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                  <text>The German publishing company Insel Verlag was founded in 1899 by Anton Kippenberg in Leipzig. In its early years the firm only printed expensive, beautifully-produced volumes, until demand led to the publication of the more modest Insel-Bücherei series in 1912. Relatively inexpensive but with the same careful sense of design and typography, these smaller-format books reprinted shorter works from a variety of German, European, and world authors. The series numbers considerably more than a thousand titles and is still being issued. The Digital Collection contains the scanned covers of 140 titles held by Grand Valley State University Libraries.</text>
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                  <text>Photographs scanned from negatives and transparencies from the Douglas R. Gilbert papers (RHC-183).&#13;
&#13;
Douglas R. Gilbert (b. 1942) is an American photographer from Michigan. He was born in Holland, Michigan and is the son of Russell W. and Carmen (Andree) Gilbert. Gilbert earned a B.A. in social sciences and art at Michigan State University in 1964, an M.S. in photography from the Institute of Design at Illinois Institute of Technology in 1972, and a M.S.W. from Salem State College in 1993. He is married to Barbara (McDonald) Gilbert, and has three daughters, Robyn, Rachel, and Anne. Gilbert took a serious interest in photography at the age of fourteen. In 1963 he joined the staff of Look magazine in New York as the second youngest photojournalist in the magazine's history. As a Look photographer from 1964 to 1966, he photographed folk musician Bob Dylan, the Newport Folk Festival, Simon and Garfunkel, the New York City Financial District, the children and facilities at the Manhattan School for Seriously Disturbed Children. From 1967 to 1969, Gilbert did several shoots, including that of folk singer Janis Ian for Life magazine. After moving to Chicago, Illinois in 1969 to attend the Illinois Institute of Technology, Gilbert conducted notable photo shoots of business and political figure Lenore Romney, and pursued more personal and artistic photography, focusing on urban and rural landscapes in Illinois and Michigan. He then joined the faculty of Wheaton College, where he taught from 1972 to 1982. In 1993, Gilbert graduated from Salem State College, Massachusetts, with a Masters in Social Work, and later pursued a second career as a psychotherapist. Douglas Gilbert died in June 2023. &#13;
&#13;
Throughout his photography career, he pursued both freelance commercial work as well as artistic work. His art photography is characterized by its classic black-and-white format, and features people, places and objects shot great attention and sensitivity. Gilbert's works are held in the permanent collections of the Art Institute of Chicago, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta, The Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, and the Grand Valley State University Art Galleries, as well as in numerous private and institutional collections.&#13;
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&#13;
Douglas R. Gilbert (b. 1942) is an American photographer from Michigan. He was born in Holland, Michigan and is the son of Russell W. and Carmen (Andree) Gilbert. Gilbert earned a B.A. in social sciences and art at Michigan State University in 1964, an M.S. in photography from the Institute of Design at Illinois Institute of Technology in 1972, and a M.S.W. from Salem State College in 1993. He is married to Barbara (McDonald) Gilbert, and has three daughters, Robyn, Rachel, and Anne. Gilbert took a serious interest in photography at the age of fourteen. In 1963 he joined the staff of Look magazine in New York as the second youngest photojournalist in the magazine's history. As a Look photographer from 1964 to 1966, he photographed folk musician Bob Dylan, the Newport Folk Festival, Simon and Garfunkel, the New York City Financial District, the children and facilities at the Manhattan School for Seriously Disturbed Children. From 1967 to 1969, Gilbert did several shoots, including that of folk singer Janis Ian for Life magazine. After moving to Chicago, Illinois in 1969 to attend the Illinois Institute of Technology, Gilbert conducted notable photo shoots of business and political figure Lenore Romney, and pursued more personal and artistic photography, focusing on urban and rural landscapes in Illinois and Michigan. He then joined the faculty of Wheaton College, where he taught from 1972 to 1982. In 1993, Gilbert graduated from Salem State College, Massachusetts, with a Masters in Social Work, and later pursued a second career as a psychotherapist. Douglas Gilbert died in June 2023. &#13;
&#13;
Throughout his photography career, he pursued both freelance commercial work as well as artistic work. His art photography is characterized by its classic black-and-white format, and features people, places and objects shot great attention and sensitivity. Gilbert's works are held in the permanent collections of the Art Institute of Chicago, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta, The Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, and the Grand Valley State University Art Galleries, as well as in numerous private and institutional collections.&#13;
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                <text>Black and white photograph of a group of carnival rides being set up at the Kane County Fair in Kane County, Illinois. In the photograph, a trailer with the message, "Dispensa and Sons Complete Carnivals, Elmhurst, Illinois," advertised on the side is parked at the fairgrounds with the ferris wheel in the background. Scanned from the negative.</text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Carol Blakely
Interviewer: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 10/19/2012
Runtime: 01:53:23

Biography and Description
Oral history of Carol Blakely, interviewed by Jose “Cha-Cha” Jimenez on October 19, 2012 about the
Young Lords in Lincoln Park.
"The Young Lords in Lincoln Park" collection grows out of decades of work to more fully document the
history of Chicago's Puerto Rican community which gave birth to the Young Lords Organization and later,
the Young Lords Party. Founded by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, the Young Lords became one of the
premier struggles for international human rights. Where thriving church congregations, social and

�political clubs, restaurants, groceries, and family residences once flourished, successive waves of urban
renewal and gentrification forcibly displaced most of those Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos,
working-class and impoverished families, and their children in the 1950s and 1960s. Today these same
families and activists also risk losing their history.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Testing one, two, three. Testing one, two, three. Go ahead and say

something.
CAROL CORONADO:

Hello. How are you? (break in audio)

JJ:

Okay. Go ahead and say something.

CC:

Hello. How are you?

JJ:

Testing one, two, three. Testing one, two, three. (break in audio) Okay, now
Carol, give me your name and where you were born.

CC:

Okay. My name is Carol [Coronado?]. I was born in Chicago, Illinois on March
11, 1942. I lived in Lake View.

JJ:

When you were born?

CC:

When I was born, we lived in Lake View which is right at Roscoe and Broadway.

JJ:

Okay. Right around Roscoe and Broadway, that area?

CC:

Right.

JJ:

Okay, and your parents. What were their names?

CC:

My mother’s name was [Evelyn?] and my father’s name was [Ross?]. I have one
sister who’s older. Her name is [Patricia?]. I have a brother who’s 20 [00:01:00]
months younger. His name is [Ross, Jr.?].

JJ:

Okay. And did you had a sister and a brother you said so they are... Where are
your parents from?

