anything happened to her because Cha-Cha’s living in
your house.”

JJ:

So they were threatening her?

DR:

Oh, it was a direct threat. It’s --

JJ:

I mean, your father tells you this?

DR:

Yeah, sure, my parents told us that. That was a threat from the FBI. They
basically told ’em, “Get him out, or else something might happen to your kids.”
That’s basically what they threatened. And I remember we’d go to school and --

JJ:

The reason for that -- I was staying there at the time?

DR:

Exactly.

JJ:

So they said, you know, “Get him out, or something might happen.”

DR:

“Get him out, or something bad could happen to your daughter,” and that was
[00:55:00] my dad’s pride and joy, Ruth, his only daughter, okay? That was his
baby, period. He didn’t have four sons. He had one daughter. (laughter) That’s

42

�what he had, all right? So basically, like I said, we would go to school in the
mornings, and they’d be there. When we’d come back, they’d be there. We’d go
out to play? They’d be there. We’d leave someplace with the family? They’d
follow us. That’s the way it was. We’d get on the bus, and they’d follow the bus.
And we’re looking out the back. “There they come.” (laughs)
JJ:

So you remember seeing them?

DR:

Yah, all the time.

JJ:

And you said that --

DR:

Oh, I would get in trouble because I was always looking at them. And my mom -“Quit looking,” you know, that kinda stuff, so I would get in trouble constantly. I
was always reminded not to look at them.

JJ:

So this was something that you talked about in your family?

DR:

Oh, yeah. Well, we didn’t talk about it all the time. We kept it quiet. We talked
about it when it had to be talked about when they’d mention it once [00:56:00] in
a while, but most of the time, it was like, “Shh!”

JJ:

But you did talk about it?

DR:

We did talk about it, yeah.

JJ:

And so the whole family was aware?

DR:

Oh, the whole family was aware, yeah.

JJ:

And they knew this was FBI?

DR:

The whole family was aware that this was FBI --

JJ:

And they knew this was (inaudible)?

DR:

No, it was nothing. There was no --

43

�JJ:

And how did you know it was FBI?

DR:

Because they told us it was the FBI.

JJ:

They said they were FBI?

DR:

Yeah, and --

JJ:

[So that’s not?] --

DR:

-- we knew who they were. It said “G-man” on the car; (laughs) government
plates, man. “FBI,” so I mean, it was as clear as day that’s what they were there
for.

JJ:

So then what did your parents feel about this?

DR:

They felt a lot of resentment. They weren’t happy about it. They were angry with
you sometimes.

JJ:

They were angry with me because I gave them that. I was bringing heat.

DR:

You were bringing heat to the family.

JJ:

To the family, so --

DR:

But at the same time, they didn’t want any beef with you because they knew what
you were doing, that you were actually trying to help the community. [00:57:00]
And they didn’t agree in some of the ways you went around doing it. (laughs)

JJ:

So they didn’t agree in the methods, but they agreed in the reasoning.

DR:

They agreed in the reasoning. Oh, definitely, the reasoning was always fine.
Just the methods, they always --

JJ:

They knew that there was discrimination.

DR:

Oh, they knew that.

JJ:

And --

44

�DR:

I mean, my dad fought for the same reasons. That’s where the differences in the
ideologies come in. You went in the political ideology. You went for the neck.
You went after aldermen, and you went after this in communities and forced the
community in, “Let’s make a big march.” And they went about it quietly trying to
bring change through the churches, telling the people, “Do this. Don’t say this.
Say that. When you go to a meeting, talk to them like this. Talk to them like that.
Represent yourselves in a different form. Maybe we’ll gain their respect.” You
were like, “No, we’re going to earn their respect over the other like, ‘No, you’re
going to give me your respect!’” They were saying, “We’ll earn [00:58:00] their
respect,” and you said, “No, you’re going to give me your respect!” That’s the
kind of stuff --

JJ:

That was the difference.

DR:

That was the difference.

JJ:

There were different tactics, but they were both for -- so the Caballeros de San
Juan were also trying to uplift the community?

DR:

All those organizations, Caballeros de San Juan, Dos Hermanos de la Familia de
Dio --

JJ:

The Puerto Rican Congress.

DR:

The Puerto Rican Congress. Let me see. The Trina Davila Center -- there was
just so many of ’em. There were a lot of organizations.

JJ:

They were all trying to uplift the community --

DR:

All of ’em.

JJ:

-- but in their different ways.

45

�DR:

In different ways, exactly.

JJ:

So it was --

DR:

They all had their own leaders, they all had their own ideology, but it was
basically the same thing: do for the community.

JJ:

In other words, they knew the community was down. “How can we improve the
community?”

DR:

Exactly. And I remember in the ’60s that they had gotten a lot of the priests -- I
remember there was one priest. I’m going to mention his name. He’s not a
priest anymore. His name was Father Raymond --

JJ:

[00:59:00] Father Raymond?

DR:

-- and he was one of the first ones that really, really, really wanted to help the
Puerto Rican community. I remember him going out in the snow with you guys
taking out food to the poor Hispanic families in the community. You’d take boxes
and boxes of food, and toys and everything for the kids, because they just didn’t
have money. You know, and I remember him doing all that with the Puerto Rican
leaders, with the Young Lords, with the Caballeros de San Juan. I remember the
dances they’d do in the church. I remember the first gang was not the Young
Lords.

JJ:

What was it?

DR:

There was one called the Rebels. (laughs)

JJ:

Oh, the Rebels. That’s right, with Ricky.

DR:

With Ricky --

JJ:

Yeah, Ricky.

46

�DR:

-- and that was the first gang that I can remember in Chicago.

JJ:

That was down by Immaculate Conception.

DR:

By Immaculate Conception. The first gang that I can remember from the Puerto
Rican community was the Rebels in Chicago. A lot of guys are going to say Latin
Kings [01:00:00] or the Disciples. No, the Rebels, the Young Lords, Latin Kings,
Disciples, and then --

JJ:

Because the Rebels were in Lincoln Park, but the Latin Kings were later up at
Sheffield, which was kind of --

DR:

The Latin Kings, from what I heard, were just a lot of ex-Young Lord members
that weren’t happy with you. (laughs)

JJ:

Oh, really? Later, some of them --

DR:

Yeah, and they formed the Latin Kings. That’s what happened there, but
basically, that’s what it was. You know, they said you were too communityminded. (laughter) Let’s put it that way. They didn’t want that much heat on
them, so that was what’s going on.

JJ:

Yeah, that was from the neighborhood [that I came back to?].

DR:

And I can remember then --

JJ:

And then the --

DR:

-- back with the Young Lords too in the Sheffield and Armitage area, the church
on Dayton and Armitage.

JJ:

You said it was --

DR:

[01:01:00] You had a music room there in the church, and I used to go there with
a couple of my buddies. Billy Ramos --

47

�JJ:

Billy Ramos went there?

DR:

-- and I would go in there, and my brother Edwin, and we would bang on the
instruments, man. We would practice, we would learn, and nobody chased us
out because, “That’s Cha-Cha’s cousin.” (laughs)

JJ:

But not only that. One of the reasons that we took over the church was so we
could open it up for the neighborhood, so you guys were going --

DR:

And on top of that, we got free lunch every day because you guys were giving
out free lunches in the summer to all the kids in --

JJ:

Free breakfast and that.

DR:

And I would get like four or five free lunches a day.(laughs)

JJ:

But like you said, you guys played music with our [instruments?] everywhere?

DR:

Everywhere.

JJ:

Everybody didn’t like you there, but they were --

DR:

They had a little nurses thing. They’d check the kids out once in a while. I
remember that.

JJ:

At the clinic?

DR:

At the clinic. I think they came once a year or twice a year. I remember all of
those things like that. Those were very important to the Puerto Rican community
--

JJ:

But then --

DR:

-- especially when you guys would give out the shots. Those shots costed
money. A lot of [01:02:00] those folks didn’t have the money, and they had to
send their kids -- and then that’s when they were starting with these flu shots and

48

�the polio shots and all this stuff. And so the kids had to get the shots before they
went to school. They made a new rule -JJ:

When you say that --

DR:

-- when the Puerto Ricans started going to school. Everybody needed shots.
(laughter) I have no idea why. They didn’t need ’em before, but that’s what went
on.

