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                    <text>4.2.18
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans’ History Project
Floyd Alexander
Vietnam War
57 minutes 40 seconds
(00:18) Early Life
-Born on October 29, 1949 in Jerseyville, Illinois
-Went to first four years of grade school there
-Moved to Dow, Illinois
-Graduated in 1968
(00:53) Army Enlistment
-February 1969 enlisted in the Army
-Wanted credit for a new car
-Bank refused to give him any credit because of being draft age
-Did not know much about Vietnam
-Two cousins served in Vietnam but didn’t talk about it
-Requested to be an MP (military police)
-Wound up being placed in artillery
(02:20) Basic Training
-Sent to Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri
-Greeted by a drill sergeant
-Screamed at the recruits
-Intimidated them
-Had “zero week” for processing
-Placement tests
-Documentation
-Physicals
-Was in a “fat farm” for overweight recruits
-Had to run everywhere, walking was not allowed
-Always got recruited for “special” jobs
-Very difficult to adjust to military living
-Never had trouble with other recruits
-Drill instructors were all Vietnam veterans
-Told that they were fat and stupid and thus would get people killed
(05:16) A Quick Note on His Parents
-Father worked for a flour mill
-Family raised small livestock
-Helped family raise the animals
-Helped with being disciplined, somewhat strong, and having some stamina
(06:15)Advanced Infantry Training
-Went to Fort Sill, Oklahoma for AIT (advanced individual training)
-He was told that the majority of the recruits there would go to Vietnam
-Only one recruit did not go to Vietnam
-Training consisted of field maneuvers and firing the howitzers

�-Learned how to calculate range for the guns
-Trained on the 105mm howitzers
-Was trained how to do everything artillery related
-Loading the guns, firing the guns, calculating ranges, etc.
-AIT was just as difficult as basic training in terms of actual training
-Not as emotionally taxing as basic training
-Wasn’t harassed by drill instructors in AIT
-AIT lasted eight weeks
(08:53) Deployment to Vietnam
-After AIT was over was given a thirty day leave to go home
-Dad was a WWII vet who was upset about enlistment and deployment
-Mom got draft notice five days after he left for basic
-Both parents knew that he was going to be sent to Vietnam one way or another
-Sent to Fort Lewis, Washington for deployment
-Went from Washington, to Alaska, to Japan
(10:07) Arrival in Vietnam
-Arrival date was December 22, 1969
-Landed in Cam Ranh Bay, Vietnam
-Country had a weird smell to it
-Kept in Cam Ranh for a “zero week” waiting for deployment orders
-Also got booby trap training at this time
-Assigned to Bravo Company of the 2nd/319th Artillery of the 101st Airborne Division
-Flew up to Camp Evans via Chinook helicopter
(11:40) Brief Overview of Timeline
-Sent to Bravo Company for an amount of time
-Helped move guns to Firebase Ripcord
-Attached to Alpha Company of the 2nd/506th under Captain Burkhart
-Infantry duty as an RTO (radio telephone operator) in the field
(12:59) Firebase Jack
-Met up with Bravo Company at Firebase Jack
-Great reception
-Looked for soldiers that were also from Illinois (found two)
-Assigned to a gun crew
-Gun 5 (out of 7 or 8 total gun crews)
-Guns stayed there for a while until being moved
-Firebase Jack stayed relatively calm
(14:38) Firebase Ripcord
-Moved to Firebase Ripcord around May to help move 105mm howitzers there
-Nothing serious happened during the transfer of the howitzers
-Loaded the guns onto a Chinook helicopter
-Traveled with the guns
-Surrounded larger artillery (155mm guns) with smaller howitzers
-Had to reinforce and barricade their positions
-Fired countless shells every day
-Job was a “loader”: physically put rounds into howitzer
-Wasn’t quick enough once and the recoil hit his leg

�-Got sent to Camp Evans for medical examination
-Stayed there for one week
-Thought he would get to go home
-Had to physically move the ammunition around
-They had beehive (shrapnel-projectile) rounds, illumination (flare) rounds, and white
phosphorous (incendiary) rounds
-Stayed on Firebase Ripcord for about a month
(19:53) Alpha Company-General Information
-Got assigned to Alpha Company at this point to be an RTO for Lieutenant Brennan
-Flown out to the field via helicopter
-Job was to figure out coordinates and call them in via radio that he carried
-Never had to walk point in the field
-Called in heavy firepower on enemy positions
-Artillery and gunships
-Miserable walking in the jungle especially during monsoon season
-Hunkered down and stayed quiet at night
-Captain Burkhart’s replacement, Captain Hawkins, was an equally good leader
-Had one 2nd Lieutenant who was reckless and wanted to be a war hero
(26:12) July 22, 1970 Pt. 1
-Before major engagement on July 22 there was a sense of deterioration around Ripcord
-More contact with NVA, helicopter crash, artillery positions was blown up
-Does not recall anyone from his gun crew dying because of the battery exploding
-Found an NVA communications line shortly before fighting on July 22
-Encountered small arms fire and satchel charges
-Hunkered down on the hillside with officers
-Started losing officers
-Rescued wounded soldier from NVA fire
-NVA were advancing rapidly down the hill
-NVA were executing wounded Americans
-Played dead and laid on top of soldier
-Got kicked in the head by advancing NVA
-Blacked out
(30:30) July 22, 1970 Pt. 2
-Woke up from being blacked out
-Went to get help for wounded man
-Found Captain Hawkins who helped move him
-He (Floyd) and Captain Hawkins began to call in fire again until Capt. Hawkins got wounded
-Pinned down by the NVA for the entire day
-NVA pulled back at nightfall after relentless airstrikes
-Had to dig in for the night
-Delta Company came in the next day and evacuated the survivors
-Came right to Alpha Company and created a landing zone for the helicopters there
-Started to take fire as they pulled out, he was one of the last ones to leave
(35:50) Post Ripcord Vietnam
-Sent to Firebase Rakkason for a debriefing
-Kept separated from other soldiers

�-Didn’t want to damage morale
-Sent to Camp Evans after Firebase Rakkason
-Stayed with the infantry until he left the country (December 1st 1970)
-Bitterness in the wake of what happened at Ripcord
-All other contact with the NVA seemed to pale in comparison
-Spent a lot of time in the field
-Only got to be in the rear for five days (besides leg incident)
-Wanted to take an R&amp;R to Australia
-Resupply helicopter that would have served as a transport was shot down first try
-Fog kept everyone grounded on his second try for R&amp;R
(39:30) General Morale in Vietnam
-Never saw drug use in the rear or in the field
-Never saw racial tensions
-Served alongside African American soldiers in the artillery and in the field
-Seen as equals in battle
-Wrote home almost every day
-Mom, aunts, cousins, dad, brothers wrote back
-Three to four day wait time
-Care packages were very common
-Got half a case of baby food after mentioning fresh fruit in a letter
(42:14) Leaving Vietnam and Coming Home
-Got a “Santa Claus Drop” from Richard Nixon
-Got sent home before Christmas (December 1st to be exact)
-Landed in Fort Lewis, Washington
-Flew in in the middle of the night
-Options were a steak dinner then leave, or getting “dress greens” then leaving
-Opted to forego the steak dinner and just go
-Encountered protestors in Dallas, Texas
-Got called a baby killer by one of them
-No violence, no retaliation, just walked away
-Welcomed home extremely well in Illinois
(44:18) Fort Hood and Honor Guard Duty
-Sent to Fort Hood
-One of the six highest decorated men in his battery and was made an honor guard
-Felt guilty not being able to tell families what had happened to the soldier
-One mother was so bitter that she refused to accept the flag
-Was not attached to any other duties at Fort Hood during his time as an honor guard
-Took turns carrying a loaded casket using an honor guard for the sense of realism
(47:46) Life after the Army
-Army wanted him to re-enlist
-Offered him money, promotion, and retirement plan
-Catch was that he would have to go to Vietnam for another tour
-He refused to re-enlist

�-Went back to his place of work before the war
-Was being turned away because he was a Vietnam veteran
-Union president got involved as well as the VA and got him his job back
-Worked there until he retired
(49:50) Reflections on Service
-Views service as having a positive impact on his life
-Not a good time, but there were good times during his time in the Army
-Had a temper coming home
-Arrested for disorderly conduct
-Has to see psychiatrist to keep emotions in check
-Wife and family have a noticed a positive impact from therapy
-Thirty two years after Vietnam he finally decided to seek therapy
-Hated and resented the government
-Disgusted by the fact that the Battle of Firebase Ripcord was covered up by Congress
-Never talked about his experience in Vietnam with anyone
-Couldn’t get loans from banks because of being a Vietnam veteran
-Joined Ripcord Association after being contacted about it
-Book was written and published in the early 1990s about the battle
-His name was mentioned in it
-Association wanted him to join because of this

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Alfredo Calixto
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 2/8/2012

Biography and Description
English
Alfredo “Freddy” Calixto belongs to a family who were among the first Puerto Rican families to move to
Chicago in the early 1950s. Born in Caguas, Puerto Rico, Mr. Calixto lived through the displacement of
Puerto Rican families from La Clark to the Lincoln Park Neighborhood where he grew up. Both of his
parents and several of his many siblings became involved in the Caballeros de San Juan and Damas de
María. His father also spent time with the Hacha Viejas (Old Hatchets), a social club that was active in
the neighborhood. Mr. Calixto describes struggling with discrimination in Lincoln Park and how these
early experiences inspired him to commit himself to advocating for Latino youth. He has served as the
Executive Director for Broader Urban Involvement and Leadership Development (BUILD), a non-profit
community organization in Chicago that was founded in 1969. He is currently the Vice President for
Institutional Advancement at St. Augustine College, the only bilingual institution of higher education in
the Midwest.

Spanish
Alfredo “Freddy: Calixto es parte de la familia quien fueron unos de los primeras familias que se
movieron a Chicago en el principio de los 1950s. Nacido en Caguas Puerto Rico, Señor Calixto vivió por el

�desplazamiento de las familias Puertorriqueñas de La Clark hacia Lincoln Park, donde creció. Sus padres
y la mayoría de sus hermanos fueron parte de la Caballeros de San Juan y Damas de María. Su padre
también trabajo con Hacha Viejas, una organización social que era activa en el vecindario. Señor Calixto
describe su pelea contra discriminación en Lincoln Park y como esas experiencias lo inspiro a dedicarse a
la lucha para los jóvenes Latinos. También a sido parte de la Executive Director for Broader Urban
Involvement and Leadership Development (BUILD), una organización sin lucrativa en Chicago que fue
creada en 1969. Hoy, Señor Calixto, es el vicepresidente por la Instiutional Advancement en St.
Augustine College, que es la única institución bilingüe en el medio oeste de educación mayor.

�yl_Calixto_Alfredo

ALFREDO CALIXTO:
Freddy.

Okay, my name is Alfredo Calixto.

I go by

So, everybody knows me as Freddy Calixto.

born in Caguas, Puerto Rico on February 28, 1956.

I was
And my

dad took myself, my older sister, and my mother to the
States probably before the end of 1956.
brother.
[Huiso?].

His name is José Luis Calixto.

I had an older
We call him

And he, for some reason, my dad -- I don’t know

if he couldn’t afford everybody, but he left him in Puerto
Rico, in Caguas, in Barrio San Salvador.

And he ended up

staying there, getting raised my grandparents.

He never

made it with us back to Chicago, where we came from -where we went to, Chicago.

The family, as I mentioned, I

was [00:01:00] not even one years old before I even landed
in Chicago, and my family moved.

We lived -- the first

place we lived when we were in Chicago -JOSE JIMENEZ:
AC:

What was your dad and mom’s name?

My dad is Luis Calixto Cruz.
Jiménez.

My mother is Juana [Roldán?]

They’re both from Caguas; both born in Caguas,

Puerto Rico, from the Barrio San Salvador in Caguas, in
Borinquen, Puerto Rico.

Anyways, well when we came to

Chicago, we went to live in what’s known as Chicago South
Side -- currently today, the University of Chicago
1

�property.

They -- we used to live on 63rd and Ellis, and

that was a primary Puerto Rican community back in those
days.

A lot of people were living there.

I remember

living in a very big building with a lot of apartments.
[00:02:00] It was like what you would consider a courtyard
apartment building.

And they were all -- everybody was

Puerto Rican there.

And there was buildings there.

Woodlawn; it was all the way 63rd and Woodlawn.

Was

That was

all where my aunt, we were always there and that was the -all Puerto Rican, the whole community back then.

I was

there probably till I was about five, maybe five years old.
And by the time I was five, we moved, My father moved us,
our family, to the north side into what’s known today as
Lincoln Park.

We moved to Halsted Street.

Halsted and Armitage -- Halsted and Willow.

We were on
And we lived

on Halsted Street between North Avenue and Armitage for, I
don’t know how many years we lived there.
different apartments on that block.

We moved to

From 1960 till

19--

probably 1970, or ’69 [00:03:00] or ’70, when we moved from
that pocket of the neighborhood to another area, in Old
Town; to North Avenue and Mohawk there.

What I remember,

you know, growing up in Lincoln Park, one of the first
things was that, you know, being raised in a Puerto Rican
home, you know, we spoke Spanish.

My parents were, you
2

�know, spoke Spanish.

They didn’t know English.

And us, as

children growing up in the household, we all spoke Spanish
’cause that’s all we knew, you know, till we went to
school.

My first experience with school in Chicago public

schools was Newberry School on Willow, and -- between
Orchard and Burling.

And I remember slightly, you know, I

was six years old when my parents put me in school.
didn’t do the five-year-old thing.

Commented [SC1]: Spelling corrected

They

So I was already six

years old when I went to Newberry and they put me in first
grade.

Commented [SC2]: This was spelled wrong

And because I was six, I went to first grade and

not kindergarten.

And to me [00:04:00] it was -- I was

traumatized ’cause that’s the first time I heard English.
And I was like, “Oh my God, what is this?”

You know, I was

very, s-- I was crying and scared and all that.

But

eventually, you know, in the school system, I eventually
adopted fairly quickly, I’m assuming.

I don’t -- you know,

’cause I know that I stayed in first grade for another year
because of the English.

I didn’t know English, and so they

kept me in first grade for another year till, you know.
And I think whatever they did that second year, first
grade, it did whatever they wanted to do.

’Cause that’s --

by that time, I started to adapt to the American lifestyle,
and then English, and all that.

And I went to -- from

first grade, I remember goin’ to third grade, not second,
3

�’cause I stayed there twice.

And then from third grade, I

went to fifth because by third grade, that’s when they had
already taken all the Spanish out of me.

’Cause, you know,

they -- at Newberury School, they said that it was bad.
Spanish was bad, so that’s how we were taught.

And so we

were, you know, doin’ our [00:05:00] best to get rid of the
language in our lives, you know.

Not -- my parents, I had

still came home and had to talk Spanish to my mom and my
dad.

But outside the home and the neighborhood -- when I

was hangin’ out with the fellas -- the neighborhood or back
in school, it was always English.

And by the time I got to

fifth grade, it was totally English, you know, and I went
home and talked English.
happen, you know.

And that’s what started to

When we came from Puerto Rico, it was me

and my sister and, as I mentioned, we left a brother in
Puerto Rico; so there were three of us.

My family is total

of 11, so all the other ones were born here in Chicago from
-- after me.

They were all born in Chicago.

And all of

’em -- I think, ex-- yeah, I think most all of ’em.

I

think my sister, [Migdalia?] was probably born in the South
Side -- and Victor -- were at the South Side Cook County
Hospital, was the place that my mother went to give birth.
All the other ones were born in St. Joseph Hospital
[00:06:00] when it used to be on Belden, over there on
4

�Halsted.
Hospital.

That used to be St. Joseph -- the old St. Joseph
That’s where all the other ones were born at.

So living in the community -JJ:

How was the culture thing between your parents and you, now
you’re speaking mainly English and [they’re?] speaking --

AC:

Well, I think what it was, it gave us as young -- as kids,
we were able to, you know, try to hide things from the
parents by using the English language.

And the, you know,

the parents responded, you know, with their Spanish.

And

then eventually, you know, throughout the years, they would
start to pick up the English language and they start
responding in their English -- Spanglish, you know, to us.
And the, you know, and they would just say, you know, get
upset and all that.

So it was a little, I think we used it

as a way of getting around certain things in the house.
And eventually when you needed to talk English or Spanish,
you would have to, you know, they would force it on you.
But, what I saw happening to me and a lot of people -[00:07:00] with my friends, and of course all my siblings,
’cause they came after me -- and so they were all English
only.

They didn’t have Spanish ’cause by the time they

came around, they were just speakin’ a lotta English
already.

My mom was -- and dad were adapting to the

English language, so they had more -- or less experience -5

�of exposure to Spanish than I did.

So that’s what I think

was happening in the household, you know, the... Whenever
you wanted to hide something from mom and dad, you used
English.
knows.”

Until finally you started realizing, “Oh man, she
You know, ’cause she knew -- then she started

getting, you know, becoming aware of things.

Our parents

started to say, “Well I better learn a little bit.”

And

they started pickin’ up certain things here and there, so
that when you told us -- talked about something, they knew
what you were talking about.

But not everything, so they -

- you were able to get around a lot of the things.

And a

lot of the culture that was outside the house was
completely different, you know.

Growing up in the Lincoln

Park community, when I lived on Halsted, when I [00:08:00]
got to -- I finally -- we moved to Willow, right in front
of Newberury School.

We used to live at 711 West Willow,

right in front of the school.
of years.

Commented [SC3]: Delete?

So we lived there for a lot

There was a family that lived up -- we lived in

the first floor.

Upstairs was the Martinez family, Herbie

and his family, you know.

And so, that’s when I started to

experience the gang culture in the community ’cause, you
know, Herbie used to be a Trojan.
the Trojans.

He was the President of

And so his brother and I -- Harry -- we

wanted to be junior Trojans and, you know, we were in fifth
6

�grade I think at the time.

So we picked up the name and we

were, you know, junior Trojans, but not really, you know,
not really into the gang [cult?] thing, you know.

Just

doing it ’cause, you know, we saw it there with them and
people in the other blocks, you know.

We lived between

Burling and Orchard and there were Trojans and there were
other gangs in the other areas.

And then as you grow, you

know I went to -- shortly after that, after s-- I was in
Newberry.

From Newberry fifth grade, you graduated

[00:09:00] from Newberry -- or not graduated, you passed.
From fifth grade, you went to sixth.

And back then, it was

-- you had to go to Arnold Upper Grade Center, which was in
Armitage, in Burling.

And there, you went for sixth,

seventh, and eighth grade before you graduated and went on
to high school.

So I passed from fifth grade at Newberry

and went up to Arnold.
cultural shock.

And then Arnold was another

Because now, you know, growing up in the

little pocket neighborhood, you’re meeting other people
from other parts of the neighborhood: from Armitage and
Sheffield, from Bissell and Armitage, and from Dickens, all
meeting up at Arnold.
different people.

And so there we met a lot of

The same kind of thing happened.

started picking, you know, everybody picked a group.
became somebody.

We
We

We -- I remember we were the Little Red
7

�Devils.

Then that’s when I started to see the -- notice

the real gang beginnings there.
of the neighborhood there.

The Latin Kings were part

The older guys like the Young

Lords, and the Paragons, the Black Eagles were there,
[00:10:00] but they were way older there than me.
not part of that till later on in years.

So I was

And then my

father moved the family from Willow -JJ:

You’re talking about when they were a gang, when the Young
Lords were a gang?

AC:

Right, this was early on, right.
1969.

So when I -- we moved in

We moved over to North Avenue in the Old Town

neighborhood out of the what, you know, we call the Lincoln
Park into the Old Town neighborhood by St. Michael’s
Church.

All through those years, we were members of that

church, St. Michael’s.
Caballeros San Juan.
church.

My father was a member of the
My mother wasn’t really much into the

Think she used to go to the church, but she didn’t

join the group because she was always dealing with all the
kids, all her own children.

But my aunt was real big with

the Grupo de María -- I forgot what they called them.
JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) de María.

AC:

And so my mother -- my father was a Caballero San Juan and
[00:11:00] Tía [Canda?] was with the Grupo de María.

And

they were both, the two, what we would call a little
8

�fanatic about the religion thing -- the Catholic Church
there.

And they were always going to retiros and things

like that.

And the retiros were like reunions for all

Puerto Ricans, like from the South Side.

’Cause when we

left the South Side, a whole community stayed there.

It

just moved from 63rd Street to 55th -- 55th and Halsted.
And they were there for a lot of years.

And my aunt, my

father’s sister, she -- I guess she liked the South Side.
’Cause she stayed on the South Side, and eventually moved
to 53rd and stayed there for a long time, until finally
that whole community changed.

And the same thing happened

in 63rd, it evolved from Puerto Rican to African American
to Black.

The same thing happened in 53rd -- on 55th.

then eventually, she didn’t come north.
Pilsen.

She went to

She ended up on Western and 22nd Street.

was like saying, “Tía, what’s up?

And

(Spanish).”

And I

She didn’t

wanna move to the North Side and after that move, finally
she [00:12:00] ended up in Humboldt Park.

You know, but

our family was there for a long time, and he was part of
the church scene.

That seemed to me as a reunion for them,

from all over Chicago.

They would see each other at these

retiros that they would go to and -- so they stayed
connected.

Another thing that I saw that connect the

families from -- and friends from Puerto Rico was the
9

�credit union.

They established the Caballeros San Juan as

a religious organization of the Catholic Church, but they
also, in the ’60s, established a credit union.

I think

that happened on 55th Street, when they were the community
on 55th Street.

And, you know, developed an outlet for the

Puerto Ricans to be able to go to a bank, try to get loans.
Some of them were able to.

Some of them were more

successful, quicker than others, and so they were able to
buy homes and things like that.

And start businesses.

So

there were some Puerto Rican families who owned businesses
in our [00:13:00] neighborhood.
remember.

Mario Rivera had Del Campos, a grocer on Willow

and Halsted.
Arroyo.

The Rivera family, I

And then there was another one on Armitage,

The Arroyo family, they used to have a restaurant

and a liquor store that I remember.
businesses were American-owned.

Most of the other

I don’t think we -- I’m

trying to remember -- I don’t know if there were any Blackowned businesses in the neighborhood at the time.
don’t remember any.

’Cause I

I know we had some Puerto Rican-owned

and most the other ones were white-owned.
JJ:

You mentioned the Arroyo family, the Rivera family.
there other families in Lincoln Park?

Were

Was it a family

situation or how do you describe it?
AC:

Well yeah, I mean...
10

�__:

[Your extended?] family?

AC:

They were families and people you grew up with, you know.
Everybody was a different family.

As I mentioned earlier,

we had a lot of Puerto Ricans there, but in Lincoln Park,
me growin’ up, [00:14:00] it was like a -- what you would
see -- like a melting pot.

Like what they were calling

Uptown, the melting pot of Chicago, well we and my -- where
I grew up and I went to school in Newberry.
school with Puerto Ricans, back then was few.

I went to
There were,

Puerto Ricans the majority as far as the Latinos.

And then

some other Latinos from Mexico and other Latin American
countries, but very few of ’em.
Rican -- from Puerto Rico.

The majority was Puerto

And then there were the white,

you know, from Appalachia, like what we would call the
hillbilly families around, gypsies they used to be around
the neighborhood, and the African American, the Black.
had some Asian people.

So we had like a mix.

We

You look at

my old pictures from the different grades in St. Michael’s,
it was always a mixture.

And that was cool for me growin’

up in that area.

And having the different exposure to

different races.

We, you know, you kinda stuck to your own

[00:15:00] and that’s the way it flowed, you know.

You

joined up with whoev-- Puerto Ricans and Blacks with Blacks
and whites with whites.

And that’s the kinda thing, the
11

�way the neighborhood separated itself later in -- at the
later days.
JJ:

So it kind of separated, like were people mixed or were
they kind of sticking together to a few Blacks at at time
or how --

AC:

Well --

JJ:

-- how did you stick?

AC:

-- it was -- when we were younger, didn’t matter ’cause we
were just kids at school.

But when we got become

teenagers, that’s when you starts choosing sides.

And so

you -- that’s when I was, you know, talkin’ about getting
involved more with the gang culture of the neighborhood.
We had gangs in every block. (coughs) Excuse me.
had Black gangs.

So you

Back then, you had Stones and you had

Disciples and mostly coming from the Projects, which were
right down the street from us, on the Cabrini-Green.

On

Orchard, we had a guy that was a leader of the Stones
living across the street from the Boys Club, but he was
good -- cool with all of us.

[00:16:00] And then

eventually, you know, I was recruited into a gang called
the Latin Saints.

And that started in eighth grade.

You

know, from eighth grade on to I think my sophomore year in
high school.

But there were King-- there were Harrison

Gents on Burley.

And there were -- and then the rest of
12

�the neighborhoods back going -- Halsted and west of that
was Latin Kings, which is the largest gang in the area at
the time.
JJ:

So you were recruited, what do you mean?

AC:

Well, as I mentioned to you, I had moved from Willow to
North Avenue.

But I used to come to the -- I consider that

my neighborhood -- I used to come to my neighborhood
everyday.

I used to walk from North Avenue and Mohawk by

Larrabee -- walk all the way down back to Orchard and
Willow.

That’s where I hung out, that was my neighborhood

around the Boys and Girls Club in Burling.

And I had a

friend on Burling, so I would always go to his house.

And

eventually, I would cross, you know, [00:17:00] the white
gang that everybody on that -- on our side that I lived on,
was always fighting against, was the CORP.
white group that was west of Larrabee.

And it was a

And so I would go

through that, come through the neighborhood, cross Orchard
-- which was Latin Saints -- and then into Burley, which
was Harrison Gents.

And so every time you walk by there,

they would always try to find out, you know, were you in a
gang?

Do you want to be in a gang?

And I’d always would

say no, you know, just do my thing and go back.

And

eventually, friends of mine -- they were friends, people
that I went to school with in Newberry -- were Latin
13

�Saints.

And so they were just -- kept talkin’ to me about

joining up with them.

And eventually I did.

So I decided

okay, you know, I told them I didn’t wanna get beat up, you
know, how you get initiated.
up.”

I said, “I ain’t getting beat

And they said, “Oh, you don’t have to.

that to you.”

So they didn’t.

We won’t do

So I joined them.

This was

like around 1969.
JJ:

Okay, and [00:18:00] the Caballeros de San Juan and Damas
de María, what were some of the activities that they were
doing at that time?

AC:

Kinda going back.

Well for us, and this I didn’t realize this until years
later, of course, was we were members of St. Michael’s as I
mentioned earlier.
church.

But our masses were never in the main

You know, I didn’t realize that till later on I

said, “Good Lord.”

They had a little hall on the side of

the main church, and that’s where we used to have, like,
we, you know, it’s like fun for us as little kids.

We

would go there the activities -- the hall had a bowling
alley and things like that.

But, you know, as you -- as I

grew up and thought about I said, “Oh my God.”

You know,

they really discriminated against us ’cause they didn’t
even give us the opportunity to have mass in the chapel in
the main church.

They said, no you guys the -- you Latinos

have to have mass in El Hall, we used to call it “El Hall”
14

�-- the little hall next to the main church.
where all the activities were there.
mass.

And that’s

You know, you go to

The Puerto Rican masses were you had some -- a mass

[00:19:00] and afterwards you socialized.

And so that was

the thing they did it all at El Hall, the hall.

And then

the group, the Caballeros San Juan, they would, you know,
they had the deacons.

They’d go to -- they would start

recruiting for people to go to the schools, whatever.

I

don’t know what they call it, school theology, whatever.
But to go to school to become a deacon.

So they were

starting to recruit ’cause, you know, very few priests were
from Latin American countries.

They were always American

priests that learned Spanish as they became priests.

And

so we always had a priest that wasn’t Latino, of course,
that gave mass.

And you had the assistance of a person of

a Puerto Rican background.
JJ:

And the mass was in the hall.

AC:

The masses were always held for us -- were always in the
hall -- the small little hall inside.

But the activities

of the Caballeros San Juan was they were do, you know.
Their activities, I remember dances -- a lot of dances, a
lot of parties that they would throw in the [00:20:00] hall
there.

And they would, I’m assuming, raising money for the

church, ’cause I didn’t think they would doing anything
15

�particularly for themselves.

But they had -- and they

would sell, you know, we would have dances regularly and
there would be charges -- they would charge for the dance.
You had to buy your beverages and everything there.

And

the money would go to St. Michael’s.

You know, so

throughout the years, they did that.

I mean, all the years

I remember, they were always -- the masses were always held
in the little room -- the little hall.

And they were in

Commented [SC4]: Should this be cleaned up?

the main church throughout the years.
JJ:

And you were also into the school.

You were going to the

school?
AC:

Well, by the time I started going to the school, that was
the changing of the neighborhood there, you know, the
gentrification of the neighborhood.

You know, I went to

St. Michael’s in ’69 in eighth grade.

So, by the time I

graduated high school, ’73, we had gentrification in the
whole Lincoln Park area.

And so, I believe -- [00:21:00]

JJ:

You’re talking about three- or four-year time period, or?

AC:

Well, the four years of me graduating from high school, you
know, goin’ to high school in ’69.

I think I started high

school in September ’69, and I graduated in May of ’73.
And so there was a complete change goin’ on in the whole
area.

Not just there, ’cause St. Michael’s was in Old Town

so it’s a little different than the old neighborhood on
16

�Halsted and Armitage and Willow where I grew up at.

So

there was a shift in the whole community there.
JJ:

What kind -- I mean, can you describe what-- how that kind
of started and what kind of shift was going on, or?

AC:

Well, people were -- one of the things that I noticed, you
know, was a lot of us were not homeowners.
renting.

Everybody was

And so that’s how they would -- you would decide

where to live: where you could afford to pay the rent.

And

so families were moving around ’cause of the landlord said,
“Okay, I’m raising the rent [00:22:00] (audio cuts out)
find another place.”

And I mentioned earlier for my

family, we were a big family: my mother, my dad and they
had 11 -- or 10 children here, then one that stayed in PR.
So every time they moved, they had a big group that they
had to move to.

And so they had to find big apartment

buildings, that’s why we were on North Avenue.

On North

Avenue we had a real big apartment that everybody fit -- we
all fit there.

And that was on a big building as well,

multi-unit, but everybody there was a Puerto Rican family
as well, living there.
family upstairs.

The Peña family was there, the Roya

So we had, you know, that was still the

neighborhood there, part of North Avenue, probably from
Sedgwick down to Halsted.

You know, all Latinos up --

mainly Puerto Ricans, up there.

But that was the thing
17

�that I saw, when growing up and experiencing the
gentrification.

They called it urban renewal.

And then in

-- I went through my high school years not -- I wasn’t into
any of [00:23:00] that stuff.

’Cause I was mainly into,

you know, just goin’ to school and messin’ around and, you
know, hangin’ out, doing things that we did.
that people were moving.

But I noticed

You know, people were moving, we

were getting -- on the block that I hung out the most on
was Orchard by Willow between North and Willow. (coughs)
Excuse me.

And by ’73, the Boys Club was the anchor

building on the corner, and it was empty from there all the
way to North Avenue.
you know.

They knocked down all the buildings,

We were like, “Oh my God.”

They were, you know,

we used to do things -- crazy things in those buildings
when they were emptied and still around, but eventually
they started knockin’ ’em down, so they had all this vacant
land on that one side of Orchard.
intact.

The other side stayed

All the three-story buildings were still there and

eventually what happened.
lot of that property.
made some big bucks.

The Boys and Girls club owned a

They sold it, you know, some people
It was [00:24:00] kinda illegal

because they were on the board of the Boys Club and just
couldn’t have do-- it was illegal for them to do that.

But

they did make some dollars in the sales of that property.
18

�And that eventually turned out to be townhomes.

Which

today they’re still townhomes in that whole area from where
the Boys Club building is at, all the way south to North
Avenue.

All townhomes.

that I saw.

So those were the kind of changes

A lot of empty buildings, a lot of families

moving west, you know.

I didn’t learn about the west

neighborhoods -- West Side to, you know, I graduated from
high school.

Well there in my high school years, we used

to get in our car and drive up to Humboldt Park, you know.
We used to, when we had friends that moved out there, so
we’d come visit them.

And so we were doing that a lot.

Driving around Clemente High School.
neighborhoods on Rockwell.

Going into

My family had family on

Rockwell and North Avenue you know.

So they were there the

Jiménez and Luis Jiménez had owned the property there.
[00:25:00] The Valdez family owned a building there on
Rockwell.

TAnd so we -- they were like anchored there for

a lot of years.
them.

And so we would always come and visit

So that was my back-and-forth tracking from Lincoln

Park to Humboldt Park and so forth there during that time.
Well, I mentioned I went to St. Michael’s I graduated in
’73.

So in ’73, I was already a father, you know.

My

girlfriend was pregnant, we had our son and he was born in
March of 1974.

And, so of course, the thing was, you know,
19

�you gotta get married, you gotta get a job, that kind of
thing.

You gotta support your family now, right?

wasn’t into that.

So, I

I was into hangin’ out with the guys and

doin’ my thing, you know.

(coughs) Excuse me.

And so I

didn’t take it serious for a while, you know, we would go
out as a group.

All the guys would go out lookin’ for work

and we end up spending the day getting, you know, getting
high, drinking, and come back later at night, in the
evening.

We didn’t find any work.

And so eventually you

got, you know her family started [00:26:00] getting, you
know laying the law down.

Well you need to find a job, you

gotta support, you’re gonna have a child, this and that.
And so they found me a job.

They got me a job at Greyhound

and that lasted for a little while.
JJ:

I lost that job.

Your family got you a job? (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible)

AC:

No her family.

My girlfriend’s family ended up getting me

a job.
JJ:

What kind of work did you finally do when you s--?

AC:

Well that, Greyhound was unloading the bus.

You know, so I

did that for a little while, but I, you know, I didn’t last
long.

So I kept goin’ around with friends lookin’ for

jobs.

And back then, I went to St. Michael’s [a lot?].

Most of -- all my friends went to Waller.

And Waller had a
20

�program where after your junior year, you went to school
only half the day.

Half the day in this classroom, the

other half you went to work in the factory.

’Cause back

then Lincoln Park all through Clybourn was all factories.
So there were plenty of factories all around there, places
to work.

So everybody went to work after 12 o’clock.

went to school, and then you shot to your job.

You

And it was

part of your credits for school, but it was [00:27:00]
labor for the companies that were all around Lincoln Park.
It And it went -- it extended into Lakeview, those
factories.

And a friend of mine’s, Herc Nelson, he used to

work at this big plant on Diversey and Wolcott, that -Stewart-Warner.

Was humongous, big old plant.

And they

made the gaskets that they use in a lot of automobiles.
And so he used to work there during the two years of his
junior and senior year.

And so when we were looking for

work, he said let’s go back there.

And then since they saw

that he used to work there, they said, “Oh yeah.”
hired him right away.

They

They didn’t wanna hire me ’cause

they -- you know, I had never worked in anywhere.