1

�CC:

Okay. My father was born in McKeesport, Pennsylvania which is right near
Pittsburgh. My mother was born in Chicago on the South Side. I’m not exactly
sure where but it was on the South Side.

JJ:

What type of work did they do?

CC:

Pardon me?

JJ:

What type of work did they do?

CC:

Okay. My father was a produce manager for A&amp;P and my mother was a cashier
and bookkeeper for A&amp;P, also.

JJ:

Okay. So they did that for most of their life or...?

CC:

Yes, yes.

JJ:

And what about your sisters and brother -- brother and sister?

CC:

My sister got married and had four children. My brother, he worked at a printing
company in, oh, McHenry, Illinois and he just retired from there. And me, I’ve had
several jobs. (laughs) [00:02:00] I worked in the bank in the accounting
department. I worked for ACNielsen as a comptometer operator. I was an AT&amp;T
telephone operator for a while. For the last 30 years, I’ve been a security guard
with Securitas. I was 12 years at Bell Laboratories in Naperville and 18 years at
General Mills in West Chicago. Right now, I just work three days a week at a
gated community in Plainfield on a public golf course. I have a gate house and I
let people into play golf. Yeah.

JJ:

Now you said you were born at Lake View.

CC:

Lake View.

JJ:

Did you grow up there, too, or...?

2

�CC:

Yes, I grew up there. I went to Nettlehorst Grammar School and Lake View High
School.

JJ:

Oh, you went to Lake View High School.

CC:

Lake View High School.

JJ:

Nettlehorst Grammar School, where is that?

CC:

That’s at Broadway [00:03:00] and Aldine. And then Lake View was Irving Park
and Ashland.

JJ:

What was that like? What was Nettlehorst like?

CC:

Nettlehorst? It was --

JJ:

Now, did you go to eighth grade?

CC:

Through eighth grade and I graduated.

JJ:

So can you kind of describe that for us? The community and how...?

CC:

The community was -- all right. I lived a block off Lake Shore Drive, all right? So
if you lived on this side of Broadway, you were working-class people. This side of
Broadway, it was very rich people.

JJ:

So the west side of Broadway was working class?

CC:

Was working class, yeah.

JJ:

And the east side was rich people?

CC:

Was very -- yeah, very rich people. (laughs)

JJ:

And did people talk about that, or...?

CC:

Yes and no. When I went to school, mostly the kids that went there were Jewish.
There were only -- like in a class of, say, 30, there were 11 [00:04:00] of us that
were Protestant or Catholic.

3

�JJ:

Mm-hmm. So you’re a Protestant?

CC:

I’m Protestant –- a Presbyterian.

JJ:

Oh, Presbyterian.

CC:

Yeah. And so --

JJ:

Your parents, too? Your parents?

CC:

But we kind of like -- yes, my -- oh, see, that’s the thing. My father was Irish
Catholic. My mother was Lutheran. We were baptized Presbyterian because my
aunt, my uncle’s wife, was in charge of the cradle roll at (inaudible) Presbyterian
Church and so we were baptized Presbyterian. We had kind of a strange family.
(laughs)

JJ:

So what -- wasn’t that [Angris?]? What years are we --talking about (crosstalk) --

CC:

That was from 1942 till I’d say ’54, I would say.

JJ:

So from 1932 --

CC:

Forty-two.

JJ:

Forty-two.

CC:

(laughs)

JJ:

Sorry, oh I’m sorry. Nineteen forty-two to --

CC:

Say, ’54.

JJ:

[00:05:00] –- to ’54. You’re talking about –- that’s the eighth grade? The first
eighth grade?

CC:

Oh, no. Oh, the eighth grade. I started school when I was six so I went from ’48
to ’56. Nineteen forty-eight to 1956. To Nettlehorst, yeah.

4

�JJ:

And then what type of neighborhood? What was the population? And what type
of neighborhood?

CC:

And then I graduated. Okay. It was mainly white working-class. There were no
Blacks in the neighborhood. We had -- like I said, it was an all-white
neighborhood.

JJ:

You’re talking about all of Lake View or just that area?

CC:

That area that I was from. Yeah.

JJ:

Yeah. Was it all white?

CC:

All white. Yeah.

JJ:

Was it ethnic whites? I mean, were they like Irish, Italian?

CC:

Irish, Italian, German. Yeah. Jewish. Uh, yeah. And then in the ‘50s -- oh, I’m
trying to think. In 19-- I would say ‘54 or something, we had a lot of Puerto
Ricans come [00:06:00] to the neighborhood. So the neighborhood changed; We
had a lot of Puerto Ricans there.

JJ:

Okay. So 1954, around there?

CC:

About ’54. Yeah. Because I was about 12, 13. Yeah.

JJ:

And so what happened when the Puerto Ricans came? How did you feel?

CC:

Oh. We had a good time, you know? And there were -- (laughs) as a young
woman, there were some really good-looking guys. So we were happy (laughs)
they were in the neighborhood. I don’t know if you want me to say that, but that’s
-- yeah. Yeah, and we --

JJ:

So you didn’t have any problem with them.

CC:

No.

5

�JJ:

What about the guys? That’s the girls, but what about the guys?

CC:

The guys got along fine and they integrated with us. We all got along. I can’t
remember any problems with, you know, every –-

JJ:

Is Aldine -- is that like around Halsted or Addison?

CC:

No. Aldine is -- okay. You know where Belmont is?

JJ:

Right. Oh, yeah.

CC:

All right. Aldine is two blocks north of Belmont so I lived in between [00:07:00]
Addison and Belmont on Roscoe Street.

JJ:

Oh, that’s Roscoe. Roscoe runs the same way. Does it go by [Halsted?]?

CC:

Roscoe runs east and west.

JJ:

Does it go...? Oh.

CC:

And it ended at -- okay.

JJ:

And Aldine goes north and south.

CC:

I lived on Broadway. At the end of the street if you walked down to the next
street, that was Halsted Street. Yeah, that was Halstead Street. And then Clark
Street came also a little farther up. So --

JJ:

Okay. So this area [ancestry?] is Puerto Rican and you didn’t have any problem?

CC:

No problems or anything. No problems.

JJ:

(crosstalk) the schools?

CC:

They went to school, yeah. And they hung -- we hung around together and stuff.

JJ:

Now, when you say it was turning Puerto Rican, was it a lot of Puerto Ricans?