JJ:

And they got us to --

DR:

That’s the kind of stuff that we dealt with, and we struggled hard.

JJ:

Now, part of the music that you used to do for Christmastime and things like that
--

DR:

Oh, that’s where, actually, we really got started with music. That’s what the folks
who started us -- that was our introduction to Jíbaro music, but it wasn’t the
families or the Puerto Ricans near me. The families would get together in the
holidays, and [01:03:00] they’d go house to house doing a parranda. A parranda
is playing typical music from the mountains here in Puerto Rico or from the
island, and that’s Aguinaldo, “Mapeye”, things like that. Different styles of Jíbaro
music that they were used to hearing almost every day here, but when they went
over, they didn’t hear it anymore. And they only heard it once a year when they
would get together with the families to -- a parranda is basically a big family
party. They all get together. There’s music, and they celebrate together. And
then they go all together to the next house and they do the same party there, and
then all the members from that family and the other family go to another house.
And before the end of the night, you don’t want to receive them because we’re

49

�talking 70, 80 people and a bunch coming into your house. And if you don’t have
food, you’re in trouble because [01:04:00] the first thing they ask for is soup, and
they’ve been drinking all night. (laughter) And a big thing in the Puerto Rican
community is that they give you soup when you’re drinking. I don’t know why. I
guess you can’t [beat?] soup and booze, so -JJ:

So that’s all the family participating in the --

DR:

The whole family; the kids --

JJ:

And so --

DR:

-- the grandmothers, the grandfathers, the aunts, the uncles, the cousins.
Everybody, and you’re waiting for it. And it’s a big thing because they plan it
through the whole year. They plan, “Oh, this year, we’re going to have these
guys. Oh, who’s going to make the pasteles? Who’s going to buy the lechón?
Who’s going to do this,” you know, a big thing. Then they want to have a little gift
for all the little kids, you know. The big kids? Water. (laughs) That’s the way it is.

JJ:

But I mean, the instruments and that -- you’d send them back to --

DR:

Well, no.

JJ:

What about improvising? What is that?

DR:

Well, you’re talking about trovadores [01:05:00]

JJ:

(inaudible)

DR:

(Spanish) [01:05:02] We had plenty of --

JJ:

You had that?

DR:

Oh, yeah, we had that.

JJ:

You had (Spanish) [01:05:05]?

50

�DR:

First of all, our trovadores [01:05:07] was Pablo, Ricky’s father, okay? He was
our musician as far as the typical music in the family. Everybody says, “Me,” but
that was way back. Pablo was the man. (laughs)

JJ:

(inaudible)

DR:

Pablo was the boy. And basically, him and his son, Ricky, on the guitar -- and
what happened was my dad, my uncle [Woosler?] --

JJ:

Woosler?

DR:

Then there was Andre. These were all trovadores. They sang, okay? Pablo
sang, and what they sang -- there was an older man that was a close friend of
the family, Don Tomas.

JJ:

Tomas, yeah.

DR:

Remember Don Tomas?

JJ:

I remember him.

DR:

And [Cornejo?] and Luis Perez. These are the guys that [01:06:00] sang to you
about the mountains. What trova is -- they’re singing about their life when they
grew up in the countryside in Puerto Rico growing up on a farm, okay? That’s
basically what it was, and they talked about their days. And they’ve brung all
their -- what they were missing, what they were crying for, they were singing
about it in their lyrics in the city. So people would listen because there was real
emotional to them.

JJ:

And they would improvise it?

DR:

And they would improvise right there. That’s called trovas. And they have, right
there --

51

�JJ:

They’d sing a written --

DR:

-- nothing written down; improvised right there.

JJ:

And they sang (Spanish) [01:06:35].

DR:

That’s right.

JJ:

I’d give [my life to hear?] --

DR:

They would take a Bible, and they would sing the Bible in trovas from the
creation to the exodus. (laughter) Singing the Bible. Try that one.

JJ:

And then --

DR:

This is my family, and not to say there weren’t other Puerto Rican families doing
the same thing. [01:07:00] All the Puerto Rican families that were there they
were doing the same thing. Everybody was doing the same thing. That’s the
way that they remembered their homeland, which is actually a sad situation.
Right now, I want to make a comment. That tradition has been lost almost
completely in Chicago. Now, it’s almost lost here too in Puerto Rico, but now
times are different. Musics are different, but that music lasted for hundreds of
years. And all the sudden, we lost it within 30, 40, 50 years. It’s really a shame
because, I mean, it lasted for hundreds and hundreds of years. And to have it
just disappear in 30, 40 years because of other musics coming out -- I don’t find
that right.

JJ:

So when we were kinda growing up, we were kinda keeping that alive. We were
kind of in between our parents and --

DR:

Actually, La Solución Orchestra was based on Jíbaro music. It was a salsa band
--

52

�JJ:

So [01:08:00] it was salsa.

DR:

-- but we would turn Jíbaro music into salsa, and that’s what made our band so
popular with the people. Everybody was trying to copy salsa bands from Puerto
Rico or from New York. La Solución wasn’t trying to do none of that. We did our
own thing, and it was basically a typical sound. We invented our own style, and
people accepted it immediately. Our arrangements were all originals done by
ourselves. We didn’t hire other musicians to come and do our arrangements.
We did ’em ourselves. We thought of our own lyrics. We did our own
recordings. We did everything. And when we sang, we sang about the
community. Our first album was Mi Barrio Se Quemo. In the ’70s, there was a
lot of gangbanging going on with the Latin Kings and the Disciples and the
Clovers fighting. And they were burning neighborhoods, and there was a lot of
fires going on and stuff. And so we dedicated the first album to [01:09:00] my
barrio in the city. Mi Barrio Se Quemo-- My town caught fire, so that was
dedicated to that situation at that time.

JJ:

And now that you’re talking about Mi Barrio Se Quemo, there was a lot of arson
going on also in the community, but I mean --

DR:

That was being done. A lot of people were saying that -- sorry to cut you off -that was being paid for by certain aldermen and the mayor and stuff because
they were still trying to push the Puerto Rican community out of the Humboldt
Park and Wicker Park area. That’s too close to downtown for them. And if you
look at it really on the map, it’s basically part of downtown right now, and that
was big money. That’s real estate.

53

�JJ:

That was prime real estate.

DR:

Prime real estate. I’ll give you an example. I kept telling my folks not to sell their
home on Richmond and Armitage for the price they asked. When they bought
[01:10:00] the house, they paid, I think, 30,000 dollars for this home back in early
1970 or ’71. When they resold the house 12, 14 years later, they sold it for -- I
think it was 60,000 dollars. It was a very small profit, but I knew that there were
people out there repairing and remodeling all these homes, and selling one
apartment for 100,000 dollars. They have a three-story building here, and they
sold it for that amount of money. Later on, the person that bought that building
one year later sold it for 200,000 dollars. And I’ve heard they’ve sold it quite a
few times for quite a bit more, and this is a frame house. And the reason being is
because it’s prime real estate. This is, I mean, a hop, skip, and a jump from
Downtown Chicago, and that’s why they want -- [01:11:00] it wasn’t personal. I
can always tell you this. I can guarantee you Daley was not against the
community. He just wanted ’em in a different part of the state as far away as
possible, (laughs) but he got no problem with us.

JJ:

So why would he tell ’em that that --

DR:

Why would he do that?

JJ:

Why did he do it? It doesn’t have to be [the Wicker area?].

DR:

Money. It’s all about the greenback. This is the United States of America, and
everything here revolves around the greenback. People talk about racism and
they talk about this, and you talk about -- this is my personal opinion.

JJ:

What’s your opinion?

54

�DR:

My personal opinion? It’s all about the greenback. I’ll give you the biggest
communists in the world and the biggest socialists in the world. I’ll throw a
couple million in front of ’em. They are going to be American citizens all the way.
(laughter) “Karl who? Karl what?” [01:12:00] This is about money.

JJ:

“Karl what?”