I did a

lot -- my jobs were in shoe stores during high school.
Throughout high school, I worked in shoe stores and
clothing stores, but never in a factory.

So when they

hired Nelson, you know, they didn’t say -- they weren’t
21

�gonna hire me.

And then, you know, Nelson -- we called him

Herc ’cause he was, you know, a [00:28:00] big guy.

The

Rosario -- Nelson Rosario fam-- the Rosario mem-- Eddie

Commented [SC5]: Delete?

Rosario, you know, they were all -- all of them were big,
stocky guys, so.

He told ’em, “Hey, what about my friend?”

You know, with his deep voice, and the lady said, “Okay,
we’ll hire him, too.”

You know.

So they gave me a job, so

that was my first experience of workin’ in a factory.
I said, you know, they gave me a broom.

And

And stewar-- as I

mentioned, they made a press that just presses a gasket,
and the remainders of the gasket fall to the floor.

My job

was to keep sweeping’ that access [sic]] part that can fall
into the floor.
“What?

And I said, “What?”

Sweepin’ this eight hours?”

was in August.

I thought to myself,
And, you know, this

The summer of ’74 in August.

And -- no,

the summer of ’73 ’cause I had just graduated from high
school.

And I started, you know, I said, “My God,” you

know, I kept thinking to myself, “I can’t do this.
can’t, you know, I can’t do this.”

You know.

remembered about a organization called ASPIRA.

I

And I had
[00:29:00]

And they -- I knew that they told me they help people get
into school -- to college.

’Cause I know back in high

school, we tried to get college into the counselor’s head,
and they would tell us, “Oh, no, you directly to the
22

�factories on Clybourn.
You know.

You can’t go to college.

No way.”

So that wasn’t even our radar, but I had it in

my mind that I did want to do that.

So as I was sweepin’

around, I kept thinkin’ about it, thinkin’ about it.

Then

two hours later, I threw the broom out and said, “Hell, I
can’t do this.”

And I left.

Milwaukee Avenue.
school.”

So I went and found ASPIRA on

And I just told ’em, “Hey I wanna go to

And so that same day, I think it was the last day

of registration at Northeastern.

They got me to

Northeastern, they helped me with financial aid papers, and
I started school probably the next day or two days later.
Classes started at Northeastern so I began college at
Northeastern in the fall of ’73.
well.

And that was a shock as

You know, ’cause wanting to go to school and

[00:30:00] being prepared to go to school is two different
things.

And I couldn’t, you know, I wasn’t prepared

through all my grade school and high school years.
was educated for college.
factories, you know.

I never

I was educated to go work in the

And so,

when I wa-- we were at

Northeastern, we the same thing that we did everywhere
else.

We clicked.

out and we partied.
studying.

All the Puerto Ricans clicked.

We hung

You know, we did that, we did a little

So we were there for a couple years, we were

collecting our financial aid checks.

I had a wife and a
23

�son, you know, so that covered expenses and everything.
And every summer I did a job.
and I would not work.

I would not get work-study

Should -- I wouldn’t go to school in

the summer so I would get a job as a college student summer
job.

So I did a couple different things throughout those

summers.

I went to factories on Clybourn.

summer in the factory at Clybourn.
Grant Hospital buffing floors.
CTA bus.

I worked one

One summer, I worked at

And then one summer I drove

And then, you know, I remember [00:31:00] getting

a college work-study grant and seeing BUILD -- an
organization called BUILD on the sheet.

And I remember

that brought me back my memories to back when I was, you
know, like eighth grade, sixth, seventh, eighth, freshman.
Hanging out on Orchard and Willow a guy named Lacey Smith.
He was a BUILD worker that used to come around and, you
know, I didn’t know what he was doing.
curious about it.

I was always

But he would get us together, the guys

from Orchard and Willow, and he would take us to CabriniGreen to play baseball or basketball.

We’d go to the YMCA

on Larrabee and North and play basketball.

They would --

he would bring those guys to the Boys Club to play ball
there.

And we would do field trips.

We would go different

places - the racetracks, Soldiers Field [sic], things like
that.

But I was always wondering, “Why, what was he
24

�doing?”

I remember going to St. Michael’s and we did some

basketball at St. Michael’s and sitting in the bleachers,
they’re watching it from far.

’Cause I would say, “Wow

what’s this guy up to, [00:32:00] man?

He’s got Stones

over here, Kings over here, Saints over here.
doin’?”

What’s he

You know, I was always curious about that.

So

anyways, I remembered it really well when I saw it on the
work-study list.

And I told him I wanted to work there.

And so they said okay, but that wasn’t my first job.
gave me -- assigned me Big Brothers Big Sisters.

They

I did

that, and then I had a friend that was working at BUILD so
I told him, “Hey, I wanna work at BUILD, let them know.”
And eventually I did get a phone call from a guy, Hank
Bach, one of the founders of BUILD.

Called me up and said,

“Hey, I hear you wanna work for us.”

So he said, “Come on

over, we could start this weekend.”
know, the weekend was camp.

And I was like, you

They were goin’ to Camp

Channing, Michigan.

And I said, I told him, “Whoa, whoa,

this weekend camp?.

Wait, no I’m married, I got a son.

wife and a son.”

He said, “Bring ’em with you.”

was my first experience with BUILD.
Channing for the weekend, and
it baptized by fire.

A

So that

I went to Camp

I was like -- I would call

’Cause we went to camp where they had

brought like 75 different gang members from [00:33:00] all
25

�over the North Side.

You know, Cabrini-Green, the Latin

Eagles from Addison, all the guys from Armitage and Halsted
around there, and all of the Orchard and Will-- everybody
was there.

And it was pretty wild, you know.

Wild

experience ’cause it was -- everybody wanted to goof off
and have fun, of course.

So they did their own thing, but

eventually that weekend I learned what BUILD was all about.
You know, bringing people together to get to know each
other on a different level, so that they didn’t have to
beat each other up, or kill each other, or whatever it
would be.

And so that was my first beginnings with the

organization.

That was in ’76.

I started working during

my school semesters, like fall and spring.
there

and then get -- and then when I didn’t have work-

study I would get a summer job.
in the fall again.

You know, then come back

And I did that for a while until ’79.

Then ’79 they hired me full time.
years.

I would work

And I stayed there 30

From ’79 to 2009 did a lot of [00:34:00] diff-- all

the different opportunities that they had there for me.
worked on the prevention program.

I

I think I began working

as a prevention staff, working with the -- doing drug
awareness in schools.
with kids after school.

And then doin’ sports activities

work with gang youths.

And did that.

Did intervention

Same thing, sports, jobs, things
26

�like that, GED programs, and reportings.

You know, did a

lot of the administration work, then became supervi-- you
know did all the positions at BUILD.
Executive Director.

Till ’94 became the

And I was there for 15 years at the

Executive Director till I left in 2009.

So that’s my

experience with work-JJ:

Where are you at now?

AC:

I’m at St. Augustine College.

I came here in September of

2009 and the transition for me was educational.

’Cause, as

I mentioned, 30 years at the organization doing street
intervention and [00:35:00] prevention work with kids; high
risk youth and gang-involved and not gang-involved, and
working with parents a lot.

That exposed me to community

work ’cause I [had done?] a lot of work with parents.

And

it reminded me, ’cause, you know, my goal -- our goal was
to go back to your own neighborhood and work with the young
people coming up behind you, so that they didn’t have to
experience the things that you went through, and avoid some
of the negative things that you did or that was around ’em.
And so when I went back to the neighborhood and started
working with the short-- younger guys in the neighborhood
you know, gettin’ them into sports and things like that.
And, you know, I remember I said, “My God.”

You know, this

was like in the late ’70s and early ’80s, and there was a
27

�major gang -- spike in gang violence.

And throughout, you

know, the whole area of Lincoln Park there, was -- we had a
lot of that goin’ on.

Not as, you know -- my years were

not involved in that situation.
banging.

We didn’t do a lot of gang

There was no guns pulled out on people like that,

you know, I had a [00:36:00] couple experiences, but not
much.

And then when I, you know, the first shooting on

Orchard and Willow was one of the [Velez?] family.

Which

is another large, Puerto Rican family that grew up in the
neighborhood.

But one of the Velez kids got lit up on --

he shot on right in front of the Boys Club on Orchard and
Willow.

And that was like our first experience of anybody

getting shot there -- from our group, that was growing up
from the Latin Saints there.

On -- the Harrison Gents had

some issues because they were -- they used to fight the
Kings.

And they had a couple shootings between them on

there.

But that was, you know, not compared to other

neighborhoods, like what was happening in Humboldt Park and
West Town at the time.

But it reminded me, ’cause, you

know, in the media, what you started to see was, where are
the parents of these kids?
putting -- blaming fingers.

Everybody you know, kept
And I was saying, “Wait, my

mother,” as I mentioned, we talked about the cultural
differences.

When I left my house, it was -- I was a
28

�different person.

I walked different, you know.

It was

like, you know, Freddy Calixto from the streets, [00:37:00]
you know, walked right out the door.
door, you were somebody else.

When you went out the

When you came into the

house, you were, you know, Freddy Calixto, el hijo de Luis
y de Juana.

And you had to, you know,

to act like that.

you know, you had

So they never knew anything about the

gang [involvement?], because that wasn’t part of their
culture.

You know, they -- my father worked, and then his

thing was, you know, la familia.

You know, hangin’ out

with his -- with the family that would visit, or he would
go visit.

And my mother was at home all the time, you

know, taking care of kids.

And from the -- and for dad was

the church, like a lot of the Caballeros de San Juan stuff
that -- back and forth.
exposure.

But never -- they never had

Lot of the Puerto Rican families never had the

exposure to how we grew up in the streets, and what we were
doing the streets, until, for a lot of people, was too
late.

So my mom never knew.

never knew.”

I realized that, I said, “Mom

I remember goin’ to -- comin’ out of school

at St. Michael’s and I had a Saints sweater on.

My --

three of us, David, and Wilfred all had Saints sweaters on.
We walked into the house during lunch, you know, [00:38:00]
and then my mother said, “Hey, what’s that?”

And, you
29

�know, I looked at her and I said, “Ah, it’s from school.
My school sweater.”

She goes, “Oh.”

another question about it.
that.

You know, never

And you know, so I remember

And I said to, you know, “Wait a minute.”

“Where are the parents?”
this stuff.

They don’t know anything about

And so I, you know, I started developing an

awareness program.
parents.

You know,

Eventually became gang awareness for

And we started teaching the -- goin’ into schools

and talking to parents of the children and saying, “Look,
this is -- you guys need to learn this.
on the streets.”

This what’s going

And we started teachin’ them about all

this: the gang structures, and colors, and who’s out there,
and where they hang out.
know that.

And the idea was so that they can

And if they saw their kids wearing, you know,

black and gold, or black and red, black and green, they
would know, “Whoa, whoa, whoa, that’s -- let’s stop this
right now.”

’Cause some kids were asking their parents to

buy them these clothes, and they were doing it, you know.
And back then, allowing them to put the laces in the shoes,
and the parents were buying it for the kids, ’cause they
didn’t know.

So this educational [00:39:00] program was

very helpful for a lot of parents.

And it helped them,

’cause you could -- the way we presented it was, you could
stop the young kid from joining and getting in too deep
30

�into the gang.

But it would be a lot harder to get ’em

out, once they were in.

And so idea was to get them before

and -- with the prevention program -- and with the parent
education program.
JJ:

So you had a lot of parents involved, or (inaudible)?

AC:

Parents from all over.

It started out in the neighborhood,

so we were working with parents in the neighborhoods that
we worked in, like in Lincoln Park.
Lakeview.

We were also in

We were back in West Town and Humboldt Park.

So

we started going into all the schools, ’cause that’s where,
you know, parents were at.

And we would develop workshops

for parents at -- through schools, churches, ’cause a lot
of church groups, block clubs, you know, where everybody
started; once they found out about it, everybody was
looking for it.
wasn’t available.

They needed that information ’cause it
It wasn’t nowhere.

putting it out there.
it.

So we started

The police department picked up on

They started doing their own prevention program.

[00:40:00] And they started,

-- they had it, they -- we

partnered with them, because they had the graphics, you
know.

Because of crime scenes, there was always a

photograph taken, so they had graphic scenes.

The States

Attorney’s Office did their own presentation for gang
awareness for parents.

But they had, you know, graphic
31

�scenes of people being shot, laying in the streets.

And

they had statistics that they could talk -- give us about,
how many shootings, how many murders, how many arrests, and
all that stuff that we incorporated to our workshops.

And

our workshops were from the social work perspective on how
we could help you, or your son, or your daughter.

For

them, it was, you know, lettin’ ’em know, this the problem.
We come out here, we’re gonna lock you up, that kind of
thing.

So a little different perspective.

But it was, we

were part of them ’cause they had the good information that
we could use for our our presentations.

So, yeah, we had a

lot of groups, a lot of parents.
JJ:

Now talkin’ about perspectives, right around that same time
the Young Lords are [00:41:00] transforming through the
gang.

You knew them when they were a gang.

AC:

Right.

JJ:

And they kinda just jumped [in it?] from the gang into like
a political type of group and that.

AC:

How did you see that?

Well, my exposure was the church, you know.

The church and

the park on Armitage and Halsted -- the People’s Park, and
the church on Dayton, you know, ’cause that was the Latin
Kings, that was their turf.

And we used to walk by there

and hang out with them once in a while.
something would happen.

Every so often,

And, you know, it’s -- at Waller
32

�would -- between them, and there would be beefs and -- but,
you know, once in a while we were hang out -- go out on
Armitage and hang out.
then the church.

And I remember hanging out there,

And you know what was really -- didn’t

know much what’s going on here.

And that’s why like when I

first realized, “Oh, this is somethin’ going on with the
Young Lords, and they took over this church, and this is
People’s Park.”

And I said, “Oh, wow.”

interesting, you know.
know.

It was very

This is goin’ on, and then, you

So it was like, for me, was like, [00:42:00] just

see the beginnings of the exposure to it.

Later on, I was

older.
JJ:

How old were you at that time?

AC:

This -- I was still in high school, you know.

And then

when I got out of high school, when I, you know, learned
more about it and got a little more involved, I remember
getting (pauses) the, I don’t know what year it was on
Wilton.

You had the office on Wilton.

That’s where I got

-- I came -- I volunteered when you were running for all
the men in the area.
volunteered.

And we were, you know, so I

I worked in there, in the office for a while.

And hangin’ out with the guys from the neighborhood, they
had Eagles there hangin’ out with them for a while, so I
did that and so forth.

But my years at Northeastern was
33

�like an awakening for me, because I learned about the
Puerto Rican culture.

You know, as I mentioned to you very

early on in this discussion, they took the Spanish out of
me by third grade.

So for me, when I went to you know, I

didn’t know about Puerto Rico, I didn’t know about, you
know, nothing about my culture, my history.
[00:43:00] knew was that it was bad.
thing to be speaking.

All I

Spanish was a bad

wanted to be American.

You didn’t want to do that.

You

But I never felt American, you

know, ’cause we always had somebody that told us we weren’t
Americans, you know.

But when I went to Northeastern, we -

- I was exposed to, you know, protests.
Puerto Ricans were protesting.
Rican studies.

You know, the

They didn’t have Puerto

We wanted -- they, you know, so I joined

the Union for Puerto Rican Students.

So I was a member of

the Union for Puerto Rican Students.

And we, you know, we

did our thing.

We partied a lot, but we go to meetings and

hear from some of the leaders, and we were present whenever
they said, “Let’s take over this and that.”

And so we did

a lot of sit-ins, and we took over the President’s office a
few times.

And we demanded, you know, we wanted Puerto

Rican studies.

We wanted José López come and become a

professor, and so forth, and we wanted El Centro to be
established for the Latino community.

And all those things
34

�took sitting in their office and not moving until they
decided to make it happen.

So I got my exposure to the

political [00:44:00] (audio cuts out) and then learning
more about the Young Lords through that.

And that’s when I

went out and did some volunteer work in the Wilton office,
things like that.
JJ:

Okay. (pauses)

__:
AC:

Pause it, yeah.
So, one of the things that -- when you go back to the urban
renewal or urban removal, however you want to call it.

It

had effect on a lot of things, on the family that lived in
the different apartments there.

And as I mentioned

earlier, there were very few owners.

The ones that did

own, they really, you know, were ripped off -- basically
ripped off because they were selling their homes for eight
thousand dollars.

You know, this is a community where, you

know, you can go that same home that they bought for 8,000
dollars, they probably sold it for 500,000 later on, you
know.

But these people were getting great deals.

If they

got eight or 10 grand for a home, they felt like they were
millionaires and moving off to Logan Square.

[00:45:00]

And becoming the first home homeowners in the West
neighborhood -- Logan Square, Humboldt Park -- buying
little two flats and things like that.

But in the
35

�neighborhoods, what was happening was they were, you know,
you saw that they, you know, people moving away and they,
you know, the gang structure that was, that was there.
what was happening, it was being exported.
that it stopped.

But

So it wasn’t

You know, the gangs didn’t ended because

they changed the neighborhood.

They just moved them, and

they moved them from the area to area.
went, that’s where the gangs were.

So wherever they

So you saw the spike.

There was a lot of gang activity in Lincoln Park.

Then you

saw a spike of gang activity in West Town, Wicker Park.
Because that’s where a lot of families moved to.

And then

you saw a lotta spike in gang activity in Humboldt Park,
’cause a lot of families moved there.
move was west, west, west, west.
Lincoln Park.

’Cause the whole

And they cleaned out

No more gangs in Lincoln Park, you know,

’cause they moved everybody out.

But the gangs didn’t

stop, they just moved [00:46:00] into another neighborhood,
wherever there was a low-income community, where people
paid low rents, the gangs were a subculture of that.

You

know for us, it was band together to defend your
neighborhood against other people, other groups.

The same

thing started happening when people -- when Latinos were
moving west.

They were confronted with the, you know, the

36

�white guys -- the white gangs: the Gaylords, the PVCs.

And

they had to -JJ:

To banding together to fight other white gangs or Latino
gangs or what(inaudible)?

AC:

Yeah, mainly it was other la-- first, it was the other

Commented [SC6]: Delete?

white gangs, because they didn’t, you know, it was a racial
thing.

They didn’t like spics, they just said it straight

out, you know, they would come and tell you, you know, “F
you, spic.”

You know, so you have to be -- either you have

to run or you have to defend it.

And what started

happening, people were saying, “No, we’re gonna click -- “
whoever was there, you know, if it was the Gents, or
whoever it was, if it was Latin Kings.
You joined up and you you said, “No.
numbers.”

You got to get it.
Now, you know, we’re

[00:47:00] And that’s what started happening.

You know, the Latinos started outnumbering the other gangs.
And so they were no longer, after so many years, there were
no longer white gangs to fight against, and they started
turning on each other.

And all the Latino gangs started

fighting with one another, and that’s what we still have
today, you know.

Latino gangs, fighting Latino gangs.

And

then the mixture of people that -- it didn’t matter, you
know, Lat-- if you were Black, Latin, if you join, you

37

�join.

Whatever gang you join.

Then it wasn’t so much more

racial breakdowns of what gang you joined.
JJ:

So you’re saying that a lot of these gangs that were pushed
out of Lincoln Park went into other neighborhoods.

And did

they join up with other gangs, start new gangs, how did
that work?
AC:

Well, the Latin Kings, it was really easy for them, because
there was Latin Kings already in the West Side.

Latin

Kings had already started in Humboldt Park, and they -- so
they were just Kings moving from neighborhood to
neighborhood.

Just -- and they, you know, they knew

[00:48:00] each other, they hung out.
deal.

So it was no big

Latin Saints, for us, that was the end of them.

There were no more Latin Saints.

I didn’t even realize --

we didn’t even realize that there was an old Latin Saint
gang on the South Side, and I didn’t know that till I used
to visit my cousins on 55th Street.

At 56th and Peoria.

And there were some Latin Souls around there, and they
would all say, “I’m gonna tell them you’re a Latin Saint.”
You know, that what my cousins used to threaten me with.
And I said, you know, “They don’t know me from the Latin
Saints.”

’Cause I thought they were talkin’ about us.

I

didn’t realize that on 47th Street there was Latin Saints
there from the ’60s.

So there, they were there.

They’re
38

�still around.

But the Latin Saints from Lincoln Park, they

just stopped existing after the move.

Everybody moved out

of there.

The older guys went to Vietnam.

Our group

graduate.

I went

You know, we

to high s-- to college.

all went our own ways, and that was it for that.

Younger

guys [00:49:00] that were in that neighborhood, moved west
and they joined other gangs.

You know, that’s what they

did.
JJ:

You mentioned Vietnam.

Did that do anything to the gangs

when a lot of the soldiers came back to the -AC:

Well, from what I saw, the people that I knew that got
involved in that, it was a way out.

You know, a lotta

people went there because they were facing the judge, and
the judge told ’em it’s either army or jail.
them, of course, chose the army.

And a lot of

So that’s how a lot of

people took off, you know, went to the army.

’Cause they

were getting caught up and goin’ in front of a judge and
getting the choice.

So a lot of them did do that.

for a lot of people, it worked.

It helped them.

I think
Because

they went there, they got their GEDs, they came back, and
they came back to work.

Those were the first guys you saw

working at Peoples Gas, at Commonwealth Edison, and things
like that.

But for a lot of guys that went to Vietnam,

they got stuck.

They got stuck on the heroin.

I saw my
39

�brother-in-law, his cousin, friends, everybody that was out
there.

They all came back with habits.

[00:50:00] You

know, so they all came back with heroin habits, and they
just festered in the neighborhood.

Then for us, in our

neighborhood around Armitage and Halsted, were a lot of
people strung out on heroin.

And that whole area, man,

that whole neighborhood, they all -- the AIDS virus hit
real hard.

A lot of brothers died of AIDS ’cause they, you

know, they didn’t know any different.

They were sharing

needles, and a lot of them caught AIDS, and a lot of ’em
died.

And I would, you know, I would get phone calls every

so often and every -- this one guy would call me.
time I got a call from him, I knew what it was.
telling me so-and-so just died.
just droppin’.

Every
He was

And one by one they were

And a lot of brothers from our -- that area

just died of AIDS.
JJ:

What happened to a lot of the adults?

I mean, what did

they move to or what happened?
AC:

Well, as I mentioned earlier, it was a westward move.

So

from Lincoln Park -- from, you know, anywhere from
Larrabee, Orchard, Halsted, Bissell, Armitage, in all that
area.

If you were one of the lucky ones that were -- that

[00:51:00] owned a home and sold it, you bought -- you were
one of the first families that were homeowners in Humboldt
40

�Park and Logan Square, or even Wicker Park, West Town.
most families, as I said, rent.

But

So they move in to a

places where they could rent apartments and so that’s what
happened.

They moved in, I said they first moved into

Wicker Park.

That was the first area west, and then

further west to -- a little further west on the other side
of Western to Humboldt Park, and then that’s where
people... One of the things I did notice that the urban
removal process started -- kinda stopped in Humboldt Park.
It took a lotta years before it picked up any momentum.
And I noticed, because I was at Northeastern at the time,
and I did a project on the whole urban removal, you know,
for one of my classes.

And I was shooting film of Cabrini-

Green, seeing the changes that was happening in Cabrini.

I

was going back to Lincoln Park and showing all the changes
and [00:52:00] the new neighborhoods, the new buildings,
the new neighbors.

And then coming -- driving into

Humboldt Park and showing what I mentioned, that I saw on
Orchard, empty lots well on Rockwell.

From Rockwell, North

Avenue all the way down, they were empty lots ’cause they
were burning buildings every night.

There was a building

on fire, and they were knocking ’em down.

And there was

plants, the same plants that they did on Lincoln Park were
there in Humboldt Park.

They were planning to do some
41

�building, you know, high-end buildings there, but they had
resistance.

The community banded together and resisted

that whole move.

There was an, or there is an organization

there called Bickerdike Redevelopment Corporation, and they
came together, and they worked on it, and they stopped it.
They said, “No, this ain’t gonna be, you know, high-end
living here.”
housing.

You know, we -- they fought for low-income

And they were able to build all low-income

housing in all those empty lots.

And so that’s what

stopped the urban removal process there in Humboldt Park.
[00:53:00] It didn’t stop it in Wicker Park.
Park, they took over.
skyrocketed.
rent.

In Wicker

They, you know, the rent

The buildings you couldn’t buy, you couldn’t

Unless, you know, you were a white-collar worker

making big bucks.

And if you didn’t own a home, and you

know, people that own homes that had to give -- move out
because of taxes.

The ones that were able to stay and pay

the taxes, they stayed and they kept their homes.
was like, I count ’em on one hand.

But that

You know, some of the

families that I know that lived on Bell Street, you know
they had two, three houses on the block.
else, I don’t think there were any.
stopped it.

It stopped there.

And then anywhere

But Humboldt Park

And that’s why the Puerto

Rican community was there for so long in Humboldt Park for
42

�many, many years, until the ’90s.
seeing the change again.
started to happen.
west again.

And so you started

The whole new gentrification

And, you know, people started moving

And then you look at the numbers, the between

10 years, and 10 years, and 10 years later.

Everything

kept shifting, what further, further west from Humboldt
Park.

It had stopped for 20 years, [00:54:00] and all of a

sudden, it started to see the shift.

People were moving

out of Humboldt Park and ending up in Belmont Cragin now,
where there’s a whole new population of Latinos.

The thing

-- another big change was the influx of Latin American
countries.

People from Latin American countries, not --

Puerto Ricans were no longer the majority of Latinos.
the numbers of Latinos, they were the minority.
the numbers of Puerto Ricans went down.

And

So then

You know, families

moving away, a lot of families moving to Florida, moving
out to suburbs, moving further west to other communities.
So we still have the Puerto Rican community Humboldt Park,
but the numbers are very low.

The majority of the Latinos

that live in Humboldt Park are not Puerto Rican, you know.
JJ:

(inaudible)

AC:

They’re Mexicanos.

So, and then we had an increase of

Latinos from different Latin American countries, you know.
So that’s what we have currently and further west.
43

�JJ:

Now, what about (pauses) because Bickerdike has done a lot
of good work in terms of [00:55:00] getting low-income
housing in Humboldt Park.

Definitely fought well,

[resisted?] well, but the Young Lords also resisted in
Lincoln Park, probably because of their status.
you see that?

How did

I mean, did you see that they were just

completely defeated, or did they help to bring out any type
of awareness, or how did you (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible) that whole movement?
AC:

Well, the movement--

JJ:

Did you agree with it, or maybe you didn’t agree with it?

AC:

-- well, as I mentioned to you earlier, it was early -- I
was younger at the time, so I didn’t know a lot of the -what was happening when it was happening.

My exposure and

my education came later, after I got into Northeastern and
started learning about the political agenda that was out
there for the Puerto Rican community.

But I saw it as an

people that didn’t live it, ’cause I could have shared the
experience of living it.

I learn-- even though I didn’t

know at the time, was living it, I could share the
experience.

I said, “Oh, I saw this.

I remember this.”

And it was an awareness that, [00:56:00] like any other
movement that threatens the, you know, the normal -- what
they consider normal, like the city hall considered normal,
44

�you know, there was a threat to that.

You know, they saw

that, and I saw -- they used their tactics to break it up.
You know, to create chaos among the group.

Because, you

know, I saw the chaos that was happening among the group,
within the people.

The Latino brothers that were

organizing around the Young Lords organization as the
political group.

You know, they were -- they had a good --

they said, “Alright, we got a -- we got something to, you
know, that we want to be part of, and everything.”

And

eventually, because of that, you know, they were, you know,
things started to happen with -- and that started to, you
know.

For the community, it was good.

JJ:

What do you mean things were happening? (inaudible).

AC:

Well, you know, things started happening.

They started

seeing, you know, the conflict within the group itself, you
know, people breaking off.
disagreed.

They didn’t, disagr-- they just

[00:57:00] The drug festered.

A lot of those

guys that I talked about dying on heroin, they were all
part of it.

And they started, you know, they got hit with

the heroin.

Heroin came out of nowhere, just -- it became

available to everybody.

And a lot of people chose it.

They got involved and got hooked on heroin.

So we, you

know, a lotta...

45

�JJ:

So did you see that as a way of somebody trying to stop
(inaudible)?

AC:

That was exactly it, ’cause they infiltrated.

You know,

you had people that were, you know, saying they were part
of this group, but they were part of -- they weren’t part
of the group.

YThey were -- you could tell they were in

there for another purpose.
firsthand there.
the heroin.

And I don’t know, I wasn’t

I wasn’t there that I saw the bring in

But you know, out of nowhere, the community

became a heroin haven.

There was so much heroin.

Everybody -- so many people were on it, and that’s why, I
said earlier, so many died.
of AIDS epidemic.
saw.

Because they were, you know,

But that was a [00:58:00] tactic that I

And everybody realized, how do we, you know, how do

we stop this movement?

Because the Young Lords were a

movement that created a movement, and that’s what happened.
They were able to, what I think was something that was able
to happen in Humboldt Park.

If it would have been for the

Young Lord movement that occurred in Lincoln Park and
continue to struggle throughout the years in Humboldt Park,
would have been pretty difficult to do what they did.

You

know, they were not able -- they were able to do that
because they saw the experience that occurred in Lincoln
Park.

They saw the experience that occurred in Wicker
46

�Park, and they had the example to look back to the Young
Lord movement and say, “Wait a minute.
Bottom line, it was resistance.

We got to resist.”

“We have to resist.

just can’t sit here and let this happen.”
happened.

We

And that’s what

You know, they were able to put a stop to the

gentrification in Humboldt Park for, like I said, almost
two decades, until it started to fester again, to where
it’s at today.
JJ:

Okay, anything -- [00:59:00] that was good (inaudible;
laughter).

Anything else that maybe we need to add, that

you think that we need to -- hold on one second. (adjusts
camera)
AC:

Well, going back to the BUILD organization and my
involvement, as I mentioned to you, I kinda saw as a
youngster, you know, somebody out there working.

But, you

know, that history goes way back to the Young Lords and
other all the older groups.

’Cause they had some street

workers that were part of another program before BUILD,
called the Detached Workers Program, that was out of the
YMCA.

There was a -- on Division and [Action?].

There

used to be a Division Street Y, and they they got funding
from the federal government.

And this was something

happening throughout the city of Chicago.

’Cause on the

South Side, it was happening with the Blackstone Rangers,
47

�social service organizations getting funding to work with
them.

And in our neighborhood, it was the YMCA got the

funding to do a program, and they called it the Detached
Workers ’cause it was on the streets.
Streetwork, not in the building.
’em to the building.
streets.”

[01:00:00]

They said, “Don’t bring

Just work with them out in the

So they had workers out there in Lincoln Park.

They were working with Lords, the Black Eagles, and the
different groups there.

And, like most programs, the

Detached Workers, because it was a solely federal funded
program, whenever the people sitting around the desk in
Washington said, “Eh, we don’t want to fund that anymore,
you know.

Gangs is not a big issue for us anymore in our -

- in those neighborhoods, we don’t wanna.
something else.”

Let’s do

So they pulled the funding.

said, “No more funding, no more program.”

The YMCA

And that’s how

Bill got started, because Bob Jemilo and Hank Bach were
running the Detached Workers Program out of the Division
Street Y.

And they said, “Wait a minute, we got a good

thing going.”

They knew what that program was working.

It

was getting a lot of the guys -- primarily guys and but it
was women as well -- out of the violence and gangs and
putting them into college.

’Cause they had a connection

with the city college that was right down -- back then it
48

�was right down the street on Milwaukee Avenue, Mayfair
College. [01:01:00] And they were just putting guys through
GED, through BUILD, and right into city colleges.

And, you

know, getting -- that’s how people were, you know, movin’
away from the poverty and the things they had going, that
gang structure was all about.
“Hey, I got some college in me.

And they were able to say,
Now I can get a job.

can go to ComEd, I can go to Peoples Gas.

I

I can get some -

- I can get a job that can I can support my family with.”
So that’s how the BUILD model came out.
They took it from the Y.

They started it.

They got funding from the Board

of Directors of the YMCA, the people -- the CEOs of ComEd,
Marshall Field, Signal Corporation.

They, you know, Bob

Jemilo was pretty, you know, sharp guy.

So he kinda, you

know, maintained a good relationship with those kind of
people there.

And he went to directly to them, said, “I

need you to give me money to start to keep this program
going.

I’m gonna start my own organization.

call it BUILD.”

I’m gonna

You know, they, they came up with the name

in a process, but that’s how they started BUILD.
JJ:

Do you remember similar tactics that they used to get to
the street [01:02:00] gang members?

AC:

It was the same model.

The same model it was, you know,

you put somebody out in the neighborhood where they grew
49

�up, you know.

So the detached workers had guys like Lacey

and [Mingo?] that were part of the, you know, they grew up
in that, in the neighborhood of Lincoln Park, so they were
the ones out there.

They started, you know, [droppin’

center?] on Halsted Street.
earlier?

The one that you mentioned

Street.

That was on that -- Mingo was running on Halsted
I didn’t hang out there.

You know, I was born

Orchard at that time.
JJ:

The Concerned Puerto Rican --

AC:

The Concerned Puerto Rican Youth Program there.

But it

was, you know, through the Detached Workers Program that he
was able to do that.

And then they all became staff of

BUILD after ’69 you know.
I that I learned.

But it was the same tactics that

Was, you know, you go out through the

neighborhood where you grew up, and you work with the guys,
’cause they know you.

They know oh, Freddy used to be a

Saint here, before that.

So, you know, I’m able to go and

say okay, I want to, you know, you use sports as a tool.
It’s always -- the tool was sports.
softball league.
together.

I’m gonna run a

I need you guys to get [01:03:00]

And then you will get somebody in leadership to

say, “Okay, I need you to be the team captain and get me
all the names.”
develop a roster.

And you start getting the names, and you
So that roster becomes your membership
50

�list, and you start developing on the list.
need to tackle?
leader here?

Who do you

You know, I gotta -- let’s see.

Who’s the

I gotta make sure I get this guy on my side.

And you go, you start workin’ with that individual, and you
get that guy into school, or you get that guy a job.
everybody else wants to do the same thing.

And

And that’s the

tactic that you use, and that’s the model that we used.
that was the approach through the Detached Workers.

So

It was

the model that was used at BUILD in -- throughout the
years.

It’s changed throughout the years, but that’s, you

know, the main idea was that.
JJ:

Did you guys do (inaudible) take ’em all out in the city at
all, or?

AC:

Every fall was a camp.
when I first started.

The one I told you about where,
My first day at BUILD was, you know,

Friday, take off on a bus and go to camp couple hours away
to Michigan, Camp Channing.
year.

That was the model.

They had it same place every
You take ’em out because, you

know, you take ’em [01:04:00] to the woods, they’re not the
same people there on the streets.
different person.

Then it was a completely

And so they are experiencing that.

And

then they’re, you know, they don’t have to front, you know.
That, you know, they could get along with, you know, Latin
Kings can get along with Latin Eagles.

You know, but in
51

�the neighborhoods they can’t.
could.