CC:

Yeah, several -- a whole lot of Puerto Ricans. You probably could tell me more of
the history of Puerto Rico. But that’s when the Puerto Rican community started

6

�coming into our neighborhood. Yeah. And I said we had no -- I mean, they lived
across the street from me and stuff. And I get -JJ:

[00:08:00] Your background is part Irish?

CC:

I’m Irish, German, Norwegian. I am Irish. My maiden name was [Curley?].
That’s about as Irish as you can get, so yeah.

JJ:

All right. Okay. So you were Irish. And so what was it like for a woman to grow
up? A girl to grow up at that time? Did you stay at home or like (crosstalk) –-

CC:

Well, no, I hung out. We all hung out on the streets and stuff. And we played
marbles (laughs) and --

JJ:

Oh, you played marbles?

CC:

Marbles and pinners, a game called pinners. And I played baseball because I
was a bit of a tomboy. So I climbed fences and my mother used to get really
upset because I would rip out my blue jeans and stuff. Yeah, so -- but no, we -everybody -- you knew everybody. You knew your neighbors. Like today, it’s not
like that [00:09:00] I don’t think. I don’t know the people that live here on this
side of me because they’re new, okay? And I did know the people who lived in
this house next to me when we first moved here. However, everybody knew
everybody’s business and all the kids, you know what I’m saying? We all hung
out together. But I wouldn’t call us a -- we never got into any kind of trouble
trouble. We just all played until we got to be teenagers. Then we started to get
into like drinking and stuff. Doing things. Doing things we shouldn’t have done.

JJ:

Drinking and was that all, or...?

7

�CC:

No, drinking and some of us, not myself personally, (laughs) but stealing cars and
stuff like that. Yeah.

JJ:

Oh, I see. Joy riding. Were you --

CC:

Joy riding, yeah.

JJ:

So there was joy riding and --

CC:

[00:10:00] Right.

JJ:

-- at the time. What year was that?

CC:

That was like 1956. Yeah, ’56, ’57. Yeah. And we --

JJ:

Okay. Was there --

CC:

And we --

JJ:

Oh, I’m sorry, go ahead.

CC:

Oh, no. Go ahead. Also, we -- then we started forming gangs and we would
fight with peop-- (laughs) We found with Lemoyne School which was over there -Addison and Southport I believe is what it -- yeah. They didn’t come into our
school year --

JJ:

Oh, you mean by Halstead, no? By –-

CC:

Yeah. Right across from Cubs Park. Yeah.

JJ:

Right around the corner. Yeah.

CC:

But they were not allowed in our neighborhood and we didn’t go in theirs.

JJ:

So it was a school?

CC:

Yeah.

JJ:

It was one school against the other or what gang? What was the name of it?

8

�CC:

It was the gang -- we didn’t have a name. Well, we did. The Customettes. It
was called the Customettes. And the guys were called -- I can’t remember. I
think somewhere around [00:11:00] this house, I have a leather jacket that has –that says Customettes on the back of it. Yeah.

JJ:

Oh, and that’s the woman’s group.

CC:

That was the women’s.

JJ:

So it must’ve been the Customs or something.

CC:

No, I can’t remember what they were called. Plus we also had in our
neighborhood the --

JJ:

Was it mainly...? Oh.

CC:

-- not the Hell’s Angels. It was a motorcycle, the Chicago Outlaws. Yeah. I got
involved with them a little -- when I was little like maybe 15 and stuff. That was a
motorcycle gang.

JJ:

So what did the Customettes do mainly?

CC:

Just run around with the guys. Hung around with the guys (laughs) and wear
jackets. But we would get in fights. I mean, fist fights and stuff.

JJ:

Other women or...?

CC:

Women and guys. You know. Some of the women, (laughs) they could fight just
as good as a guy. I mean I was [00:12:00] one of those people. Yeah. But yeah,
they would come in the school yard and then it would start and then the police
would get us. They would surround us. They’d come from -- one from this way
and another and get us and stuff. But and then take us down to Town Hall police
station where my father would have to come get us.

9

�JJ:

And what would your father say?

CC:

He was very upset. (laughs) He was very upset. But we never did anything that
got us -- though some did wind up at the Audy Home. Are you familiar with the
Audy Home or...?

JJ:

Yeah, a little bit.

CC:

Or a couple of people got sent to St. Charles reform school. Yeah.

JJ:

These are the guys or the girls? Or the guys (crosstalk) --

CC:

It was the guys. The guys and (crosstalk) some of the girls went -- I can’t
remember the name [00:13:00] of the -- they’re -- okay. In Geneva, there was a
woman’s and I can’t remember the name of that.

JJ:

Yeah, but it was in Geneva. It was (inaudible).

CC:

Yeah, it was in Geneva. And the boys they sent to St. Charles which was -yeah, St. Charles reform school for boys.

JJ:

Yeah. Was this mainly in the -- was there a lot of Puerto Ricans in your group?
In this gang? Or was it mainly Irish and German?

CC:

We had some Puerto Ricans. It was a mixture; We had a mixture of people. We
had one called [Louis Anderson?] -- he was Black. See, the Louis was the only
Black person that lived in the neighborhood that I remember when I was young
and he ran around with us. Yes, we had Puerto Ricans and we had --

JJ:

But the people in the Lemoyne were fighting with you here.

CC:

They were white; mostly white.

JJ:

At Lemoyne?

CC:

Yeah. At Lemoyne, they were white.

10

�JJ:

Oh. Because later, I think they had like (crosstalk) Latin --

CC:

Yeah. Later, it’s all -- there’s a lot of Latins over there now, but not at that --

JJ:

[00:14:00] But at that time, in ’54, it was white.

CC:

Yeah. Yeah. There wasn’t many.

JJ:

Nettlehorst and then --

CC:

Lake View High School.

JJ:

This is Lake View High School. Okay.

CC:

Yeah. Now, when I got to Lake View High School, I became kind of a lady
because I was getting older. So I didn’t get so much into things that were --

JJ:

So when you say you were fighting in these little skirmishes --

CC:

In the school yard. In the school yard.

JJ:

This was Lake View. You were in Lake View already.

CC:

No, I was at Nettlehorst.

JJ:

At Nettlehorst.

CC:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

And now you went to Lake View High School?

CC:

And then I went to Lake View High School and we got into -- like dating and all
the stuff and I started smoking.

JJ:

What do you mean dating? Going out with a guy?

CC:

You know, guys. Going out with guys and stuff.

JJ:

Yeah, no, no. So the girls would --

CC:

Dates and --

JJ:

So a lot of dates or...?

11

�CC:

Yeah, yeah. [00:15:00] And but drinking. But we also did a lot of drinking. There
was a lot of drinking.