DR:

Yeah, this is what it’s all about. I mean, and the reason they fight and they’re
arguing with you is because, you know, there’s one less group and more money
for you. Remember, most of these organizations are funded by the government.
The government gives them a certain amount of money to keep that organization
going, so they want to keep it going as long as they can. Why? Because they’re
receiving that check. That’s their earnings. That’s what they’re receiving, and
I’m going to give you an example of something I don’t like here in Puerto Rico.
We have students in Universidad de Puerto Rico en Río Piedras who have been
studying for 25 and 30 years. They’ve never held a job. They’re getting a check
from the government for the past 25, 30 years monthly to study, and then they
finish a course and they take another course. They take another course. Now,
they’ve been studying for 25 to 30 years. These are [01:13:00] people who
started in college in their twenties. Now, they’re close to 60 years old, and
they’re still studying. They’ve never had a job, but they’ve gotten money all their
lives through the government to study.

JJ:

Are you talking about me?

DR:

No, (laughter) I’m talking about --

JJ:

Hey, mister, are you telling me about life? No, I’m just --

55

�DR:

But this is what goes on, and those are things that -- I’m trying to explain it’s
about the greenback.

JJ:

So [through careers?] too?

DR:

It’s not that they’re doing something for this. The ones that really are doing
something -- no, not you.

JJ:

That’s what I --

DR:

You’ve been at this before there was money. (laughs) I can befriend you, but I’m
talking about others that came after you, and they’re just there for the money.
They’re not doing anything for the community. What are they doing? Tell me
one thing they’re doing.

JJ:

And then they’re really there for a career for themselves?

DR:

Exactly. That’s not for the --

JJ:

And then --

DR:

Before, it was for the people, remember? The People’s Park, the people’s
power. The People’s this-- [01:14:00] Now, it’s the --

JJ:

But what about the students? [It must be kids that are?] --

DR:

I got kids. I got a wife and family, you know.

JJ:

That’s how you see it?

DR:

That’s the way they see it. They’re not going to jeopardize their job anymore.
(laughs)

JJ:

But you think that Daley saw it as a money thing?

DR:

Daley did it because of money. That’s the only reason he did it because --

JJ:

I thought --

56

�DR:

-- that area was being asked for by the big shots. The old money wanted to
rebuild that area, which is what they’re doing actually right now. They just rebuilt
that whole area. It’s being all rebuilt, and they’re making that into lofts. And you
know what they get for one of those lofts? Four hundred grand. I mean, the
factory where my dad used to work -- this was an old factory building.

JJ:

Which one was this?

DR:

JB Electronics on Armitage close to Westin. It was an old factory building. Old.
They stripped this building down; tore, I mean, the floors and the roof, everything.
All they left was the four [01:15:00] walls. And they remodeled it, put new floors - lots. Each one of ’em sold for almost 500,000 dollars. This was an old factory
building that they were going to demolish. And they want that area, why?
Because they’re five minutes from downtown. They don’t even have to take their
cars. You get on the bus, and you’re in Downtown in 10 minutes. You get on the
train, you’re probably downtown in five minutes.

JJ:

You’re on the lake.

DR:

You’re on the lake, you know, and that is prime real estate. The Puerto Ricans
knew where they wanted to move. (laughs) They like the park and they like the
beach, and they picked that area. And at that time when they came in, it was
ghetto. When the Puerto Ricans first moved there, that was ghetto. The
downtown area was the downtown area. The Americans at that time didn’t think
they were going to expand, right?

JJ:

Actually, it was skid row at that time --

DR:

That was skid row.

57

�JJ:

-- on Madison Square.

DR:

Jewtown over there on Holliston and Madison. [01:16:00] You know, and the
Americans basically failed to realize that they were going to expand. The city
was growing. They were shocked when they all the sudden had over 100,000
Puerto Ricans. Plus, the Black population was getting big, and they were all in a
small area. And they’re going, “Oh, my God, wait a minute. That’s in a certain
area, and all that area’s worth a lot of money.” They saw all this money coming
out of there in rents and stuff like that, and all these people were getting rich off
the populations that were moving into these old buildings. And then all the
sudden, the city started expanding, opening up, getting bigger. Downtown
started expanding, and they needed prime territory, and we were right in the
middle of it. And that’s what happened, Cha-Cha, and you know it. (laughs) And
now if you want to find Puerto Ricans in Chicago, they’re there, but not like
before. Most of ’em now are in the suburbs.

JJ:

What are any final thoughts?

DR:

Any final thoughts? I can tell you I’m glad you did this. [01:17:00] I’m glad that I
was able to say something. There’s a lot of things I would have liked to have
said, but --

JJ:

Go ahead.

DR:

No, there’s just not enough time. (laughs) We would need a year. There’s a lot
of things that really should be said, you know, but basically, as far as our family, I
can tell a lot of people that we have a lot to be proud of. We were one of the first
Latino families there -- well, Puerto Rican families, because the Mexicans were

58

�there before us. But one of the first Puerto Rican families there, and we could
probably say that we worked with all the major organizations that helped build
that community there. We can also probably say that we worked with the best
music thing there. We were involved in almost every aspect of the growing of
that city and every community action, or musically or school-wise. In any form
you want to mention, our family was directly involved in it, so [01:18:00] I can
veritably say to you now I’m glad somebody’s going to say something because
otherwise, it would’ve been a story that would have never been told. And it
needed to be told. And there’s other families, not only ours, that need their story
told too. So I’ll mention all of those families like the Ortizes, the Sotos, the
Riveras, the Ochoas; you know, the Jiménezes. You know, all of them had
complete -- they were the ones that built the city. They were the ones that built
the reputations we’re living down now, and for good or worse, that’s what there
was. And I don’t think Chicago turned out too bad. Chicago has a lot of stuff to
be proud of. Whether they like it or not, (laughter) me whether they like it or not,
and a [01:19:00] few other guys whether they like it or not. And believe me,
there’s some that like it, and some don’t. But you can see nicely that a lot of
people respect us and that they liked us. They also realized and they know who
we are, and they’ve never beaten around the bush by saying no. When they talk
about us, they know, “That was one of the first families.” They know, “Those
guys were involved in everything,” so thanks, Cha-Cha.
JJ:

No, thank you.

DR:

Nice meeting you, man.

59

�M1:

(inaudible)

END OF VIDEO FILE

60

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                    <text>Department of State
Washington 6th August 1867
David S. Gooding Esq.
U.S. Marshall for the District of Columbia
Sir,
I enclose herewith the President’s Warrant for the pardon of James Evans and will thank
you to acknowledge its receipt.
I am, sir,
Your obedient Servant,
William H Seward
Acting Secretary

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                    <text>ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW
KEN DAVID

Born: January 1950, Gerard, Ohio
Resides: Niles, Ohio
Interviewed by: James Smither PhD, GVSU Veterans History Project,
Transcribed by: Joan Raymer, October 26, 2012
Interviewer: Can you start us off with some background on yourself, where and
when were you born for instance?
I was born in January of 1950 in the small town of Gerard and currently living in Niles.
Interviewer: Did you grow up in Gerard?
Yes, I grew up in Gerard.
Interviewer: What did your family do for a living then?
My mom was a housewife, she was a stay home mom, and my dad worked.
Interviewer: What kind of a job did he have?
He was a machinist
Interviewer: Was he working in sort of a factory or repair shop?
Yes, in factories, yes
Interviewer: How many kids were in the family?
I have a brother and two sisters.
Interviewer: Did you go to public schools there?
Yes, public school and public high school. 1:04
Interviewer: When did you graduate from high school?
I graduated in 1968 and got drafted in 1969.
Interviewer: What did you do between graduation and when you got drafted?

1

�I was recruited by the state of Ohio Highway Department and I worked in the centrifuge
on black top plants, testing black top.
Interviewer: How did you wind up with that?
They came to the school and they went through certain records and they picked like
seven of us and they hired two of us.
Interviewer: Now, in your school, did most kids, at that point, not go to college?
Most of them went to college.
Interviewer: They did go to college.
The ones that did not go to college got drafted.
Interviewer: At the time that you got drafted, how much did you know about the
war in Vietnam or what was going on over there?
Nothing—they never talked about it in school.
Interviewer: You didn’t see stuff in TV? 2:04
I didn‟t even know where it was.
Interviewer: But you were aware of the draft though?
Oh yes
Interviewer: And were you expecting that sooner or later they would catch up with
you?
Yes
Interviewer: Once you do get drafted then, take us through the process. You get
your notice and then what do you do?