But in Camp Channing, they

They could sleep together in the same bunk room.

They could get up and eat breakfast in the same bunk room.
And those kind of things develop relationships that I saw
firsthand how they saved lives.

You know, ’cause you get

caught in the streets, and I know I seen people get caught.
Like Robert Gonzalez was one of my staff at BUILD, would
always tell a story, says, “Man.”

’Cause he went to

Lakeview High School, and they -- he was a Latin Eagle.
The Latin Kings were their rival.
on Ashland by Irving Park.
were about to do him in.
him from camp.

And the Kings caught him

And they were, you know, they
And then they said -- they knew

They knew him from softball.

They said,

“Oh, that’s Robert Gonzalez, that’s Bulldog.

He’s cool.

Let him go.”
stuff.

[01:05:00] They let him go and that kind of

That’s the way, that kind of thing.

see how that worked, because they weren’t.

People didn’t
They weren’t

really there to see how that kinda, you know, how that
saved the person’s life or from a beating or something.
But being able to mix gangs and guys together in sports or
in trips like a weekend at camp.

The weekend at camp is

one of the best, ’cause they -- you got 48 hours with these
guys together.

They get to know each other for real.

So

when they come back to the streets, you know, they think
52

�twice before they gonna, you know, get on jump on each
other, shoot at each other, anything like that.

So that

does help a little bit.
JJ:

(inaudible) is there anything else?

Otherwise [this?]

should (inaudible).
AC:

That’s it.

I think that’s good.

END OF VIDEO FILE

53

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                  <text>Collection of oral history interviews and digitized materials documenting the history of the Young Lords Organization in Lincoln Park, Chicago. Interviews were conducted by Young Lords' founder, José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, and documents were digitized from Mr. Jiménez' archives.&#13;
&#13;
The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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spa</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Alfredo Calixto vídeo entrevista y trancripción</text>
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              <text>Alfredo “Freddy: Calixto es parte de la familia quien fueron unos de los primeras familias que se movieron a Chicago en el principio de los 1950s. Nacido en Caguas Puerto Rico, Señor Calixto vivió por el desplazamiento de las familias Puertorriqueñas de La Clark hacia Lincoln Park, donde creció. Sus padres y la mayoría de sus hermanos fueron parte de la Caballeros de San Juan y Damas de María. Su padre también trabajo con Hacha Viejas, una organización social que era activa en el vecindario. Señor Calixto describe su pelea contra discriminación en Lincoln Park y como esas experiencias lo inspiro a dedicarse a la lucha para los jóvenes Latinos. También a sido parte de la Executive Director for Broader Urban Involvement and Leadership Development (BUILD), una organización sin lucrativa en Chicago que fue creada en 1969. Hoy, Señor Calixto, es el vicepresidente por la Instiutional Advancement en St. Augustine College, que es la única institución bilingüe en el medio oeste de educación mayor.</text>
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                <text>Alfredo Calixto video interview and transcript</text>
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                <text>Alfredo “Freddy” Calixto and his family were among the first Puerto Rican families to move to Chicago in the early 1950s. Born in Caguas, Puerto Rico, Mr. Calixto lived through the displacement of Puerto Rican families from La Clark to the Lincoln Park Neighborhood where he grew up. Mr. Calixto describes struggling with discrimination in Lincoln Park and how these early experiences inspired him to commit himself to advocating for Latino youth.  </text>
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                <text>Jiménez, José, 1948-</text>
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                <text>2012-02-08</text>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Alfredo Matias
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 4/2/2012

Biography and Description
Alfredo Matias is the happy son of Doña Carmen García and a Young Lord going back to the mid-1960s.
Mr. Matias joined the Young Lords during the Month of Soul Dances at St. Michael’s Church Gymnasium
in Lincoln Park. Those neighborhood dances were held for four consecutive Saturdays and the Young
Lords purchased 40, 30-minute advertising slots on the radio to announce the dances. The affairs were
so well attended they were overfilled each night. Monies from the dances were used by the Young Lords
to purchase their club sweaters, which were to be all black with a violet stripe along each shoulder –
colors chosen from the film, “West Side Story.” The film had special significance for young Puerto Ricans
at the time because it was the only public movie of its day that portrayed Puerto Ricans living in the
United States, however problematically. A white, armor shield patch was sewn near one of the side
pockets. The letters “YL” in old English font were marked on the patch as well. Mr. Matias lived in
Lincoln Park and also in Wicker Park for many years. He saw both communities evict their primarily
Puerto Rican residents. For years, one could see Alfredo sitting in the park at Schiller and Damen Ave. or
walking along North Avenue, Milwaukee, Damen, and Division Streets. He would always be humble,
respectful and friendly, and his favorite past time was not whistling but “throwing flowers or
compliments at the ladies.” Mr. Matias has always been dedicated to his heros Don Pedro Albizu
Campos and Lolita Lebrón, and has performed his many poems at the nightclub “Weeds” and several

�other venues for free. A few of his poems include, “El Coquí,” “ El Grillo y La Luna,” “Sin Titulo,”
“Characters of my Poetry,” “Ponle Titulo,” and “Just a Poem.” Mr. Matias says that he was expelled
from school at 13 years of age, from Puerto Rico at age 15, and from the U.S. military at 17. He was
forced from the military because he refused to accept an order that would have sent him to Cuba to
fight alongside other Puerto Ricans in the Bay of Pigs invasion, against the sovereignty of Cuba. He said
then “that he was not going to ever fight in a war against a Latino nation.” The expulsion from the
military has caused him much suffering, including being denied any veteran’s benefits. Mr. Matias grew
up in Sabana Seca, Puerto Rico. SabanaSeca is a barrio of Tao Baja, 14 miles west of San Juan. It used to
house primarily a pineapple and grapefruit plantation called the “Stephenson Place,” but the 2250 acres
were acquired by the U.S. Navy during World War II. After the war, the property was turned over to the
U.S. Army and then back to the U.S. Navy. Since the 1898 military occupation of Puerto Rico by the
United States, six military installations have been established in Puerto Rico: one in the offshore island
of Culebra, another in the island of Vieques, and four others including Roosevelt Roads, Salinas, Fort
Allen, and Fort Buchanon. Today Mr. Matias is home in Puerto Rico, content to be by his mother’s side,
and still writing his poetry, “proud to be a Puerto Rican and a Young Lord to the bone.”

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Okay --

ALFREDO MATIAS: My name -JJ:

Alfredo Matias, okay.

AM:

My name is Alfredo Matias. I was born in el barrio Sabana Seca de Toa Baja,
Puerto Rico. (Spanish) [00:00:11 - 00:00:25].

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:00:25].

AM:

Yeah, uh-huh. My name is Alfredo Matias. I am a bilingual, bicultural, but not
bisexual Puerto Rican, [today with?] Ricky Martin. You know, the first time I
heard Ricky Martin singing that song, “Livin’ la Vida Loca,” I said to myself, “[He’s
a maricón?].” As soon as I saw it, I said, you know, he was -- anyway, I’m here in
Chicago. I’ve been in Chicago since 1963. I came here ’cause I was -- [Is?] --?

(break in video)
JJ:

Okay, whenever you want to start.

AM:

Okay, my name [00:01:00] is Alfredo Matias. I am Afro Puerto Rican. I came to
Chicago in 1963. Uh, prior to going to Chicago, I was in Puerto Rico, you know,
in, uh, uh, my youth. I wa-- I was born and raised in Puerto Rico. Um, when I w- when I came to Chicago, I came to live at [5302 South Michigan?]. From there,
I went to the South Side, went back to the West Side. I came to the North Side
around 1967 when I met Cha-Cha Jiménez, and they had a little get-together,
you know, in some church, and I was playing with a band called the [Afro
Souls?]. It was an Afro American band. You know, we had a couple projects, me

1

�and another [Black working?] guy named [Coco?]. We went to play at the St.
Michael. We went to play (inaudible), and that was Cha-Cha, and [the guy was
there?], you know, and I met him through a guy named [Rafael Fajaldo?], also
known as Coco. [00:02:00] First of all, you know, before I go any further, I have
to explain that when I was in Puerto Rico, you know, my stepfather was a
policeman, and when I was in the eighth grade, this one teacher, you know, a
Black Puerto Rican teacher, he had the habit of saying, “Eh?” Like, “Eh, Matias?”
You know, (Spanish) [00:02:23]. And I said to him, “(Spanish) [00:02:26]?” And
he just kept, you know, going around, giving the class. Then he stood next to me
(inaudible), he hit me so hard, man. (mimics slapping face) He hit me like you hit
a man, you know? He did it because he was more like a -- he was a [sidekick?]
to some [white?] Puerto Rican that (inaudible) [in the town?], and they were using
-- they were kind of telling him that I was [big into him?] (inaudible), and I was
stronger, so, you know, telling, you know, enticing him into, you know, [going up
on?] me. And he [would look for?] -- he used to hit me. Since I knew he was the
teacher and I was the student, I would try to be cool, you know, and then one
day, [00:03:00] he said to me, “Hey, Matias, (inaudible),” when the guy that was
the next to me and the girl, they were talking to each other, and they weren’t
talking loud because I didn’t even hear them. But he said to me, “Matias,
(Spanish) [00:03:09],” and just kept giving the class, going around. Then when
he hit me so -- that was a Friday. That Monday, my stepfather was going to
school to talk to him, ’cause he didn’t even know that my father was a policeman.
When Monday morning came, you know, I came to school, and when it was time

2

�for me to go into the classroom, you know, came in, I walk in, kind of thinking that
my stepfather would be coming there soon, so as soon I walked through the door
the teacher grabbed me again by my neck and pulled me out of the classroom,
and I went nuts, you know? And, again, we fight. Anyway, then I was expelled
from school. Then, in those days, there were no jobs for [grown?] Puerto Ricans
in my town; most jobs for a kid, you know? So I was hanging around [my town?]
with some friends, and since I didn’t know what to do, one day, you know, they
were going to go induct -- [00:04:00] they had inducted into the army. Puerto
Rico, you know, we don’t have an army, but the American Army over there, you
know. Different -- they went to take the test, and so the lady just asked for the
name and address. I told her that same day I was 17, and I wanted to, you know,
join the Army. I was only -- I wasn’t even 16 yet, but you know, she told me that I
had to have some signature from my parents, you know, like that they agreed I
could go into the Army.
JJ:

Why did you want to join the Army?

AM:

Because (inaudible), you know, there were no jobs for grown people. Most of the
jobs for young people. We were hanging around, you know, [bumming?] up and
down the street, you know? So I went with friends just for a ride, and when I saw
that the lady just asked them for their name and address, I told that day I was 17,
so I went, you know, in two weeks, and they called us to go take the test, and
when we went to take the test -- there were six of us -- and the only one that
passed the test was me. So the guys (inaudible), they flunked the test,

3

�[00:05:00] and [I was there for a ride?], and I wound up going to the Army.
Anyway, when I went to the Army I was only 16 years of age.
JJ:

And where did you go? Where --?

AM:

After taking basic training in Buchanan, they sent me to Fort Jackson, South
Carolina. In South Carolina, you know, everything was two: two NCO club, two
beer garden, two barbershops. Everything was two: Black people go to one;
white people go to the other. They sleep in the barrack, but never talk to each
other. We just had, like, two different worlds. Anyway, Puerto Rican, you know,
for them to be able to go downtown to the Black area, they used me as a key to
walk into the Black neighborhood. Every time we would go into the
neighborhood they would say, “Oh, here comes (inaudible) Matias,” and he let us
through, because I [look?] Puerto Rican; they were with me. I was the only Black
Puerto Rican in Fort Jackson, South Carolina. Anyway, when Kennedy wanted
to invade Cuba in the Bay of Pigs invasion, they took all the Puerto Ricans aside,
(inaudible). They took us, fed us, gave us food, and gave us (inaudible), and
then told us that they had [00:06:00] to talk to us, to only Puerto Ricans. There
was a number of Puerto Ricans in the Army at that time. They took us aside and
then they said they want to volunteer for this mission, to see (inaudible)
[discharge?]. They want (inaudible) to see [on the other side?]. And I was the
only Black Puerto Rican. Everybody looked at me, because, you know, that’s
(inaudible), as a leader or something, so everybody followed my idea. So when
they said that, (inaudible) volunteer to [sit on one side?], they wanted to [sit on
the other side?], other side looked at me, I got up. I went to the side, the one that

4

�they want to go. Everybody followed me. In the Army, they branded me like I
was unloyal. Yeah, I was in the Army for 14 months. I never got to be private
first class. In the Army in America, you don’t make private first class within nine
months, they’re supposed to give you discharge. I was in the Army 14 months. I
never got, you know, to be [00:07:00] private first class. So I was an E1; I came
out E1 at 14 months.
JJ:

So why do you think that was?

AM:

What?

JJ:

That you were not private first class.

AM:

Racism, you know. I never saw -- I only saw two Puerto Rican commissioned
officers when I was in the Army, and they were in Puerto Rico. For us, (inaudible)
whites [all there?]. Whites, they run the game, you know? It was, you know, two:
Black would go to one, and the Black would go to the other, but then Puerto
Rican, they had no place to go. So people kind of saw me as a leader, because I
was, you know, I was [always?] a bunch of people following me. See, not for me,
the United States would have been in Cuba with Puerto Rican soldiers.
(inaudible) [social?] leader, you know, they even have a highway named after
him, but (inaudible) to make the [00:08:00] [alpha CTC?], and he wanted for us to
go with him, you know, into Cuba in the Bay of Pig invasion. See, [it wasn’t?] for
me, saying, you know, that I wasn’t going, [and a little political dissention?], we
would not be in Cuba. When I came back from the Army to Puerto Rico -- I was
only there for three months -- no job, no nothing, so my family -- [I credit it for
my?] grandfather (inaudible) Army base, and I used to go there, throw stones at

5

�the soldiers and [share?] with my cousins. When I was in the Army, you know, I
wanted (inaudible) to let me be (inaudible) [protocol?]. I didn’t want to go
overseas, you know, because (inaudible) from my grandpa, and they have a
Naval base, you know. When I came out of South Carolina, I was (inaudible),
every time I would see any of the soldiers (inaudible) the base, we’d throw stone
on them. I lived right across the street. It was about maybe 90 feet away from
my parents, the gate to the Army base. When I came back one night, me and
[00:09:00] my [cousin?], we were throwing stones at the soldiers, and I didn’t see
my grandma. She was looking through the window. And then, you know, she
saw me throwing the stones. She told my mom that they should send me to New
York or to Chicago [with one of my friends?] before I got killed. And I think that
(inaudible) happened, because, you know, I was [full of hate?], you know.
(Spanish) [00:09:18]. Anyway, my family, they gave me a choice to either go to
Chicago or to New York. Since I had a couple uncles in Chicago, I came to live
with them. I came to live at 5302 South Michigan. It was all Black and Latino
around there. There were no whites around. From there, I went to 94th and
(inaudible). From there, I went to the West Side, and then when I was in the
West Side I got married, and I had the one Puerto Rican friend named Coco.
You know, we were both musicians, so we were playing gigs here and there.
Anyway, one Friday night Coco told me that they were going to play for some
Puerto Rican group called the Youth Lords. I said -- I wasn’t going to play -- “I’ll
go with you.” So I [00:10:00] went there, and the first thing I see -- that was when
I first met you. Coco said to me, “See that little blonde guy right there, that Cha-

6

�Cha? He’s the president of the organization.” So [they were going to?] introduce
us, you know, when I met you. Like, I don’t believe in gangs, you know? To me,
when I went (inaudible), I saw, you know, they had a legit grief with the city for
the racism and what have you. I got so involved into the scene because, you
know, to me, I had gone through the process of the racism in the Army, you know,
coming to Chicago. I came to live in a Black neighborhood, and I didn’t know any
Latinos until I met Cha-Cha -- I mean Coco and the other, and then he introduced
me to you. And then most of the people I knew, they were Black. I didn’t have
no white friends at all.
JJ:

Now, did you ever live in Lincoln Park at all, or --?

AM:

Yeah. I live on -- I live right across from the church, the funeral home. I live over
there. I live on 1945 North Dayton. I live on Fremont and Armitage. I live on
[Beso?] -- not Beso -- yeah, Fremont and Armitage, then Beso. Then I live on
Burling Street. I live through there, like --

JJ:

So how was that neighborhood at that time, I mean, when you were living there?
I mean, what do you remember?

AM:

It was a bunch of Puerto Ricans, you know, helping each other, and the city was
using the gang -- you know, other things to scare people here, (inaudible), but
[there were many people?] Puerto Rican neighborhood. When I came to live
there, that was the biggest population of Puerto Ricans (inaudible).

JJ:

And about what time was that? What year was that?

AM:

Oh, 1967, ’68, ’68.

7

�JJ:

Sixty-eight. Okay, what were some of the activities that, when you -- you know,
after you started hanging around [00:12:00] with the Young Lords, what were
some of the activities that you remember?

AM:

The churches were kind of (inaudible) rundown, so we all got together, started
fixing it little by little, and I used to spend most of my time over there.

JJ:

Okay. And so you were there after the church was taken over?

AM:

Yeah, I was there for the taking of the church.

JJ:

And so what happened during those days?

AM:

The Lincoln Park [Reservation?], Association, whatever, they were (inaudible)
this project in the neighborhood, and they were using the kind of tactics like
harassing the businessmen, giving them citation for failing to -- it was just to get
out people out of the neighborhood. Lincoln Park Association, they had a few
people from [Windy City?] (inaudible) [removal?]. [00:13:00] That’s what they
were doing. [They were just following?] Puerto Ricans in the neighborhood. And
[I said to him?], like, [they didn’t understand?] -- we had to pack our [gang
bangers?], our rice and beans, our [Puerto Rican?] men, and take off. Puerto
Rican, we are the worst nationality in this country. We don’t have a selfcontrolled monetary system. Like, everybody has a system except us. Any
particular country to Puerto Rico, anywhere in the world, bring money from the
country, trade it for American money, and what you and I cannot buy, they can
buy. I mean, my impression of Luis Gutiérrez, I was one of the first -- you know,
when he won the first time, he won by ten votes. I was there with him. [That’s
crazy?]. I got locked up, you know, right after he became alderman. But anyway,

8

�in those days, I was going to Northwestern University. I got locked up three times
in those years, going to school, bullshit like drugs, you know, for marijuana.
Cigarettes [00:14:00] kill more people than the drugs combined, but [didn’t see
that?]. Anyway, they used that as an excuse, you know, to keep us down. I have
a 3.54 grade point average from Northwestern University. When I was in the
school -- really, when I went to jail, I was asking the people at the prison, you
know, if I could finish my schooling, and they said yes, and I tried to get from
Northwestern my transfer, and they said that when you are six months from
getting a degree they will not transfer your transcript to no place. They gave me
that kind of hassle, and they were -- all I need is three hours of Earth science,
and the English language test, and the Constitution test, and I got a bachelor.
But I know so many people that had more hours than me and they don’t have a
bachelor, because when Governor Thompson was governor, he passed a law
that said for you to [00:15:00] get a degree in Illinois you had to take and pass
the English language test and the Constitution test. That [whole system?], they
used that to keep minorities, like Latinos, Blacks, Oriental, out of [the degree?]
program. (inaudible). I know lots of people that have enough hours to have a
bachelor, but they don’t have it because the racist English language test, you
know. Me, I have a 3.54 grade point average. What the hell I got to prove
somebody that I speak English? If I had that kind of average, that means I can
speak enough, so they use only to keep minority out of degree program.
JJ:

So what is that English language test? I mean, I’ve never heard of that.

AM:

Well, right now, in Illinois since nineteen seventy --

9

�JJ:

In Illinois [that is?] --

AM:

-- seven -- uh-huh. I mean, (inaudible) pass a law that you had to take the
English language test, which is a test of your knowledge of the English language.
[00:16:00] It’s like a lawyer: you know, for you to become a lawyer you have to
take the Bar Association test; otherwise, you’re not a lawyer. That’s essentially
used to -- that’s a racist tactic. That’s what it was.

JJ:

And is that for everyone, or --?

AM:

Everyone has to take and pass the English language test. See, white people
ain’t got a problem, ’cause that’s their language, you know? So that’s just used
to keep poor and Latinos out of degree.

JJ:

Okay, going back to the Young Lords, okay, were you in any of the marches or
anything like that?

AM:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

Can you describe one of the --? Which march were you in?

AM:

When [Jason?] (inaudible) killed (inaudible) --

JJ:

What was that about? What happened there?

AM:

That day, we was (inaudible) [outside?], remember?

JJ:

Okay, but what happened?

AM:

That day, there was a party in either [Rough?] or [Spaghetti Thursday?] in the
South Side -- it was in Bridgeport, you know, that real rich neighborhood -- and
supposedly sometime [00:17:00] that policeman, he was dressed in plainclothes.
He was, you know, painting a building across the street from where the party
was, and the party was for Puerto Rican and Latino. It was English-language

10

�music. The cop didn’t like it. They came and knocked on the door and told them
to put the music down because it was too loud. He went back across the street
and about 20 minutes later the music went up again. He came, opened the door,
and started shooting into the building, into the house, and he killed (inaudible)
and wounded Spaghetti.
JJ:

And then what happened? Then what happened after that? Were you there that
day or no?

AM:

No, no, we were here on (inaudible). In fact, what I was saying to you
[yesterday?], we were here with the [girl?], which would be up there, you know --

JJ:

(inaudible) party?

AM:

-- with a group, yeah.

JJ:

So what happened after that, after you heard about that?

AM:

After that, you know, we had these -- We were able to [launch?], you know, [for
us to?] indict that policeman. I don’t think he would have ever got indicted, but
we went to protest [00:18:00] to the Chicago Police station. We went from here
to there. I don’t know, what was the guy, the Black guy that was in -- that
(inaudible)?

JJ:

The [Culverstones?]?

AM:

Right, right, right. (inaudible) we got through, and we went to the march, and I
have been to a lot of the marches for welfare recipients’ rights, and Latino
neighborhood organizations.

JJ:

So that was a march against police brutality, but your father is a policeman, so --

AM:

My stepfather was a policeman in Puerto Rico.

11

�JJ:

Okay, so how did you feel about that, that we’re marching against the police?

AM:

Well, police, [it’s different?]. First of all, [if there’s?] justice and equality, [there’s
no need?] for the police, you know? If everybody gets equal treatment, there’s
no need for police. Police are -- in the [past?], policemen were to clean, doing all
the -- but none of them have the authority to arrest people, [00:19:00] which -- for
me, I never had a good relationship with policemen, you know. My stepfather, he
was a policeman, you know, but he was a womanizer, and, like, at the time I got
into that fight, you know, instead of going to see [how I’m?] (inaudible), he went
to see a woman that he had. He didn’t come to school. That’s why I almost got
beat up by that [street gang?]. But I didn’t see them as a needed thing, you
know? I mean, here, you have to have (inaudible), otherwise people will [lead?]
each other, but that come from the injustices that have been, you know,
[productive otherwise?]. He had to get test to be a policeman. I took a test to be
a case worker, to be a bilingual translator in court. All those jobs were denied to
me because when I was in the Army, the Army gave me (inaudible) discharge. I
ran that through my U.S. (inaudible) number. It’s a dash, and then the worst,
[28B?]. [It was?] 28B; 28B means involved in [frequent?] incident of [disability?]
to military and civilian authorities, unloyal soldier. That was the discharge
[00:20:00] the Army gave me. And not only me, but a lot of the other soldiers that
were there, because they were Black and Latino, they would get less than
honorable discharge so that when they come to civilian life they cannot compete
with, again, the whites. Simple as that. Racism. Now, going to over to Korea,
the bill had they’re going to allow the Germans to reunite, and they’re going to

12

�give them the keys to the Vatican, you know? But we have a German Pope. Out
of all the places in the world, the Germans, they had the worst record on civil
rights, human rights, (inaudible) [lately?], but now for them to [reunite again?],
(inaudible) had done this on purpose, you know. They have allowed them to
reunite, being the racist rationality that it was. That was done on purpose to keep
the white race together. Korea, North Korea and South Korea is the same
country, same people, but they’re still divided, and they don’t have the kind of
human rights record that the Germans had, [00:21:00] but they had the key -anyway, whoever gets the key for the Vatican runs the show. For the past
[hundred?] years, the Pope was always Italian, from over there, then all of a
sudden the first non-Italian Pope was the Polish Pope that just died. The Pope
that was before him, he was only Pope for one month because he died. When
Popes die and they cannot do an autopsy on them -- that’s against the law. So
anyway, that Pope, in one month he made so many changes in the Catholic
Church that they say he was a rebel. He was an Italian -- he was against a lot of
(inaudible), but anyway, they wipe him off and they put the first non-Italian Pope
in power that have [power?] (inaudible). That was done in cahoots with the
people of Poland, you know, [Lech Wałęsa?], the Pope, and they got together
[00:22:00] with [Reagan?], and they [determined their civil union?]. That was a
[workplace job?]. You know, that was [planned for him?]. That Pope, he only
went to Cuba when he no other choice but to go visit Castro, and the first thing
he went [up there?]. Same way the Pope was [a racist like he was?], this [one?]

13

�is the same way. This Pope -- [Last good?] Pope was the one that died after 21
days, 31 days.
JJ:

So I take it you’re not too religious?

AM:

Oh, I don’t believe -- I’m not that religious. You know, I believe in God. I believe
in the creator of creation, but [these have?] a white Jesus Christ and a Black
devil, and, you know, [nothing?]. If Jesus ever lived, he was Black. If he was
born where he was born, he couldn’t have been a white man, you know? Right
now you have the white people in Israel claiming to be Israeli Jews. Bullshit.
Those are people from Europe that were shipped up there during [00:23:00]
Hitler’s raising hell. In 1948, they get the people’s land that was not theirs, and
right now they are seen as the true Jews. Here in America, through America and
the Navy, the so-called [Indians?], those are the Americans. They (inaudible)
come from other places, they come here, and [out of the clear blue?] they call
American. I mean, I’m a Puerto Rican. How in the hell can I be Puerto Rican
and be American? How can Puerto Rico be a commonwealth, Estado libre
asociado? How can you be associated and free at the same time? That’s all
bullshit. Religion’s the same way. You know, [they paint?] white Jesus when
Jesus was Black; they paint a Black devil when the devil was white. Lucifer,
[Bluebeard?] was white. He was a white fellow. He got kicked out of heaven,
and then he started -- religion is a way to control people’s feelings [and them?].
But I believe in God, the creator of creation. [00:24:00] In other words, I don’t
believe in institutions (break in audio) religions. To me, religion is the same way:

14

�it’s only one God, the God that created creation. There are lesser gods and what
have you, but one God.
JJ:

And, [again?], the Young Lords took over McCormick Theological Seminary.

AM:

Hmm?

JJ:

They took over McCormick Theological Seminary. Were you there during the
takeover?

AM:

Yeah.

JJ:

And what do you remember about that?

AM:

That day -- it was ten o’clock in the morning -- me and [later?] Louis Chavez, we
went to Armitage -- not Armitage -- [North?] (inaudible) to sell a newspaper, but
they came and arrested us over there.

JJ:

To sell what newspaper?

AM:

The Young Lords paper.

JJ:

So [North?] (inaudible) [Walls?]?

AM:

Right.

JJ:

And so this was the day of the takeover?

AM:

Right. We were there for about a week (inaudible).

JJ:

Right.

AM:

Yeah, [at that old buildout?], [00:25:00] you know, I came back to the place, and it
was already, you know, all going.

JJ:

It was already all going? So when you say it was all going, can you describe
what you saw?

AM:

I mean, you know --

15

�JJ:

What would you see?

AM:

We went out there on Thursday morning. You know, certain rights that the
neighborhood had, they had been taken away from us by that (inaudible)
[Bank?], DePaul University, all those. They had a plan of wiping out [the
neighborhood?], which they did. They wanted us there, and they used any kind
of tactics they could, but they kicked us out.

JJ:

So how many days were you in the --? It lasted a week, so how many days were
you there?

AM:

I was there [practically all the time?].

JJ:

So, okay, what did you see? I mean, what was going on?

AM:

A lot of --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:25:48] --

AM:

Yeah, (inaudible) --

JJ:

-- (Spanish) [00:25:51].

AM:

(Spanish) [00:25:56 - 00:26:03] -- I couldn’t define, you know, [a certain thing?],
but I know I was (inaudible) in the neighborhood, we had to do what we had to
do. [But here?], Reverend Bruce Johnson, that was a political murder, you
know? They wanted him out of the neighborhood because he was the only white
person that was openly there supporting us and giving us everything we need.
So you’re not going to go and kill the hen that lays the golden eggs. You know,
[to us?], he was a golden egg, and they [were criminals?]. They carried him out
of there just to make us lose power, because there were lot of white people
coming to help us. When (inaudible) killed, everybody took off, because they

16

�thought we did it, and we were blamed on the [organization?] for the sole
purpose of cleaning up the neighborhood, you know? They wanted us out of the
neighborhood.
JJ:

So they blamed the [00:27:00] Young Lords for the killing of Reverend Bruce
Johnson.

AM:

Yes, Bruce Johnson and Eugenia Johnson.

JJ:

And so how did you feel about that? You were a Young Lord, [I mean, that?] --

AM:

But that was -- I knew from the beginning that they found fingerprints, the cup, on
the bottle of wine, and his pipe. Why has no one done anything about it?
Because they wanted to make it look [unclear?] a case so that people would
blame us. That’s how I see it. And the newspaper, it says they found fingerprints
in his cup, and the cup of wine, and on his smoking pipe they found some
fingerprints. They could have [cleared?] the case. They wanted, you know, to
put the blame on the (inaudible), but that was only to get us out of the
neighborhood. It was a very powerful little group [with some good?] issues. You
know, people don’t understand that we, Puerto Ricans, we are [the poorest?]
nationality. That way, we don’t have -- [00:28:00] Like, a white kid, when he
[gang?], he get in his car and go right around and come back [and cool off?].
And us, you know, we’re [the poorest?] nationality. That’s why Luis Gutiérrez,
instead of helping the Puerto Rican community [with acts?] in the Congress, he
could have been there [dealing with?] (inaudible) -- you cannot transfer your SSI
to Puerto Rico. [You see what?] like that, we weren’t allowed to do that. Only
Puerto Ricans out here living [in the street?], they would be [leaving?] back

17

�home, but [they’re doing things?] because we are the poorest nationality. We
need [secondary monetary assistance?], we need [secondary laws?], and
[instead?] we have people like Luis Gutiérrez [throwing jabs?] in our face, ’cause
that’s what he’s doing. Anytime one of these illegal guys becomes a citizen, or
he got [a little?] family, they can send money to the bank, you know, wire, and
what you cannot buy, they can buy. That’s why you don’t see people here, too
many people in the streets [like that?], the Dominican Republican, Dominican -they all have a way to [00:29:00] make the money work. We have no money, so
therefore we are the poorest nationality. That’s why we have all the
gangbanging, all these, like -- (Spanish) [00:29:10], which means unity there’s
strength. (inaudible) they have nothing to [defend?], they have to, you know -the same thing (inaudible) for day before, when they came out to go this land,
[they wiped the Indians away?], but our young kids, you know, they have no other
way to make it but just, you know, [you’re now in a gang?] to survive. We’re not
gangbanger by nature, you know? In Puerto Rico, when I was a kid, you didn’t
like somebody, somebody didn’t like you, you got into it, boom, like two men, [all
away?]. Now, you got to go through all this, you know, [gang thing?], because to
survive in this world we’ve got to do it.
JJ:

Now, you made a little poetry or something? How did that start? How did you
start on that?

AM:

Ah, [that’s the one?] about -- I read a lot of poetry since I was about 16, but
[00:30:00] I decided to become a poet June 29, 1969, when the astronaut landed
on the moon. I was [staying there?] with [Chicano’s?] ID. But anyway, there,

18

�when I took a test to be a policeman, the lady that signed my papers, you know,
for the American Legion, for him to change my discharge, her mother became a
patient at the -- I was then helping out, when I was there, and when that lady
walked in and she saw my face, she couldn’t [forget me?]. [She should
remember me?]. And she was bringing her mom there to be a patient. Anyway,
June 29th, her mom said to me, [about two o’clock?] in the afternoon, “Young
man, can you take me to the balcony so I can see the landing in the moon?” And
I thought, sure, yeah. I took her to the balcony. Two or three hours later, she
was dead. And that’s when I said, you know, here people dying, you know,
[incurable?] disease, and here she wanted to see the landing in the moon. I said,
she died peacefully. Anyway, that day I wrote a poem titled “The Rape of the
Moon.” [00:31:00] It goes like this: “Once upon a times, the [stars?] start to
make love to the moon with [affair?]. Even Jupiter, Pluto, and the rest of the
planets try to (inaudible), but the moon was too strong. She (inaudible) until one
day the U.S.A. took poor people’s money and sent three men to rape Miss Moon.
Now the moon is not a virgin anymore. It’s known all over the world. People
(inaudible) in the blue sky, but the moon stood naked in front of three strangers
and (inaudible) [take her?] secrets. [You have?] secrets (inaudible). She [cared
for the lowest with peace.” I wrote that poem about -- I went through a
metamorphosis. I went through a change. That day, after this lady dying, to me,
that was [welfare?] (inaudible) to me. Until he died on my birthday, December
27th, ’77, to me, [that’s the world?], because, you know, (inaudible) them
(inaudible) [to me?]. When I took a test [00:32:00] to be a policeman, Alderman

19

�[Biggs?], his nephew, (inaudible), he was about to have a meeting with a Puerto
Rican at ten o’clock in the morning. We got there about 9:55 or so, and I walk
into the office. He look over my shoulder, you know, looking for the Puerto Rican.
And (inaudible) [to Mr. Daley?], “This is Alfredo Matias, the Puerto Rican kid that
took a test to be a policeman.” And he wasn’t even mumbling. He kept looking.
Then Mr. Biggs told him again, “This is Mr. Matias, the Puerto Rican.” He said,
“Oh, you’re a Puerto Rican?” First time [ever since I was a kid?] -- you know,
like, (inaudible) first and only time (inaudible) was that day. He said, “You’re a
Puerto Rican?” And he didn’t know a Black man can be a Puerto Rican. People
don’t know that before there was Black slavery in America there was Black
slavery in that part of the world. They didn’t know. I mean, he was sitting in a big
chair, you know, (inaudible) [looking at the Puerto Rican guy?]. (laughs) You
know, man, by nature, [00:33:00] we are a territorial animal. We believe in locks
and keys and fences, and this is mine, that’s yours. That’s why I (inaudible) like
that. Even [political?], (inaudible) because by nature we are a territorial animal.
We believe in my people, you know, who it is. Like, for instance, they think that
crack cocaine is, they said, a Black invention or something like that. [No more?]
sophisticated than that. Racism is same way. Things like that, where we go to
here, we don’t understand. You look like my son. Yeah.
JJ:

So, okay, we’re going to kind of finish it up, but you’ve been a Young Lord for
many years. What is it that keeps you --? You know, ’cause I see that you get
angry with different things?