JJ:

So did you guys hang out on a street corner?

CC:

On a street corner, on a street corner.

JJ:

What corner was that? What corner was that?

CC:

At one point, it was Roscoe and Broadway.

JJ:

You were at Roscoe and Broadway?

CC:

Right, Roscoe and Broadway and the police used to come. If they said we
couldn’t congregate so they would split us up and we would have to go farther
down the street. But they didn’t want us there.

JJ:

Yeah. So the police would just come by and tell you to move?

CC:

Yeah, tell us to move to disassemble. (laughter) Because they feared if there
were more than three of us at one time, we were going to be doing something
that we weren’t supposed to do. But plus the Chicago Outlaws and there were
another [00:16:00] group -- gosh, oh I can’t remember the (laughs) name of that
group. It was a motorcycle gang. The girls were called the [Sabers?]. I wasn’t in
that gang, but that’s who hung out. The Sabers and the -- the (inaudible)... But
they really were after them. There was a lot of police after them. But they had
guns and stuff. (inaudible) guns and stuff.

JJ:

Oh, they had guns. Were they into drugs, too, or...?

CC:

Drugs, yeah.

JJ:

Oh, so that’s why they were [after them?].

12

�CC:

I drank, but I was always a little leery of drugs though I did have friends that did
drugs and stuff. I --

JJ:

What kind of drugs did they do?

CC:

Oh, they did marijuana. I had a couple friends that were into heroin. Yeah.

JJ:

Hmm. Was that a big problem at that time then or...?

CC:

Not so much the drugs. [00:17:00] When I went to high school, yeah. We had a
friend who they sent him to Kentucky. There was a dry-out center. He died of -he died --

JJ:

Do you remember?

CC:

I can’t remember.

JJ:

Out of Kentucky (crosstalk) --

CC:

It wasn’t Louisville. It was something like that, yeah. And he died of a drug
overdose while he was there. Yeah. So you tell me how that happens, you
know? But yeah, at Lake View High School, there was a lot of drugs.

JJ:

So how was Lake View High School? I mean, what was the population there and
what...?

CC:

It was a mixture. There were Blacks, whites, Latinos, Orientals, yeah.

JJ:

Was it a rough school or...?

CC:

Yeah, it was a rough -- pretty rough school. Yeah.

JJ:

What, were there gangs or...?

CC:

They used to call Lake View High School the home of unwed mothers. (laughs)
Yeah. Seriously, yeah. And there were a lot of [00:18:00] gangs.

JJ:

And what year was this?

13

�CC:

This was 1956, ’57.

JJ:

Fifty-six, fifty-seven, there were a lot of gangs?

CC:

Yeah.

JJ:

Do you remember any of the gangs or...?

CC:

(sighs) (shakes head)

JJ:

What were the teachers like?

CC:

The teachers were okay. I don’t know. I was very bored in high school. I did not
like high school. I quit when I was 16 and I went to [Logan Continuation
School?]. I worked in the truant officer’s office (laughs) one day a week and I
went to work at the A&amp;P with my mother as a cashier. Because my mother said
the only way they would let me quit school when I was 16 was to go to work.
Because I wasn’t going to be hanging around with my friends on the street, I had
to go to work which I did. I went to work for the A&amp;P. However, when I was 28
years old, I took the [00:19:00] GED and passed a college entrance and went to
Northeastern Illinois University at the field center -- we had a field center on
Montrose and Sheridan.

JJ:

Okay. So you went to Northeastern?

CC:

Northeastern.

JJ:

How far did you go there?

CC:

I was there for a couple years because then they came and they opened a
mental health center, Edgewater Uptown Mental Health Center. What they did
was they hired all of us, the Young Patriots and other community groups, to be, I
guess, mental health workers. See, they figured they could buy us and give us

14

�this salary. And we ran the emergency service. I worked in geriatrics for United
Charities. At that time, in the ‘70s, they literally dumped people out of the mental
institution and put them in [00:20:00] Uptown. Okay? In halfway houses and
some in independent living. All right? So they hired a bunch of the community
people to work with these people and stuff. And what I did was I worked in
geriatrics. I worked with a whole lot of people who had been locked up for many
years in like Manteno and Dixon. They literally just turned them out on the street
and gave them apartments and they had them coming to this mental health
center where they worked. Or I would go to their houses and make sure they
were taking their medicine and stuff. But I got in trouble because all right, they
had a psychiatrist who every person I sent in there would come out with a
handful of prescriptions. I had people that I was seeing that their tongue was
(puffs tongue) [00:21:00] like this because they were overmedicated and stuff.
And I said that I thought [Mark Schuler?] was a pill pusher. And (laughs) I got
called into his office and he asked me did I think I was a doctor? I said, “No.
However, you don’t need to be a doctor to know that people are overmedicated
when their tongue was swollen.” Or you’re making them -- all right. They didn’t
want them to be a threat to the community. Well, they’re not a threat to anybody.
They’re not -- they can barely function, some of these people. You’ve got them
so medicated. They’re not a threat to themselves or anybody else. That was
after the clinic -- after the Young Patriots clinic.
JJ:

You mentioned the Patriots. Who were they?

15

�CC:

The Young Patriots, they were a street gang to begin with. They were guys,
mostly guys, and they [00:22:00] were like street hustlers. They hustled people
for money. They fought with guns and knives.

JJ:

They hustled -- who did they hustle?

CC:

The gay guys and stuff. They would hustle them sometimes. I really don’t want
to go into detail about it but that’s -- yeah, anyway. They were hustlers.

JJ:

This was before you were political or...?

CC:

Political and then JOIN and SDS --

JJ:

Before you were political.

CC:

Yes. And then JOIN and SDS came to the community and they got -- I don’t
know because I wasn’t around them with the Patriots. But they got them -somehow, they organized them into opening up a food pantry where they give
out and they talk to them and politicize these young kids. They were mostly
southern [00:23:00] whites that were --

JJ:

And what year was this?

CC:

This was in 19-- okay. It had to have been -- because I first got involved -- it was
in ’66, okay? And they were around for a couple years. Maybe ’64, ’65,
something like that. (crosstalk) My mother-in-law was involved with them and
that’s how I got to meet them, my husband and I. They were going to do a march
on Summerdale Police Station because one of the kids --

JJ:

So this is after they became political.

CC:

Yes.

JJ:

So they weren’t hustling anymore?