2

�I had to go downtown; they put us on a bus and took us to the Cleveland regional office.
All day physical and that was the first time, you passed or failed, and we got on the bus
and came home and waited for the next notice to come and report.
Interviewer: When people went in for the physical, were there people who tried to
find ways to beat the system?
Yes, there were many, many. Some protested religiously, some wore sheets; some
poured actual packets of water in the urine test. 3:10 Some acted up, and they just
called the MP‟s, they hauled them across the hall and told them they were Marines and
everybody calmed right down.
Interviewer: People tried stuff, but it didn’t work?
No, soap under the armpits to get their blood pressure up, it was all kinds of things.
Interviewer: But you didn’t pull any of that stuff yourself?
No, no need to.
Interviewer: So, basically you were willing to go, and figured your country calls you
have to go?
Yes
Interviewer: So, how long did you have to wait around before you got your
instructions on reporting for basic?
Not long
Interviewer: Where did they send you for basic training?
They sent me to Fort Campbell, Kentucky, for August and September, and from there I
went to Fort Polk, Louisiana until January. 4:04
Interviewer: All right, describe what basic training consisted of at Fort Campbell?

3

�They told us from day one that we were all going to a country called Vietnam, and they
taught us everything to be able to survive from the basics to the most extreme.
Interviewer: So, they were actually teaching you about conditions in Vietnam or
trying to?
They were, like I told the doctors before, they were programing us. In basic training they
broke us down both physically and mentally, so we would react to different commands
from our drill sergeants and once they got to that point we were functioning just like a
group of, not boys anymore, but people following orders and not thinking about what the
orders are, just reacting. 5:07
Interviewer: Now, how easy or how hard was it for you to make the adjustment to
that?
It was very hard, you come out of high school, you‟re all smiles and happy go lucky and
then they‟re trying to get you into an environment that is hostile, if you looked the wrong
way you‟re dead, if you act the wrong way, you‟re dead, and they really prepared us
mentally.
Interviewer: Now, were there—did you push back with the training, or did you just
try to work with it the best you could?
I did the best I could in whatever they were trying to teach us.
Interviewer: Did you have people who were trying to resist, argue or fight back?
Yes
Interviewer: How does that play out, what kind of things would they do? 6:00

4

�They would recycle them. They would start them off in another training brigade as day
one, and those who couldn‟t cope the second time around, most of them got a hardship
discharge, unsuitable for the military.
Interviewer: What proportion of the guys that you started out training with kind of
finished the basic training on schedule?
The majority of them
Interviewer: Physically what kind of condition were you in when you went in?
Nineteen years old. Basic physical health, but after basic training your mind was
equipped to take on five Marines and beat them.
Interviewer: Did you build up your physical strength or endurance as a trainee?
Does the physical training do that or were you in pretty much the shape you needed
to be already?
No, the guys that were a little bit overweight, they went through more PT training, and
for the rest of us, every day was the same routine to build up our endurance. 7:11
Interviewer: Now the guys that were teaching you, were they guys who had been to
Vietnam or were they just drill instructors?
We had one drill instructor that was in Vietnam, was wounded and came back to be an
instructor. The rest of them, they‟re going through training just like the rest of us, in
preparation of going over, and they were all sergeants.
Interviewer: So they had been through the NCO training at this point and not
rotated over yet. Okay, then you go to Fort Polk for AIT, that’s your next stop.
Physically what was Fort Polk like or that area like?

5

�As the bus pulled in there were big signs called Tiger Land, and it was more God's
country, open. 8:03 More physical training, more weapons training, escape invasion
training, they started feeding us a hardboiled egg and a piece of toast for breakfast to
shrink our stomachs in preparation for what was coming.
Interviewer: Did they have forests or swampy areas around for you to train in?
Yes, it was all wetlands, and a lot of times they would take us out and give us degrees
and you had to find your way back, and it was all nasty and dirty.
Interviewer: Were there problems with alligators or snakes and things like that?
I didn‟t see any, no
Interviewer: Now, the men who were training you at this level, had more of them
been to Vietnam at this point?
The same way, some were and some weren‟t. 9:00
Interviewer: Did they try to give you any kind of training in terms of how to deal
with civilian populations, or populated areas, or was this just all out in the swamps?
It was military vs. military
Interviewer: About how long did this last?
It was another eight weeks or ten weeks.
Interviewer: What kind of MOS did you come out with?
Eleven Charlie, which is a mortar, but they also trained us on the M16, the M14, the
M60, LAWs, they gave it all to us. My specialty was the mortars, but when we got to
Vietnam it was an infantry rifle.

6

�Interviewer: It’s what you’d need when you got there. When you complete AIT, do
they let you go homer before sending you overseas, or do you get a post in the states
first? 10:04
They asked for those who wanted to go to jump school, they could go to jump school and
the other ones could go home for five days before going to California to be shipped out.
Interviewer: Which option did you take?
I went home for five days.
Interviewer: what was it like to go home and know that you’re going off to Vietnam
next?
My family was sad, but I knew that I had to do what I had to do.
Interviewer: Physically, how did they get you out to Vietnam? What was the
process?
From California they put us on a United commercial jet with stewardesses and meals, and
flew us to Hawaii and then to Guam, another island, and then on to Vietnam.
Interviewer: What was that atmosphere in the plane going over? Was this a
chartered one for the military?
Yes
Interviewer: What was it like on that plane? 11:02
I passed out and didn‟t wake up until we got to Hawaii. My buddy nest to me said they
couldn‟t wake me up, but I was emotionally drained because we were on the plane for
twenty three hours and going over in your mind—you don‟t know what to expect. At
nineteen years old I had been trained to kill people and am I going to be able to shoot
somebody?

7

�Interviewer: What was you first impression of Vietnam when you got off the plane?
It was hitting a brick wall as you stepped off the plane because you were so conditioned
to the air conditioning on the plane. We landed in January and it was like walking into
the twilight zone.
Interviewer: Where did you land in Vietnam? 12:00
Bien Hoa
Interviewer: You get off the plane and what do they do with you?
They just put us in formation, called off the names and assigned you to a company. I
remember doing KP, and then they shipped us off to what they call SERTS training for a
week. Our instructors wore black hats, we lived in hooches. We were fenced in and
during the day they would take us outside the wire on patrols, trying to prep us for when
they put us in the real jungle.
Interviewer: What kinds of things do they want you to learn, or what sort of
preparation are you getting?
Follow orders and if they say “stop”, you freeze, no question.
Interviewer: Did they teach you how to spot booby traps and things like that?
13:07
Most of that was done in training. There was more that they showed us there that was on
the job training more or less.
Interviewer: Are they still focusing on just dealing with enemy military forces as
opposed to people in civilian areas or things like that?
They told us that where they were going to send us was strictly regular NVA army.
Interviewer: Did you at this point, know what unit you were going to join?

8

�No
Interviewer: But they had some idea?
They had it all mapped out. When we finished out search, I remember, they put me and
somebody else on a helicopter took us out in the jungle, and that‟s when I met my
Lieutenant and graded myself on target. 14:07
Interviewer: What unit did they assign you to?
I was in the 2nd platoon, Delta [Company], 1st [Battalion] of the 506th [Regiment].
Interviewer: In the 101st Airborne.
101st Airborne, Air Mobile, Air Assault
Interviewer: Where were they based at the time you joined them?
At Camp Evans, which was up north in the high country, and the first month we just
patrolled the low land. About two months later we hit the A Shau Valley.
Interviewer: Let’s talk about that first part first. They take you up—the
helicopter—did they take you to Camp Evans or did they take you to a smaller place
where your company was or how did that work?
From Bien Hoa, from the airport, they put us on a Chinook, there was a bunch of us, and
flew us up north, got off at Camp Evans, and from there they assigned. 15:06
Interviewer: Was your company at Camp Evans when you got there?
They were in the field.
Interviewer: Did you wait for them to come back from the field?
No, they took me out.
Interviewer: How did you get you out?
By Helicopter

9

�Interviewer: So they fly you out, you go in and you join the company. What sort of
a reception do you get when you get there?
“Your cherry is here, you‟re blood.”
Interviewer: Once you joined them, did anybody make an effort to kind of explain
to you what was going on or give you any advice on what to do?
The ones that I met at that time, they try to help you out, they tell you where to go, and
the squad leader points you in more directions.
Interviewer: Do you remember going out on patrol with them for the first time?
Yes
Interviewer: What was that like, or what do you remember about it? 16:00
They kept saying, “This is the real thing”.
Interviewer: What was the country like that you were patrolling in? Was it open
country or grassland?
It was open grassland with little hills on it.
Interviewer: When you were moving, were you going just as a squad, or platoon, or
whole company?
As the 2nd platoon
Interviewer: About how many men were in the platoon when you joined it?
I don‟t remember that, but there was there were about eighteen or twenty of us when we
got shot up the last time.
Interviewer: Do you remember how big your squad was when you joined that?
I would say we had four squads, and maybe five or six in a squad.