20

�AM:

The need for (inaudible) -- when the country got into [00:34:00] Puerto Rico in
June 25, 1898, when they came to Puerto Rico, Puerto Rico was a republic. You
know, we were just like you are there. We were independent, with our own
[monetary?] system. [That’s just?] about the war that they had back in Spain.
You know, it began in Havana Harbor. It was a boat called, a shipped called the
Maine. When that ship was blown away, apart, it was blown away by Americans.
You know, they did that (inaudible) their own boat because the soldiers that they
had there in those days, they had a Black Army and a white Army. The Black
[unit?], they were called [mate shipmen?]. They were not called soldiers.
Anyway, the people that then [is advertising?] Havana Harbor, they were [Afro?]
American. They were not Hawaiian, [Negro?], and that was done -- they were
getting right to go against Spain, and Spain had no business, you know, in
selling, giving us to them. You know, that was bullshit. They came there
[00:35:00] just (inaudible) find with guns drawn, and this is a stick-up. Same with
here in Iraq, you know, weapons of mass destruction. Unless you consider oil a
weapon of mass destruction, they were [selling the?] country. For the past 16
years, then they could make all the oil they wanted. They could [only sell certain
amount of oil?], or whatever they were allowed to sell, the rest they were storing,
and for 16 years they kept storing oil [back?]. They had the second biggest oil
surplus in the world, Iraq had, you know? When (inaudible), they were selling
that oil, they were (inaudible) that system, and (inaudible) the country, you want
to stick ’em up, you know? Here we are. [Injustice?] American style, you know?

JJ:

Okay, what’s the -- anything else that you would like to add to this at this point?

21

�AM:

(inaudible) -- [00:36:00] Uh -- I guess I would --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:36:04]?

AM:

(Spanish) [00:36:05].

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:36:07].

AM:

(Spanish) [00:36:07]. No, no, [Chicago Rican first?].

JJ:

Okay.

AM:

(inaudible) had two titles. The first title is “I Ain’t Got Nothing Against Italians and
[Dominican?] or Chicago Rican.” Rican, or Chicago Rican. He’s not a happy
American because, you know, he’s not an American; he’s just a Rican.
Dominican or Chicago Rican -- (inaudible) -- Dominican or Chicago Rican, he’s
not a happy American because he know he’s a Rican, not American but just
Rican, as much an immigrant as the rest of the Latin (inaudible) American, but
(inaudible) history and experience (inaudible) [very happy?] Rican. You see, [the
only character?] (inaudible) that we are allowed to portray is Al Capone. To me,
Al Capone [was not a?] Rican. Yeah. [00:37:00] (Spanish) [00:37:02 - 00:37:18].

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:37:21].

AM:

Uh-huh. (Spanish) [00:37:23 - 00:37:42]. (pause) (Spanish) [00:37:51].

JJ:

[Any questions?] --

END OF VIDEO FILE

22

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The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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                  <text>Photographs, negatives, and lantern slides digitized from the papers of engineer and archaeologist Robert H. Merrill. A Grand Rapids native, Merrill held an accomplished career as a civil engineer. He founded the company Spooner &amp; Merrill, which held offices in Grand Rapids and Chicago. From 1919-1921, Merrill lived in China, working as Assistant Principal Engineer on a reconstruction of the Grand Canal - the oldest and longest canal system in the world. Merrill became fascinated by archaeology, and among other projects, he traveled to the Uxmal Pyramids in Yucatan, Mexico, with a research expedition from Tulane University. Merrill's photo collection includes images of his travels and projects, friends and family. </text>
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                    <text>ALGOMA TOWNSHIP
Kent County, Michigan
1991

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FROM THE LIBRARY O.F1
Inc.

Planning &amp; Zoning Center,

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ALGOMA TOWNSHIP
Acknowledgements

TOWNSHIP BOARD
• Mark Doren, Supervisor
Laural Walkons, Clerk

Deborah Arends, Treasurer
Paul Harris, Trustee
Gerald Oele, Trustee

TOWNSHIP PLANNING COMMISSION

,

Al Larsen, ·
Bob Powell
GeraldOele

Bob Wilson, Chairman
Edgar Ault, Secretary
Winnie Nash
Lester Momber

MASTER PLAN TASK FORCE
Bob Wilson, Chairman
Caryn Helmer, Secretary
Stu Cok
Denny Hoemke
Steve Johnson

Duane Mc I ntyre
Winnie Nash
Frank Vanderhyde
Laural Walkons
Deborah Arends
GeraldOele

Master Plan Adopted:

November 19, 1991

Prepared with assistance of
WW Engineering &amp; Science
5555 Glenwood Hills Parkway, S.E.
Grand Rapids, MI 495U-2091
(616) 942-9600

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Table of Contents

Introduction

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1.

3

Goals and Objectives

Agricultural Lands and Interests
Natural Resources
Parks and Recreation
Historic Sites and Preservation
Residential Development
Inter-Governmental Cooperation
Commercial Development
Industrial Development
Infrastructure - Roads, Private Roads
and Utilities

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Chapter

2.

Physical Description

Regional Setting
Natural Features

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3.

Social_ and Economic Characteristics

Population Characteristics
Economic Characteristics
Households

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4.

Community Faci/ities

Township Offices
Fire Services
Public Safety
Libraries
Cemeteries
Parks and Recreation
Historical Sites
Educational Facilities
Solid Waste Disposal
Roads and Transportation

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Agriculture
Residential
General Business
Industrial
Public/Semi-Public
Road and Railway

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Existing Land Use Analysis

P Janning Analysis

Population Projections
Residential Land Use Needs
Other Land Use Needs
Parks and Recreation
Roads and Streets

7.

Future Land Use Plan

Relationship of Planning to Zoning
Plan Concepts
Land Use Categories
Future Roads

8.

Implementation

Zoning
Additional Planning Studies
Adopt Township Subdivision Ordinance
Prepare and Adopt Capital Improvements Program
Planning Commission Work Program
Planning Education
Revisions to the Master Plan

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List of Tables

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Table

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8.

Historical Population Change
Building Permits for Single Family Homes
Age of Residents - 1980 and 1990
Per Capita Income
24 Hour Traffic Counts
Existing Land Use
Population Projections
Traffic Volume Projections

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List of Maps
Page

Map

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9.

Woodlands and Wetlands
Soils Unsuitable for Development
Prime Farmland
Residential Building Permits by Section
1986-1990
Road Classification System
Existing Land Use, June 1991
PA. 116 Parcels and Dates of Expiration
Future Land Use Map
Mixed Use PUD

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Inside Rear Pocket
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ALGOMA TOWNSHIP MASTER PLAN
INTRODUCTION

The fundamental purpose of the Master Plan is to allow Algoma Township to set forth in a
comprehensive manner the goals and objectives for its physical development. The Township
Planning Act, Public Act 168 of 1959, as amended, specifically gives Township Planning
Commissions the authority to prepare and officially adopt a Master Plan. This Plan will serve as
an advisory guide for the physical conservation of certain areas and for the development of other
areas into a desira~le living environment for present and future township residents.
Planning, in simple terms, is a goal-oriented and continuous process which seeks to improve a
community and create a better environment. As such, a Master Plan is a "tool" by which this goal
can be reached. It is used by both individuals and public officials to make decisions concerning
the long-range future ·of a community.
In 1968, The Algoma Township Planning Commission prepared a Master Land Use Plan to serve
as a guideline for the rapidly accelerating growth in the Township. In 1990, the Township
Planning Commission initiated an update of the 1968 Plan, by appointing a Master Plan Task
Force Committee to accomplish this process.
Over the past 22 years, significant changes have occurred in the Township, rendering a Plan
update an imperative. Completion of the U.S. 131 Expressway in 1969 with interchanges at both
10 Mile and 14 Mile Roads has made the Township easily accessible from the Grand Rapids
Metropolitan Area. Population has increased in the Township by 76.1 % since 197 0. The
attractiveness of the Township, determined largely by an abundance of natural features and
unspoiled landscapes, insures that the community will continue to be a desirable place for the
location of new homes and businesses.
The Master Land Use Plan provides:
1.

A comprehensive means of integrating proposals that look 20 years ahead to meet future
needs regarding general and major aspects of physical conservation and development
throughout the Township;

2.

An official, advisory policy statement for encouraging orderly and efficient use of the
land for residences, businesses, industry, parks and recreation areas, and agriculture, and
for coordinating these uses of land with each other, with streets and highways, and with
other necessary public facilities and services;

3.

A logical basis for zoning, subdivision design, public improvements plans, and for
facilitating and guiding the work of the Township Planning Commission and the
Township Board as well as other public and private endeavors dealing with the physical
conservation and development of the Township;

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�4.

A means for private organizations and individuals to determine how they may relate their
building and development projects and policies to official township planning policies;
and

5.

A means of relating the plans of Algoma Township to the plans of adjacent townships,
villages and cities and to development of the region as a whole.

The final element of the plan will synthesize the recommended goals and needs of the Township
with the analysis of existing conditions and trends. The plan will conclude with an
implementation program that will define strategies and will address specific tools for
implementation such as the zoning ordinance, subdivision regulations, and a capital
improvements program.
The Algoma Township Plan is intended to be long-range and dynamic, based on long-term goals
and objectives looking 20 years forward. With that in mind, there is an important caveat to this
planning process: the Master Plan is general in scope. It is not necessarily intended to establish
the precise boundaries of land use areas or the exact locations of individual future land uses. Its
greater function is to serve as a decision making frame-work. The Master Plan insures that more
detailed future decisions have a clear and rational basis.

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�CHAPTER 1
GOALS AND OBJECTIVES
Planning goals are statements that express the community's long range desires and serve to
provide direction for related planning activities. Each goal has accompanying objectives which
reflect the general strategy that the community will pursue to attain its goals. Following are goals
and objective statements that have been developed for shaping the Algoma Township Master
Plan, based upon citizen input and technical analysis of the data.
The following goals and objectives were developed based upon information generated at two
public workshops held on January 28 and February 11, 1991. Each workshop was attended by
about thirty Township residents; the initial workshop included representation from the Kent
County Road Commission and the West Michigan Environmental Action Council.
Besides the goals that are specific to the categories listed below the Algoma Township Master
Plan Task Force identified the following overall goal:

Where existing conditions permit, moderate uses of land (commercial, medium density
residential, etc.) will serve as a buffer between intense land uses (industrial, high density,
etc.) and low intensity land uses (single family residential, agricultural, etc.)

Agricultural Lands and Interests
Goal:

Respect the rights of the active farmer and ensure compatibility between farm and
non-farm uses while providing for the long-term transition of active farm land to
non-farm land use.

Objectives:

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1.

Support the Farmland and Open Space Preservation Act, P.A. 116 of 1974, by
encouraging use of instruments by area farmers and approving such use of
instruments that are consistent with the land use plan.

2.

Encourage property tax policies that assess farmland for its present use rather than its
potential use.

3.

Through zoning, allow reasonable minimum lot sizes for non-farm uses in areas
zoned for agriculture.

4.

Encourage "Hobby Farms" on four (4) acres or more in order to preserve and
enhance the rural character of the area.

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�Natural Resources:
Preserve the environmental and scenic quality of the Township.

Goal:

Objectives:

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Ensure that development takes place in an environmentally consistent and sound
manner by minimizing the potential for flood hazard, soil erosion, and disturbances
to the natural drainage network, and protecting the quality of surface and
groundwater resources, wetlands, and woodlands.

2.

Through zoning, site plan review, and education encourage approaches to land
development that take natural features such as soils, topography, steep slopes,
hydrology, and natural vegetation into account in the process of site design and
building design.

3.

Encourage soil conservation practices and education on the prudent use of
fertilizers and pesticides.
Encourage Township to consider implementing
recommendations of the Greenbelt Management Program as proposed by the State
of Michigan Department of Natural Resources in the Natural Rivers Act.

4.

For all types of development, work with County and State officials to develop
improved standards regarding the suitability of soils for septic system placement
and use.

5.

Through site plan review, discourage practices which would alter the natural,
valuable function of wetlands, especially those not protected under the State of
Michigan Wetlands Protection Act (P.A. 203 of 1979).

6.

· Establish landscaping guidelines for existing and future commercial, industrial, and
residential development which, through site plan review, would preserve and
increase the numbers of trees and other woody vegetation in the Township
including provision for the replacement of dead or diseased landscaping vegetation.

7.

Through zoning and growth management policies, establish guidelines which
would further protect the Rogue River and its watershed; calling upon
recommendations in the Flood Hazard Study of the Rogue River, Valley Preserve
System as presented in the Grand River Basin Comprehensive Water Resources
Study, the Natural Rivers Act, and the Greenbelt Management Binder.

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�8.

Identify factors that may contribute to groundwater contamination. Participate in
regional and state-wide programs to monitor the quality of surface and
groundwater.

9.

Through permit application and enforcement procedures, require the satisfactory
reclamation of lands after removal of natural resources such as sand, gravel, soil,
rocks or minerals.

10.

Through education encourage the participation of Township residents in the use of
approved methods of solid waste disposal including waste stream reduction,
recycling, composting, and other techniques.

11.

Promote and support community clean-up programs.

12.

In order to continue the unique views and vistas which occur naturally within the
Township, through Ordinance, establish methods of protecting the country
atmosphere, rolling terrain and open space nature of the long-distance vistas. In
particular, these areas are: near US-131 between 10 Mile and 12 Mile, near US-131
between 12 Mile and 14 Mile.

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�Parks and Recreation
Plan for and develop active and passive outdoor recreation facilities to meet the
needs of existing and future residents of the Township.

Goal:

Objectives:
1.

Implement the recommendations set forth in the Algoma Township Park,
Recreation, and Natural Area Plan of 1988.

2.

Support development of the Rails-to-Trails program and through zoning and site
plan review reduce conflicts between recreational trail use and adjacent land uses.

3.

Work with residential developers to set aside suitable portions of land for
neighborhood parks, and road easements for pedestrian/bicycle paths.

4.

Encourage rural neighbors to develop reciprocal agreements for cross-country and
hiking trails.

5.

Pursue the possibility of Township acquisition of Department of Natural Resources
lands through exchange of property of similar or equal value.

(The proposed route for the Kent County ~icycle Trail Plan does not go through any
sections of Algoma Township. The Trail does run north and south through neighboring
Sparta Township and cuts in fairly close to the Township line along Long Lake Avenue.
The proposed North Country Trail in Kent County does cut through parts of Algoma
Township. The trail is shown to enter the Township in the southeast corner in the
vicinity of the City of Rockford and runs north along Northland Drive until it exits the
Township where Northland Drive meets the Township boundaries).
6.

Work to implement the recreational components of the Valley Preserve Plan.

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�Historic Sites and Preservation

Identify and preseive for present and future generations, historic sites, architectural
items, and buildings determined to have historic significant value within the
Township.

Goal:

Objectives:
1.

Support and promote historical preseivation activities of the Township.

2.

Preseive the historic architectural style of the Township by identify the built
architectural styles (including but not limited to farm houses, barns, fence styles,
etc.) which symbolize the area's heritage.

3.

Identify locations and structures determined to have local historical significance
and encourage preseivation and/or improvement of these sites.

4.

Call upon resources at both the County, State and Federal level to assist with
identification and preseivation of local historic sites and structures.

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�Residential Development
To create attractive, safe, and convenient residential environments providing a
variety of housing opportunities with adequate schools, parks, utilities, and other
facilities determined desirable or necessary for community development.

Goal:

Objectives:

1.

Encourage the highest concentrations of residential development in locations where
there are existing public utilities and where the greatest potential exists for public
utilities and services.

2.

Establish density standards that ate consistent with the natural capacity of soils to
handle on-site septic systems and which promote the preservation of the
Township's natural resources and rural and suburban qualities.

3.

Provide opportunities for construction of affordable housing.

4.

Encourage creative design of neighborhoods to enhance desirability by including
sidewalks, bike paths, pedestrian paths, open space, parks and playgrounds.

5.

Encourage residential development patterns that utilize small lot, cluster
development in conjunction with open space or conservation easements that may
be retained in agricultural uses.

6.

Strengthen and protect the viability of neighborhoods by controlling the expansion
of incompatible land uses on adjacent properties and protecting neighborhoods by
open space and other buffers.

7.

Plan residential development on Natural Beauty Roads with sensitivity to potential
impacts and with priority placed upon preservation of the aesthetic and cultural
value of the scenery.

8.

Through watershed management planning, promote the highest feasible quality of
Camp Lake as both a valuable natural resource and a quality residential
environment.

9.

Implement width-to-depth ratios to regulate the shape of parcels.

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�Inter-Governmental Cooperation

Goal:

Promote a coordinated approach among local units of government regarding goals,
objectives, and policies that determine the development of Algoma Township and
its neighboring communities.

Objectives:

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Increase the area tax base and employment opportumt:J.es through increased
coordination between industrial agencies, local chambers of commerce, and
municipal governments.

2.

Build local and regional support for growth management techniques and improved
land use patterns.

3.

Promote a coordinated approach among local communities for the provision and
expansion of public utilities.

4.

Increase local funding resources through the coordination of efforts of local
government to secure and efficiently spend grants, federal dollars, etc.

5.

Establish a communications network among officials of local governmental units.

6.

Negotiate annexation and/or tax base sharing regarding industrial, commercial, and
high density residential development with neighboring communities.

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�Commercial Development

Goal:

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Provide a mix of commercial uses at planned locations which are aesthetically
pleasing and create a safe and efficient traffic circulation pattern.

Objectives:
1.

Conduct a corridor study along Northland Drive and prepare sub-area plans on Ten
Mile Road and Fourteen Mile Road.

2.

In order to minimize traffic congestion and hazard, develop ordinances which
require the shared use of commercial driveways and access roads, limit the number
and spacing of driveways along arterials, encourage the use of frontage roads or
service drives.

3.

Incorporate design and performance standards into the Township Zoning
Ordinance that will achieve commercial development which is aesthetically
appealing, and which operates in a safe and efficient manner.

4.

Through zoning or provision for Planned Unit Development, provide neighborhood
commercial opportunities near high density residential development.

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�Industrial Development
Goal:

Provide for industrial development in areas served by adequate transportation
systems and which will probably be served by public utilities and services.

Objectives:
1.

Encourage the extension of public utilities and services to those areas identified as
desirable for industrial development

2.

Promote the development of industrial plats rather than scattered single lot
development.

3.

Achieve quality industrial development through appropriate zoning ordinance
requirements while expanding economic opportunities.

4.

Separate industrial uses from less intense land uses such as residential through
appropriate use of buffer strips, open space or transitional land uses.

5.

Encourage the expansion of employment opportunities in the Township in order to
reduce the percentage of residents who commute to their place of work.

6.

Consider eliminating the Heavy Industrial District from the Township Zoning
Ordinance, due to lack of appropriate areas near adequate transportation routes, and
due to the existence of uses that are not compatible with heavy industrial uses.

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�Infrastructure - Roads, Private Roads and Utilities
Goal:

Provide for adequate infrastructure that will ensure balanced, orderly growth and
ensure the safety and well-being of Township residents.

Objectives:
1.

Develop a Township-wide street and transportation plan which addresses such
items as:
Traffic control measures such as turning lanes, traffic signalization, service
drives, curb-cut design and location standards.
Increased building and parking setbacks along major roadways.
Functional classification of roadways.
The relationship of land use to road capacity and function.

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The interconnection/upgrading of existing and future private roads.
The need and feasibility for alternate routes to reduce local traffic on major
arterials and on other local roads.

2.

Conduct a corridor study along major arterials such as Ten Mile Road, Northland
Drive, Fourteen Mile Road, and Thirteen Mile Road to address issues of traffic
safety, flow, and need for additional lanes.

3.

Encourage the construction of pedestrian and bike paths on major arterial streets.

4.

Encourage that private roads be built to respect natural terrain and other features of
the natural environment without circumventing construction techniques.

5.

Enforce design and construction standards for private roads to insure the possibility
of converting private roads to public roads.

6.

Coordinate private road development so that these roads may connect logically and
efficiently with public road systems and adjacent private road systems.

7.

Through ordinance, establish private road construction standards that permit
adequate emergency vehicle access, that will not impede proper maintenance of the
road, and that ensure the road will not constitute a danger to inhabitants of the
Township.

9.

Maintain and provide improvements to primary and local roads to insure safe
access while maintaining their natural beauty.

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�10.

Require residential subdivisions, multi-family developments, commercial and
industrial development to utilize public sewer· systems where -available.

11.

Maintain and enforce regulations for private roads that seek to protect the health,
safety and welfare of Algoma Township residents.

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�CHAPTER2
PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION
This chapter examines the regional setting and the natural features that have impacted upon the
community and have helped to determine what the community is today. Natural features
examined include geology, water resources, topography and drainage, soils and climate.

REGIONAL SETTING
Algoma Township is located in northwest Kent County in the second tier of townships from the
County's northern boundary. Composed of approximately 34.5 square miles, the Township is
bounded on the north by 16 Mile Road, on the east by Northland Drive (old U.S. 131), on the
south by Ten Mile Road, and on the west by Division Avenue.
Neighboring Townships and communities include Solon Township . and the City of Cedar
Springs to the north and northeast, Courtland Township to the east, the City of Rockford in the
southeast, Plainfield Township to the south, and Sparta Township and the Village of Sparta to
the west According to 1990 preliminary U.S. Census data, Algoma Township ranked eleventh in
population among Kent County's twenty-one townships with a population of 5,439 people.
The center of the Township is located 9.8 miles from the northern boundary of the City of Grand
Rapids, and primary access to the Grand Rapids Metro Area is via the U.S. 131 Expressway
which traverses the eastern half of the Township in a north-south direction. Algoma Township
lies 26 miles east of Muskegon and 32 miles east of the Lake Michigan shoreline.

NATURAL FEATURES
Geology
The bedrock of all of Kent County consists of the edges of the bowl-like rock formation known
as the Michigan Basin. The oldest rock is Marshall Sandstone, overlapped in the central portion
of the County in the vicinity of Algoma Township by the Michigan Formation which is primarily
limestone, gypsum, and dolomite interbedded with shale and sandstone.
Overlying these rock formations is a mass of glacial drift ranging from ten to several hundred
feet in thickness that was deposited during the Wisconsin glacial period. Kent County is located
in an area where the Michigan and Saginaw lobes of the Wisconsin ice sheet met. Consequently,
a complex and strongly developed morainic 1 system developed and the present surface features
are for the most part the results of glacial action. The glacial drift ranges from coarse gravel to
fine lacustrine2 clay; It is the parent material in which many of the soils in the county are formed.

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Moraines are glacial deposits of earth, stones, and other debris
Materials originally deposited in lake water

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�Within Algoma Township, the physiography ranges from hilly morainic belts rising from nearly
level valleys generally following the direction of the Rogue River and smaller streams, to gently
sloping or rolling till plains3 generally higher than the morainic belts.
Topography, Drainage, and Surface Waters

Land formations in the Township vary from hilly areas with steep slopes found in the southeast
and central-east parts of the Township to the low, plain-like valley of the Rogue River in the
southwest portion. A series of lakes is located in the western quarter of the Township, and this
series continues northward into Solon Township.
The two major watersheds in the Township are the Rogue River basin and the Cedar Creek
Basin. Other streams include Little Cedar Creek entering the Township in Section 1, Stegman
Creek which enters the Township at the center of the eastern boundary, and a small portion of
Shaw Creek which joins with the Rogue River just above the northern boundary of the City of
Rockford.
Where Cedar Creek enters the Township at 16 Mile Road, its elevation is 849 feet, and it joins
the Rogue River in section 22 above 12 Mile Road at an elevation of 709 feet. The Little Cedar
joins Cedar Creek just north of the intersection of Algoma Avenue and 14 Mile Road at an
elevation of 779 feet. The Rogue River enters the Township in Section 30 at the lower western
boundary at an elevation of about 729 feet and exits the Township at the City of Rockford
northern boundary at 699 feet.
Several formal county drains provide controlled drainage within the western one third of the
Township. These include The Finch, Black Lake, Basin, Vandermeer, Dutch and Pickerel Lake
Drains. The Kent County Drain Commission and the Township share in the maintenance of the
established drainage system.
The Rogue River and its flood plain are significant features and flood prone areas have been
identified in detail as part of the Flood Hazard Study of the Rogue River completed in 1982 by
the U.S. Soil Conservation Service. The study reported 1224.6 acres in Algoma Township as
being within the 100-year Floodplain.

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The surface waters of the Township consist of ten lakes, portions of four additional lakes,. several
unnamed ponds, and the Rogue River with its associated network of streams. Camp Lake is the
largest lake in the Township and has a water surface of about 140 acres. Other lakes include
Whit, Wallace, High, Low, Nelson, and Meek Lakes which connect in a chain on the western
side of the Township. Portions of the Ke-Wag-A-Wan Lakes group and the Indian Lakes system
are found in the northwestern corner of the Township as are portions of Squaw and Lime Lakes.

3

Flat to undulating areas underlain by unsorted glacial drift

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�Hoskins Lake is located on Little Cedar Creek in Section 10. Lake levels range from 794 feet
above sea level at Lime Lake to about 729 feet at Meek Lake. All lakes are private with the
exception of Camp Lake on which a state owned public access site is located.
The Michigan Resource Information System (MIRIS), which compiles land use date from infrared aerial photography, records 252 acres of open water in the Township.

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Many wetland areas are scattered throughout the Township, and are primarily associated with
surface water bodies and drainage patterns. The Michigan Resource Information System records
427 acres of wetlands in Algoma Township. Map 1 illustrates woodland and wetland areas in the
Township as identified by MIRIS. There is some disparity between this map and wetlands as
identified by the National Wetlands Inventory conducted by the United States Department of the
Interior. While MIRIS categorizes lowland hardwoods and lowland conifers as forested lands,
the National Inventory records these as forested or shrub-scrub wetland areas that are seasonally
flooded. An example of this is much of the area along the Rogue River and parts of Sections 10,
11, 13, and 15. Consequently the Township in fact has more areas that may be considered as
wetlands than Map 1 actually indicates.
According to Kent County Health Department officials, one area of concern regarding ground
water contamination exists within the Township. This area is located southeast of the
intersection of 13 Mile Road and Northland Drive. Reports of metal and organic contaminants
in the groundwater are currently under investigation; implications for public health are uncertain
at this time.
Soils

The identification of soil types in the Township is an important consideration of both the existing
and future physical development of the Township. While residents in the Camp Lake area are
served by the Village of Sparta municipal sewer system, the balance of homes and businesses
must rely on soil suitability to obtain a safe water supply and to dispose of waste water. In
general, the soils in Algoma Township range from the poorly drained mucky or loamy soils
along the Rogue River Valley to well drained or excessively drained sandy or loamy materials.
Map 2 has been prepared based on soils and their unsuitability for development without public
sewers. The factors considered include hazards of flooding, depth to water table, percolation
rate, and slope. It should be noted that the soils with severe limitations will in most cases present
problems for the efficient operation of individual septic systems. Because of high water tables or
rapid lateral movement of subsurface waters in these areas, the use of septic tanks and drainage
fields provides increased potential for pollution of wells and surface waters. In addition, there is
a potential for seasonal flooding of basements. Intensive development in these areas often results
in increased demands for public sewers and/or water systems to compensate for environmental
hazards or health hazards.

1

A&amp;.C\Algoma\89564.01\algomamp\.lb

16

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By mapping these soils according to their unsuitability for development, patterns are identified
which make it possible to determine the development potential of specific areas. Although the
map is not intended as a substitute for on-site investigation or detailed engineering studies, it
does generally define those areas that should be considered as unsuitable for development. Soils
which generally have unsuitable characteristics for building or septic use may still be useful with
on-site modifications or detailed site analysis. However, significant development in these areas
will increase the need for public utilities.
In particular the northwest quarter of the Township contains large areas of soils with severe
limitations for septic tank absorption due to high percentages of clay resulting in moderately
slow permeability, and due to high water tables. In some cases, excessive slopes are a limiting
factor. The area on the west side of Camp Lake, previously the site of contamination problems
due to high density residential development, is currently serviced by the Village of Sparta
municipal sewer system.

-

~

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Limitations for development also occur in the southeast along the Rogue River Valley and its
tributaries. The central part of the southeast quarter of the Township is also limited by heavy
soils and in some cases excessive slopes.
The balance of soils in the Township are primarily sandy or loamy sand soils which are suitable
for individual sewage disposal systems at low densities.
Another important feature of soils within Algoma Township are the soils considered as prime
farmland by the United State Department of Agriculture. Prime farmland, as defined by the
USDA, is the land that is best suited to food, feed, forage, fiber, and oil seed crops, and produces
the highest yields with minimal inputs of energy and economic resources. Map 3 delineates the
soils within Algoma Township that are considered as prime agriculture soils.
Soils that are unsuitable for on site septic systems, except for those along waterways, somewhat
loosely delineate the prime agricultural soils in the Township, mainly due to adequate available
water capacity of those soils.

l

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Climate
Temperatures in Algoma Township range from an average high and low of 30.3° F and 16.0° F.
respectively in January, to averages of 83.3° F and 59.6° Fin July. In a normal winter, Algoma
Township will experience nine days with temperatures of zero or below, while in the summer
eleven days will reach 90°F or above.
The annual rainfall in Algoma Township averages 33 inches with snowfall accumulations of 76
inches. The growing season, May through September, lasts about 170 days with threat of frost
occurring on an average by October 12th and no later than April 25th. Sunshine is most
prevalent in August and least prevalent in December.

A&amp;aAlgana\89564.01'-ilgomamp\sb

17

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Fish and Wildlife, Unique Natural Features
Algoma Township provides suitable habitat for the types of wildlife found throughout Kent
County. These include Whitetail deer, small mammals such as squirrels, raccoons, rabbits, and
possum, game birds such as pheasants, ducks, and ruffed grouse, and many species of birds that
thrive in both forested and open areas. The lakes and streams of the Township may include game
fish such as trout, bass, pike, perch, blue gills and sunfish. Steelhead trout and salmon migrate up
the Rogue River in the fall.
Scattered through the Township are remnant White Pines which for the most part were removed
during the logging era of the 1800's.

-

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ALGOMA TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICtlGAN

MAP 1

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WOODLANDS &amp; WETLANDS
.I.EGEHll:

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WOODLANDS - INCLUDES NORTHERN HAADWOODS, COORM.
HAAOWOODS, AND LOWLAND HAAOWOODS WHICH MAY
INDICATE PRESENCE Of WE1\N4DS

'NET\ANDS - INCLUDES WOODED, SHRUB, SCRUB, AND
EMERGENTS WETl.NIOS

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KENT COUNTY, MICIIGAN

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MAP 2
SOILS UNSUITABLE FOR DEVELOPMENT

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SOILS WHICH AAE GENERAU.Y UNSUrTABl£ FOR ON SITE
SEPTIC SYSTEMS DUE TO ONE OR MORE OF THE
FOLLOWING CHAAAC11'RIST1CS:
- SOIL PERCOIATION RATE
- SLOPE(MORE TtWI 18:t}
- DEPlli OF HIGH WATER TABl£ l£SS TtWI SIX FEET
- FLOOD ~ O (PONDING, WETNESS)
ON-SITE INVESTIGATION MAY STILL BE NECESSARY
TO DETERMINE SEPTIC SYS'1EM SUrTASIUTY.

CAMP lAKE SEWER SER\IICE AREA

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KENT COUNTY, MICtlGAN

MAP 3

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PRIME rAAMIAND - SOILS BEST SUITTll TO
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STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE

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I

�CHAPTER3

..

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS

Understanding the people of Algoma Township will help establish the basis for developing the
Master Plan. This discussion will review the Township' population characteristics and trends as
well as economic conditions and housing characteristics of the community.
Population Characteristics

Table 1 illustrates past growth of Algoma Township relative to the four surrounding Townships
and the three nearby communities of Sparta, Cedar Springs, Rockford. Kent County totals are
also shown. Township totals exclude incorporated areas.

,

The decade between 1960 and 1970 saw substantial increases in population for the townships
surrounding Algoma Township, although Algoma itself grew at a lesser rate, recording a 24.3%
increase. Between 1970 and 1980, Algoma Township increased its population by 42.8%,
outpacing all of the surrounding communities except Courtland Township and the City of Cedar
Springs. During the last decade, 1980-1990, the rate of growth in Algoma Township slowed to
24.6%. Other communities also show a decrease or leveling off of growth rate, except both
Sparta Township and Sparta Village which show increased rates of growth during that ten year
period. In all cases, the rate of population increase for Algoma Township surpassed Kent County
as a whole.
Table 2 illustrates building permit activity in Algoma Township over the past ten years, and
permits taken out through October of 1990. The data show an average of 42 new single family
homes each year since 1980, and an average of nearly 55 new homes per year over the past five
years. Using an average household size of 3.09 persons for 1990 (see following section on
Households), 55 new homes will yield approximately 170 persons residing in new dwellings in
1990. Map 4 indicates the numbers of building permits issued for new home construction in
1986-1990 by section.

1

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Another important factor when exanumng Algoma's community profile is the age of its
residents. Table 3 shows a comparative age breakdown as reported by the 1980 and 1990 U.S .
Census. Although the median age has increased in the last ten years from 27.4 to 31.8, Algoma
Township still Jlas a relatively young population with 73% under the age of 44. Only a small
portion is over 65, 6.7%. Although not shown in Table 3, the median age for Algoma Township
in 1990 was 31.8 compared to 30.7 for Kent County as a whole. In 1980, Algoma had a lower
median age than the County 27.4 to 28 years of age. All together, these figures indicate the
presence in the Township of a high percentage of persons in the childbearing years and with
young children.

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MAP 4
RESIDENTIAL BULDING

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PERMITS ISSUED 1986 - 1990
BY SECTION

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NUMBER OF PERMITS ISSUED

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AREAS OF tlGtEST GROWTH

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TABLEl
Historical Population Change
Algoma Township and Surrounding Communities,
Including Kent County
1960- 1990
Municipality
Algoma Twp.
Courtland
Plainfield
Sparta Twp.
Solon Twp.
Sparta Vil.
Cedar Springs
Rockford City
Kent County

Source:

1960

2,485
1,585
11,680
2,498
1,589
2,749
1,768
2,074
363,187

%
Change
1960-70
24.3
38.5
45.0
35.0
33.0
12.6
2.2
17.1
13.2

Absolute
Change

1970

3,088
603
611
2,196
5,255 16,935
874
3,372
2,114
525
3,094
345
1,807
39
2,428
354
47,857 411,044

%
Change
1970-80
42.8
49.0
21.7
5.8
32.9
8.9
44.7
36.9
8.1

Absolute
Change
1,323
1,076
3,676
194
695
274
808
896
33,462

1980

4,411
3,272
20,611
3,561
2,809
3,373
2,615
3,324
444,506

U.S. Census data from Kent County Master Plan Update, 1986. and 1991 U.S. Census.
Note: Township totals do not include population of incorporated areas.