16

�CC:

They weren’t hustling any-- if they were, they weren’t telling. But I -- (laughs) but
no. They were talking to people in the community, they were fighting [00:24:00]
the police brutality because what happened, on Sunnydale, there was a kid -- I -and they were going to arrest him. They had in handcuffs and they shot him
(laughs) in the back. Shot him. He’s on his knees on the sidewalk and they shot
him to death. Said he was trying to escape arrest.

JJ:

And he was in handcuffs.

CC:

He was in hand-- behind his back. Because there was a police officer, his name
was [Sam Joseph?], who was very brutal, okay? Just these kids, they would
beat them up and threated to kill them. So we decided we were going to march
on Summerdale Police Station with my mother-in-law and the Young Patriots.
They got my husband, [Doug?] and I involved and that was my first experience
with that [00:25:00] is I marched on Summerdale Police Station. I was pregnant
with my son (laughs) and --

JJ:

What’s your son’s name?

CC:

His name is [Jason?]. And yeah, I was pregnant with my son.

JJ:

You didn’t tell me -- did you tell me your daughter’s name?

CC:

Huh?

JJ:

Did you tell me your daughter’s name?

CC:

I didn’t have a daughter.

JJ:

Oh, you didn’t.

CC:

No.

JJ:

You just had a son. Okay.

17

�CC:

A son -- I just had one son.

JJ:

We’re talking about brothers.

CC:

Yeah. Oh, I had a sister and brother. Yeah. No.

JJ:

Okay. What was their names?

CC:

Patricia and Ross. That’s my sister and my brother. But yeah, no, my son
Jason. I was pregnant with my son Jason and I was marching with a sign on
Summerdale Police Station (laughs) and then we started to get involved because
the Patriots --

JJ:

(laughs) Do you remember the sign? What it said or anything or...?

CC:

Sam Joseph -- get rid of Sam Joseph or something like that because he was very
brutal. I mean, he was a really brutal police officer. He (laughs) and --

JJ:

So you went marching with a sign, right? Were you excited?

CC:

With a sign, yeah.

JJ:

Were you excited or...?

CC:

Oh yeah. It was fun. I never had -- [00:26:00] because I -- I knew my mother-inlaw was into all this political stuff. My husband and I, his name was [Douglas
Youngblood?], he didn’t really want to get involved because he was working at
DuPont and we kind of stayed back. But once we got over there and it was with
the Summerdale thing and stuff. He met Bobby Joe and Junebug and the Young
Patriots and he got involved. I worked. I --

JJ:

Bobby Joe and Junebug are leaders in the Young Patriots?

CC:

Yeah, they were like 17. Now, Doug and I were like 25 but these were like young
kids -- 17, 18 years old, and --

18

�JJ:

So who was Doug making (inaudible)? (crosstalk)

CC:

He kind of became their spokesperson because he was a little older and he really
got into it. I mean he was -- he got [00:27:00] involved.

JJ:

What do you mean he got into it?

CC:

With the police. Trying to stop the police brutality and into -- like the food. We
had a food coop and we gave away clothes to -- second-hand clothes. And --

JJ:

Now, was this the Young Patriots then?

CC:

It was the Young Patriots, yeah.

JJ:

They -- (crosstalk)

CC:

They had a little storefront. I would go there --

JJ:

Where was that storefront?

CC:

It was right on -- it was forty-- oh, I got that address -- 4408, I believe, Sheridan
Road. It was just a little storefront. And they had a clinic that wa-- now, see that
all came out of JOIN when -- JOIN. But I’m trying to think. Doug was really good
at writing up stuff. So they had him --

JJ:

[00:28:00] (crosstalk)

CC:

And he became their spokesperson. I mean if you needed an article written or
whatever, he was really good at the writing.

JJ:

He’s a writer.

CC:

Yeah. A writer writer and a poet -- a political poet he was, too.

JJ:

He got any poetry?

CC:

Yeah, he has some really good poetry that was published and stuff. He gave --

JJ:

Is he alive? Or is he still alive?

19

�CC:

No, he passed away four years ago October 5th.

JJ:

What happened?

CC:

He had cancer. He had colon cancer which it spread into his liver and he died.
For about two and a half years, he survived but he passed away. And I’m trying
to think. Out of that -- we had a clinic one day a week in a storefront. Then it just
kind [00:29:00] of built up till we had -- we rented a whole suite of offices. In the
building where the storefront was here and up above, there was like offices. We
rented a whole suite of offices. We had doctors that were from Presbyterian-St.
Luke, Billings Hospital, and they paid the rent on those offices. We had about 75
health workers working. We had the Visiting Nurses Association, we had medical
students, fourth-year medical students, whose --

JJ:

Medical students?

CC:

Yeah, medical students. We had people that were studying like lab technician
stuff. We did our own urine testing, urine sampling, and blood tests. I learned
how [00:30:00] to do a [hematocrit?] where you stick somebody in the finger and
stuff. We used to take people back and forth to the hospital when they had to go.
Or we would just go visit people to see if they were okay. Some were our
patients and stuff.

JJ:

To what hospital did you take them?

CC:

It was Weiss Memorial and Cuneo.

JJ:

Mm-hmm. Did you work something out with them?

CC:

Yeah, we did. At Weiss Memorial, we had a guy. He was the -- what do they call
that guy? The Human Resources person or... [Bob Cross?] -- his name was Bob

20

�Cross and he donated a bunch of medical equipment to us. Or they had
sometimes samples of medicine. But mostly, our doctors -- I mean, we had the
greatest doctors in the world.
JJ:

Do you remember any of them?

CC:

Yes. [John Wilsey?], he was in charge of an emergency room at Lutheran
General. We [00:31:00] had [Gordon Lang?], he was in charge of the renal
department at Pres-St. Luke’s. [Sam Jampolis?], he was at Billings in the cancer
research. We had another doctor; I can’t remember his name. He did heart
transplants. We had another guy, he was from Children’s Memorial Hospital. We
had a bunch of people. Just I’ll tell ya. We did a lot of stuff with the community
and talking to the community, but the real heroes were those doctors and those
medical students, Cha-Cha. They just gave -- they volunteered their time. They
paid for all those hospital -- the hospital -- all the examining rooms and stuff and
they paid the rent on that suite things. Those [00:32:00] were the heroes. And
they treated people -- okay. Normally if you go to a doctor, they ask you
questions but you’re not really treated like a human being. But the people we
had there, I mean they were treated like they’d never been treated in their lives.
If they had questions, those doctors would answer any question you wanted to
know. It wasn’t just a, “Take off your shirt. I’m going to get a stethoscope.” They
really took an interest in people. One time, we had a -- we called it, pardon my
language, “Piss on Brown.” [Murray Brown?] was in charge of the Board of
Health. A lot of the problem we had in Uptown was lead poisoning because there
were these slum buildings and these slumlords. They didn’t fix up these

21

�buildings. Paint was peeling and kids were getting lead poisoning from the paint.
So what we did, Dr. Lang, he got a grant [00:33:00] that he said we had to collect
at least 3,000 urine samples. We literally went -- besides what we did at the
clinic when we came in, I went with [Dr. Jampolis?] and we literally knocked on
doors and collected urine samples of people with some kids.
JJ:

So right at their house.