10

�Interviewer: And when you go out, initially, where did they put you in the squad?
Did they make you walk point right away, or the rear, or in the middle someplace?
17:04
Just—they had their point men already trained and they just put you in line somewhere.
Interviewer: When you move through that open country, how far apart would you
be normally?
We were five or six feet.
Interviewer: Now, were there trails in those places, or would you just walk in the
grass or what?
Our sergeant—from our sergeant we set off the trails. Trails always end up in an
ambush, so we made our own trails.
Interviewer: On that first patrol did you have any kind of contact?
No contact, we saw them, but we had no contact.
Interviewer: Now, when you were at Camp Evans, based at Camp Evans, did you
spend time camped out overnight outside of the perimeter, at times, or were you just
mostly inside of it at night? 18:03
The whole time I was there I night have slept on a cot three times. It was strictly all
jungle. We would go out thirty-five or forty-five days and come back in.
Interviewer: How long were you at Camp Evans before you started doing that?
From the time I got to Evans and went through, I would guess it a week of KP duty, and a
week on certs and then right out in the jungle.
Interviewer: You get up there, and talk about SERTS, was this the training we
talked about or was this another level of training?

11

�This was training in country, which were the procedures they wanted us to follow in
country.
Interviewer: Was this specific to the 101st?
Yes
Interviewer: All right, but once that’s done they’re pretty quickly sending you out
into the jungle areas as opposed to—because you’re talking about going through
grass and the hills. How long were you doing that? 19:12
I guess maybe a month or a month and a half.
Interviewer: While you were doing that were you sleeping out in the field?
Oh yes
Interviewer: So, at night what would you do?
We would set up in a perimeter. There were two guys in a squad and one would sleep
and one would stay awake, and then they would shift back and forth all night.
Interviewer: When you set up a perimeter, what kind of defenses would you have?
We would set up the claymores, and the trip flares in front of us in case something did
happen to sneak in.
Interviewer: But, they’re not bringing in concertina wire or things like that?
No, that was only on the fire support bases.
Interviewer: Would you dig in at all?
Sometimes we would, and sometimes, if the vegetation was high enough, just--- 20:09
Interviewer: Did the enemy try to probe those perimeters at all, or did they ever
shoot mortars at you, or things like that?
Yes, many times, like when we were in the valley. Satchel charges, mortars.

12

�Interviewer: But, were they doing it around Evans?
No, that was pretty much quiet.
Interviewer: Then when they tell you that you’re heading off into the jungle now,
and you’re going to head off, did the veteran guys in the unit say, “Ok, this is going
to be different or harder, or did you just go?
We just went.
Interviewer: How did they get you out of there?
By helicopter again
Interviewer: Were you going to an established firebase or a new LZ, what was it?
It could just be an open spot in the jungle. It could be a regular fire support base that was
leaving another company. 21:12 They told us very little, they just threw us on and
dropped us off.
Interviewer: Do you remember sort of going out into the jungle the first time, the
first of those trips out, or do they all run together now?
They all run together, and once you go to the first one they‟re all the same. Some are
hotter, some are quiet.
Interviewer: Describe, a little bit, the country you’re operating in now, the jungle
terrain, physically what does it look like to you as you’re going through it?
Lowlands, there were creeks, wetlands, grass, and our feet were always wet, and at night
you always change your socks and put the other ones around your neck until they fried
the next day, leaches, and when we got to the mountains, in the valley, the rains were
cold at night and you could see your breath. 22:08 The rain lasted a long time and you
were just miserable.

13

�Interviewer: Did you have any way to keep yourselves dry? Did you have ponchos?
Our policy was, we didn‟t take ponchos because they made too much noise. The dinks
would hear the noise and they would come. All we had was tropical blankets.
Interviewer: Now, when you would—how long would you be out there on patrol at
one time? How long were you away from the base?
The first time was thirty some days. We came in for a day, got resupplied, showered and
shaved and went back out the next day, and that was forty-five days. We came back in
and the last time was--- 23:07
Interviewer: Now was there a sort of routine when you’re out on one of these long
patrols out in the jungle, what happens day to day?
You try to be quiet; you can hear somebody talking a long, long way away. No noise, no
animals, just quiet. I had the answer on the radio as low as it would go, wrapped in a
towel, and tied, trying to keep the noise down.
Interviewer: So were you working as an RTO then?
Yes, when my Lieutenant's radio man went to the Captain to be his radio man, they asked
me to walk point or carry the radio. I said, “This is a no brainer, give me the radio”.
There again, they gave us radio class training also.
Interviewer: How heavy was the radio?
Too heavy, and we had trouble with the batteries. 24:04 They made me carry two extra
batteries because they would just go dead all of a sudden.
Interviewer: Now, were these radios that had big, long antennas on them, or did
you have a short antenna?

14

�In the beginning I had a big, long, flimsy antenna, and then I got a better antenna, that
they sent me that was shorter.
Interviewer: At certain points the RTO’s were targets for snipers, or anybody, and
those big long antennas were a giveaway.
Yes, I carried mine wrapped down and it was tied on, so I tried to conceal it.
Interviewer: So, you were the RTO for your platoon leader then?
Yes
Interviewer: How early on did you get that assignment?
Probably after a month, I‟m guessing.
Interviewer: So, basically most of the time you’re walking around in the jungle
carrying the radio?
Yes, communicating with the other squads and the Captain. 25:09
Interviewer: Alright and when you moved through a jungle area, how would you go
about doing that? Would you still stay off the trails or would you have to use them
sometimes?
We stayed off the trails. The trails were nothing but trouble.
Interviewer: Were there other units that were using them and getting into trouble?
Ambushes, yes
Interviewer: But, if you’re going through jungle, aren’t you having to cut your way
through with machetes or something?
Sometimes, and sometimes you‟re just pulling and working your way through. If we did
a click a day we were happy.

15

�Interviewer: So, in order to keep fairly quiet, you can’t just be chopping away hard
on a scale like that?
No
Interviewer: Would you move by day or by night?
By day, and as it was getting dark we always set up for nighttime.
Interviewer: When you set up for nighttime, were you setting up as a company or a
platoon? 26:08
As a platoon, even though the company was assigned to a certain region, each platoon
had its own place to setup for the night and we got those from the Captain.
Interviewer: As you prepare to setup for the night, what are the steps you take, or
what happens there as you get ready for the overnight?
If the ground is pure rock, we dug in the best we could, set our flares and claymores, in
preparation for the long night to come.
Interviewer: How often did you have contact then, whether by day or by night?
Once we got in the valley and the mountains with the regular army, it seemed like every
day. 27:03
Interviewer: Would you see much of them during the day or sometimes find them,
or mostly at night when they came after you?
Sometimes you would see them crossing, if you were high enough in the mountains, and
most of the time they came after us at night.
Interviewer: Did they have a standard procedure for doing that?
They hit us with satchel charges first and then come in.