A&amp;OAlgoma\89564.0I\algomamp\sb

24

%

Change
1280-90
24.6
20.7
21.0
25.8
29.9
17.6
-.6
12.8
12.6

Absolute
Change
1,085
678
4,335
918
839
595
-15
426
56,125

1990

5,496
3,950
24,946
4,479
3,648
3,968
2,600
3,750
500,631

.

11

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�TABLE2
BUILDING PERMITS FOR SINGLE FAMILY HOMES
(1980-1990)

r-

Year

Number of
Bldg Permits

1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990

39
29
25
28
40
38
50
49
53
66
.i5.
472 Total

r

Source: Algoma Township Records_

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A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.01\algomamp\sb

25

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TABLE3
AGE OF RESIDENTS
1980-1990

Year

i

% Under
20 Years

%20-44
Years

%45-64
Years

% 65 years
and over

Median
A~e

1990

34.3

38.7

20.3

6.7

31.8

1980

39.2

37.4

18.0

5.4

27.4

---------

Source: 1980 and 1990 U.S. Census Data

7
TABLE4
PER CAPITA INCOME

7
Place

....

,

•
•
•

Algoma Twp.
Courtland Twp.
Plainfield Twp.
Sparta Twp.
Solon Twp.
Cedar Springs City
Rockford City
Kent County
State of Michigan

1979 Per
Capita Income1

6,925
7,528
7,914
6,976
6,843
5,415
7,397
7,522
7,688

------------

Source: 1 1980 U.S. Census
2 Estimates by U.S. Census Bureau

A&amp;C\Algcma\89564.0l\algomamp'8b

26

1987 Per
Capita Income2

Percent
Change

10,185
11,441
12,488
10,444
10,576
8,289
11,623
11,883
11,973

47.08
51.98
57.80
49.71
54.55
53.07
57.13
57.98
55.74

�r"'I

Economic Characteristics

I

n

A comparison of per capita income levels for 1979 and 1987 (Census Bureau estimates) shown in Table
4 for Algoma Township and surrounding communities including Kent County and the State of Michigan
shows Algoma ranking above only Solon Township and Cedar Springs City in 1979, and predicted to
rank only above Cedar Springs by 1987. experiencing the least amount of increase percentage-wise than
any of the surrounding communities including the county and the state.
·
Households

In 1980, there were 1,353 households in Algoma Township, an increase of 65.2% since 1970 according
to U.S. Census date. Preliminary figures for 1990 show 1,801 households, an increase of 33 .1 % or 448
households since 1980. Household size in the Township decreased from 3.26 persons in 1980 to 3.05
persons in 1990. A household is defined as an occupied dwelling unit.

i

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A&amp;OA!goma\89564.01\algomamp"b

27

�,
-

CHAPTER4

I

COMMUNITY FACILITIES

The Townships community facilities are those which provide tangible services to the residents. A well
rounded set of services is necessary to meet the needs of a growing community like Algoma. The
services provided are discussed below:

I

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Township Offices

The Town Hall is located at 10531 Algoma Avenue at the site of the former Algoma school. The
Township purchased the building from Sparta Public Schools in 1983, and began using the building for
office space in 1984. Since that time many physical improvements have been made to the building
which include meeting space and office space for all Township personnel, a kitchen, and space for the
collection of the Algoma Township Historical Society. The Hall is also used as a voting location. The
· Township offices are staffed on a full time basis by a combination of full-time and part-time personnel.
Fire Services

The Township utilizes a volunteer fire fighting staff as well as a part time Fire Chief
compensated for his services. Fire fighting equipment is housed at two barns located at 782
Street and 10910 Edgerton Avenue. The Fonger Street location houses four trucks in four bays,
Edgerton station also houses four trucks in three bays. Algoma Township does .not share fire
with any surrounding communities, but does have a mutual aid agreement.

who is
Fonger
and the
service

Public Safety

'
'I
I

General police protection is provided by the Kent County Sheriffs Department and the Michigan State
Police out of the Rockford Post. Kent County maintains a substation in Kent City that has an eight to
ten township jurisdiction with two to three sheriffs cars covering that area at any one time.
Emergency medical .services are provided by Rockford Ambulance and Northwest Ambulance out of
Sparta.
Libraries

Algoma Township financially supports the Krause Memorial Library located in the City of Rockford.
Residents also use both the Cedar Springs Public and Sparta Township Libraries, but do not contribute
monetarily to their support. All three libraries are members of the Lakeland Library Cooperative.

A&amp;OA!goma\1!9564,01\algomamp\sb

28

�I '""'

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Cemeteries

I

-

The Township actively maintains the cemetery at 10516 Grange Avenue; another cemetery exists just
within the Township boundaries on Northland Drive, but is no longer maintained.
Parks and Recreation

-

Algoma Township maintains one park on Fonger Street adjacent to the fire barn, which was previously
the site of Chalmers School. The park consisting of 5.3 acres includes picnic facilities and ball
diamonds. Plans are to construct a picnic shelter on the site. Little League baseball utilizes the Fonger
Street facilities.

-

An area used for both baseball and soccer exists on property adjacent to the Township Hall. This area
may be improved for recreational use in the future.

(

I.

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Currently, grant money is also being sought to develop a park on 2.5 acres on the west side of Camp
Lake. This park would include both picnic and recreational facilities primarily for use by the Camp
Lake neighborhood. The Township also owns a ten foot wide access strip to Camp Lake located on the
east side of the lake off Orchard Park Drive. The Michigan Department of Natural Resources maintain a
public access site on the southern end of the lake.
Also located within the Township is the Moose Lodge on the southwest side of Camp Lake. The lodge
maintains a private nine-hole golf course on 54 acres.

Iii" ,

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i
•

I

While no state parks are located within Algoma Township, the Department of Natural Resources owns
437 acres of land, primarily adjacent to the Rogue River. Of this amount over 200 acres are open to the
public for hunting. Most of this property falls under the administration of the Rogue River State Game
area.
Other recreational facilities located outside of the Algoma Township boundaries include Long Lake
Park located just beyond the northwest corner of the Township. This 231 acre park maintained by Kent
County includes a ballfield, playground equipment, picnic areas with shelter, swimming, boating and
fishing. The Michigan Department of Natural Resources also maintains a public access site on Lime
Lake which is primarily within Solon Township and partially within Section 5 of Algoma Township .
The 5,587 acre Rogue River State Game area is located nearby in Tyrone and Solon Townships. This
game area includes the Howard Christiansen Nature Cen!er as well as hunting and passive recreation
opportunities.
Township residents also take advantage of recreational facilities and programming in the neighboring
communities of Rockford, Cedar Springs and Sparta.

1
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A&amp;OA!goma\89564.01\algomarnp~b

29

�Historical Sites

r

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...

.

The Township has an active Historical Society which displays its collection in the Township Hall.
Several sites have been discussed for possible future preservation or restoration. One site is the old stone
trestle over the former Pere Marquette Railroad, located on Summit Avenue north of 13 Mile Road. This
trestle is constructed of field stone obtained from nearby fields. Another site is that of the old Cain Mill
located on Cedar Creek on the southwest comer of 14 Mile Road and Algoma Avenue, where lumber
was milled as late as the 1930's.
Three former schools are of historical significance to the Township. One is the site of the former
Chalmers school on the southwest corner of Fonger Street and Pine Island Drive. While the Township
currently uses the building as a fire barn, the historical society has expressed interest in the site should
fire fighting facilities be relocated. Another former one-room school house, the Birch Town School, is
located on Indian Lakes Road east of White Creek Road and has been converted to a residence. The
Foxhill School located on the southeast comer of Algoma Avenue and Indian Lakes Road has been
converted for use by the Maranatha Community Church.
Centennial Farms in the Township include the Powell farm located at 10519 Algoma Avenue and the
Don Gray farm located at 11332 Grange Avenue.
Educational Facilities

Three school districts serve students in Algoma Township. Sparta Public Schools serve most of the
western half of the Township, Cedar Springs Public Schools serve students in the northeast portion, and
Rockford Public Schools serves the southeastern and extreme southwestern parts of the Township. No
public educational facilities actually exist in the Township, aside from 93 acres of school forest land
belonging to the Rockford district.
The Algoma Christian School maintains facilities at 2100 13 Mile Road, where students in grades 7-12
attend. The property is currently for sale, and plans are to construct additional facilities in the Kent City
area where elementary-aged students are currently served.
Solid Waste Disposal

Private haulers in Algoma Township utilize the South Kent Landfill located west of U.S. 131 off 100th
Street in Byron Township. This facility has a programmed life expectancy of at least ten years; length
of service will be influenced by Kent County's recently constructed solid waste incinerator, and by
recycling efforts currently underway by the County. Drop-off points near Algoma Township for
recyclable materials are located at the D&amp;W Food Center on 10 Mile Road in Rockford, at Great Day
Foods on 17 Mile Road in Cedar Springs, and at the Big Wheel store on Applewood Road in Sparta.
Kent Disposal operates a waste transfer station located at 10251 Northland Drive in Algoma Township.

A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.01\algomamp~b

30

�-

,.._

Roads and Transportation
r

l

,r-

The street system forms the most basic framework for growth and development of a community. By
providing a means for internal and external circulation, it serves the community by helping shape the
intensity of land use. Thus, this costly and long-lasting element becomes one of the most dynamic
forces of the community.
·

,-

The street system serving Algoma Township, (illustrated on Map 5), can be classified as·follows:
Controlled Access Arterials - These facilities perform little or no land service function but instead are
devoted entirely to the task of traffic movement by providing for large volumes of traffic at relatively
high speeds. These are characterized by limited access, multi-lane; divided highways. In Algoma
Township, the U.S. 131 Expressway functions as a controlled access arterial.
::

Major Rural Arterials ( county primary) - This class of streets serves major movements of traffic within
or through the area. Mainly designed to move traffic, the secondary function is to provide access
service. This class of street typically interconnects major state arterial highways. According to the Kent
County Road Commission official Highway Map, major arterials in the Township include Pine Island
Drive, Algoma Avenue, a portion of Edgerton Avenue, Northland Drive, the portion of 14 Mile Road
between Algoma Avenue and Edgerton Avenue, 13 Mile Road an~ 10 Mile Road. A portion of 13 Mile
Road is also classified as an inter-county road, as is a one mile segment of Edgerton Avenue. A one
mile stretch of 14 Mile Road between U.S. 131 and Northland Drive is classified as State Route M-57.
Within Algoma Township there are approximately 33 miles of major rural arterials.
Collector Streets (county local) - These streets provide internal traffic movement within specific areas
and connect those areas with the major arterial system. Generally, they are not continuous for great
length. The rural collector street is intended to supply abutting property with the same degree of access
as a local street, while at the same time carrying the "collected" traffic of local streets. Traffic control
devices may be installed to protect and facilitate movement of traffic; however, these devices would not
be as elaborate as those on arterial streets. In rural areas like Algoma Township, rural collectors
typically represent the highest percentage of street miles. Within Algoma there are currently 41 miles of
paved collector streets and 16.5 miles of gravel collectors.
Local Feeder Streets - The sole function of these streets is to provide access to immediately adjacent
property. In developed areas, they may make up the major percentage of the streets of the community,
but carry a small proportion of the vehicle-miles of travel. In Algoma Township, these streets include
those within platted subdivisions such as those throughout the Camp Lake neighborhood.
Private Road - There are 83 private roads within Algoma Township. These roads, maintained by the
landowners who utilize them, serve varying numbers of lots and homes. Private roads in the Township
are regulated by the Township's Private Road Ordinance.

A&amp;OAlgoma\89564.01\algomamp\sb

31

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Natural Beauty Road - Two natural beauty roads have been designated in Algoma Township. They are
Friske Drive located in Section 22 and Elstner Avenue located primarily between Sections 34 and 35.
Under Act 150 of 1970, the native vegetation along these roads is protected from destruction or
substantial damage by cutting, salting, and other means.

The Kent County Road Commission is responsible for the maintenance and improvement of all county
primary and county local roads in the Township. Improvements to county roads are determined by
Road Commission officials in conjunction with Township officials in January of each year. The County
pays 100% of the cost of improvements to county primary roads, while the Township shares
approximately one half of the cost of local road improvements. According to Kent County Road
Commission officials, no major improvements to existing roads are scheduled for the next five years.
The Michigan Department of Transportation (MDOT) is responsible for major repairs and
improvements to U.S. 131, and contracts with The Kent County Road Commission for routine repairs.
A bridge is currently being constructed over the Rogue River to join Grange Avenue with Jewell
Avenue in Section 33. The cost for this project is being covered by the State of Michigan Critical
Bridges Program.
Traffic counts obtained from the Kent County Road Commission are shown in Table 5. Counts shown
are for 24 hours for the direction indicated; 24-hour rated capacity for each location is also given. The
24-hour capacity for Northland Drive exceeds those of other county primary roads due to wider lanes,
paved shoulders, and turn lanes at some intersections. Where 1990 counts are lacking, estimates were
made allowing a 3% increase in number of vehicles per year for paved arterials.
Accident information for the Township was obtained from the Michigan Accident Location Index
compiled by the Michigan State Police. Of the 328 accidents that occurred in 1989, 93 of those
occurred on either North- or Southbound U.S. 131. The streets having the next highest incidence of
accidents are Algoma Avenue and 13 Mile Road reporting 37 and 34 accidents respectively in 1989.
Northland Drive totaled 31 accidents for that period. Other streets showing a high incidence of
accidents were 14 Mile Road, Pine Island Drive and 10 Mile Road. The three traffic fatalities recorded
in the Township in 1989 occurred on Algoma Avenue, 14 Mile Road and 10 Mile Road.

A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.01\algomamp\\b

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ROAD CLASSIFICATION SYSTEM

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TABLES
ALGOMA TOWNSHIP

24-Hour Traffic Counts and Capacity
at Selected Locations by Year
24-Hour

1990

Rated
Capacity 1

11,614

11,157

14,000

12,114

14,225

14,000

8,686

7,491

14,000

N-S

8,569

7,893

14,000

5. 14 Mile - West of Northland Drive

E-W

9,363

10,231

6. lOMile- EastofU.S. 131

E-W

13,140

8,000

7. 10 Mile - West of U.S. 131

E-W

6,531

8,000

8. Wolven Avenue - North of 10 Mile

N-S

7090 *

8,000

9. Algoma Avenue - North of 10 Mile

N-S

5,793

8,000

10. Algoma Avenue - North of 13 Mile

N-S

2,535

2,689 •

8,000

11 Algoma Avenue - South of 13 Mile

N-S

2,646

2,807

*

8,000

12. Pine Island- North of 13 Mile

N-S

1,739

1,845

*

8,000

13. Pine Island - South of 13 Mile

N-S

1,635

1,735

*

8,000

14. 13 Mile - East of Pine Island

E-W

3,615

3,835

*

8,000

15. 13 Mile - West of Pine Island

E-W

4,445

4,716

*

8,000

Location

Direction

1986

1. Northland Dr. - North of 12 Mile

N-S

10,532

2. Northland Dr.- South of 12 Mile

N-S

3. Northland Dr. - North of 14 Mile

N-S

4. Northland Dr. - South of 14 Mile

Source:

1987

1989

6,883

Kent County Road Commission, Michigan Dept of Transportation
1 Capacity is given in vehicles per 24 hours
• 1990 Estimates by WWES based upon 3% increase in number of vehicles per year per 24-Hour count.

A&amp;OAJgoma\89564.01\algomamp\sb

1988

34

*

10-12,000

�CHAPTERS
EXISTING LAND USE ANALYSIS

This chapter describes the existing land uses in the Township and analyzes changes that have
occurred since the completion of the 1968 Master Plan. This evaluation is a necessary tool in
assessing the character of a community, identifying problems and opportunities, and will be
useful when developing goals and objectives to guide future development.

i

Several events have had a major impact on land use in the Township since 1968. Probably the
most significant event was the completion of the U.S. 131 Expressway ;n 1969 with interchanges
at both 10 Mile and 14 Mile Roads, making the Township highly accessible to and from the
Grand Rapids Metropolitan Area. Another event was the passage of the Natural River Act of
1970, and the consequent designation of the Rogue River as a Natural River. The Act authorizes
local units of government to regulate land use along designated rivers in order to preserve the
natural amenities provided by river environments. The Algoma Township Zoning Ordinance
designates a Natural River District 300 feet on either side of the Rogue River, and a
Conservation and Agricultural District located in the southwest corner of the Township. Other
important events include the construction of sanitary sewer around the Camp Lake area in 1985
and the rapid proliferation of private roads with subsequent residential development throughout
the Township.
Existing land uses are identified on Map 6. This map was completed in June of 1991 using plat
maps, field inspections, and through conversations with Township officials. Structures under
construction at the time of the land use survey were classified as existing land uses.

f

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Table 6 shows the current land use breakdown in acres by category. Generally, the land
developed for commercial and industrial uses is concentrated along Northland drive and along
14 Mile road (M-57) east of the U.S. 131 expressway. Residential development has occurred
primarily in the southern and central portions of the Township, and in the Camp Lake area. The
existing land uses in the Township have been classified into a number of categories which are
described as follows:
AGRICULTURE

This category includes those lands used for cropland, orchard, or pasture at the time of the land
use survey.
Agricultural and Open Land accounts for approximately 10,993 acres; the number of those acres
actually devoted to active agriculture is estimated to be 3,800 acres in 1991. Agricultural uses
have declined appreciably in the Township since 1968, and these uses are expected to continue
to decrease as small scale farming becomes increasingly less profitable, and as the Township
continues to be an attractive area for residential development.

r
A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.0 l'algomamp\sb

35

�A number of parcels of land in the Township are enrolled in Public Act 116 of 1974, the
Fannland and Open Space Preservation Act, with a total 2,116 acres or 9.6% of the total land in
the Township enrolled. Under this Act, farmers or owners of large tracts of open space forego
the development rights to their land and continue to farm it or maintain it as open space for a
minimum enrollment period of ten years in exchange for tax benefits. Map 7 illustrates those
areas of the Township enrolled in P.A. 116, as well as dates when the current agreement on each
parcel or group of parcels is due to expire. Most of the parcels enrolled in the Act are located in
the central and northwest area of the Township.

TABLE 6
EXISTING LAND USE, 1991
Approximate Acreages

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% Total

10,993

49.7

7,675

34.8

Commercial/Office

157

.7

Industrial

141

.7

Public/Semi-Public2

453

2.0

Roads and Railway

1184

5.4

252

1.1

1,225

--2,Q

Land Use
Agriculture and Open Land
Residential 1

Lakes3
100 Year Flood Plain4
Total

22,080 acres

100%

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1
2

3
4

Assumes 5 acre average lot size per housing unit with separate calculations for Camp Lake area and
Algoma Estates Mobile Home Parle.
Includes Consumers Power Acreage and Rockford School Forests.
1978 Michigan Resource Infonnation System Figure.
1982 Flood Hazard Study of The Rogue River

A&amp;Cv\lgoma\Jl9564.0I\ugomamp\sb

36

�RESIDENTIAL
This category includes detached single family houses, duplexes, and mobile homes. In the
future, this category could also include multi-family dwellings and condominium units
(condominiums may be constructed either as multi-family units or single family detached homes,
both owner occupied.)
One mobile home park, Algoma Estates, exists in the Township, and is located on the south side
of 13 Mile road, about one half mile west of Northland Drive. It currently has 200 units and a
clubhouse on 70 acres.
The single family detached house comprises the majority of the 7,675 acres used for residential
purposes in the Township. When determining residential land acreage in the Township, a five
acre average lot size per housing unit was used, based on the rationale that most homes
throughout the township are placed on parcels with a minimum of 42, 000 square feet Gust under
an acre) of lot area required and many homes occur on lots much larger in size. It is probable
that homes on larger parcels, for example 10 or 20 acres, will likely remain in residential usage,
but parcels greater than 20 acres may conceivably be used in part for agricultural purposes.
Acreage figures for the Camp Lake area (140 acres) were calculated separately, as was the
acreage for Algoma Estates mobile home park (70 acres) and these amounts are included in the
7,675 total acres ofresidential land use.
Most of the Township is zoned Rural Agricultural, a district intended primarily for farming
practices and single family dwellings. Minimum lot size in this district is 42,000 square feet for
a single family home. These lots are generally located along paved and unpaved section line
roads, and many of them tend to be long and narrow. This type of land division results in lots
which are often unused or underused in the rear section, and hinder the development of future
platted subdivisions by making road extensions and land assemblage difficult
Smaller areas of the Township are zoned as either Rural Residential or Suburban Residential,
which restrict certain agricultural practices. Minimum lot size in the Rural Residential District is
42,000 square feet for a single family dwelling. Homes in these areas occur in platted
subdivisions or on lots one acre or larger in size. The Suburban Residential District, located
adjacent to the western limits of the City of Rockford, is an area intended for the expansion of
residential development where public sewer and/or water are available. Currently, no utilities
extend into this area. Minimum lot size in the district is 35,000 square feet without utilities,
however most lots in this area are currently an acre or greater in size.
Algoma Township provides for a Lake Residential District in its zoning ordinance. These areas
occur around Camp Lake, Indian Lakes and High Lake. In the Camp Lake area, older plats on
both the east and west side of the lake were designed with small 50 foot wide lots that have
resulted in a dense clustering of homes. Other more recent plats around the lake contain larger
lots. The Camp Lake area is presently served by The Village of Sparta wastewater treatment
facility.

A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.01\algomamp\sb

37

�.

.,

According to the Algoma Township Zoning Ordinance, residential lots in the Lake Residential
District are required to have a minimum area of 20,000 square feet when served by public sewer,
and 42,000 square feet where not served by public sewer. Most of the development around
Indian Lakes and High Lake, where public sewer is not available, consists of residential lots of at
least one acre in size; however, several lots exist which are less than the required 42,000 square
feet.

V

While the Algoma Township Zoning Ordinance allows for a Low Density Multi-Family
Residential District, no areas of the Township are currently zoned for that use.
GENERAL BUSINESS

This category includes those uses which provide retail goods and services and office uses. The
1968 Master Plan reported 22 business and office structures in The Township. The present land
use survey records 37 commercial and office structures, several of which contain more than one
commercial or office use.
The majority of these uses are concentrated along Northland Drive and on both sides of 14 Mile
road (M-57) east of U.S. 131. Another area of commercial uses, including operations of a light
industrial nature, has developed on Algoma Avenue just north of Ten Mile Road near the U.S.
131 Interchange. Other scattered commercial uses exist throughout the Township.
Along Northland Drive, land is zoned for General Business uses to a depth of 600 feet between
16 Mile Road to just south of 14 Mile Road and to a depth of 300 feet from just south of 12 Mile
Road to north of 13 Mile Road. Both sides of 14 Mile Road between Northland Drive to just
west of the expressway interchange is zoned for General Business to depths of 500 and 600 feet,
and to 800 feet west of U.S. 131 on the north side of 14 Mile. The result is approximately 425
acres of land available for commercial uses in a strip-development pattern. Concerns to be
addressed along these segments of roadway should include the construction of access drives, the
number and placement of curb cuts, size and location of signs, and landscape requirements for
existing and future commercial establishments.
Other areas zoned for General Business include the area surrounding the Algoma Estates mobile
home park (mobile home parks are allowed only in the B-2 zoning district), the area north of Ten
Mile Road near the U.S. 131 interchange, small areas at the intersection of Fonger Street and
Pine Island Drive, and a small area on Division Avenue near Camp Lake.
Along Northland Drive, commercial and industrial uses are mixed with residential uses. In
addition, both commercial and residential uses are found along the eastern side of Northland
Drive in neighboring Courtland Township. Significantly less property fronting on Northland
Drive is zoned for commercial uses in Courtland Township, especially between 14 Mile Road
and 16 Mile Roads. Decisions concerning the uses along Northland Drive in either Township
will impact the neighboring Township and efforts to coordinate policy concerning the future of
Northland Drive will be beneficial to both communities.

A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.01\algomamp\§b

38

�Likewise, the properties immediately south of Ten Mile Road near the U.S. 131 interchange in
neighboring Plainfield Township are zoned for general business development, and efforts should
be made to coordinate uses in these areas with Plainfield Township.

INDUSTRIAL

i

This category includes such uses as manufacturing, warehousing, and processing of goods and
materials as well as the outdoor storage of goods and materials. Industrial uses in Algoma
Township have increased from 13 structures reported in the 1968 Plan to 26 industrial uses
existing at the time of the present land use survey. This accounts for .7% or 162 acres of the
total land area in the Township. Industrial uses tend to be concentrated along Northland Drive
between 12 and 13 Mile Roads and range from light manufacturing to tool and die and wood
milling operations. Another smaller concentration of industrial uses occurs in the General
Business District on Algoma A venue just north of Ten Mile Road. Operations here include
manufacturing and a construction business. Other uses throughout "the Township include the
Kent County Road Commission maintenance facility just east of the expressway interchange at
14 Mile Road, and several auto body repair shops.
Extractive operations such as sand, gravel, and oil or gas removal may also be considered
industrial in nature. Active extractive operations are located north of 12 Mile Road in Sections
23 and 24.
Areas zoned for industrial uses in the Township are found primarily between the Michigan
Northern Railroad and Northland Drive, south of 13 Mile Road; just north of 12 Mile Road, 57
acres are zoned for light industrial uses only. Another industrial zone exists northeast of the
expressway interchange at 14 Mile Road and includes the Kent County Road Commission
facility. Together these areas total approximately 336 acres zoned for either industrial or light
industrial uses.
To the south of the concentration of properties zoned for industrial purposes along Northland
Drive lies the Rockford Industrial Park which is serviced by both public water and sewer.
Industrial development in this area within the Township may depend upon the extension of water
and wastewater treatment services from the City of Rockford into the Township. In neighboring
Courtland Township, no industrial zoning or uses exist fronting Northland Drive. As in the case
with commercial land uses, efforts to coordinate industrial development with adjacent
communities will be beneficial to all.

PUBLIC/SEMI-PUBLIC
This category includes those areas and facilities such as schools, cemetaries, the Town Hall, fire
barns, parks, State access sites and golf courses which are available for use by the general public.

Semi-public uses are those used by a limited number of people with specific interests which are
generally non-profit in nature such as churches, non-public schools, private golf courses and
medical or instructional facilities. The Existing Land Use Map identifies the public/semi-public
uses by name and symbol.

A&amp;o.Algoma\%9564.0 l\tlgomamp\sb

39

�Approximately 453 acres of public/semi-public uses exist in the township, comprising 2.0% of
the total land use. This figure includes 93 acres of school forest land owned by Rockford Public
· Schools and 219 acres of Consumers Power Company right-of-way, easement, or transfer station
property. While land devoted to public utilities is not available for public use in the general
sense, it cannot be considered as land contributing to the industrial tax base nor as land available
for development. It is, in essence, land set aside for the public good. For the same reasons, 21
acres of land used for the Kent County Road Commission facility has been included in acreage
totals for public/semi-public use.
Another category of land designated as public is that owned by the State of Michigan
Department of Natural Resources. The DNR owned property (473 acres) is not included in
acreage totals for public/semi-public lands in Table 6. Rather, most of the DNR owned lands are
river front properties that are also either partially or wholly within the 100-year flood plain. As
indicated on Table 6, flood plains account for approximately 1225 acres in the Township.

ROAD .AND RAILWAY
Public roads comprise about 1127 acres of land within the Township, with U.S. 131 contributing
394 of those acres.

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The former Michigan Northern Railroad, which runs for 5.7 miles in a north-south direction
through the eastern side of the Township, accounts for 57 acres of land previously designated for
rail transportation purposes. The railroad no longer carries train traffic, and has been purchased
by the Michigan Department of Transportation (MOOT). MOOT will remove the railway
between Cadillac and Grand Rapids (including that section in Algoma Township) during the
summer of 1991. Currently, the Michigan Department of Natural Resources is negotiating with
MOOT to acquire the railroad right-of-way for inclusion in the Michigan Rails-to-Trails
recreational train system. When acquired and improved, the trail, which may be a paved or nonpaved surface, will be maintained by local jurisdictions such as Algoma Township. Preliminary
plans are for that section of the trail in Kent County to restrict usage of the trail to non-motorized
pursuits such as hiking, biking, and horseback riding.

A&amp;O.Algoma\89564.0 l\algomamp~b

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MAP 7
P.A. 116 PARCELS AND DATES OF EXPIRATION
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I l

�CHAPTER 6
PLANNING ANALYSIS

This section of the Plan analyzes population, traffic volume projections, existing land use mix,
growth trends and community characteristics in order to determine future land use needs for
Algoma Township. Through this process, the Township Board and Planning Commission will
have a basic guideline to follow in determining how much land is needed to accommodate future
needs.
POPULATION PROJECTIONS

When making population projections, assumptions are based on a combination of historical
trends and judgements made with a knowledge of the local area. Projections are only refined
estimates of future conditions and it is impossible to precisely forecast the end result of the
actions of individual and public decisions.
While recognizing the uncertainties in forec~ting future population growth, it is reasonable to
assume that the forces at work in the past will continue into the future. Table 7 illustrates
population projections for the years 1995, 2000, and 2010 using four different methods to
calculate future populations. An explanation of each of the four methods used is also described
in this table. For purposes of this Plan, Alternative D has been selected as it represents an
average of three different methods of projecting population and integrates historical growth data.
Based on this alternative, the Township could be expected to experience an increase of 828
people by 1995, 1,637 people by the year 2000, and 3,725 by the year 2010. Assuming an
average of 3.05 persons per household, 1,221 new dwelling units will be needed by the year
2010 to accommodate the projected population.
RESIDENTIAL LAND USE NEEDS

In Algoma Township, the average lot size for a residence has been estimated to be five (5) acres,
which takes into account lots both within and · outside of plats. The average lot size in the
Township is expected to decrease within the planning period for the following reasons:
1.

Increasing land costs will result in smaller parcels being purchased for single family
detached houses.

2.

The extension of sanitary sewer from surrounding communities may encourage more plat
development which uses less land per lot. (However, it is not anticipated that a
significant number of these plats will be developed within the planning period, and those
that do develop could possibly be annexed by surrounding communities.)

3.

The advent of site condominium development will minimize the need to create parcels in
excess of ten (10) acres to circumvent the Township and State of Michigan's land
subdivision regulations. Also, the Subdivision Control Act of 1967, which regulates the
size and timing of land divisions, will likely be amended within this planning period.

A&amp;C\Algoma\J!9564.0l\il.gomamp~b

43

�4.

As the price of both land and single family homes increases, the demand for multi-family
residential units (apartments or condominiums) will also increase resulting in more
dwelling units per acre, thereby decreasing the average lot size in the Township.

Average lot size in the Township can be expected to decrease to within a range of 1.5 to 3.0
acres including road rights-of-way within residential developments. Therefore, the amount of
land needed to accommodate the projected number of new dwelling units in 2010 has been
calculated as follows:
1,221 dwelling units x 1.5 acres/dwelling unit
1,221 dwelling units x 3.0 acres/dwelling unit

=
=

1,831 Acres
3,663 Acres

Thus, approximately 1,831 to 3,663 acres ofland will be needed to accommodate the projected
population of 9,221 people by the year 2010. While current residential land use acreage stands
at 7,675 acres, the needs for 2010 will represent an increase in lands used for residential
purposes within a range of 24 to 47 percent. The existing land use inventory shows a total of
10,993 acres of agricultural, -vacant or undeveloped land in the Township. It would appear that,
based strictly on acreage, there is sufficient land in the Township for the projected residential
needs. In addition, larger parcels of ten to twenty acres in size, which are currently being used
solely for one dwelling unit, may be split to absorb some of the future residential growth.
Consideration must also be given, however, to the suitability of vacant areas to residential land
use. Suitable soils, topography, wetlands, street type, traffic volumes, adjacent land uses and
availability of public utilities will affect the feasibility of future residential land uses.
TABLE 7
ALGOMA TOWNSHIP
Population Projections
1990

1995

2000

2010

Census

Estimate

Estimate

Estimate

Alternative A

5,496

6,221

6,947

8,399

Alternative B

5,496

6,096

6,696

7,896

Alternative C

5,496

6,655

7,756

11,370

Alternative D

5,496

6,324

7,133

9,221

Alternative II A 11 assumes an average of 47 new dwelling units constructed per year over the past
20 years with an average of 3.09 persons per household.
Alternative "B" assumes yearly growth of 120 persons (based on the 1970-1990 average annual
growth projected mathematically).

.,..

Alternative II C 11 assumes increased in-migration to sustain the 1970-1990 growth rate of 3. 9%
per year (geometric progression).
Alternative 11 D 11 is the average of projections 'A', 'B', and 'C'.
A&amp;C\Algoma\J!9564.0I\algomarnp~b

44

�,..
OTHER LAND USE NEEDS

Commercial.

1

,,.

'I

r

Commercial retail and service areas are described as being neighborhood, community, or
regional shopping centers. A neighborhood shopping center provides for the sale of convenience
goods (foods, drugs, and sundries) and personal services (laundry, dry cleaning, banking,
barbering, repair and professional services, etc.) for the day to day living needs of the adjacent
surrounding area. Such a center usually includes one super market. In Algoma Township, the
nearby communities of Rockford, Cedar Springs, and Sparta function as neighborhood shopping
centers. In addition, convenience stores are located near Camp Lake, on Algoma Avenue just
north of Ten Mile Road, and on Northland Drive. The trade area for these types of commercial
uses is generally within a three mile radius or five to six minutes of driving time, which would
place all Algoma Township residents within the trade area of at least one neighborhood shopping
opportunity, although not all of these shopping opportunities offer the same variety of items and
choices.
Also, since 5 - 8,000 people are generally considered the minimum number needed to support a
neighborhood shopping center, the existing population in the Township is sufficient to sustain
the existing uses. As the Township continues to grow, the demand for shopping opportunities
will increase. By the year 2010, the local population has been estimated to be 9,221 people.
Additional retail and service businesses will be needed to serve these additional residents, and
market forces will likely determine the types of uses necessary. It is expected that the
communities of Rockford, Cedar Springs and Sparta will continue to provide a portion of the
neighborhood and convenience shopping opportunities for Algoma Township residents. In
addition, Algoma Township citizens indicated, during the public workshops, a desire for
neighborhood commercial opportunities near high density residential development.
Currently, residents within the Township are able to shop, to some extent, for non-convenience
goods such as apparel, furniture, appliances, and hardware items in the communities of
Rockford, Cedar Springs and Sparta, and to a greater extent in the Grand Rapids Metro area,
particularly along the Plainfield Avenue Corridor in nearby Plainfield Township. The Northland
Drive Corridor, also located in Plainfield Township, provides additional community shopping
opportunities.
A community shopping center usually includes a supermarket, small department store, and other
speciality shops and normally trades to a population of between 40,000 and 50,000 people within
a 15 to 20 minutes driving time. While it is beyond the scope of this study to determine if stores
offering such goods would be economically feasible within the Township, it is unlikely that
populations projected for the planning period will be sufficient to sustain additional community
shopping opportunities, especially in light of the numerous community shopping areas already in
existence within the trade area of the Township.
The Township presently has approximately 157 acres being actively used for commercial or
office purposes, and a total of 556 acres zoned for either Neighborhood or General Business. Of
A&amp;O.Algoma\89564.0I'algomamp~b

45

�•

that 556 acres, approximately 70 acres are utilized by the Algoma Estates mobile home park.
Thus, subtracting the acreage already in use for commercial purposes (157 acres) and the acreage
utilized by Algoma Estates (70 acres) from 556 acres, the result is approximately 329 acres
zoned for commercial development that are not currently used for commercial purposes.
Presently, the Township maintains a ratio of 28.6 acres of commercial land use per every 1,000
people. By the year 2010, an increase of 3,725 people is expected. If current ratios are
maintained, an additional 106 acres of land would be actively used for commercial or business
purposes within the scope of the planning period. It appears that Algoma Township has more
than sufficient lands already zoned for commercial uses to supply that need, especially when
considering the availability of shopping opportunities in neighboring communities.