CC:

Right at their house. (laughs) We came out of this one building and I looked at
[Sam?] and there were tears rolling down his face. I says, “Sam, what’s the
matter?” He said, “I didn’t realize people had to live like that.” Paint peeling off
and barely any furniture or food. The tears were rolling down his face. But what
we did was we collected over 4,000 samples. We only were supposed to get
3,000 but of course, the Patriots have to do it a little better. So we got over
[00:34:00] 4,000 urine samples a lot of which we did at our clinic because we did
have a lab and stuff. But we took them to the Board of Health who was
supposed to be doing this in the beginning and they weren’t testing for lead
poisoning. Then they opened a --

JJ:

So did they do it then? Did they test for --

CC:

They did it then. Oh, yeah. Because Gordon Lang who is a very well-respected
doctor, he did kidney transplants and stuff. They would’ve maybe messed with
us but they weren’t going to mess with these doctors who were well-respected.
They put up -- they tried to close our clinic down but when the Board of Health
came and checked us out and checked our chart, they said we were better run
than the Board of Health. Because we had everything in order. [00:35:00] We

22

�took no grants because if you take grants, you have to go by their guidelines. So
everything was all voluntary. We were all self-running. We took no federal
money because like I said, then they could tell you how to run it and what to do
and we didn’t want to do that. But they wanted -- in order to -- okay. We only ran
four nights a week. Then we started on Saturdays, we had. We were a limited
number of people. So my husband Doug and the Young Patriots, they got
together with some of the people in the community like [Ed Farmlat?] who was in
charge of a bunch of halfway houses and some other people they talked to to try
to get a public health hospital there in the area to take up the slack of what we
couldn’t. We could only do so much. [00:36:00] The Board of Health decided
that this group was fine and everything and they would set up and that the
community could run it. That was a lie told, okay? Because when they finally got
everything, then they said, “No, the community was not capable of making
decisions, medical decisions,” after several years of the Patriots (laughs) running
a free medical clinic without their help. So they set up this public health hospital
which had been an old marine -JJ:

So the hospital was saying that the community can’t run it?

CC:

They can’t run it.

JJ:

But the Patriots had run it.

CC:

The Patriots ran their own better than the Board of Health and better than
anything they ever had. I’m not bragging but that’s the truth.

JJ:

Doctors were saying it, you know?

23

�CC:

Yeah, the doctors. [00:37:00] But the Board of Health and the politicians. “Oh
no, you can’t run your -- this public health hospital.” I had to go with [Ted Stein?]
who was our attorney, the legal aid, lawyer, to the state’s attorney’s office
because I was the bookkeeper and the -- to tell them about our clinic. I got there
and he asked me what we did. I told him. I said, “Most of our patients are
ambulatory.” Now, the state’s attorney looks me in the face and says, “How
many ambulances do you have?” I said, “I have...” I really had to control myself.
I said, “No, sir. Ambulatory means they’re able to walk on their own and they
don’t need wheelchair access. (laughs) We have no ambulances.” (laughs) I
was very proud of myself; I did not laugh out loud. [00:38:00] But when we got
outside, Ted Stein said, “I can’t believe he asked that.” Yeah, he did. “How many
ambulances do you have?” Well anyway, they opened this public health hospital
and they were giving lousy treatment to the people in the community. I myself
went there a couple weeks. Then we planned -- we were going to try to get them
to stay open on weekends and longer hours because their hours were lousy and
people were being turned away. So a couple weeks before that, we decided to
send spies in and to see just how people were treated. I went into this doctor’s
office and I described to him a urinary tract infection which I did not have. The
only reason I knew all the information is from working in the clinic. They never
took a urine sample from me. They never examined me. [00:39:00] I walked out
of that office with two prescriptions for a urinary tract infection which I didn’t have.
Then in a couple weeks, we -- on a Friday evening, we took about a hundred
people there to that clinic. It was just before closing and came in there and said,

24

�“Oh, people can’t come in.” We had our doctors with us and the Visiting Nurses
Association said they were going to take care of people or we were going to take
over the rooms and examine the people ourself with our doctors. When we first
got there, there were a whole bunch of police there waiting for us because they -it was supposed to be a secret. It was something with -- but somehow, it got out.
They said if we didn’t leave, they were going to arrest us and we said we were
not leaving. Then they brought seven paddy wagons [00:40:00] and arrested 43
of us of which I was 1. They arrested our doctors. Murry Brown (laughs) was
down there. He was in charge of the Board of Health and said to Gordon Lang,
“Please Gordon, don’t make me arrest you.” Gordon said, “If you’re going to
arrest my people, you’re arresting me.” So they not only arrested the community
people, they arrested a gentleman who had been the chief psychiatrist for the Air
Force. They arrested the head of the renal department at Presbyterian-St.
Luke’s, the person who was in charge of the cancer department at Billings
Hospital, (laughs) all these people. They dropped seven paddy wagons, they
arrested us, and took us to 11th and State. Then we had to go up like night court
and they -JJ:

Then the State is the central police station. The lockup.

CC:

Eleventh and State, yeah, that’s the big lockup. [00:41:00] They put us in all
these cells. The thing that disturbed me about it is the men... With the women,
they took away our glasses, everything from us. Plus those -- the matrons, they
harassed the VNA. They did body cavity searches on them which was ridiculous.
The men, they gave baloney sandwiches and let them keep their cigarettes and

25

�everything. The women, they just treated us -- they just herded us in there like
cattle. There were 43 of us. So then we -- they brought us out and we had to go
before a judge. They released us on our own recognizance. Okay, there were
43 of us. And when we went to court, the judge said, “Everybody arrested at
4141 [Thurman?], please come up to the front of the (laughs) front of the -- you
know.”
JJ:

In a courtroom (crosstalk)

CC:

[00:42:00] Forty-three people stood up and (inaudible), “What is going on?” The
VNA got in trouble, the Visiting Nurses Associa-- because they were wearing their
uniforms when they got arrested. (laughter) But they were still allowed to come
to our clinic, but yeah, it was funny.