16

�Interviewer: How big was one of these satchel charges? Did you ever see one that
hadn’t blown up?
Yes, I was throwing them back at them at one point.
Interviewer: How close would they have to be to throw them?
The ones that we found, that didn‟t go off, were so big, so square, two inches square, six
inches big, they were yellow dynamite with a blasting cap that they pulled that starts the
fuse, wrapped in plastic. 28:13 Some of them were more sophisticated, but it would
take your arm off or your leg off.
Interviewer: Now, they throw those first—were they pretty much sort of throwing
those blind in your general direction? Did they target individual foxholes?
No, they kind of knew where everybody was setting up for the night, most of the time.
Sometimes they would just throw them and get lucky and most of them that came in took
somebody out.
Interviewer: After they throw the satchel charges, what happens next?
By this time we‟re all returning fire, except for the last battle, they just kept coming.
Interviewer: The ones before the last battle then, are they just kind of testing you to
see what happens?
Yes 29:07
Interviewer: Then you fire, and if you’re firing then, can they see your gun flashes
or things like that and know where you are?
We used tracers going out.
Interviewer: It would seem to me if they’re usually getting somebody effectively,
were you constantly losing men?

17

�Yes
Interviewer: Would you get replacements sent out to you in the field, or would you
just keep getting smaller and smaller?
We kept getting smaller and smaller and when they got replacements in the rear, they
came out in a chopper.
Interviewer: How long did it take—by the time you went out into the jungle, did
you already feel like you were part of the unit and knew what you were doing, or did
you still feel like the new guy at that point?
After about thirty days you weren‟t the new guy anymore. 30:01
Interviewer: By the time you’re in the jungle, you’re at least part of the squad or
the platoon at this point, and know who those guys are?
Yes
Interviewer: So, when they do bring in the replacements to your unit, did you have
anything to do with them or try to help them?
No, once I became the Lieutenant's radio man I stuck with the Lieutenant and the
sergeant, we were always in communication.
Interviewer: Did you work well with the Lieutenant?
Yes, up to a point. When the Captain got ambushed one night the radio man lost his leg
and died of a heart attack a couple of days later at the hospital, my Lieutenant, Fletcher,
he turned on me, got real cold. We had a confrontation one night and that‟s when he
broke down and he said he got real close with his first radio man and it tore him up when
he died. 31:05 He didn‟t get close to me and I understood why and I said, “You be what
you have to be”.

18

�Interviewer: It wears on the officers as much as anybody.
Yes, the stress, I didn‟t care if he was an officer or not, if you have a problem, talk to me.
Interviewer: So, you have a period there of several months when you’re spending a
lot of time going on these long patrols. Go in, take some losses, get some probing
attacks etc. Now, did you, at that time, conduct any operations that seemed to be
successful, or doing what they were supposed to be doing? Were you able to
ambush them, or make trouble for them?
At certain times we go and ambush sites, nothing ever happened. It was always daytime
skirmishes, or at nighttime for sure. 32:06
Interviewer: In a daytime skirmish, how would that play out?
They would hit and run. We‟d send a little patrol out, they would hit at them, but they
would hide.
Interviewer: How much to you actually see of them, at least before the final fight?
During the day very little except when they would sneak, and they had tunnels
everywhere.
Interviewer: Did you ever uncover tunnels or bunkers, or find any of those?
Yes, we found a—we came around the bottom of a mountain, on a little higher ground,
and there was a bunker complex, highly sophisticated for a company of a larger size.
They had a latrine all bamboo lashed, but they weren‟t there. 33:12 A lot of, lot of
bunkers, and they were setup at a good ambush site to protect the people inside.
Interviewer: Except, they weren’t there when you got there?
No, they had moved on.

19

�Interviewer: When you find a bunker complex like that, what happens, do you call
in somebody to blow it up?
We go through all the hooches with what we have, and we didn‟t blow anything up on
this one, we just moved in, investigated, and moved out.
Interviewer: Now, as the Lieutenant's radio operator, do you have any better idea
of what’s going on, or what you’re supposed to be doing, or is it still mostly
mysterious?
As far as our missions, it was—people in the rear knew what we were doing. 34:06
They would send us out there to patrol the area and we just had to relay what we„d find,
and so forth, back.
Interviewer: Now, when you did make contact of one kind or another, or come
under attack at night, Were you able to call in air support or artillery support?
Yes, one time we called in fighters for us and they dropped napalm. Helicopters came
out, airships came out, artillery, mortar support, and most of it was all there. I had all the
frequencies to go to, to ask for support.
Interviewer: Now, when the Vietnamese would attack you, what kind of fire power
did they have besides their satchel charges?
They would have their AK47‟s, and the last battle they hit us with machine guns, tear
gas, they hit us with it all when we come in and landed. 35:11
Interviewer: Now, before you’re in the last battle, you’re going on patrols etc. How
are you getting supplies?
As we ran low, we called in resupply. I never set numbers on the radio. We had a “nasty
shackle”, and a “nasty shackle” was just a dirty word for zero to nine. I would say “nasty

20

�shackle” like “alpha, “bravo”, which gave them a number of what we had left and they
would set up a resupply and a helicopter would come out.
Interviewer: Would you sometimes make a hole in the canopy for them to come
through, or would you have open places for them to land? 36:03
Sometimes they would fly by and drop us cases of C4, det cord, and then we would set up
a site big enough and we would blow one charge and the helicopter would come in before
the dust settled and either get us out or give us what we needed and move out quick.
Interviewer: But, the idea was to do it quickly because there were bad guys in the
area.
Yes, they would hear the noise and they would come.
Interviewer: Now, did you have situations on these patrols where the helicopters
were coming under fire anyway?
Yes, at one point as the helicopters were coming out, they were getting shot down.
Interviewer: Did you have some of those missions that were aborted because of
that?
Yes, we were already in the jungle, we had low water, low ammo, and finally a helicopter
made it through.
Interviewer: Were you also getting medevac’s coming in and taking out your
wounded as they got hit?
Only if the weather was good 37:06

For a night attack, they wouldn‟t come in. We

had a guy, he had a big white dot on his helicopter, he was a ghost rider, and he came in,
we were in the mountains, we were socked in, and a guy was dying, he had to go, and this
guy came out and we talked him in by the side of the mountain, the echo. He came

21

�straight down and you couldn‟t see in front of you from the fog and mist and everything,
so he shut her down and he said, “I‟m only shutting her down for ten minutes and if it
doesn‟t clear, I‟, out of here. We loaded him up, and he waited, and ten minutes later he
fired up and he said, “I‟m going straight up and if the echo doesn‟t sound right let me
know”. The guy did survive. 38:06
Interviewer: So, you had some good pilots?
Yes, we had some good pilots. We had some pilots that were afraid, but the majority of
the pilots were good and that‟s why we‟re here.
Interviewer: Now, were there occasions where they could bring you extra supplies
or better food, or things like that, or drop in a case of beer, or did that not happen
when you were out there?
I can remember times when they would resupply us there would be an ammo canister
with a plastic bag and it had either hot rice, or maybe spaghetti, but that wasn‟t too often.
Interviewer: Occasional hot food, but that’s pretty much it.
Yes
Interviewer: What do you do for water when you’re out there, do you drink out of
streams, or do you just--I‟d carry a quart and a half gallon canteen. 39:00 In the mountains the streams were
pure, clean, and we would dump out the water they would send us, it was nasty, and we‟d
drink from the streams.
Interviewer: What are you doing for food at that point?
We had our C rations. Occasionally we‟d get a dehydrated meal, but most of it was C‟s.