Industrial

'

-

.

,

Algoma Township currently has approximately 141 acres (excluding the Kent County Road
Commission facility) or .7% of the total land in the Township in use for industrial purposes.
Currently, approximately 315 acres are zoned for industrial and light industrial uses (again,
excluding the County facility), leaving 174 acres available for industrial development. The
majority of industrial zoned lands are located east of the former Michigan Northern Railroad,
between 13 Mile Road and the northern limits of the City of Rockford, and east of the U.S. 131
interchange at 14 Mile Road and south of Russell Street.

The present ratio of active industrial acres of land per 1,000 population in the Township is
approximately 25.75 acres; assuming this ratio holds constant, there will be a demand for an
additional 96_acres of land for industrial purposes over the next 20 years (an average of
approximately 5.0 acres per year). Based upon this ratio, it appears that Algoma Township has
more than sufficient lands available for industrial purposes.
Industrial land use needs are probably the most difficult to predict of all land use needs. Industry
often draws upon a regional labor pool, whose occupational skills and educational levels are
important in attracting and retaining industry. Other factors that are critical when allocating land ·
for industrial use are accessibility, adequate sites in terms of topography and soil types, cost of
land, tax rates in the community, and adequate public utilities such as water, sewage disposal,
stormwater drainage, electricity and natural gas.
An important impact upon industrial development in the Township will be future industrial
development as planned by the City of Rockford. The City's 1990 General Development Plan
shows a large parcel located between Northland Drive and Courtland Drive planned for
industrial use. This land, owned primarily by Wolverine World Wide, Inc., is not yet available
for 4evelopment, but could possibly become available within the next twenty years, according to
the Rockford plan. Adjacent to this parcel, and fronting on Northland Drive, is an area proposed
for Planned Enterprise which would be a blend of light manufacturing, heavy commercial and
accessory businesses which could include research and development, warehousing, retail and
office uses.

A&amp;O.Algoma\89564.0 l'algomamp~b

46

�r

r

f
....

Another large area planned for industry is the Rockford Industrial Park located on the west side
of Northland Drive, just south of the southern boundary of Algoma Township. The land
available within this area has been detennined sufficient to satisfy the projected 20 year needs of
the City. Industrial land use needs for the City of Rockford were based upon the projected
population and industrial job demand for a total market area that encompasses portions of
Algoma Township. Therefore, it is feasible that a percentage of the industrial land use needs in
regard to jobs for Township residents may be met by lands in the City of Rockford; however,
industrial development outside the Township will not contribute to the Township tax base.
Other nearby communities' plans for industrial development will also impact Algoma
Township's need for industrial acreage. Additional land for industrial development is available
within the Appletree Development located south of 13 Mile Road, west of the Village of Sparta
and is served with both public water and sanitary sewer. Sparta Township also contains
available sites that are zoned for industrial use; an area north of 12 Mile Road adjacent to the
eastern Village boundary has the potential to receive wastewater treatment services from the
Sparta Village facility. Another site is adjacent to the Sparta Municipal Airport just north of 10
Mile Road.
The City of Cedar Springs recently completed a Comprehensive Development Plan which
identified additional areas planned for industrial development. One area located near the
northeast intersection of 16 Mile Road and White Creek Avenue consists of 38 acres; another
site west of the City boundary between Solon Road and Cherry Street consists of between 50 and
60 acres, and has been proposed for annexation. The development of either of these sites for
industrial purposes will be, to a high degree, dependent upon increasing the capacity at the Cedar
Springs wastewater treatment facility, and the consequent extension of sewer and water services
to these proposed areas. Currently, the City of Cedar Springs has limits on new connections to
their wastewater treatment system.

,-

,

t

Courtland Township currently has no plans for industrial development within the community.
In 1986, the West Michigan Regional Planning Commission attempted to forecast future
demands for industrial acreage in the greater Grand Rapids area through the year 2010.
Forecasts were based upon an expected ratio of lands actually used for industrial purposes to
lands available (either planned or zoned) for industrial purposes. The study found that adequate
acreage was probably available to meet the area's needs through the year 2010. However, true
availability of these lands is greatly dependent upon such factors as parcel size, services
available to the sites, location, accessibility, and environmental constraints.
Therefore, although there appears to be sufficient industrial zoned land in and adjacent to
Algoma Township for the next 10 to 20 years Algoma Township may wish to consider planning
for additional industrial areas that would offer potential developers a choice in terms of location
and parcel size, and that may offer the potential for water and wastewater treatment services.
Additional industrial lands may offer Township residents opportunities for employment, and
may increase the tax base available to the Township.

A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.01\algomamp\sb

47

�PARKS AND RECREATION

Algoma Township completed a Park, Recreation and Natural Area Plan in 1988, which sets forth
goals and objectives for the development and preservation of parklands and natural areas into the
future. Additional goals as identified by participants in the Public Input Workshops held on
January 28th and February 11th, 1991, are included in Chapter II of the Master Land Plan, titled
"Goals and Objectives".
ROADS AND STREETS

r
-,-_

....

.
'

,.
•

.,

In order to analyze future traffic conditions, projections of traffic volumes to the year 2000 at
selected locations were compared to their existing design capacity. These comparisons are
shown in Table 8.
The theoretical capacities, as determined by the state and local authorities, reflect the amount of
traffic the street was designed to accommodate daily and still provide a relatively smooth flow of
traffic. When daily traffic volumes are higher than the capacity, motorists experience more
frequent delays, reduced maneuverability, congestion at intersections, lower overall speeds, and
increased potential for accidents .
When the volume to capacity ratio exceeds 1.00, congestion occurs. When the volume to
capacity ratio exceeds 1.25 (125% of designed street capacity), congestion can occur and
alternatives should be evaluated to increase capacity or divert traffic to another route. When
volumes exceed 1.5 times their capacity, congestion can become severe and frustrated motorists
may select alternate routes, increasing traffic on those streets. At that point, methods to increase
the capacity of the street, provide an alternate route, or divert some traffic to a new facility
should be considered. At double the capacity (a volume/capacity ratio of 2.0 or greater), traffic
may be at a standstill during certain periods of the day .
Deterioration of a street's traffic-carrying capacity may also be measured in terms of "level of
service". This term is defined as a qualitative measure of the effect of a number of factors which
include speed and travel time, traffic interruptions, freedom to maneuver, safety, driving comfort
and convenience, and operating costs.
Levels of Service A through F, representing the best through the worst operating conditions
respectively, generally vary between peak and non-peak traffic times on the same street segment
Each of the levels of service is described as follows:

Level of Service A - represents virtually complete free-flow conditions in which the speed of
individual vehicles is controlled only by driver desires and prevailing conditions, not by the
presence or intetference of other vehicles. Ability to maneuver within the traffic stream is
unrestricted.
Level of Service B, C, and D - represents increasing levels of flow rate with correspondingly
more interference between vehicles of the traffic stream. Average running speed of the stream
remains relatively constant through a portion of this range, but the ability of individual drivers to
A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.01\algomamp\.ib

48

�.
freely select their speed becomes increasingly restricted as the level of service worsens. Level of
Service C and D (1.0 to 1.25 of capacity) is normally considered an acceptable design for an area
such as Algoma Township.

Level of Service E - (volumes are 1.25 to 1.50 of the "capacity") is representative of operation
at or near capacity conditions. Few gaps are available, the ability to maneuver within the traffic
stream is severely limited, and speeds are low. Operations at this level are unstable and a minor
disruption may cause rapid deterioration of flow into Level of Service F.

Level of Service F - (volumes are double the "capacity") represents forced or breakdown flow.

---

.

At this level, stop-and-go patterns have already been set up in the traffic stream, and operations
at a given point may vary widely from minute to minute, as will operations in short adjacent
highway segments as congestion increases through the traffic stream. Operations at this level are
highly unstable .and unpredictable.
Table 8 shows that several County Primary Roads may experience capacity problems by the
year 2000. In particular, Northland Drive south of 12 Mile Road may reach level of service E
(over 1.25 of design capacity) and 10 Mile Road east of U.S. 131 may experience more than two
times the capacity for which it was designed. Also, 14 Mile Road west of Northland Drive may
approach level of service F by the year 2000.
These projections indicate that traffic volumes on Algoma Township's County Primary Roads
should be monitored closely, especially on Northland Drive and 10 Mile Road. Levels of service
on these roads may be prolonged by proper attention to access control measures such as left hand
turn lanes, deceleration lanes, and limitations on number and location of curb cuts including
future intersecting streets that will serve residential development.
Likewise, while current traffic volumes on gravel roads in the Township may be well below the
design capacity of the roadway, the type of traffic and condition of the roads should also be
considered when determining future improvements to gravel surface roads .

.
.

A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.01\algomamp\sb

49

�~

&lt;

TABLE 8
TRAFFIC VOLUME PROJECTIONS (24 Hour Period)

~

Location

,,,..,.

Northland Drive-North

"

of 12 Mile Road

V/C Ratio

24 Hour
Capacity

1995

14,000

12,934

14,994

1.07

14,000

16,490

19,117

1.36

8,000

15,232

17,659

2.20

8,000

7,571

8,777

1.09

8,000

6,716

7,785

.97

8,000

2,139

2,479

.30

8,000

5,467

6,338

.68

14,990

1.85

2000

(2000)

Northland Drive-South
of 12 Mile Road

-

10 Mile Road-East
ofU.S.-131
10 Mile Road-West
ofU.S.-131

,...
Algoma Avenue-North

-

.

of 10 Mile Road
Pine Island Dr.-North
of 13 Mile Road

i
.-:

.

"

13 Mile Road-West
of Pine Island Drive
14 Mile Road-West
of Northland Drive

12,000

12,321

Iii'

Projections are based on a 3% annual increase based on 1990 24 Hour vehicle counts .

.
I'

r

A&amp;O.Algoma\89564.01\algomamp\sb

50

�CHAPTER 7
FUTURE LAND USE PLAN

..,·

-

•

This chapter contains descriptions, recommendations, and justification for future land use in
Algoma Township. These recommendations will provide an overall framework for the
management and regulation of future development and also serve as the basis for evaluating
zoning requests.
The Township Planning Act, Public Act 168 of 1959, as amended, specifically gives Township
Planning Commissions the authority to prepare and officially adopt a Plan. When prepared,
officially adopted, and maintained, this Plan should provide an advisory guide for the physical
conservation of certain areas and for the development of other areas into the best possible living
environment for present and future township residents.
Because of the constant change in our social and economic structure and activities, the Plan must
be maintained through periodic review and revision so that it reflects contemporary trends while
maintaining long-range goals.
The Future Land Use Plan is general in scope. It is not intended to establish precise boundaries
of land use or exact locations of future uses. It is also important to note that there is no schedule
to implement the recommendations contained here. The timing of a particular land use is
dependent upon a number of factors such as availability of public utilities, provisions for
adequate roadways, effect on public services, and the demand for a particular land use versus the
available land zoned for this use. Those, plus other factors, must be considered when reviewing
a request for rezoning a particular parcel of land. Overlay or conservation zones may be
employed when adequate regulations and distinct boundaries are established.

•

...

As background information to the planning process, the following narrative provides an
explanation of the relationship of land use planning to zoning.

•

THE RELATIONSHIP OF Pl,.,ANNING TO ZONING

...
r

The relationship between land use planning and zoning is an important one. Planning is
basically the act of planning the uses of land within a community for the future while zoning is
the act of regulating the use of these lands by ordinance. The laws of the State of Michigan
require that a community engage in land use planning activities, including the preparation of a
comprehensive plan, prior to the initiation of a zoning ordinance in a community.
The following narrative provides a better understanding of the terms "planning" and "zoning".

r

.
A&amp;C\AJ.goma\89564.01\algomamp~b

51

�Land Use Planning

-

...

--

The process of guiding the future growth and development of a community. Generally, a
document is prepared known as the Comprehensive Plan which addresses the various factors
relating to the growth of a community. Through the processes of land use planning, it is intended
that a community can preserve, prompte, protect, and improve public health, safety, and general
welfare. Additional considerations include: comfort, good order, appearance, convenience, law
enforcement and fire protection, preventing the overcrowding of land to avoid undue
concentration of population, facilitating the adequate and efficient provision of transportation,
water, sewage requirements ami services, and conservation, development, utilization and
protection of natural resources within the community.
Zoning
Zoning is one of the instruments, along with capital improvements programing and the
administration of local subdivision regulations, which implements the goals and policies of a
comprehensive plan. The enactment and administration of the zoning ordinance are legislative
and administrative processes conducted by local units of government relating to the
implementation of the goals and policies of the Master Plan.

PLAN CONCEPTS

-

The Future Land Use Map illustrates the concepts for the general development of Algoma
Township. These concepts are based on the goals and objectives stated in Chapter Two and are
intended to guide the future growth of Algoma Township.
These major land use concepts include the following:
Recognition and protection of the environmentally sensitive areas of the Township-primarily the lakes, streams, rivers, wetlands and groundwater.
Preserva~on and enhancement of the rural character of the Township and the unique and
scenic vistas which contribute to the country atmosphere.
Areas of the Township adjacent to the City of Rockford will likely have public water and
sanitary sewer within this planning period, and land uses should be planned accordingly.
It is also likely that areas adjacent to the Camp Lake Sewer System will be served by
sanitary sewer.

=

Establishment of a Township Center which would centralize a number of functions
around the Township offices such as governmental services, library, and recreation. The
intent of such a Center would be to create a gathering place and sense of community for
Algoma Township residents.
Rural clustering will be an option for residential uses in certain areas in conjunction with
open space or conservation easements.

A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.01\algomamp\sb

52

�Commercial uses will concentrate along Northland Drive and those portions of Ten and
Fourteen Mile Roads near the interchange with U.S. 131. These roadways will continue
to be the major corridors through the Township and the non-commercial areas will
develop primarily with differing residential densities. Access control measures will be
required to enhance traffic safety.
The Township will cooperate with adjacent municipalities to mutually plan for the
development of Northland Drive.
Natural or man-made buffer/transition zones should be utilized between different land
uses to ensure compatibility.

-

Larger active farming areas will transition into non-farm uses or "hobby farms".
Emphasis on preserving prime farmland will diminish.
LAND USE CATEGORIES
The Future Land Use Map recommends a number of different land use classifications. The
following descriptions of these future land use classifications explain the intended uses and
location characteristics for each classification.

Natural River District
This land use classification recognizes the importance of protecting the Rogue River and its
tributaries. This district encompasses a strip of land 300 feet wide on each side of and parallel to
the banks of the Rogue River and Cedar, Stegman and Shaw Creeks. Uses envisioned for this
district are limited to single-family dwellings, camping, non-motorized boating, agricultural uses
and other similar uses which would not cause degradation to the river or creeks or their banks.

-

The Natural River District as it exists in Algoma Township is a result of the State of Michigan
naming the Rogue River as a Natural River under the 1970 Natural River Act. The Algoma
Township Zoning Ordinance contains strict regulations for this district which are designed to
protect these waters from potentially disruptive development practices and land uses.

Conservation
..,

This land use classification identifies those areas in the Township which should be preserved and
protected due to their sensitive environmental condition and their potential to serve as water
retention basins, groundwater recharge areas, and wildlife sanctuaries. Uses within these areas
should be limited to those uses which would have little or no impact upon the natural
characteristics of the site or which would serve to enhance or blend in with the existing
conditions of the site. The natural features found in these areas may indicate consideration for
possible inclusion in the Township,'s park and recreation system.

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�All uses in this zone would be subject to special standards and require a minimum lot size of four
acres and a minimum lot width of 300 feet. These standards would examine the use in light of
affect on surface and ground water pollution, alteration of the natural flow of water or retention
capacity of the floodplain, grading of natural land contours, removal of trees or other vegetation,
and effect on wildlife habitat.
Two conservation zones currently are identified by the Algoma Township Zoning Map. The
largest of these zones is _found in the southwest comer of the Township and encompasses a
broad, expansive portion of the Rogue River floodplain that includes both woodlands and
wetlands. The second existing conservation zone is located east of and contiguous to the two
bodies of water known as Indian Lakes, and is also composed of both wetlands and woodlands.
Both of these conservation zones are retained on the Future Land Use Map.
·
Three additional conservation areas have been recommended for inclusion in the Future Land
Use Plan for Algoma Township. The first of these areas is contiguous to the existing
Conservation Zone in the southwest comer of the Township, and includes Meek Lake, Nelson
Lake, Low Lake, and the drainage system that connects these three lakes with each other, with
Dutch Drain to the south, and consequently with the Rogue River. Rugged terrain, wetlands,
woodlands, and little current development qualify this area for conservation. An Open Space
Preservation category (discussed in a following section) is also recommended as an option for
this area.
A second conservation area is recommended for the land surrounding Hoskins Lake in the north
central portion of the Township (Section 10). Hoskins Lake is a fairly secluded body of water
contiguous to Little Cedar Creek. Wetlands dominate the area east, west, and south of the lake;
woodlands surround Jhe lake on all sides. These factors, as well as a minimum of development
in the area, qualify the Hoskins area for conservation.
The last additional conservation area is located in Section 14 and encompasses 73 acres of
woodland owned by Rockford Public Schools as well as additional acreage to the west. These
parcels together include two distinct wetlands and several smaller ones. The 1968 Master Plan
recommended that this area, as well as additional contiguous acreage, be set aside as a regional
park. The natural features of this site, combined with a low level of development (a result of
forest land that is held by the Rockford Public Schools) indicate that this area is suitable for
conservation purposes.
Rural Agricultural

Principal uses within this land use classification are general and specialized farming activities
along with farm and non-farm single family dwelling units. Rural Agricultural areas would
require a minimum lot size of almost one acre (42,000 sq. ft.) with a minimum of 200 feet of lot
width, to ensure that dwellings are located a sufficient distance apart to provide adequate room
for private on-site well and septic systems. Although large scale farming activities are expected
to diminish over time, the RA category recognizes the active farms in the Township and provides
for their on-going operation. These farms contribute to the rural character and diversity of the
Township.

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�.....

Criteria used to detennine areas for future agricultural land use are:
1.

The presence of prime fannland soils as identified by the 1986 Soil Survey of Kent
County.

2.

The presence of parcels enrolled in P.A. 116, the State of Michigan Farmland and Open
Space Preservation Act.

3.

The presence of parcels of land 40 acres or more in size (the minimum amount of land
traditionally viewed as generating a positive economical return in crops).

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Two of these three criteria were necessary to qualify an area for designation as Rural
Agricultural. The largest area of RA is located in the northwest quadrant of the Township,
encompassing large portions of Sections 8, 9, 16 and 17. Other large areas are found in the
following locations: the north-central portion of the Township; north of Russell Street between
the former Michigan Northern Railroad bed and Northland Drive; in the central portion of the
Township on both sides of the Rogue River, an area also designated for Open Space Preservation
(discussed in a following section); two other areas located on the western side of the Township,
one north of the Camp Lake area and another south of High Lake.

Rural Residential
Rural Residential areas are intended to provide for residential development in a rural setting
close to Rural Agricultural areas. General farming activities will be pennitted but are envisioned
to be of a smaller scale than those pennitted in Rural Agricultural areas. Rural Residential
Zones are intended to satisfy a demand for a rural life style without necessarily removing active
prime farmland from production. The minimum lot size and lot width in the RR areas would be
42,000 square feet and 150 feet respectively. Certain non-residential uses would be pennitted as
special land uses such as a golf course, private recreation areas and extractive uses.
The most significant difference between the 1968 Algoma Township Master Plan and The 1991
Plan is the increase in lands recommended for rural homes and the decrease in lands
recommended for agricultural use. Large portions of the Township in the northeast, northwest,
and southwest quadrants have been designated as Rural Residential. A lesser amount of land has
been designated as RR in the southeast quadrant, since more dense residential uses as well as
mixed uses are planned for the area surrounding the City of Rockford. Several RR areas are also
designated as Watershed or Vista Protection Overlay Zones, or as Open Space Preservation areas
(discussed in following sections).
Criteria used when detennining Rural Residential areas are as follows:
1.

While fanning practices are present in areas designated for Rural Residential, large scale
fanning is expected to decline within the scope of the planning period. Parcels within the
RR areas in general do not exhibit the criteria used when detennining areas to be
designated as Rural Agricultural (presence of prime farmland soils, enrolled in P.A. 16,
and parcels of 40 or more acres in size).

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�2.

Public water and sewer are not planned for these areas within the scope of the twenty
year planning period. The minimum lot size of 42,000 square feet is designed to
accommodate the placement of on-site well and septic systems.

3.

Lot-split activity has been high in the areas designated for RR, establishing a pattern of
Rural Residential land use. Many parcels of five to ten acres already exist and are likely
to be further sub-divided within the planning period under the terms of the State of
Michigan Plat Act.

4.

The proposed RR density of one dwelling unit per 42,000 square feet will help preserve
the emerging rural-suburban character of the Township.

5.

The uses envisioned for the RR areas are compatible with a wide range of uses
recommended in the Master Plan such as farming, watershed and scenic vista protection,
conservation of natural resources, and open space preservation.

....

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Open Space Preservation
This land use classification is proposed in order to encourage the preservation of open space, and
to maintain scenic and rural vistas by permitting the clustering of houses in certain areas rather
than requiring them to be developed in strip fashion along public roads. This technique
encourages new residential developments to cluster in a few selected areas on a parcel rather
than locate across the entire site. This allows the undeveloped area to be kept in its natural state,
either as open space or as active farmland. The developed area of the parcel becomes a rural
subdivision which encourages a sense of place and identity among residents.
The open space which remains must be protected by legal mechanisms such as conservation
easements or a homeowners association. Typical cluster developments will be screened from
roadway views, will not be in sensitive environmental areas, and are readily accessible by public
services such as emergency vehicles.
This concept could be permitted as a planned unit development, using an overlay zone or a
separate zoning district in the Rural Agricultural, Rural Residential or Low Density Residential
zones. Guidelines for establishing an open space preservation district should be carefully
designed and should be based upon the concepts of the publications "Dealing with Change in the
Connecticut River Valley - A Design Manual for Conservation and Development" and "Rural
Cluster Zoning: Survey and Guidelines, Land Use Law and Zoning Digest."
Some of the concepts taken from Rural Cluster Zoning noted above are:
•

"Rural cluster zoning is most suitable in rural suburban transition areas.

•

Ouster projects should be carefully sited to minimize impacts on neighbors,
infrastructure systems and the environment

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�•

Procedures for review and approval should be less difficult than for subdivisions and
should have incentives to encourage their use.

•

The number of home sites per cluster should be limited with a minimum and maximum
project size.

•

Lot dimensions, building heights and setbacks should be compatible with the rural
character."

,--

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Open Space Preservation areas have been recommended as overlays within other land use
categories on the Future Land Use Map. Specific locations and the criteria used in each case are
as follows:
1.

The area designated as Low Density Residential west of the City of Rockford - This
area will be the predominant rural suburban transition zone within the Township. It is
likely that this area will be served by public water and sewer within the planning period,
increasing the probability of development at a greater density than currently exists .
Presently, fairly large tracts of undeveloped land still exist. Cluster options in this area
will enhance preservation of scenic and rural landscapes, and will offer residents the
opportunity for a creative environment that incorporates the best elements of
neighborhood design with the amenities of unspoiled views and usable open space.

2.

The areas designated as Mixed Use and Rural Residential, northeast of the Ten Mile
Road and U.S. 131 Expressway intersection - This area has been identified as a scenic
vista by Township residents and officials. The area shown as Mixed Use (see Map 9 for
details of the site) will incorporate both Low Density and Medium Density Residential
uses with cluster design in order to minimize both the costs of infrastructure and impacts
upon natural features present on these sites such as open fields, stands of trees, and
wetlands. In addition, the area designated as RR on the Land Use Map abuts Elstner
Avenue, a Natural Beauty Road. Cluster design options will help to preserve the rural
character and views afforded by this road. The Mixed Use area is discussed in further
detail in a later section.

•

.

3.

The areas designated as Rural Agricultural in the central portion on the Township,
on both sides of the Rogue River - This area has been identified both as valuable
agricultural land and as providing unique scenic vistas that include both fields and
woodlands associated with the Rogue River. While it is likely that much of this area will
stay either in productive farming or in open space preservation via P.A. 116, residential
development will continue to increase within the twenty year planning period. Cluster
zoning options in this area will provide an opportunity to preserve open views and to
allow farming practices to continue through lease arrangements while lesser amounts of
acreage are consumed by residential development.

4.

The area in the far northeast comer of the Township, southwest of the intersection
of 16 Mile Road and Northland Drive - This area was identified as worthy of Open
Space Preservation due to the presence of woodlands, Little Cedar Creek, and other

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�smaller wetlands on the site, as well as the probability that development will increase in
the area as growth from the City of Cedar Springs continues southward, with possible
extension of public water and sewer to this area. Cluster zoning options will afford the
opportunity for optimum site design while allowing the preservation of natural features.
Low Density Residential
This district is intended primarily for single-family houses in a traditional subdivision setting,
and is intended to be served by public water and sanitary sewer. Lot sizes wiH vary depending
upon the type of utility service provided.

If no utilities are provided, a lot width of 120 feet with just under an acre of land will be
required. If water or sanitary sewer is provided, approximately one half acre of land will be
necessary. If both water and sanitary sewer is provided, lot sizes can be reduced to 13,000
square feet (3.35 units per acre). These requirements are already contained within the Algoma
Township Zoning Ordinance in the R-S, Suburban Residential zoning district.

.

LDR areas are intended to be located where they can be easily served by the extension of public
utilities from the City of Rockford or the Village of Sparta. Two family dwellings (duplexes)
would also be a permitted use in this district if located along a county primary or local road but
not on a subdivision street.
Specific locations for LDR on the Future Land Use Map include much of the land contiguous to
the western city limits of Rockford where public utilities could be extended within the planning
period. Adequate county primary and county local roads serve this area. This LDR designation
is also compatible with Low Density Residential uses planned in contiguous areas in both the
City of Rockford and Plainfield Township.
Low Density Residential uses are included within the area planned for Mixed Use at 10 Mile
Road and the U.S. 131 Expressway. This area may develop in a variety of ways including
traditional subdivisions depending upon the extension of public utilities, and is discussed in more
detail in a later section.
The final area recommended for LDR is located along Division Avenue just south of Broman
Street, near the Camp Lake Area. Public sewer from the Village of Sparta enters the Township
along Broman Street to serve residents in this area. In addition, a low density residential land
use pattern is already well established in the area around Camp Lake.

Medium Density Residential
This classification is designed to accommodate multi-family dwelling units and mobile home
parks with a maximum density of just under nine units per acre. Multi-family buildings would
contain no more than 12 units each. Other permitted uses would be institutional uses such as
hospitals and schools, funeral homes and two family-dwelling units.

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�--

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Medium density residential areas should be located on paved streets to facilitate access by fire
and police service. The types of dwelling units envisioned in this category can serve as a
transition zone between non-residential uses and low density residential areas. Because public
sewer is necessary to assure long range public health, MOR areas should not be zoned or
developed until sewer service and roadways can be provided to serve this type of use .
In general, MDR areas should be located where public utilities can be easily and economically
provided.
Algoma Township currently has no attached multi-family dwellings. The Algoma Estates
Mobile Home Park is located in Section 24, south of 13 Mile Road. This area is designated as
MDR, as well as contiguous parcels to the west and south which would likely be utilized for park
expansion.

..

Other MOR designations include the area between 12 Mile Road and Shaw Creek about 500 feet
off Northland Drive. This location, designated for industrial land use in the 1968 Plan, was
recommended for MOR land use based upon the following criteria:
1.

Public water and sewer could possibly be extended to this site from the City of Rockford,
located about one quarter mile south .

2.

Residents of a multi-family development would be located near shopping and service
conveniences in the City of Rockford.

3.

A multi-family use would be compatible with commercial uses planned for those
properties that front on Northland drive as well as with a planned Office/Light Industrial
Park recommended north of the site.

4.

Northland Drive would provide excellent access to the site, as would 12 Mile Road to the
north.

5.

The presence of Stegman Creek affords the possibility of a quality living environment
within a natural setting.

....

Medium Density Residential uses are also included in the area recommended for Mixed Use,
which will be discussed in more detail in a later section.
Lake Residential

This classification recognizes the existing development and zoning surrounding the lakes in
Algoma Township. The single-family house is the primary permitted use within this category.
Specific regulations to encourage the proper development of water front properties and avoid
pollution of township lakes should be continued. Current Township Zoning Ordinance
regulations set forth development rules to prevent overcrowding and pollution of the Township's
lakes. The boundaries of this classification could encompass the watershed of Township lakes
so that lake pollution prevention measures can apply to a wider geographic area to better protect

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�...

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these lakes. In all cases, Lake Residential areas are recommended to include a Watershed
Protection Overlay Zone, which is further discussed in a later section.

-

The Lake Residential areas are focused in three locations: Camp Lake, Indian Lakes, and High
Lake. The Camp Lake LR area remains much the same as was recommended in the 1968 Master
Plan, and has long been established as a residential neighborhood. While Indian Lakes and High
Lake were not designated as LR in the 1968 Plan, current zoning includes these two areas in the
L-R zoning district. Indian Lakes has experienced residential development on the northern side
of the western-most lake, and High Lake has experienced similar development. on both the north
and south sides of the lake.

'

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J 1

Office
Office development is similar in many ways to medium and high density residential in terms of
characteristics (traffic, appearance, height, etc.) and compatibility with other uses. This makes
offices a suitable transition or buffer use in many locations. Office uses at major intersections
are often desirable as such uses can generate less traffic than commercial uses depending upon
the size of the building and serve as a buffer for less intensive uses located away from the
intersection. Office uses should be located along major roadways for easy access and to serve as
a transition between land uses of different intensity.
Office uses in the Township are recommended in tandem with light industrial uses located along
~orthland Drive and for those properties west of Northland Drive to the former Michigan
Northern Railroad, north of 12 Mile Road. While many residences still exist in this area, it is
envisioned that residential structures in this area may convert to office uses, which would be
compatible with the residential and limited commercial development in neighboring Courtland
Township. Office uses are also envisioned at the northeast corner of 10 Mile Road and U.S. 131
within the Mixed Use PUD.

Commercial
The Plan proposes two types of commercial land use categories, neighborhood commercial and
general commercial. The Future Land Use Map does not distinguish between these two types of
commercial. Decisions on types of commercial development desired in specific locations may
be made at the time of requests for rezoning.

Neighborhood Commercial
The Plan proposes commercial development within this category to serve the convenience
shopping needs of Township residents and to a lesser extent the needs of through vehicular
traffic. Such convenience retail uses would include a pharmacy, convenience store, ice cream
shop, service station, banks, etc. Commercial uses which generate higher traffic volumes and
attract people from beyond the Township should not be located within this category.
However, as the Township population grows, additional retail uses may be necessary to provide
for the convenience shopping needs of Township residents. These commercial uses should be

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60

�permitted in areas where the population warrants such use, but only if specific standards can be
met and approved as a special use. Specific site criteria should be developed to insure that such
commercial areas do not proliferate and are allowed only as needed. These site criteria could
include minimum and maximum lot size, soil suitability, type of retail use, paved roads,
population within certain radius of the site, adjacent land uses, and buffering.
General Commercial

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This land use category recognizes those areas containing existing general commercial uses along
10 Mile Road, 14 Mile Road and Northland Drive. Uses within this district consist of office,
general retail and service uses which cater to Township residents and the motoring public. These
uses should be subject to site development criteria and performance standards simil_ar to those
suggested for neighborhood commercial, designed to minimize negative impacts on adjoining
property.
Commercial land uses in general have been recommended in the following locations based upon
the criteria given:
1.

Northland Drive to 14 Mile Road; 14 Mile Road to just west of Edgerton Avenue This area reflects the current zoning map of Algoma Township, and commercial uses are
already firmly established in this area. Both Northland Drive and 14 Mile Road (M-57)
will accommodate the high traffic volumes that are both needed to support and generated
by the existing businesses. In neighboring Courtland Township, several commercial uses
exist fronting on both Northland Drive and 14 Mile Road.

2.

Northland Drive south of Porter Hollow to Rockford City limits - Commercial uses
other than offices are recommended only for those areas already established as
commercial. Zoning currently allows for commercial uses, as does similar zoning along
portions of Northland Drive in neighboring Courtland Township. The City of Rockford
has planned for commercial uses just south of 12 Mile Road, directly opposite an area in
Algoma Township planned for commercial uses. The balance of lands fronting on
Northland Drive in Algoma Township that were previously planned for Business have
been recommended for Office and Industrial uses, discussed in a later section.

3.

The area designated for Mixed Uses at the northeast corner of the U.S. 131
Expre~ay and 10 Mile Road - This area is recommended to include commercial uses
and will be discussed in detail in a following section.

4.

10 Mile Road at the U.S. 131 Expressway Interchange - Neighborhood commercial,
service businesses and light industry are currently established in this area, and current
zoning accommodates these uses. Plainfield Township directly to the south across 10
Mile Road has also planned for general commercial uses in this area. The presence of the
expressway interchange, proximity to a County primary road (10 Mile), and the ·
possibility of extension of public water and sewer to this area make it a prime candidate
for commercial uses.

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5.

Division Avenue west of Camp Lake - A neighborhood convenience store exists in this
area, and will likely continue to support the day to· day needs of Camp Lake area
residents. The site is ideally located along a County primary road with public sewer
available from the Village of Sparta.

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Industrial

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This classification is intended to accommodate uses such as manufacturing, processing or
warehousing, and may allow as special uses such operations as contractor equipment yards and
body shops or salvage yards. Uses allowed will be evaluated on the basis of compatibility with
adjacent land uses and the potential for danger or offense to nearby residents. While industrial
uses may be allowed where served by private sewage disposal systems and wells as approved by
the Kent County Health Department, the Plan recommends that the industrial development occur
in those areas where utilities exist or are planned for, with access to major arterials. In order to
promote orderly and efficient industrial areas, industrial parks should be encouraged.