JJ:

This protest was for what, I mean?

CC:

Huh?

JJ:

This protest was for what?

CC:

Because of the lousy treatment they were giving to people at that public health
hospital. Their hours were not conducive to people being able to get there, they
would close early, they were not open on weekends, they had no evening hours.
The fact that I went in there and got two prescriptions for an infection I didn’t
even have and was never examined. So they closed that place down. They did
close it. It had been an old military hospital type thing. It was not quite the VA,
but similar. [00:43:00] That’s what they gave us which was nothing. (laughs)
Yes, I was -- okay. (laughs) My mother and my father -- my father was very
proud of what I was doing. My mother was a little leery. The next day, oh. When

26

�we went to court, we got -- all they -- we got off -- it was dismissed as trespassing
on public property. We were trespassing on public property. But the day after, I
went to the clinic -- it was a Saturday. I was opening up the clinic and the phone,
the pay phone was ringing, and it was my mother. (laughs) I said, “Hi.” She said,
“Do you think that’s funny?” I said, “What are you talking about, ma?”
JJ:

Her name? I’m sorry.

CC:

Evelyn. Her name is Evelyn. I said, “What are you talking about?”

JJ:

What’s your father’s name again?

CC:

Ross. And my father, Ross. But my -- [00:44:00] (laughs), “Do you think that’s
funny?” I said, “What are you talking about, Mom?” She said, “Did you see the
Sun-Times this morning?” I said, “No, I just got here to the clinic so I don’t know.”
She said, “Well, go buy yourself a copy of the Sun-Times.” (laughs) I said, “All
right.” So I went downstairs and I got a copy of the Sun-Times. Right on the
front page is me in the paddy wagon smiling. (laughs)

JJ:

Hmm. Oh, your mom was angry.

CC:

Oh, she was upset that I’d been arrested. I mean, she liked the idea of the clinic
and then oh, no. That was a little different. (laughs) So I called her back and I -but my father carried that article and that picture in his wallet till the day he died.
He was really proud and showed it to anybody that would look.

JJ:

Your father or father-in-law?

CC:

My father.

JJ:

Your mom couldn’t handle it.

27

�CC:

Well, she kind of got it but I couldn’t -- [00:45:00] she says, “Do you think that’s
funny?” I, “What are you talking about, ma? I don’t know what you’re talking
about.” (laughs) But a friend of mine got some -- okay, they opened the Red
Squad files or something and you could get it. A friend of mine got them --

JJ:

Who is -- what is the Red Squad files?

CC:

The Red Squad was Mayor Daley’s police that he said didn’t exist that spied
(laughs) on us and took pictures of us every time we came out of the clinic, all
right? We would go like this (poses) and this (poses).

JJ:

So you knew they were watching?

CC:

Oh, yes, and we would pose and stuff. But they said that squad did not exist and
only maybe in the last couple years, finally they admitted that there really was a
thing called the Red Squad.

JJ:

And there were files.

CC:

And there were files but you would have to really know somebody to get them. I
mean, they’re open, right? Like freedom of information? But everything is
[00:46:00] blacked out just... However, when the person brought me these files,
(laughs) the second page down, you know what was there? The picture of me in
the paddy wagon. (laughs) And also, there was a thing about the Young Patriots
that the alderman or something said, “You need to keep an eye on them,” and
stuff. But there was other literature in there. But I couldn’t believe --

JJ:

So the alderman (inaudible) --

CC:

Yeah. They were -- yeah, that we were a danger to the community.

JJ:

Did you all get in the Red Squad car?

28

�CC:

Yes. There is a cop, excuse me, a copy of that. The person that has them is
supposed to get me copies of that. But I couldn’t believe second page down,
there I am in the paddy wagon. (laughs) What used to get me is I --

JJ:

You were --

CC:

I didn’t understand why they -- I’m not a dummy. But why are they harassing us?
All we’re trying to do is treat people like decent [00:47:00] human beings and see
that they get the healthcare that they deserve. Or to -- with the food pantry, get
some people who don’t have food food or clothing. Or trying... It seemed that if
you were trying to make somebody’s life better whose life wasn’t that good, you
were a communist or you were some kind of a terrorist. I never could understand
that. It just amazing, simply amazing that --

JJ:

You had said that you were raising [something?] around. Some supplies for the
clinic? Is that (crosstalk) --

CC:

Oh, we got those from Weiss Hospital. They gave us a -- [Dr. Sophol?], it was a
Dr. Sophol who gave us a bunch of stuff and Bob Cross saw that we got some
stuff. Some of the doctors also brought us stuff. But yeah, we were [00:48:00]
run without anything from anybody. Really, like where they could tell us how we
could run that clinic. Because if you allow them to tell you, then you’re no better
than what you’re fighting against. So we were always self-sufficient.

JJ:

[Marta Chavita?] worked in the Young Lords --

CC:

Marta Chavita. She worked -- okay.

JJ:

She worked in the Young Lords clinic.

CC:

Right, okay.

29

�JJ:

How did you know her?

CC:

How did I know her? Because we would go on speaking engagements and talk
to people and try to raise money for the clinics.

JJ:

Who’s we?

CC:

Okay. There was a -- the member from the Black Panthers was Doc Satchel, the
Young Lords was Marta Chavita and myself from the Young Patriots. We got
paid 300 dollars which we split between the three of us. We would go and talk to
people.

JJ:

Who paid you?

CC:

Hmm?

JJ:

Who paid you? A school?

CC:

[00:49:00] No, it wasn’t a school. It was whatever group we went and talked to.
Sometimes, we went and talked to college students. One time, I went and talked
to 100 priests and nuns. (laughs) Scared me to death. Somebody told me,
though, “Look out in the audience. Pretend they’re all naked.” (laughter) But that
didn’t help; I was scared to death. But yeah, we would go try to raise money for
the clinics. Then there was a trip to Canada where we -- I believe we thought we
were going because it had something to do with medical care and stuff. Because
they wanted one person from the Young Lords and one -- or a couple people
from the Young Lords and some from the Patriots to go and some from the Black
Panthers [00:50:00] also. So on the train were -- was Hilda Ignatin who was I
believe at the time Latin American Defense Organization. Was she LADO then?
I’m not sure. I think that’s what she was.