22

�Interviewer: When you got back to base camp after being out for a month, or
whatever, than what was the process there?
We‟d leave our ruck at the pad, take our M16 and walk down to the barber shop, and get
a shave and a haircut.
Interviewer: Did they use Vietnamese barbers?
Yes, we had Vietnamese barbers on base. 40:01
Interviewer: Did you wonder about them at all?
I said, “They‟re going to kill me with a straight razor, and they‟re going to do it here or in
the jungle”.
Interviewer: Would there be a lot of Vietnamese working on the bases during the
day?
I don‟t know
Interviewer: Now there long enough to know?
Not there long enough to find out what‟s going on.
Interviewer: Would they issue you new fatigues when you go in?
We had a bunch of fatigues I our duffle bags and we would just throw the ones we had on
away and grab a new set. At one point they actually sent us out clean fatigues, but with
different names you know, but they were clean.
Interviewer: So, you have a certain kind of regular routine or pattern that you
follow at times, but then the last patrol you go out on that’s the one that gets really
ugly?
Very ugly

23

�Interviewer: Take us through that patrol the best you can. You’re going out and
what happens? 41:04
The last battle?
Interviewer: Yes, how long are you out there in the field before that battle actually
happens this time?
We took off from a fire support base. It was a company assault, there were twenty one
helicopters, and at least six guys in each helicopter. The helicopter would come in, land,
and we would load up and take off. As you kept flying a big circle until we were leaded
and we took off for an abandoned fire support base. The gun ships were on the first
helicopter and on the way in they fired their rockets just to prep the area, and then the
first helicopter landed. The helicopter I was on was the last to land. They started
shooting at us, so we would pop red smoke, the other ones detoured away. 42:07 Our
medic was on the other side of the helicopter, and he took a chest wound as he was
getting off. They hit us with machine guns, tear gas, and it was a very, very hot LZ. The
sergeants in charge and the squad leaders, we set up a very fast perimeter, we took care of
business and they kind of folded back. The other helicopters came in, we made a big
perimeter on top of the old mountain and that night it was quiet. That‟s was on may 5th,
and on May 6th I did some patrolling on the bottom. 43:00 The one patrol that Greg
was in, they were going up the hill and the dink jumped up. They had no place to go, and
Roger, who was on point, he just fell back, and as he rolled back he took an AK in the
rump, it wasn‟t a death wound, but it hurt like hell. That night, on May 6th, it was quiet
until about two or three o‟clock in the morning and then they hit us. Our 2nd platoon was

24

�the only one on the mountain at this time, the other ones had all moved off, and the
mountain top was too big for us to secure, we were spaced that far. 44:01
Interviewer: Were you spaced all around the clearing or just in one end of it?
We were in a circle, somewhat, we were spaced that far, not closer like we normally did.
The position to the left of me popped a grenade, minutes before I just asked for a sitrep
[situation report], and everybody gave me their sitrep. Then I heard the grenade pop, he
sat up and then it was the 4th of July. He took a—there was a dink right in front of him
and when he sat up he gave away his position. He took a full mag, either AK or M16, the
position to the right of me, they were dead, and the position to the right of them, they
were already dead. 45:04 They had crawled in and slit their throats. Satchel charges
were coming in everywhere and going off, they counted twenty some charges that didn‟t
go off around me. At one point I was looking down at the top of the mountain, watching
the battle and didn‟t understand what was happening. I kept saying, “I got to get back
and help them, I got to get back and help them”.
Interviewer: So, where are you relative to the rest of the men in the platoon at this
point? You had your circle and part of it got broken into.
They came up our side. It was me, sarge, Lieutenant, we were on this part of the
mountain here, and we had people to right, people to the left and all the way around the
circle. 46:09 it was basically sheer rock coming up this way and sheer rock here, but
that‟s the side he decided to come up. Moments after the battle started the sergeant‟s
weapon jammed; he grabbed the radio off me, and went to the center of the circle. When
I came to, I still had my hand on my weapon. I took care of business, they were close,

25

�they were closer to me than you are right now, whether they were getting ready to pick
my body I don‟t know, but I took care of business.
Interviewer: So, were you knocked out by concussion from a blast?
Probably for the satchel charges at that point, many of them. 47:01
Interviewer: Ok, but did you remember the sergeant taking your radio?
No
Interviewer: So, basically—
When I came to—sarge said, in the hospital, that I was out for a long time. When I came
to, my ear drums were gone, I heard nothing. I saw those dinks looking at me every time
a charge would go off, and I did what I had to do. At this time I realized the sarge wasn‟t
next to me, the lieutenant was lifeless, and every time a flash would go off I‟d see a new
face. I had a basic lead M16 with twenty-one magazines and carried an extra seven.
Sarge kept yelling, “Go help little David, they‟re all dead”, and I realized I was the only
one left of basically on half a perimeter circle. 48:04 Finally Greg, who was the
“thumper man”, grenadier, he said, “Got to do something‟, so he came running. As he
was running toward sarg, he was running into the dinks. The thumper has to make seven
revolutions to be armed on the warhead, and they were going right through the dinks. In
the hospital they asked Sims, “What did you do?” He said, “I got dinks up there with
holes in them”, well they didn‟t explode, so they went through them. To sarg he got
some and from sarg to me he got more.
Interviewer: Did they know where you were? You were firing, so they guessed that
was you, at that point?
Yes. We always made sure where our positions were before the lights went out. 49:03

26

�Interviewer: did you stay in your position then and just fire from there, or did you
try to move and get to where the sergeant was?
I stayed there because if I would have left, nobody would have made it. Then finally
Greg made it to me, a dink jumped up real close, shot an RPG, it went between us, it
exploded behind us, we both received shrapnel and as Greg was thumping his thumper he
got shot in the side. He went down, but we held that part of the perimeter. Daylight
came and the 3rd platoon was at the bottom of the hill on another little knoll, and as they
made their way, when the battle started, they got ambushed, so it took them a while to
take care of the ambush. 50:05 They finally made their way to us at daylight, and as
they came up the backside, over to us, the sergeant came running over to help me my
position with Greg. He got shot, I carried him back and that‟s when one of the medics
was there and said, “You‟re not going anywhere soldier, stay here”, and that‟s when other
people from the 3rd platoon---at one point Greg called in a flare ship, he can‟t hear, his
eardrums are bleeding, he‟s screaming for help, and at one point the first flare ship out
landed right behind me. I didn‟t even know. I was either out or I was too busy doing
what I had to do. 51:00 The intense—when the doc told me I was wounded, that‟s
when I said “ouch‟. Up to that point I had no idea I was wounded. The adrenalin was
pumping so much that I had no pain.
Interviewer: Was this shrapnel from the RPG?
From the RPG, yes, and my back was peppered, I‟m sure it looked like a screen.
Interviewer: At some point do they medevac you out of there?
As everything got secured more, they called in for the medevacs, and they loaded up the
guys that were the worst and then on the last helicopter out there was myself, Greg, sarge

27

�we called Greek, and our forward observer who called in the—we finally got a forward
observer, he had direct contact with the artillery in the rear for our position, for fire.
52:05
Interviewer: So, were you able to get---how close in do they call for artillery in that
situation, practically on top of you?
We popped our flares in front of us as the gun ships were coming in, so they wouldn‟t go
beyond a certain point. When the flares ran out we lit our C4 and popped it in front of us,
so they had some kind idea of how far to come in.
Interviewer: Now, were you doing that while you were in your original position at
night?
Yes, and I would jump from my hole to the sarge‟s hole. It was all rock, so the holes
weren‟t that deep, but as the charges would come in I would jump and they would go off.
Interviewer: So, you would go back and forth between those and not just stay in
one place and wait for them.
No
Interviewer: While you’re doing all that, how long of time do you think this took,
the fire fight you’re in, five hours or not? 53:05
From the time it started, on the Intel report, I think it lasted like three hours. During that
time we had no recollection. It wasn‟t, in fact, until I applied for the intelligence reports
that we actually knew what happened, and why it happened. The Generals in the rear
knew that there was a battalion of NVA in our area where our company was held, but
they didn‟t tell us that.

28

�Interviewer: And they targeted, specifically, your platoon, and the ambushed
another one. Was there a 3rd platoon in the company out there somewhere?
The 3rd platoon was at the bottom of the hill.
Interviewer: Right, and what was your platoon?
We were the 2nd platoon.
Interviewer: Where was the 1st platoon?
The 1st platoon, I have no recollection. They were out there somewhere.
Interviewer: When you’re in that kind of situation, are you just kind of reacting
automatically or do you have some kind of survival sense, and do you not even know
why you did what you did? 54:02
You just do what they trained you to do.
Interviewer: Now, you survived this, do they take you—do you go back to Evans or
where do you go?
They took us to an aid station, from the aid station they flew us to—they flew ne to 67
evac, and I met Greg and Greek at the hospital.
Interviewer: Where was that?
In Nam, close to Camp Evans
Interviewer: So, it’s still at that area?
That same area, yes
Interviewer: How long were you in the hospital?
Every day they would, after they stabilized me and did what they had to do, every day
they would work me closer to Cam Ranh Bay, which was in the southern part, and I got