1

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The intensity of industrial development in the Township will be dependent upon the extension of
both water and sewer services. Of primary concern should be adequate site development
standards plus requirements for sufficient buffering between industrial uses and other uses. Uses
which require the transformation of natural resources with a finished or semi-finished product or
engage in intensive use of chemicals or produce noise, smell or smoke shall not be permitted as
such uses are not compatible with the rural character of the Township and could also threaten the
environmental quality of the area.
The amount of land recommended for industrial uses, particularly in the northeast portion of the
Township, has been significantly reduced since The 1968 Master Plan was adopted. The
following describes the recommended industrial areas and rationale for selecting these sites:

•.

1.

North of the City of Rockford Industrial Park, between the former Michigan
Northern Railroad and Northland Drive - This particular area was planned for
industrial uses in The 1968 Plan, and is zoned as such. The likelihood of this area being
served by public water and sewer is strong due to the existence of public utilities in the
adjacent Rockford Industrial Park. Across Northland Drive, the City of Rockford has
planned both Industrial and Planned Enterprise (a blend of light manufacturing and heavy
commercial). Access to the site would be provided by Northland Drive, a County
primary road.

2.

North of 12 Mile Road, between the former Michigan Northern Railroad and
Northland Drive - This area has also been planned for industrial uses since the 1968
Plan and is zoned presently for D-1 Industrial, D-2 Light Industrial, and B-2 General
Business. The current plan recommends a blend of office and light industrial or high
technology uses for the southern-most portion of the area closest to 12 Mile Road and for
those properties fronting on Northland Drive. This area is currently primarily vacant land
and residential structures. Commercial uses exist in neighboring Courtland Township
along Northland Drive. It is envisioned that residential structures in this area may, over
time, convert to office uses. The area north of here is designated only as Industrial,

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62

�primarily to reflect the already established industrial character of the area. Both areas
may be served by sewer and water extended from the City of Rockford, and would
acquire access from both 12 Mile Road and Northland Drive.

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3.

Northeast of the U.S. 131 Expr~way Interchange at 14 Mile Road (M-57) - This
area, planned for Industrial in The 1968 Plan, is the site of a maintenance facility for the
Kent County Road Commission. D-1 Industrial Zoning exists on the site, and recently
additional land was rezoned to Industrial. The established industrial character of the area
as well as excellent access provided by both M-57 and the U.S. 131 Expressway result in
a favorable site for industrial uses.

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Mixed Use PUD
An area consisting of approximately 180 acres northeast of the U.S. 131 Expressway Interchange

and 10 Mile Road has been designated on the Future Land Use Plan as Mixed Use; an enlarged
detail of that area is illustrated by Map 9.
This area was designated as ·Mixed Use for a number of reasons:

-.

1.

The highly visible area is ideally located at the expressway interchange, at the central
southern limits of the Township.

2.

Access to the site is afforded not only by the expressway but by 10 Mile Road which is a
County primary road.

3.

The site offers a variety of natural features such as wetlands, wooded hillsides, open
fields, and variable terrain.

4.

Large, undivided parcels exist on the site, facilitating land assemblage for large scale
developments.

5.

The site is likely to receive public sewer and water from the City of Rockford in the
scope of the 20 year planning period, facilitating a higher density of development than is
currently possible.

-.
Uses envisioned for this site include office and service businesses closest to the expressway, and
commercial uses along that portion of 10 Mile Road where several commercial uses already
exist The remainder of this site could accommodate either traditional residential subdivisions
and/or multi-family attached dwelling units. The plan recommends the use of Open Space

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Preservation techniques such as Cluster Zoning or Planned Unit Development (PUD) that will
allow a developer to carefully integrate residential buildings with the natural characteristics of
the sit~, to ensure preservation of the wetlands, open views, and wooded hillsides and other
adjacent uses on the site.
Building design within the Mixed Use area should be of a unified, attractive nature with
complementary, understated signs. Pedestrian uses should have high priority, including walking
paths and bicycle paths. Outdoor enhancements such as decks, bridges, trails, and gazebos that
take advantage of the natural features of the site should ~ encouraged.

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Existing single family residences in the area could be favorably incorporated into the site design,
since any proposed development would be subject to design standards including substantial
setbacks and landscaping, as well as acceptable access and traffic circulation patterns. The
Mixed Use designation is compatible with the Rural Residential/Open Space Preservation area
planned directly to the north, and with the Low Density Residential/Open Space Preservation
planned directly to the east. It will also be compatible with Plainfield Township's plans for
general commercial and open space conservancy directly south of the site along 10 Mile Road.

r

Other options for this site may exist, for example, a blend of recreational uses such as a golf
course along with a hotel/motel establishment could be incorporated into the site, using the same
design standards and care to preserve and incorporate natural features as discussed above.

~

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Public/Semi-Public

This category includes those areas and facilities such as schools, government buildings, parks
and golf courses which are available for use by the general public. Semi-public uses are those
used by a limited number of people with specific interests which are generally non-profit in
nature such as churches, non-public schools, private golf courses and medical or institutional
facilities. The Plan recognizes that it is necessary to provide for the establishment of certain
non-residential land uses within residential areas subject to the implementation of measures
which are designed to insure compatibility. Such non-residential uses commonly include
religious and educational institutions; recreational uses such as parks; golf courses and play
fields and public utility facilities. Traffic generation, noise, lighting and trespassing should be
carefully controlled in order to mitigate the negative impacts on residential uses. Expansion or
location of these uses should depend upon compatibility with adjacent land uses and the extent to
which neighborhood character will be maintained.
The Future Land Use Map illustrates the major public/semi-public uses in the Township which
are the Township Hall, Township parkland and proposed parkland, as well as existing fire
fighting facilities.
Overlay Zone

An Overlay Zone is a zoning technique which consists of a separate zone placed over an existing
zoning district. The Overlay Zone carries a specific set of regulations which apply to ("overlay")

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64

�-;t"·

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properties in the underlying zoning district. The Overlay Zone is useful for protecting areas with
special characteristics such as floodplains, wetlands, historic districts or unique neighborhoods,
but they can also apply to other areas where a special set of regulations are needed to achieve the
objectives of a community. The boundaries of an Overlay Zone do not need to follow property
lines but can be drawn to fit the area; i.e., floodplain or wetland identified by a municipality.

Vista Protection Overlay Zone
This classification recognizes and recommends protection for the scenic views which make up
much of the Rogue River Valley in Algoma Township and which contribute significantly to the
rural character and beauty of the Township. The Vista Protection Overlay Zone (VPOZ) would
seek, by way of zoning ordinance regulations, to preserve certain existing vistas by carefully
guiding development so that the design of a site including buildings, structures, roads, plantings,
signs, etc., which can be seen by the public are implemented to develop a satisfactory visual
appearance and not detract from or block the view of vistas as they exist today.
The following general design elements need to be observed in preserving the Township's scenic
vistas.

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1.

Landscape shall be preserved in its natural state, insofar as practicable, by minimizing
tree and soil removal. Any grade changes shall be in keeping with the general
appearance of neighboring developed areas. The orientation of individual building sites
shall be such as to maintain maximum natural topography and cover. Topography, tree
cover, and natural drainageways shall be treated as fixed determinants of road and lot
configuration rather than as malleable elements that can be changed to follow a preferred
development scheme.

2.

Streets shall be designed and located in such a manner as to maintain and preserve
natural topography, cover, significant landmarks and trees; to minimize cut and fill; and
to preserve and enhance views and vistas.on or off the subject parcel.

3.

Proposed development shall be related harmoniously to the terrain and to the use, scale,
and architecture of existing buildings in the vicinity that have functional or visual
relationship to the proposed buildings.

4.

All open space (landscaped and usable) shall be designed to add to the visual amenities
of the area by maximizing its visibility for persons passing the site or overlooking it from
nearby properties.

5.

The color, size, height, lighting and landscaping_of appurtenant signs shall be evaluated
for compatibility with local architectural motif and the maintenance of views and vistas
of natural landscapes, recognized historic landmarks, parks or landscaping.

•,

A&amp;OAlgoma\89564.01\algomamp\sb

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6.

The removal or disruption of historic, traditional or significant uses, structures, or
architectural elements shall be minimized insofar as practicable, whether these exist on
the site or on adjacent properties.

7.

Each unit of development, as well as the total development, shall create an environment
of desirability and stability. Every structure, when completed and in place, shall have a
finished appearance.

8.

The design of buildings, fences, and other structures shall be evaluated on the basis of
harmony with site characteristics and nearby buildings, including historic structures.

!'
I

It is not the intent of this Plan to recognize or regulate all scenic views or vistas within the
Township. Only those vistas which truly offer a broad panoramic view of the Township
encompassing both field and forest over a wide area and which are generally recognized by both
Township officials and the general populace should be considered as scenic vistas for
preservation purposes. These vistas have been illustrated on the Future Land Use Map, but
others may also be designated by the Planning Commission.

r

Watershed Protection Overlay Zone

I

This classification is intended to recognize that the Township's lakes, wetlands and streams need
special regulatory measures to ensure their long term quality and viability. A Watershed
Protection Overlay Zone (WPOZ) is recommended by the Plan for those areas in the Township
where land uses may especially impact the quality of wetlands, lakes, drains or streams. The
exact delineation of a WPOZ would involve a technical analysis of topography, soils, land use
impacts and carrying capacity of bodies of water. Within a WPOZ, management practices need
to be adopted to ensure that a high level of environmental quality is achieved.
These practices, known as Best Management Practices, pertain to such activities as limiting the
amount of impervious surface on a site, maximizing the setback of drainfields from ·a lake,
requiring on-site detention/retention of storm water, and limiting the time and area of soil
exposure.
The Future Land Use Map illustrates general areas where further analysis of the watershed is
recommended. Preparation of Best Management Practices should be undertaken with the
cooperation of residents, farmers, builders and others who would be affected by such regulations.
This way allows for education regarding the issues and provides an opportunity to build
understanding and support for eventual regulations.

FUTURE ROADS
The Plan recommends the construction of two future streets. One of these is an extension of
Hoskins Avenue between 13 and 14 Mile Roads. This is an area of increasing residential
development primarily along private roads which provide the only means of interior access to the

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area. A road through this area would help ensure adequate emergency vehicle access to future
homes in this area, and may reduce the need for lengthy private drives.

An additional street is proposed south off 11 Mile Road about one half mile west of Summit
Road. This road, proposed by the City of Rockford, extends to 10 Mile Road and will provide
access to and from 10 Mile Road for future residential development in this area in both Rockford
and Algoma Township, and will help remove potential traffic burden from Wolven Avenue.

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�7

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CHAPTERS

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rnPLEMENTATION

1
In order for the Master Plan to serve as an effective guide to the continued development of
Algoma Township it must be implemented. Primary responsibility for implementing the Plan
rests with the Algoma Township Board,, the Planning Commission, and the Township staff.
This is done through a number of methods. These include ordinances, programs, and
administrative procedures which are described in this chapter.

1

l

It is important to note that the Master Plan itself has no legal authority to regulate development

l

in order to implement the recommendations of the Plan. This implementation must come from
the decisions of the Township Board and Planning Commission to provide needed public
improvements and to administer and establish regulatory measures relative to the use of the land.

1

The private sector, including individual home and land owners, is also involved in fulfilling the
recommendations of the Master Plan by the actual physical development of land uses and
through the rezoning of land. The authority for this, however, comes from the Township.
Cooperation between the public and private sectors is therefore important in successful
implementation of the Master Plan. ·

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1.
1

Chapter 1 of the Plan sets forth goals and objectives which serve to guide the future development
of Algoma Township. Many of the specific implementation recommendations of this chapter are
taken from these objectives.
The following sections are a list of the major activities which the Algoma Township Planning
Commission should pursue in order to be pro-active in the implementation of this Master Plan.

ZONING

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Zoning represents a legal means for the Township to regulate private property to achieve orderly
land use relationships. It is the process most commonly used to implement community Master
Plans. The zoning process consists of an official zoning map and zoning ordinance text.
The official zoning map divides the community into different zones or districts within which
certain uses are permitted and others are not. The zoning ordinance text notes the uses which are
permitted and establishes regulations to control densities, height, bulk, setbacks, lot sizes, and
accessory uses.

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The zoning ordinance also sets forth procedures for special approval regulations and sign
controls. These measures permit the Township to control the quality as well as the type of
development
Subsequent to the adoption of this Plan, the Township Planning Commission and Township
Board should review and make any necessary revisions to the zoning regulations to ensure that
the recommendations of the Plan as outlined in this section are instituted.
The Plan recommends the following specific changes to the Township Zo11ing Ordinance:

;;,,-:

f.

1.

Develop specific regulations to permit and encourage the development of land under the
Open Space· Preservation concept as recommended in Chapter 7.

2.

Adopt regulations for Planned Unit Developments as a method to implement the mixed
uses recommended for the 10 Mile Road/U.S. 131 intersection and the Open Space
Preservation concept recommended by the Plan.

3.

Prepare and adopt a separate chapter_for Office zoning.

4.

Revise the site plan review provisions of the Ordinance to better specify required
contents of site plans and to provide for better protection of the natural features of the
land per Objectives 5 and 6 of the Natural Resource Goal section.

5.

Adopt access control measures to regulate the commercial development recommended
for Northland Drive, 10 Mile Road and 14 Mile Road as recommended by Objective 2
for the Commercial Development Goal. Such measures should address the number, size
and spacing of driveways, service drives or frontage roads, building setbacks,
deceleration lanes, and driveway alignment The Commission should work with the Kent
County Road Commission to enlist their cooperation in enforcing such measures .

6.

Develop specific landscaping regulations for buffering between uses, and improving the
appearance of buildings and parking lots per the overall goal of the Township and
Objective 3 of the Commercial Goal section.

j

7.

Develop zoning ordinance provisions to regulate site condominiums.

--1

8.

Prepare overlay zone regulations to implement the Watershed Protection Zone and Vista
Protection Zone recommendations of Chapter 7. As part of preparing these regulations
additional study should be done to identify scenic vistas and watershed areas.

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For watersheds in particular, a plan should precede the development of regulations to
better determine the location of the watershed and the type of best management practices
needed to protect water quality.

A&amp;O.Algorna\89564.0 l\al.gomamp\sb

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The Vista Protection Zone is specifically recommended by Objective 12 of the Natural
Resource Goal section while Objective 8 pertains to the development of watershed
protection regulations.

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9.

Delete the D-1 provisions of the Zoning Ordinance ("Heavy Industry") as such uses may
not be compatible with the overall environmental goals and rural character of the
Township. Specifically Industrial Goal, Objective 6 recommends the deletion of this
category.

10.

Create a separate mobile home park zoning chapter within the Zoning Ordinance which
should be approved by the Michigan Mobile Home Commission.

11.

Amend the Ordinance to permit two-family dwelling units in the R-S, Rural Suburban
zoning district along county primary or local roads but not on subdivision streets and to
also allow them in the R-D, Low Density Multi-Family zoning district. This amendment
should also delete the existing regulations regarding duplexes.

12.

Revise the Ordinance so there is consistency in the intent and in the regulations for the
Conservation Zone and Natural River Zone. Currently the NR Zone is less restrictive in
its minimum lot size than the Conservation Zone yet much of the environmentally
sensitive land is within the NR zone. This discrepancy needs to be discussed and
appropriate changes made to achieve the objectives of the Township.

13.

Prepare and adopt regulations to permit neighborhood commercial uses within or close to
populated areas by Special Use as recommended in Chapter 7.

14.

Revise the Zoning Ordinance to better delineate uses permitted by right and by special
use to better provide the Planning Commission with criteria to determine the location of
certain uses. Also, general standards for all special uses should be added to the
Ordinance.

15.

Upon completion of Item 12, the Planning Commission should sponsor amendments to
the Zoning Map to rezone areas designated as Conservation on the Future Land Use Plan.

16.

Develop an Historical Preservation Ordinance that is consistent with the goals and
objectives of the Master Plan.

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ADDITIONAL PLANNING STUDIES

=-

1.

I

Develop a Township-wide street plan based on Objective 1 of the Infrastructure Goal
Section.

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A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.0l'algomamp\sb

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2.

Conduct a Corridor Study along major Township arterial roads such as 10 Mile Road,
Northland Drive and 13 and 14 Mile Roads to address issues of traffic safety, flow and
the need for additional lanes. This is recommended by Objective 2 of the Infrastructure
Goal Section.

3.

Conduct a study to detennine the most feasible and logical areas which could be served
by public water and sanitary sewer. The Plan assumes that certain land uses will require
water and sanitary sewer. Such areas do not necessarily need to become part of a
neighboring municipality but could be provided utilities on a contract basis.

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ADOPT TOWNSHIP SUBDIVISION ORDINANCE

Currently, the Township does not have its own subdivision ordinance. Thus, any requests to plat
property or create a subdivision would be done so according to the provisions of the Subdivision
Control Act, Act 288 of 1967. While this provides authority for the Township to regulate
platting, Township officials should adopt their own subdivision control ordinance. This will
allow greater control over expected future residential developments.
PREPARE AND ADOPT CAPITAL IMPROVEMENTS PROGRAM

Capital Improvements Programming is the first step in a comprehensive management system
designed to regulate priorities and programs to community goals and objectives. It is a means of
planning ahead for the funding and implementation of major construction and land acquisition
activities. The typical CIP is six years in length and updated yearly. The first year in each CIP
contains the capital improvement budget. The program generally includes a survey of the longrange needs of the entire governmental unit covering major planned projects along with their
expected cost and priority. The Township Board then analyzes the projects, financing options,
and the interrelationship between projects. Finally, a project schedule is developed. Priority
projects are included in the Capital Improvements Program. Low priority projects may be
retained in a Capital Improvements Schedule which may cover as long as 20 years.
The CIP is useful to the Township, private utilities, citizens, and investors, since it allows
coordination in activities and provides the general public with a view of future expectations.

i
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PLANNING COMMISSION WORK PROGRAM

The Plan recommends that the Planning Commission prepare a work program in January of each
year. This work program would set forth the tasks or goals which the Planning Commission
detennines to accomplish for the upcoming year. This will allow the Commission to stay
focused on important tasks and help to implement the goals and objectives identified within this
Plan.

A&amp;C\Algoma\89564.0 l\algomamp\,b

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PLANNING EDUCATION
Planning Commissions should attend planning seminars to keep themselves informed of
planning issues and learn how to better carry out their duties and responsibilities as Planning
Commissioners. These seminars are regularly sponsored by the Michigan Society of Planning
Officials (MSPO) and the Michigan Township Association (MTA) and are a valuable resource
for Planning Commissions. There are also several planning publications which are a useful
information tool for Planning Commissioners. The main publications are Planning and Zoning
linff and Michigan Planner Magazine.
REVISIONS TO THE MASTER PLAN
The Master Plan should be updated periodically (minor review every one to two years, major
review every five to ten years) in order to be responsive to new growth trends and current
Township attitudes. As growth occurs over the years, the Master Plan goals, land use
information, population projections, and other pertinent data should be reviewed and revised as
necessary so the Plan can continue to serve as a valid guide to the growth of the Township.

1

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COMMISSION ON NOVEMBER· 19, 1991

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�</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/870"&gt;Planning and Zoning Center Collection (RHC-240)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project
Michael Alioto
Vietnam War
Interview Length: (02:01:49:00)
Pre-enlistment / Training (00:00:27:00)
 Alioto was born on December 19th, 1947 at the Henry Ford Hospital in Detroit, Michigan
(00:00:27:00)
o While he was growing up, Alioto and his family alternated living in East
Dearborn, Michigan and the west side of Detroit (00:00:34:00)
o Apart from himself, Alioto also had two younger sisters (00:00:41:00)
o While Alioto was growing up, his father had a drinking problem, which did not
always manifest itself in pleasant ways (00:00:55:00)
 Alioto’s father worked in a series of different jobs; when he initially got out of the service
following World War II, having served as a fighter pilot in the Marine Corps, he took a
job as an inspector for the city of Dearborn (00:01:05:00)
o After working as an inspector, Alioto’s father held a series of jobs as a salesman
until his death in 1973 (00:01:20:00)
 Alioto attended twelve years of Catholic school in Detroit, followed by (in no particular
order): Henry Ford Community College, Wayne State University, Central Michigan
University, Arizona State University and the University of Michigan (00:01:48:00)
o Alioto attended some of the college before his service in Vietnam, although the
majority came after he left the military (00:02:17:00)
o Alioto graduated from high school in 1966 (00:02:23:00)
 After Alioto graduated from high school, instead of just going straight to college, his
father convinced him that he could work full-time at Ford Motor Company and still go to
school full-time, doing his homework on breaks (00:02:29:00)
o At the time, a man had to be taking twelve credits in order to receive an
educational deferment for the draft (00:02:46:00)
 During his first semester, Alioto ended up taking seventeen credits, which
on top of working full-time, was almost an undoable task (00:02:49:00)
o Alioto initially attended Henry Ford Community College and did relatively well
the first year, maintain around a 2.5 G.P.A. while still working full time at Ford; it
was roughly the same for Alioto during his second year in college (00:03:08:00)
 Although he still had his educational deferment, Alioto was accidentally drafted during
his second year in college (00:03:31:00)
o Alioto called his draft board and explained he had a deferment; the draft board
said that happened all the time and all Alioto needed to do was bring in proof of
the deferment to them (00:03:41:00)
o Even though he said he would bring the proof down, the more Alioto thought
about it, the more he hesitated; the only reason he was in school in the first place
was to avoid going into the service (00:03:50:00)
 However, Alioto had always scored high on the standardized tests in
school, so he knew that if he went into the service, he would test into a

�



clerical position or some other relatively easy position and sail through the
two years of military service (00:04:02:00)
 Earlier, Alioto had applied to the Michigan National Guard; however,
when the Guard called in 1968, Alioto turned them down because he did
not want to go to training at that time (00:04:19:00)
Alioto officially entered the service on June 26th, 1969 (00:04:48:00)
o At the time, Vietnam was up-front in the news and as a college student, Alioto
was very aware of what was happening (00:04:54:00)
 From Alioto’s experience, a significant portion of the other students in
college were there, taking twelve credits, for only one reason, to avoid the
draft (00:05:02:00)
 In order to avoid joining the Army or Marines, men also tended to
join the Reserves or the Air Force or Navy; some men did join the
Army but under the condition that they be allowed to choose their
Military Occupational Specialty (MOS) (00:05:12:00)
o If someone voluntarily enlisted, they had a three-year
enlistment and could choose their MOS; if someone was
drafted, they had a two-year enlistment but were subject to
the will of the military in terms of their MOS (00:05:39:00)
 During Alioto’s junior year in high school, his history teacher gave
Alioto’s class a two-question test; the questions were: What is the capital
of North Vietnam and What is the capital of South Vietnam (00:05:58:00)
 All Alioto could remember was one of the capitals was Hanoi, so
he put that for both and received a 50% on the rest (00:06:17:00)
 However, Alioto’s father was astute and well-read and had warned
Alioto that he did not want to end up having to go to Vietnam to
fight (00:06:39:00)
 Alioto had friends who were in the service in Vietnam and who were
writing letters home (00:07:02:00)
After finally joining the military, Alioto went to Fort Knox, Kentucky for his basic
training; in order to get to Fort Knox, Alioto ended up taking a bus from Fort Wayne in
Detroit (00:07:12:00)
o Once they had arrived, Alioto and between two and four hundred other recruits
were herded into a large auditorium and they all went through their aptitude
testing (00:07:22:00)
 A couple of weeks into the training, Alioto’s training company
commander called Alioto in and told him that Alioto had earned the
highest test scores in the company, about 200 recruits (00:08:01:00)
 As a result of the high test scores, Alioto was even more confident
that he would receive a reasonable MOS; although he might go to
Vietnam, he would not have an assignment that would put him in
harm’s way (00:08:17:00)
o Prior to being drafted, Alioto went through his Army physical around his
nineteenth birthday at Fort Wayne in Detroit (00:08:59:00)

�

During his physical, Alioto did not pay too much attention to whether
other men were trying to cheat and get themselves disqualified from
having to serve (00:09:27:00)
 However, if any of the men really wanted to serve, they could have
enlisted, so if they were doing their physical for the draft, they did
not really want to go (00:09:30:00)
o A lot of the men talked about having bad knees, asthma,
high blood pressure, etc. in order to get themselves
disqualified (00:09:48:00)
 Alioto did not try anything to be disqualified, partially because he
was drafted while still on deferment, so he was not exactly sure if
he would have to serve or not (00:10:32:00)
o Even if he did serve, Alioto was fairly certain that he would
end up with a fairly cushy job (00:10:44:00)
o There were about forty other recruits in Alioto’s training company at Fort Knox
and Alioto could not have met forty nice men (00:11:07:00)
 There were a lot of bright kids in the company, which was not what Alioto
had expected going in (00:11:29:00)
o Nevertheless, the training was demanding and the intensity of the training really
depended on the individual training company commanders; in some training
companies, during the nine-week basic training, the men received up to seven
twenty-four to thirty hour weekend passes (00:11:41:00)
 Conversely, during the nine-week period, Alioto’s training company
ended up receive only one weekend pass, from noon Saturday until six
p.m. Sunday (00:12:09:00)
 Because he arrived at Fort Knox in June, Alioto did not have to worry
about it being cold; Alioto liked this fact because although he could stand
the heat, he did not like the cold (00:12:18:00)
 Having played a lot of sports while he was growing up, the physical rigors
of the training were not a problem for Alioto (00:10:32:00)
 There was a large emphasis placed on discipline and following orders and
pretty much all of the soldiers followed them (00:12:45:00)
 For the small percentage who chose to “fight the system”, the drill
sergeants knew several methods to convince the men to follow the
rules (00:12:52:00)
o One of the most popular methods was for the drill
instructors to punish all the other men in the platoon who
were not acting up, who would in turn dole out their own
punishment (00:13:04:00)
 The facilities that the recruits were using were older but were still nice and
clean, albeit very spartan (00:13:26:00)
 The men would wake up early in the morning and go through PT (physical
training) before going to breakfast; if the men got dirty doing the PT, they
had to go back to the barracks and change into a clean pair of fatigues
before going to breakfast (00:14:06:00)

�



Each of the men were given two pairs of boots, one pair of which
were marked with red dots; the soldiers would not wear the same
pair two days in a row, which forced them to spit-shine the boots
every night (00:14:36:00)
o Most of the training platoons had a head drill sergeant along with three or four
other drill sergeants; some of the drill sergeants were career soldiers but a large
portion were sergeants who had returned from Vietnam and had to finish out their
enlistments (00:15:11:00)
 The head drill sergeant in Alioto’s platoon had already served a couple of
tours in Vietnam in the infantry, was hard-as-nails, and did not tolerate
any nonsense (00:15:42:00)
 When Alioto graduated from the training, the drill sergeant shook
his hand and told Alioto to go home and tell his mother that he had
made her proud (00:15:57:00)
o At the end of basic training, the men lined up in formation and went through
graduation (00:16:21:00)
 While the men were in formation, the various MOS assignments were
given out; eventually, the commanders reached Eleven Bravo Ten and all
the men crossed their fingers and hoped that they would not be assigned to
medics or infantry (00:16:45:00)
 From what Alioto can remember, only a small number were called
for Eleven Bravo Ten, only around eight or so; however, the first
name that was called was “Alioto, Michael” (00:17:08:00)
o Up until that point, Alioto was convinced that he was just
going to coast through a two-year enlistment (00:17:24:00)
The gravity of his situation hit Alioto the following day, when he and the other Eleven
Bravo Tens flew from Fort Knox to Fort Polk, Louisiana, which was colloquially known
as “Tigerland” (00:17:48:00)
o All the soldiers who went to training at Fort Polk knew their odds of going to
Vietnam were immense (00:17:56:00)
o One of the reasons basic training was relatively easy was that some of the men in
the training with Alioto were National Guardsmen and Reservists (00:18:32:00)
 However, when Alioto arrived at Fort Polk, out of the two hundred men in
his training company, he believes all of them were draftees (00:18:45:00)
 A large portion of Alioto’s training company were either Southern
whites or Southern blacks and because that was the era of the Civil
Rights movement, there was a tremendous amount of hatred from
the Southern blacks towards the Southern whites (00:18:57:00)
o From Fort Polk until the end of his time in the service,
whenever he arrived in a new area, Alioto was told about
where to go and when to go in large groups (00:19:27:00)
 In a sense, it was code that if someone was planning
to go to the areas where black soldiers tend to hang
out, either don’t go or go in a large group
(00:19:43:00)

�

All the men at Fort Polk knew where they would be going, knew
what they would be doing when they got there and knew there was
a very good chance they could be wounded or killed (00:19:58:00)
 A lot of the men were unhappy they had to be at Fort Polk, given what
training their signified, which made the mood very dissimilar from what
Alioto had experience during basic training (00:20:30:00)
 As much as he had enjoyed the training at Fort Knox, Alioto
disliked the training at Fort Polk (00:20:39:00)
o For the most part, the training at Fort Polk was a replication of the training Alioto
had received at Fort Knox; during basic training, almost everyone trained to be an
infantryman, although not all of them would be regular infantry (00:20:47:00)
 Once at Fort Polk, all the recruits trained with M-16 rifles, M-60 machine
guns, LAWs (Light Anti-Tank Weapons), etc., as well as anything else
that was combat-related, such as in-the-field medical training and a lot of
night training (00:21:06:00)
 A lot of the men skipped out on the night training; the training was much
more chaotic at Fort Polk and a lot of the men figured out that when the
men got on the buses at two in the morning to return to base, the
instructors did not take a roll-call (00:21:24:00)
 A lot of the men, Alioto included, would be marching to the buses
to go out to night training and as soon as they could, they would
drop out of the line and go do something else with a couple of
friends (00:21:44:00)
 A large amount of the training was replication of what the men had
already learned and there was only so many times the soldiers
could do the same things without being bored (00:22:04:00)
 One part of the training was combat courses where the men were
taken into the field and told to march three miles to a location;
meanwhile, instructors would be all along the route trying to catch
the men and if they did catch any, the instructors would “torture”
the men to see if they would learn any information (00:22:14:00)
o A portion of the men figured that the best way not to be
caught was to not go out in the first place (00:22:32:00)
 Although they did manage to occasionally get out of the night training, the
men still had to go through training during the day, so they did not miss
much (00:22:50:00)
 Instead of being a nine-week basic training course, the training at
Fort Polk was like an eighteen-week basic training course
(00:22:55:00)
 Given Fort Polk’s location in the swamps of Louisiana, the terrain and
weather were comparable to what the men would eventually experience in
Vietnam (00:23:05:00)
o Despite the training Alioto and the men received, one of the first things they were
told when they arrived in Vietnam by the men who had already been deployed
was to just watch the veterans and do what they do; after a couple of months, the
new guys would know everything they needed to do to survive (00:23:37:00)

�







The training at Fort Polk was strictly about getting the soldiers combatready for Vietnam (00:24:03:00)
o The training at Fort Polk lasted for another eight or nine weeks, although unlike
the training at Fort Knox, the men had weekend passes every single weekend and
Alioto would take the passes and go into a small nearby town with three other
soldiers (00:24:15:00)
Once Alioto finished at Fort Polk, he was supposed to go to Vietnam; however, he
decided to attempt to go through more specialized training, with the hopes that when he
finished that, the Army would re-issue him orders and send him to Korea or someplace
other than Vietnam (00:24:55:00)
o Therefore, after Fort Polk, Alioto went to Fort Benning, Georgia for specialized
training, although the training turned out to be almost another nine weeks of basic
training (00:25:14:00)
o When Alioto went from Fort Polk to Fort Benning, he was given a pass and soon
after he arrived at Fort Benning, the soldiers were given a two-week pass to go
home for Christmas (00:25:26:00)
Alioto finished the training at Fort Benning in March, the Army re-issued him orders, and
still sent him to Vietnam; all Alioto had done was delay the inevitable (00:25:44:00)
o The advanced training consisted of more infantry training; although there was
some leadership training, it was not to the level of NCO (non-commissioned
officer school) school (00:25:54:00)
o Throughout Alioto’s entire training, the instructors pushed him to go through
officer training (00:26:23:00)
 At the time, there were three different OCS (Officer Candidate School)
programs: Artillery at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, Engineering at Fort Belvoir,
Virginia, and Infantry at Fort Benning (00:26:36:00)
 Alioto told the instructors that he would extend his enlistment for a year
and go through OCS if and only if they could guarantee that he would go
through engineering OCS (00:26:45:00)
 However, there was not a need for soldiers to go through
Engineering OCS (00:26:56:00)
When Alioto finished the advanced training at Fort Benning, he received another leave
home and returned home around Easter (00:27:17:00)
o While Alioto was on leave, his family went snowmobiling in the northern part of
Michigan, Alioto got a little reckless and drove his snowmobile into a tree; Alioto
was thrown from the snowmobile but his feet got caught and he initially assumed
that he had broken a leg (00:27:28:00)
 Alioto laid in the snow, actually hoping that he had broken one of his legs;
however, it was only bruised (00:27:44:00)

Deployment to Vietnam (00:27:58:00)
 When he actually deployed, Alioto first traveled to Fort Dix, New Jersey and from Fort
Dix, he flew first to Alaska and to either Tokyo or Manila before arriving at Bien Hoa Air
Force Base, which was just outside of Saigon (00:27:58:00)

�o Once he was at Bien Hoa, Alioto was placed into a massive holding area with
other soldiers who had just arrived in-country; at that point, Alioto still did not
even know what division he would be joining (00:28:21:00)
o When Alioto arrived at Bien Hoa, it was around mid-to-late morning and his first
impressions of Vietnam were how oppressive and enveloping the weather was
and how secure the surrounding area was (00:28:39:00)
 In part of his mind, Alioto believed that he was going to get off the airliner
and immediately have to start ducking enemy gunfire (00:29:01:00)
o From Bien Hoa, Alioto and the other soldiers were bused to Long Binh, where
they stayed while they waited to be assigned to a unit (00:29:06:00)
 Typically, the men had to wait three or four days before they received
their individual assignments; while they waited, the men would go to bars
at night and played basketball during the day (00:29:26:00)
 While waiting on the base, some of the men were assigned to do guardduty at night, which was a scare experience for them; although Alioto
looks back and realizes it was extremely safe, he was still new in-country
and feared there was an enemy in every bush (00:29:57:00)
o Every day, the men would go out and look at a large board to see if their name
was up their; one day, Alioto saw his own name and next to it, it said “Phu Bai”
(00:30:26:00)
 Alioto did not know what Phu Bai was, so he asked someone what it was
and the other soldier said Alioto was not going to like it; when Alioto
asked why, he was told that Phu Bai meant he was assigned to the 101st
Airborne Division (00:30:39:00)
(00:30:58:00) – (00:32:42:00) : Technical Difficulties
o In order to get to the 101st Airborne, Alioto flew aboard a C-130 transport from
Long Binh to Phu Bai; once in Phu Bai, Alioto was assigned to the 1st Battalion of
the 501st Airborne Regiment (00:31:56:00)
 Once Alioto was assigned to a company within the battalion, he met the
company first sergeant, was sent to the company supply sergeant, given
his equipment, and told to go to a helipad the following morning, so he
could be taken out to his company (00:32:42:00)
 Prior to when Alioto arrived at the battalion area, his company had been
involved in serious fighting with the enemy and was down in manpower;
therefore, when Alioto went into the field, he went with three other
soldiers to a join 2nd Platoon, Bravo Company (00:33:07:00)
o When Alioto joined his platoon, they were operating in very mountainous terrain,
in either the A Shau Valley or an area contiguous to the A Shau (00:33:27:00)
 Alioto’s battalion did not have a set area-of-operation but were passed
around the division’s area-of-operation; this meant that ever five or six
days, the men were moving to a new firebase (00:33:57:00)
 When they first arrived at the platoon, Alioto and the other replacement
soldiers received a very poor reception from the other solders already in
the platoon (00:34:11:00)

�



When Alioto got off the helicopter, the platoon was actually
involved in a small fire-fight and the first words the four men
heard were “Get Down, A******” (00:34:18:00)
 Alioto dove behind a nearby log and from what he can remember,
nobody approached him for around three hours; all Alioto
remembers think was if that was a daily occurrence, how could
anyone make it for 365 days (00:34:33:00)
 After the first day, nobody was warm to the new soldiers; more than
anything else, Alioto attributes the cold reception to the immaturity of
twenty-year-olds (00:35:00:00)
o After two weeks, Alioto and the other new soldiers were not receiving all that
much more respect from the other soldiers; after one month, there was more
respect and after two months, Alioto and the others were considered veterans in
the platoon (00:35:15:00)
 Alioto never forgot the experience, so when he became a “veteran”, he
was always welcoming to any new soldiers (00:35:29:00)
o It was an uncomfortable experience for Alioto when he was a new guy; it was bad
enough that he was over there but the weather was traumatic and the mission the
men had to do were tiring (00:35:45:00)
In the year Alioto was with his platoon, the platoon never once did operations from a
firebase; instead, the platoon remained in the field, constantly doing search-and-destroy
missions (00:36:28:00)
o Initially, there were twenty-five men in the platoon, although if there was a lot of
combat, that number could be whittled down to as few as sixteen; conversely, if
the platoon was re-supplied and kept up regularly and did not face combat for an
extended period, that number got as high as thirty-one or thirty-two (00:36:38:00)
o On a typical day, the men would wake up in the morning, march through an area,
and to set up camps on any of the higher hills in the area (00:36:54:00)
 When set-up the camp, the platoon would set up on a trail, ring their entire
area with flares and claymore mines, and set out two guard posts, one at
either end of the trail, each supported by a squad (00:37:11:00)
 Although they were in the field, most of the men were asleep by
eight o’clock (00:37:35:00)
 The men never dug in once and for the most part, they never set-up any
protection over their heads; if it was raining, they would make tents out of
their ponchos (00:37:54:00)
 During the night, one man would be awake and on-guard from eight
o’clock until nine o’clock, when he woke up another man; the cycle
repeated every hour (00:38:15:00)
 In the morning, the men would wake up, one of their squads would
leaving their heavy equipment with the rest of the platoon and go into the
jungle for a three- or four-hour patrol (00:38:32:00)
 The patrol would return around noon, eat lunch, and the entire platoon
would saddle up, to move out, stopping and setting up another position
around six o’clock in the evening (00:38:46:00)

�





For the most part, if the soldiers did find any enemy forces, it was
almost always accidental (00:39:04:00)
o Every seven or eight weeks, the soldiers were pulled out of the field for about six
days (00:39:17:00)
 On Christmas Eve, 1970, the men received a hot meal; however, it was
only mostaccioli without any meat and Alioto would have just as soon
eaten regular C-rations (00:39:34:00)
 During the entire year, Alioto received two beers, which also came out on
Christmas Eve (00:39:52:00)
 When the opportunity presented itself, Alioto was one of the men selected
from his unit to go see a Bob Hope comedy show; however, because his
platoon was a in bad area, they were unable to get a helicopter in to get
Alioto out and he ended up missing the show (00:40:05:00)
o For the most part, the things the soldiers did on a daily basis was very repetitive,
search-and-destroy patrols day-after-day-after-day (00:40:29:00)
During the first couple of months Alioto was in the battalion, the battalion moved on a
nearly regular basis, shifting to a new position every six or seven days (00:40:42:00)
o At one point, Alioto tried to figure out how many times the battalion moved and
from what he counted, it was seventy-eight times (00:41:03:00)
o The reason why the battalion moved so much was there thirteen total battalions in
the division and Alioto’s battalion was frequently used as support for whichever
battalion was involved in the worst fighting (00:41:17:00)
o Alioto’s battalion remained the “bastard battalion” for about six months and he
remembers one night that information was passed around that the battalion was
finally going to receive an area-of-operations (00:41:34:00)
o Soon after, the battalion was given the AO (Area-of-Operations) that surrounding
Firebase Birmingham, which was the “cushiest” area-of-operations that the 101st
Airborne had (00:41:51:00)
 The way Alioto looks at it, the battalion receiving the AO around
Birmingham was a “make-up” for all the stuff that the battalion had gone
through in the first six months he was there (00:42:01:00)
o The battalion ended up staying at Firebase Birmingham for around three months
and although the men were still operating in the field, it was much easier than
what they had been doing (00:42:14:00)
 Birmingham was a very large firebase and when the men spent six days
there, it was almost like a vacation (00:42:33:00)
 At the time, Birmingham had 175mm artillery guns stationed on it, which
were massive guns; as far as Alioto is aware, Birmingham was the only
firebase in Vietnam to have 175mm guns (00:43:17:00)
 The men were on the firebase over Thanksgiving and were able to have a
traditional Thanksgiving dinner with turkey, dressing, etc.; while on the
firebase for Thanksgiving was the only time Alioto ever saw a “Doughnut
Dolly”, an American girl who worked for the Red Cross (00:43:29:00)
Alioto clearly remembers his first firefight, mostly because the platoon “ran into a buzz
saw”; over a four-day period, the platoon suffered thirteen casualties out of the twentyfive soldiers, with three killed and ten wounded (00:44:05:00)

�


o For the most part, the wounded came as the result of friendly fire from American
artillery (00:44:22:00)
o Math had always been a strong-suit for Alioto but it did not take much to figure
out that if his platoon lost over half its strength in only four days, it did not bode
well for him going forward (00:45:56:00)
o Still, out of all the combat Alioto saw, there were only three other times where the
fighting was as gruesome as those first four days (00:45:16:00)
o In Alioto’s platoon, the platoon lost well over 100% of its soldiers, either
wounded or killed; from what Alioto can figure, approximately half of the
platoon’s casualties were a result of friendly fire (00:45:38:00)
 At one point, mortars were called in to assist the platoon but they ended up
landing on the platoon’s position; Alioto still gets chills thinking about the
sound that the mortar rounds made, which shows just how close the mortar
rounds were (00:46:06:00)
 During his tour, Alioto had two other soldiers die in his arms
(00:47:24:00)
 In one case, the soldier was a fairly new, having only been in the
field for a couple of weeks, and had not gotten himself fully
acclimated to being in the field (00:47:39:00)
o Alioto has always felt a little responsible for the soldier’s
death because Alioto had told the soldier to go help bring
back some water from the base of a hill (00:47:43:00)
 The hills were extremely large and tough to climb;
Alioto had gone through nearly nine months of
training and even he was not in shape to climb up
and down the hills (00:47:57:00)
o The platoon went out on patrol and all of sudden, the
soldier snapped and started waving his gun around, saying
there were NVA; the other soldiers had never seen him act
this way, so they thought he was trying to get a psychotic
discharge (00:48:55:00)
o All of a sudden, the soldier started breathing oddly and
although the other soldiers tried everything they could,
there was nothing they could do (00:49:13:00)
o That particular soldier’s death was the only time Alioto saw
someone die without being wounded by a bullet or artillery
or mortar round (00:49:35:00)
Alioto actually went into the field in April of 1970 (00:49:54:00)
During his first couple of months in the field, Alioto had never heard of Firebase
Ripcord, although as far as he knows, he might have come within several miles of the
firebase (00:50:24:00)
o At one point, his unit was flown into an LZ (Landing Zone), LZ Kelly, but was
socked in by bad weather, which prevented even re-supply helicopters from
coming in (00:50:38:00)

�

It eventually reached the point where the men were literally out of food;
the unit had a scout dog and there were a lot of jokes about killing and
eating the dog (00:50:56:00)
o Once the unit finally made it out of LZ Kelly, they were moved to an AO near
series of firebases adjacent to the South China Sea; on the 4th of July, the men
were taken onto one of the firebases, Firebase Tomahawk, and were treated to a
steak cookout (00:51:06:00)
o After Firebase Tomahawk, Alioto’s unit went for a stand-down, the first it had
had since May (00:52:01:00)
 Whenever he was not in the field, Alioto was a heavy beer drinker and a
big card player, and he remembers that by around six in the morning on
the third day of the stand-down, he was playing cards when someone came
in and told he and the other men to saddle-up because one of the other
battalions was being hit (00:52:12:00)
 Even though he was still drunk, Alioto got his gear and went out to the
helipad (00:53:06:00)
 Eventually, the men were flown out to an in-active firebase about four or
five kilometers away from Firebase Ripcord called Firebase Gladiator
(00:53:23:00)
o Once there, the men began rebuilding Gladiator; as they rebuilt the firebase,
Alioto realized the gravity of the situation because that was the first time he had
ever seen any officer in the field above the rank of captain (00:53:41:00)
 There were two generals on the firebase and Alioto remembers that as the
men were digging in, the generals walked up; although most of the men
stopped and saluted, Alioto did not and kept digging (00:54:03:00)
 Another officer with the generals asked if Alioto did not know how
to salute and Alioto replied that he did not have time to salute;
when he said that, one of the generals commented and said that
Alioto was a smart soldier (00:54:32:00)
 Later in the day, the Vietnamese began walking mortar rounds up the hill
where Gladiator was located and when Alioto ran to one of the only areas
that had been dug in, he found it so full of soldiers, there was no place to
go (00:54:50:00)
 Instead, Alioto laid on the top of the hill, without any cover or
anything, and to try to keep his mind distracted, he read a small
copy of The Good, The Bad, and The Ugly (00:55:06:00)
 The men continued rebuilding Gladiator, with heavy engineers eventually
called in to remove tree-stumps (00:55:45:00)
 At the time, Alioto’s platoon had a young, eager 1st Lieutenant and at one
point, when the commanders wanted one of the platoons to fly from
Gladiator to fly off the firebase and support Ripcord, the Lieutenant
volunteered Alioto’s platoon (00:56:09:00)
 The Lieutenant figured it was safer to be supporting Ripcord than
to be on Gladiator, which was sure to be hit by enemy mortar
rounds every night (00:56:41:00)

�

o Although the Lieutenant may have been right, Alioto would
have rather stayed on Gladiator (00:56:46:00)
 At the time, Alioto was carrying an M-60 machine gun as his
weapon and traditionally, whenever his platoon moved, one of the
platoon’s two M-60s and one of the platoon’s medics were always
in the first helicopter (00:56:55:00)
o The two M-60s alternated who went on the first helicopter
and when the platoon moved to support Ripcord, it was
Alioto’s turn to be on the first helicopter (00:57:19:00)
 As the helicopter was flying into the area around Ripcord, it was
shot down; the helicopter was hover about thirty feet to land and
the enemy gunfire knocked the rotors off, which caused the
helicopter to drop like a rock (00:57:48:00)
 Apart from Alioto, there were four other soldiers on the helicopter,
plus a pilot, co-pilot, and two door gunners and when the
helicopter crashed, Alioto was the only one of the nine who was
not injured (00:58:09:00)
o They were unable to send in a second helicopter because
Alioto’s helicopter was still burning and cooking off
ammunition (00:58:21:00)
o The medic was doing his best to help people although he
was injured and Alioto’s ammunition carrier was hurt
severely (00:58:32:00)
o Eventually, other medical personnel made it into the crash
site and managed to medi-vac the wounded, although
Alioto’s ammunition carrier, the medic, and one of the
other soldiers never returned to the field (00:59:04:00)
 Even though they were clearly in a dangerous area, Alioto and the
other men in the platoon were not allowed to leave until a special
group from the rear area came out to investigate the helicopter
crash wreckage to see what exactly had happened (00:59:34:00)
 While the men waited, they moved off the landing zone and took
up a position on a nearby hill; the men knew that the enemy knew
they were there but they did not know how many men the enemy
had to use (01:00:01:00)
o The men began doing patrols and spent the following night
on the same hill, which was something the men almost
never did (01:00:28:00)
o The platoon eventually stayed on the same hilltop for three
or four nights but never saw another enemy after the
helicopter was shot down (01:00:46:00)
o After three or four days, an inspection team still never
came to look at the crash wreckage (01:01:26:00)
The triple canopy jungle where the platoon was operating was so immense that a large
enemy force could only be a couple of miles away but it might have been comparable to
being a state away (01:02:01:00)

�

o For the most part, the men almost never encountered signs indicating enemy
soldiers (01:02:35:00)
o The soldiers were very regimented in terms of making sure they did not leave
anything behind, so whenever they would move positions, they would try to make
it seem as though no one had been there (01:02:48:00)
o Whenever the platoon hit combat, it was because they had walked into the
fighting or, during the first six months, they were flown into an area to support
another unit (01:03:22:00)
 For the first six months, there was a lot of combat, followed by three
months of little combat and three months of intense fighting when Alioto’s
battalion was moved out of the area in and around the A Shau and north to
an area near the DMZ (01:03:53:00)
While his platoon was near the DMZ, Alioto ended up going on an all-night patrol with
just six other soldiers along the South China Sea, just south of the DMZ (01:04:38:00)
o During the patrol, the soldiers watched as what looked like an old school bus
drove across the DMZ and dropped off around forty enemy soldiers
(01:04:44:00)
o Although they could have bombarded the enemy soldiers, the men on the patrol
made the decision not to and the enemy group eventually marched off to the west,
away from the South China Sea (01:05:18:00)
o It was interesting that because they were operating in the same area for nine or ten
months, the soldiers became acclimated to that area and although the area near the
DMZ might have been safer than the A Shau Valley, the area was not as
comfortable for Alioto (01:05:53:00)
 After his first month in-country, Alioto considered re-enlisting the Army
just so he could receive a new MOS (Military Occupational Specialty) and
after two months, he would have never left his platoon (01:06:40:00)

Misc. Reflections (01:07:21:00)
 From Alioto’s experience, there were three types of officers: those who had gone
through OCS, those who had gone through West Point, and those who had gone through
an ROTC program (01:07:21:00)
o On a scale of one to ten, the officers who had gone through OCS were all tens,
while West Point officers were often mediocre at best and the ROTC officers
were a joke (01:07:32:00)
o Officers rotated more quickly than enlisted personnel and during his twelve
month tour, Alioto’s platoon had five different 1st Lieutenants; still, the platoon
never had a 1st Lieutenant who was not very good (01:08:24:00)
 As the lieutenants rotated, it always seemed as if the replacement was
smart enough to go to the sergeants and other veterans in the platoon to
ask for advice and assistance (01:09:13:00)
 None of the lieutenants had the attitude that they were the officer
and the other soldiers should defer to them (01:09:32:00)
o Often, even with the sergeants, if an E-6 (Staff Sergeant) who had never been in
combat came into the field and worked with a pair of E-4s (Corporals) who had
been in the field six months, the E-6 deferred to the E-4s (01:10:38:00)

�





Alioto would characterize the morale of the platoon was phenomenal; all of the men got
along and although there were occasionally petty arguments, there was never anything
physical (01:11:14:00)
o For the most part, the ethnicity of the soldiers in the platoon were white; there was
never a large contingent of black soldiers in the platoon, with the most being only
three or four (01:11:36:00)
 Nevertheless, whenever the unit was not in the field, Alioto could always
sense a racial tension (01:12:47:00)
 When Alioto was working in the Ford factories prior to his service, the
racial divide in some of the areas was almost fifty/fifty; as well, playing
sports while growing up had given Alioto experience in being around
black people (01:13:08:00)
 However, for the soldiers who had come from the northern
suburbs, they had zero experience with black people; these soldiers
tended to make comments, such as their best friend being black,
that the black soldiers saw right through (01:13:38:00)
 While Alioto was in a training, there was one point when a couple
of black recruits in the unit went to one of the white National
Guardsmen in the unit and asked what state he was from and what
he did in the National Guard there (01:14:29:00)
o As the recruits talked, one of the black recruits snapped his
fingers and said, “Oh, I know, you guys kill n****** don’t
you” (01:15:06:00)
Something Alioto hopes will change about the American public’s perception of the
soldier in Vietnam was that he was sitting in the field, high on drugs (01:16:20:00)
o In his twelve months in the field, Alioto never once saw an incident of anyone
ever using drugs (01:16:32:00)
 There was a sense of responsibility amongst the soldiers and they knew
that there was no way they could be doing what they were doing if they
were high (01:16:44:00)
 That being said, whenever the platoon went on a stand-down, as soon as
the men were out of the field, one group would go wherever they needed
to go to get a beer while another group went wherever they needed to go
to get drugs (01:17:01:00)
o From what Alioto saw, the drug use amongst the soldiers was largely restricted to
the rear area(s), which happened to be where the bulk of the soldiers in Vietnam
were stationed (01:17:48:00)
Alioto’s platoon almost always had a Vietnamese scout assigned to it (01:18:16:00)
o However, given the types of operations that the 101st Airborne was operating at
the time, working in the triple canopy jungle, Alioto never once saw a Vietnamese
village (01:18:32:00)
 If the men saw human life, it was either an American soldier or an enemy
soldier (01:18:56:00)
o Still, there was a large contingent of Vietnamese civilians who worked in the rear
area(s) and by and large, Alioto got along great with them (01:19:07:00)

�




Alioto never had concerns that the Vietnamese working on the bases were
enemy personnel (01:19:46:00)
The experience of the soldiers in the field was so strong that just the experience of getting
out of the field for six or seven days on a stand-down was more enjoyable than a week’s
vacation in Florida (01:19:52:00)
Alioto was fortunate enough to receive an R&amp;R (Rest and Recuperation) to Bangkok,
Thailand in the middle of his tour; even better for Alioto, he ended up receiving a nineday R&amp;R instead of the standard seven-day (01:20:25:00)
o Alioto took his R&amp;R in September and in the following January, his company
received a new First Sergeant (01:20:47:00)
 Several years before Alioto deployed, a band named the Hollywood
Argyles had release a song titles “Alley Oop” and for the majority of his
tour, Alioto was called “Oop” by the other soldiers (01:20:56:00)
o Eventually, the new First Sergeant came up and asked if Alioto had been on R&amp;R
yet; almost immediately, Alioto formulated a complete thought and said he had
not (01:21:34:00)
 Alioto decided to drag it out for a little bit and the First Sergeant
eventually said that Alioto’s best friend in platoon was going to Hawaii on
R&amp;R and there was an extra spot open (01:22:18:00)
 At the time, the in-demand R&amp;R spot was Australia but soldiers
had to wait eight or nine months to receive an R&amp;R there
(01:22:55:00)
o Alioto ended up going to Hawaii with his friend, who was trying to convince his
wife, who had sent him a Dear John letter, to come meet him (01:23:15:00)
 There were a large portion of men in Alioto’s platoon who were married
and many of whom had married only a month or two before they
deployed; from what Alioto can remember, almost half of the married men
ended up receiving a Dear John letter (01:23:29:00)
 When Alioto and his friend arrived in Hawaii, they got a hotel room for
cheap and the friend got in contact with his wife, who was at a bowling
alley at the time (01:24:00:00)
 The wife said that she was not going to come to Hawaii and about
a minute later, she said that she had to go because it was her turn to
bowl (01:24:44:00)
 When the wife said that, the friend slammed the phone down and swore at
the wife before ripping the phone off the wall (01:25:37:00)
 Meanwhile, Alioto was hoping to find the first girl he could and
strike up a conversation between her and the friend (01:26:25:00)
 The two eventually went to a bar and came across a group of four girls,
who they started talking with; however, one of the girls eventually
mentioned that her father was in the military, which set the friend off
again (01:26:42:00)
 Around three in the morning, the two made it back to the hotel and Alioto
passed out, only to be woke by someone shaking his shoulder; when he
opened his eyes, he saw it was a black prostitute that his friend had gone

�



out and hired for him by way of apology for messing up the evening
(01:27:19:00)
When Alioto first arrived at Bravo company at the beginning of the tour, there was a
black First Sergeant who interviewed him (01:28:38:00)
o The two men hit it off and as it turned out, because Alioto had the highest test
scores out of anyone in the company, the First Sergeant offered Alioto the
company position when the current company clerk rotated home (01:28:49:00)
o After the soldiers were pulled off of LZ Kelly, they were flown into some lowlands, where it was warm and sunny and they were told to take off their boots and
socks to dry them out (01:30:01:00)
 All the soldiers had jungle rot on their feet and for Alioto, for almost a
year after his tour, he had to take his shoes off and leave them outside
because they would stink so bad (01:30:28:00)
 As the men were drying off, the company medic was walking around,
checking the soldiers’ feet and when he got to Alioto, he said Alioto had
the worst case of trench foot he had ever seen (01:31:14:00)
 In reality, Alioto did not have trench foot; he had just been laying
in the sun for so long that his feet were sunburned (01:31:28:00)
 The medic sent Alioto back to the rear area with two other soldiers
to see a doctor and when the doctor saw them, he said there was
nothing wrong with their feet (01:31:35:00)
 Alioto talked with the first sergeant, who told him to take a helicopter out
to his unit; however, Alioto knew how disorganized everything was in the
rear, so he figured he could get away with spending a couple of days in the
rear and nobody would be the wiser (01:31:52:00)
 After a couple of days, Alioto finally took a helicopter out to where his
company was supposed to be, around Firebase Bastogne; however, none
of the company was there (01:32:29:00)
 When Alioto finally caught up to the company a day or two later, nobody
said anything (01:33:03:00)
o Eventually, when the company made it to Firebase Tomahawk, the first sergeant
flew out and called in Alioto to talk (01:33:22:00)
 When Alioto walked into the hooch where the first sergeant was, he
remembers the first sergeant waging his finger and saying that Alioto was
not going to be the company clerk (01:33:48:00)
 When the first sergeant said that, Alioto realized that he had traded
two days for eight months; however, as it turned out, it was
probably for the best because Alioto was a better soldier in the
field than out of it (01:34:04:00)
Carrying the M-60 was exhausting work and when Alioto first joined the company,
another soldier was carrying the machine gun; however, the soldier said that the next time
a big soldier came in, he was passing off the M-60 and as it turned out, that soldier was
Alioto (01:34:43:00)
o Once Alioto managed to pass the M-60 onto someone else, the remainder of his
tour was much more palatable (01:35:32:00)

�








In total, there were only five or six major fights that Alioto was involved with during his
entire tour in which his unit suffered significant casualties (01:36:08:00)
o Alioto’s unit never once had a situation where the enemy tried to probe their
position and/or send sappers against them (01:37:20:00)
o Alioto’s unit did encounter enemy bunker complexes but it was always after the
enemy had gone; the men would often take a hill and it would be obvious that
there had been an enemy position there (01:38:01:00)
 During one time, the unit finally managed to take a hill that they had been
attacking for around four days (01:38:56:00)
 One of the first men at the time of the hill dropped some grenades
into a hole, thinking there might be some Vietnamese hiding in
them (01:39:04:00)
 Instead, the hole turned out to be a Vietnamese latrine that
proceeded to explode straight up and cover the soldier in feces
(01:39:17:00)
o It was May, which meant the weather was getting warmer
and the soldier had no way of getting the stench off apart
from canteens of water (01:39:31:00)
o The platoon eventually went down a day or two later and
the soldier cleaned himself off in a pond (01:39:39:00)
80% of the time, the soldiers ate C-Rations while in the field while the other 20% were
LRP (Long-Range Patrol) rations; Alioto himself always carried a bottle of Tabasco
sauce and made sure his food was drenched in it (01:40:14:00)
o For the most part, Alioto tried to eat the same three meals as much as possible;
whenever they were re-supplied, the men took turns pulling out meals and if any
of his meals were there, Alioto took them (01:40:41:00)
 The men were re-supplied every four days, so Alioto typically carried
eight meals on him, as well as thirteen quarts of water (01:41:08:00)
 After a re-supply, Alioto was usually carrying about 100lbs of equipment
and supplies and by the time the next re-supply came in, he was down to
around 60lbs (01:41:15:00)
Alioto was only wounded once in the field, when he was nicked by a piece of shrapnel
from an American artillery round (01:42:16:00)
o As weird as it sounds, a large portion of the men who were injured in Alioto’s
unit were injured either marching up or down the mountains (01:42:32:00)
Alioto never counted down the days he had left until he got out of the field; he always
knew the day and roughly how many months he had left but that was it (01:44:27:00)
Because of the incident where he stayed in the rear area longer than he should have,
Alioto was not taken out of the field when it came close to the time when he would go
home (01:44:43:00)
o When the time came for Alioto to leave, he was pulled out of the field and began
going through out-processing; however, the soldier who was doing the outprocessing said there was a mistake because Alioto still had three weeks left in the
field (01:44:52:00)

�o Alioto went to the company first sergeant and told him what had happened; when
the first sergeant told him to go to the helicopter pad to rejoin the company,
Alioto refused to (01:45:07:00)
o Eventually, Alioto was given the job of escorting a prisoner from the base to a
base in Da Nang (01:45:23:00)
 Once in Da Nang, Alioto met up with some Air Force personnel who he
had met during his R&amp;R and he stayed at their barracks for two weeks;
when he finally made it back to the unit, the first sergeant asked where he
had been and Alioto merely said that he could not get a helicopter for the
ride back (01:45:52:00)
End of Enlistment / Post-Military Life (01:46:11:00)
 Once Alioto finally left Vietnam, he did not have much time remaining on his enlistment;
he returned home in March 1971 and was discharged in August 1971 (01:46:11:00)
o During the last remaining months of his enlistment, Alioto was mostly stationed
at Fort Sheridan, Illinois, although for two months he was stationed at an Army
base in Germany (01:46:18:00)
 When he arrived in Germany, Alioto asked if there was any way that he
could be assigned to a job in the rear area; eventually, Alioto was given an
assignment was an MP (Military Police Officer) (01:47:11:00)
 When Alioto reported for the duty, the commanding officer said
that before Alioto could go out on an assignment, he needed to
have a German driver’s license (01:47:32:00)
 Alioto took the test and flunked it on purpose so that he would not
have any assignment; ergo, until the next test, Alioto had nothing
to do except read, watch movies, and go to local bars
(01:47:58:00)
o Alioto ended up flunking the exam the second time he took
it as well (01:48:52:00)
 Once he was back in the United States, Alioto went to Fort Sheridan and
bided his time until his enlistment was over (01:49:04:00)
 Alioto got out of the Army on August 24th and was back working at a Ford plant just after
Labor Day (01:49:34:00)
o After he was out of the Army, Alioto had a little bit of a chip on his shoulder; if
he drank too much, he would occasionally be a little obnoxious with some of his
friends (01:49:47:00)
 Alioto figures that part of it was he did not know anyone else who had
gone through the same experiences he had (01:50:03:00)
 During Alioto’s first night home, he was sleeping in one of his sister’s
rooms and when he woke up in the middle of the night, he saw a
Styrofoam and immediately thought it was an enemy soldier; he started
yelling and both his parents had to come in to settle him down
(01:50:19:00)
 Alioto figures it did not take much more than a year for him to become
acclimated to civilian life (01:51:12:00)

�

o Alioto did not receive much in the way of a negative reception when he returned
home (01:51:22:00)
 At one point, Alioto was hitch-hiking from Fort Sheridan and was picked
up by a group of hippies (01:51:28:00)
o When Alioto returned from Vietnam, he first flew into Fort Lewis, Washington,
then to Detroit Metro Airport, and he hitch-hiked home from there (01:51:47:00)
 Once Alioto got home, he went into his house, took a shower, put on
civilian clothes, and walked to where his mom was working; when he
arrived, he told the secretary to tell his mom that the man she had met in
the bar the night before was there to take her to lunch (01:52:26:00)
 The secretary called Alioto’s mother, who worked on the second
floor of the building and when she came out, Alioto thought she
was going to fall over the railing (01:52:47:00)
o For Alioto, it was not so much that anybody treated him poorly; instead, what
bothered him was mostly that people did not acknowledge what he had done,
apart from his family (01:53:14:00)
 Alioto’s younger sister had gotten him a membership to the VFW;
however, when Alioto went there for a beer, he received a very frosty
reception from the World War II veterans (01:53:32:00)
Alioto worked for Ford off-and-on through 1978, when he was laid off during the oil
embargo, at which point he attended Arizona State University (01:54:23:00)
o In 1976, Alioto met a young man in a bar who worked as a businessman/trader
and the two eventually became roommates; for three years, the friend pushed
Alioto to get into what the friend was doing but Alioto did not have enough selfconfidence to do that type of work (01:54:46:00)
o Eventually, Alioto did go in for an interview with the friend’s manager, who said
that in two months, he would hire Alioto (01:55:37:00)
o Alioto told the friend what the manager had said and the friend suggested Alioto
go for another interview at one of the firm’s other offices; (01:55:52:00)
 Alioto went to the second interview and when asked, he said his sales
experiences was limited to selling newspapers and golf balls; when the
manager asked how Alioto did selling the newspapers and Alioto told him,
the manager said he wanted Alioto to take an aptitude test (01:56:08:00)
 Alioto took the test and answered all one hundred questions
(addition of fractions) on the test and took another test where he
had to write as many words as he could that began with the letter
“T” in the three minutes (01:56:46:00)
 The firm sent Alioto’s test to be graded and when it came back, he went in
and the manager said that although the company was going to hire him, it
was not going to be in sales (01:57:10:00)
 When Alioto asked why, the manager said they had never seen
anyone score so high on the aptitude tests and they feared Alioto
was not going to be able to work with everybody; Alioto pointed
out that he had spent ten years between the Army and working for
Ford and had gotten along with everyone (01:57:24:00)

�

o As it turned out, after he took the job, Alioto eventually ended up becoming the
number one person in the entire firm (01:58:18:00)
Alioto believes that the time he spent as an infantryman made him extremely secure in
himself (01:59:15:00)
o A lot of people have asked Alioto how he could endure being in combat for a year
and Alioto’s answer was that his parents did a great job raising him, the Army did
a great job training him, and he acclimated to anything (01:59:31:00)
 Alioto knew that if he was able to go through Vietnam and acclimate to
that, he could acclimate to anything (02:00:02:00)
o Looking back, if he was twenty years old and had to do it again, Alioto would
serve (02:00:02:00)

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                    <text>Interested in Alison Bechdel's Fun Home? Join this class
to take a closer look at the award-winning book and see it on stage!

Fall 2016
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Mondays 6-8pm

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eptember 26-November 5

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�</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans’ History Project
Richard Alkema
World War II
52 minutes 33 seconds
(00:00:10) Early Life
-Born in 1926 in Detroit, Michigan.
-Located very near to the Detroit River.
-Father was an engineer on the Wabash Railroad.
-Has a history of railroad workers in the family.
-Able to keep busy with work throughout the Depression.
-Attended South Western High School in Detroit.
-Graduated 1944.
-Sold newspapers as a teenager.
-Likely heard about Pearl Harbor from the papers.
-Father was from the Netherlands.
(00:05:00)
-Decided to enlist in the Navy after high school.
-Received permission from a Federal judge in order to enlist.
-His mother very hesitantly signed for his enlistment.
-The fact that certain family members were in the military helped to influence him toward
joining the Navy.
-Two brothers in law that were involved in the military in Italy, and later Germany.
-Another relative that was in the Navy.
Training and Locomotive Engine Delivery to Europe
-Sent to Great Lakes, Illinois for basic training.
(00:10:00)
-Next, sent via train to Norfolk, Virginia for gunnery training.
-Boarded the Seatrain Texas ship.
-At that point he had about a week of basic training, and a week of gunnery training.
-Upon leaving there was a 100 ship convoy.
-Left from New York Harbor.
-Destined for England.
-England was in need of locomotives.
-While crossing the Atlantic, the ship was shot at but the torpedo went underneath their ship.
(00:15:00)
-However the ship was damaged.
-Docked at the Falmouth, England.
-Delivered two locomotive engines.
-Next, crossed the Mediterranean and went to Naples, Italy.
-Delivered two locomotive engines.
-Baldwin engines made in Pennsylvania.
-Finally the last two engines were delivered to Marseille, France.

�-They knew how to use the anti-aircraft guns, however there wasn’t extensive instruction given.
Pacific and Transporting Japanese Civilians
-Next headed to the Panama Canal with a destination for Japan.
-Travelled with some other ships to Panama.
(00:20:00)
-Left the Seatrain Texas ship to board the LST 801 headed for Japan.
-The goal was to pick up Japanese that were remaining from the War.
-Japan had surrendered by this point.
-Many of them were women.
-Eventually the boarded Japanese were to be repatriated back to Japan.
-Picked them up at Okinawa.
(00:25:00)
-Usually on guard duty.
-Took up laundry duty as well during certain times.
-Refused to swim in the ocean because of the dangerous sharks etc.
-Guards with guns would keep watch for sharks while other crew members swam in the
ocean.
-Experienced some bad storms on the LST.
-Sea sickness amongst the crew was common.
-Threw their trash overboard from meals etc.
(00:30:00)
-Situations to fire anti-aircraft guns to attack were seldom at that point.
-During their time at Falmouth they were able to go into town.
-Did not have transportation to get around.
-English citizens were welcoming to them.
-Did not go into town at Naples or Marseille.
-At Okinawa they were able to go ashore to town.
-However it was not common.
-In Japan they were unwelcome to go into town.
(00:35:00)
-The trip from Okinawa to Japan was short.
-So the interaction between the crew and Japanese being transported was limited.
-Communication to the US at home was not very feasible.
-Sent mail to their base.
-Socialized with his fellow guard members.
-Only one person was a closer friend of his.
-His duration in the Navy lasted about two and a half years.
-Discharged in 1946.
Post War Life and Misc.
-Relieved to be sent home when the War was ended.
(00:40:00)
-Certain ships would have the luxury of a shower stall while others did not.
-LST vehicles were extremely cramped.
-A lot of movies to watch to keep the crew entertained.

�-LST featured showers with desalinators.
-Priority was to use the pure water for laundry and drinking not bathing.
-After leaving the military he worked with his father on the trains.
-Made good money.
-At that time their family was using one car amongst them.
(00:45:00)
-His work with the railroads lasted about 10 ~ 12 years.
-Took flying lessons to be certified to fly a plane.
-Didn’t continue on to fly as a habit or as a pilot.
-Some of his friends were casualties that never returned from War.
-Didn’t enroll in college after being discharged.
-Became a police officer as well as working security jobs.
-Worked for about 12 ~ 15 years.
(00:50:00)

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