29

�shot up on May 7th, and I was home, back in the states for Memorial Day. 55:07 I spent
four months in the hospital.
Interviewer: What hospital were you in then in the states/
I ended up at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, in the veterans hospital.
Interviewer: After all of that, do you get discharged, or do you still have time left?
I had a year left. They trained me for four months, I was off, I was five months in the
hospital, I had a little less than a year to go, well eleven months. When I was discharged
from the hospital they told me I was a clerk and they sent me to Fort Dix, New Jersey.
Interviewer: Was that where you spent the rest of your time?
Yes, the rest of my year.
Interviewer: What did you do there? What was life like then in the last year?
56:00
It was hard readjusting from the hospital right back to civilian life. Military life stateside,
it was—people around me, they didn‟t want to talk about it or listen about it. You know,
I kept everything inside. You still had your quirks from nam, noises, didn‟t trust people,
etc.
Interviewer: What was the actual work you were doing there?
I was in charge of the National Guard, crybabies that wanted to go home before their
training was over.
Interviewer: Were you just processing their paperwork?
Just paperwork and record keeping to make sure their records were up to snuff.
Interviewer: Was this just a nine to five sort of job?
Basically

30

�Interviewer: Did you live on the base?
I lived on the base, still had duties to company, KP, they assigned me to a burial detail.
57:03 They started one up because of the boys coming back. People were requesting
military funerals I did five of those and I told the old man, “I can‟t do this anymore”.
Interviewer: What proportion of the men around you, that you had been working
with, had been to Vietnam already?
I would say half.
Interviewer: Did you guys talk to each other, or did you just kind of stay in your
own?
We stayed in our own perimeters.
Interviewer: Were there things you could do to blow off steam or relive tension?
Did you go into New York, or do anything like that?
No, I kind of stayed low and did my time.
Interviewer: Were you communicating with family during this time?
Yes
Interviewer: What were you telling them? What were you saying to them?
That everything was fine and don‟t worry. 58: 03 When I got to the hospital they made
us write a letter, and when mom got it, it was in a nice clean envelope and she wouldn‟t
open it, she thought something happened because all her other mail, guys would give it to
me and I would put it in a paper sack, but it was dirty fingerprints on most of the letters.
You know, they got dirty. When the helicopter came out, I made sure the mail bag got on
the helicopter to go back.

31

�Interviewer: When you were out there in the field, in Vietnam, how often would
you write?
Once a month
Interviewer: Were you getting stuff from home?
Occasionally you would get a care package and they would send it out and you would
share it with the people with you.
Interviewer: Were you able to tell the people at home what to send? Did you send
any requests back?
Yes, I sent a request back for my dad to send me a sheath knife. They didn‟t give us any
knives. 59:06 Salted Pumpkin seeds, sunflower seeds, anything with salt because the
salt pills just weren‟t getting it. They packed stuff in popcorn and if there were no bugs
in the popcorn when it got to us, we ate the popcorn, and cookies.
Interviewer: Did you cook popcorn out in the field?
It was all popped, they used it for packing.
Interviewer: Oh, alright.
To fill in the spaces
Interviewer: Basically you family, at this point, doesn’t have any idea what it was
that you were really doing while you were out there?
No, they didn‟t
Interviewer: So, you just kind of go through those last eleven months at Fort Dix,
kind of do the job? 00:02
Just bide my time

32

�Interviewer: So, you get to the end—did anybody make any effort to get you to
reenlist or anything like that?
No, they had my ceremony thirty days before I got out, and the recruiting officer said, “I
know you‟re not going to re-up”, and I said, “You‟re right”.
Interviewer: You had your ceremony, what are you referring to?
The sarge put me in for the Medal of Honor for that night, I ended up with the
Distinguished Service Cross, and they included my award ceremony on base with the
retirement ceremony. They had a band and refreshments, my parents came up, and the
General presented me, and said that was the highest award he has ever given anybody in
his career. 1:03
Interviewer: Now, did that—how did you feel about that at that time? did it mean
something to you?
I didn‟t even know what it was, the rank of the medal.
Interviewer: But they were making all of this show over you. On some level did you
appreciate that, or would you rather have been left alone then?
At that point I had very mixed emotions. Why are they honoring me for the ones that got
killed?
Interviewer: Now, we’ve gotten you, in your story here, to the point where you’ve
come to the end of your time. You’ve been given the DSC etc., and the army has
figured out they are not going to get you to come back, so you get discharged then in
1971. What do you do then once you’re out? 2:08
For a while I did nothing, and then I went back with the highway department.
Interviewer: Did you stay with them?

33

�No, I moved on to different jobs. I worked a while and moved on to another job.
Interviewer: Were you having just a hard time adjusting to civilian life after all the
stuff you went through?
Yes, it was hard
Interviewer: What kind of—was there any kind of support provided by the VA or
anybody else?
I knew of no support at all, I was on my own. I kept to myself and what little friends I
had, I kept them.
Interviewer: Did you have friends who were your friends before you went off and
came back to?
Yes, dear friends, no
Interviewer: Had any of your friends gone to Vietnam too, or just you? 3:07
Just me
Interviewer: Was the moving on from job to job just kind of part of it? Were you
just restless or impatient with things?
I tried to better myself. I got in one place and they laid me off, and I finally landed a job
at a construction outfit and did paper work and I was with him for nine years.
Interviewer: Did you just kind of stay with construction or did you move on?
No, at that point is when I lost it and I went to counseling, and moved on with my life the
best I could.
Interviewer: How did you wind up involved with the Ripcord Association? 4:02
Doing research and having my brother Greg locate me, and get in touch with me. I found
the sarge and the three of us started getting together and answering a lot of questions we

34

�had for forty years, and finding this happened two months after we got shot up, and a lot
of people had survived us, and Maureen [the hilltop where the last fight took place was
called Maureen, and the rebuilt company fought near Firebase Ripcord in July, 1970]
went on Ripcord and it was good getting associated with Ripcord. We all have different
stories to tell, different emotions, and met the people that replaced us. Met the people
who went from Maureen to Ripcord, and what they went through, and it‟s a good healing
process. 5:06
Interviewer: Are you now retired or still working?
I‟m still working and planning on retiring in January.
Interviewer: What kind of work are you doing now?
I‟m in heating, cooking and refrigeration out of our local, back home.
Interviewer: To look back on the whole thing, if you had to go through it all again,
would you have gone done it, or at least accepted the draft and gone forward with
it?
I‟d do it tomorrow
Interviewer: What do you see as the positive aspect of the experience for you? Are
you in some way better or wiser for what you went through? 6:00
I appreciate life, I appreciate friends, I don‟t take things for granted, and a lot of people
don‟t accept me for that.
Interviewer: At this point do you know who you are?
I have a real good idea of who I am, and what I‟m still capable of doing.
Interviewer: Well, you have a compelling story and you tell it well, and I want to
thank you for taking the time to share it with us.

35

�Thank you sir 6:38

36

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                <text>Ken David was born in Girard, Ohio in January of 1950. He graduated from high school in 1968 and was drafted a year later. He took basic training at Ft. Campbell, Kentucky, and Infantry AIT at Ft. Polk, Louisiana, and was sent to Vietnam in the fall of 1969. He was assigned to the 2nd platoon, D/1/506th Infantry, 101st Airborne Division. His company patrolled first in the lowlands near the coast south of the DMZ for a month, then spent about six weeks in the A Shau Valley at the end of the year. They then worked in the hill country to the north and west of the A Shau, and in early May the company's perimeter was hit by sappers, who overran the positions of David's platoon. He kept on fighting through the night, and was eventually joined by one of his friends. He was badly wounded in the fight and sent back to the US, and spent the rest of his hitch as a clerk at Fort Dix, New Jersey. He received the Distinguished Service Cross for his actions in his last battle.</text>
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                  <text>audio/mp3&#13;
text/pdf</text>
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                <text>David: This Was a Man After God's Own Heart</text>
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                <text>Richard A. Rhem</text>
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                <text>Richard A. Rhem - An Archive of Sermons, Prayers, Talks and Stories: http://richardrhem.org/</text>
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                <text>A sermon given by Richard A. Rhem (Dick) on November 2, 1986 entitled "David: This Was a Man After God's Own Heart", as part of the series "No Stained Glass Saints", on the occasion of Pentecost XXIV, at Christ Community Church, Spring Lake, MI. Scripture references: I Chronicles 29:14, Acts 13:22.</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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