30

�JJ:

I’m not sure. (phone rings) I’ll answer. (break in audio)

CC:

The Young Lords. Okay. We were invited and I don’t know who gave our names.
There was -- women college students in Montreal wanted people from the clinics
and stuff to come there to -- I thought it was about a health thing and I believed
that Marta and everybody else believed that, too. We went on a train to Montreal
and we stayed with some college students. They put us up in their apartments
and stuff. Then we went to the college the next day [00:51:00] and while we
were there, here came a procession of six little ladies. Three from North Vietnam
and three from Laos. They marched and they went into the auditorium. When
we got in there, we were seated in the auditorium. They had a screen, a movie
screen, and what they showed us were pictures of our soldiers being shot down
by the Vietnamese. I mean literally, they were shooting them and blowing up
planes and everything. Afterwards, they said, “This is what’s happening to your
soldiers over there. We don’t want to kill your brothers, your fathers, your -- and
stuff; We want this war to end.”

JJ:

So these little Vietnamese.

CC:

They were Viet-- the tiniest little ladies you ever saw but they were [00:52:00]
soldiers.

JJ:

Vietnamese women were there.

CC:

Yeah. They were soldiers, yeah. So then they said they were going to have a
question and answer but all they wanted in there were third-world people. I’m not
third-world; I’m Irish (laughs) -- an Irish Yankee (laughter) from Chicago.

JJ:

From Chicago.

31

�CC:

Yeah, and so they didn’t want any white -- it was all women. It was all women.
Okay. From the Young -- it was me from the Patriots. I don’t know the ladies
from the Panthers but the Young Lords, it was Martha Chavita, a young lady
named [Lupe?], [Guadalupe?], [Trinny?] and [Angie?].

JJ:

[Angie Linn?]? (inaudible)

CC:

Okay. I didn’t know her last name. I know her face. I can -- yeah.

JJ:

Yeah, she was at the -- it was a women’s conference.

CC:

Yeah, it was a women’s conference. And so they wanted me to leave. Marta
[00:53:00] and Lupe and them, they said, “No. She’s with us. If she’s not
allowed in here, we’re leaving. We’re going. She’s --” They said, “She’s not
third-world or what,” and Marta said, “What do you mean? Her name
[Carmen?].” (laughter) My name tag said Carol. They got me a new name tag
and for the -- I think we were there two days -- I had a name tag that said
Carmen. (laughs) I loved those ladies. We got along so well and on the train -we were on the train a long time. They just were fantastic ladies and laughed
and talked. We had a lot of things in common -- kids and the clinics. But while
we were there, Angie got a phone call. When she came back, [00:54:00] it -- she
said oh, her husband -- they told her her husband was in the hospital or been
hurt or something and she had to go back to Chicago.

JJ:

Her husband named [Pancho?].

CC:

Pancho, yeah. So she left. We got her on an airplane and got her out of there
back to Chicago. What we came to find out was he was not in the hospital; he
was not. He was, in fact, dead. That he had been walking down the street and

32

�two guys jumped out of a car and beat him to death with baseball bats and killed
him. That’s something that when I think about -JJ:

So Angie was a Young Lord and her husband was a Young Lord.

CC:

She was a Young Lord and her husband was a Young Lord, yes. To me, that’s
something, Cha-Cha, that I never forgot ever since then. When I think about
Canada, I think about what we [00:55:00] -- the movie and all that other stuff. But
that’s what stands out in my mind that some moron would just because
somebody was not white. I had been down South, we had been down South
organizing --

JJ:

Was he killed because he was Puerto Rican?

CC:

Because he was Puerto Rican. Yes, yes, yes.

JJ:

Mexican and Puerto Rican.

CC:

I had been down South and we had marched with King and stuff. I never saw
anything like that. Ever. And it was terrible. We were threatened down there
and everything. But for that to happen in Chicago to me was just
unconscionable. I had a hard time dealing with that after I -- (laughs)

JJ:

You got to know Angie while you were there? What do you remember? What do
you remember of Angie?

CC:

I got to know Angie and Marta. I remember her being a very sweet young lady.
[00:56:00] Mostly, we talked. All of us when we were there -- like I said, our kids
and the clinic. Just a bunch of ladies yap yap yapping. At night, we would -- we
had sleeping bags and stuff. We slept on the floor in this apartment with these
college students and stuff. We would be gigglin’ and stuff. We were supposed to

33

�be sleeping because we had to go (laughs) -- we would just be giggling like a
pajama party or... (laughs) We were just so professional. We went to some
French restaurants because we were in -- and that’s the first time I ever had
crepes. We just walked around the city. But they were kind of leery of people
coming in at that time because not too long before that, a prime minister or
something had been [00:57:00] kidnapped by some left-wing people. I don’t
remember who that was. So they were a little leery about anybody that was to
the left a little bit. I’m trying to think.
JJ:

What about Marta? You got to know Marta.

CC:

I knew Marta pretty well, yeah.

JJ:

What do you remember about Marta?

CC:

Just that she was really nice and very sweet and intelligent. Very intelligent lady.

JJ:

Okay. She worked with you. She went and got stuff for the clinic, you said?

CC:

No, we went and we gave talks about the clinic. Yeah. It was always us.

JJ:

You said she’s --

CC:

But sometimes, Doug and I would go over there and just visit with her and
[Alberto?].

JJ:

Okay, so the --

CC:

Yeah, we kind of socialized with them.

JJ:

Because Alberto was also a Young Lord.

CC:

Yeah, her husband. Him and Doug got along real well.

JJ:

Because [00:58:00] at that time, was there a coalition or something or...?

CC:

Yeah, it was the Rainbow Coalition. Yeah.

34

�JJ:

Who was that? (inaudible)

CC:

I believe that was the -- that was Chuck Geary, the Patriots, the Lords, the
Panthers, some other people.

JJ:

You said that was the Rainbow Coalition.

CC:

That was the Rainbow Coalition.

JJ:

So that’s when you guys, you went to speak together -- the women.

CC:

Right. The three -- the Black, the Latin, and the white person was me.

JJ:

(inaudible) time together.

CC:

Yeah. The three of us.

JJ:

You guys were just talking about -- you were representing the --

CC:

I was representing the Young Patriots, Marta the Young Lords, and Doc Satchel,
the Black Panthers. Yeah.

JJ:

Do you remember what places you spoke at?

CC:

No. We went different places. Like sometimes, a school. Sometimes, it was just
in a -- at a room where people came.

JJ:

Then the money was divided?

CC:

The money was divided between the three people. Yeah, so -- well, the three
clinics, not the three people. I didn’t get the money personally. Yeah, right.

JJ:

(crosstalk) It went to the clinic. (inaudible) Okay. Tell me about Doug.
(inaudible)

CC:

Okay. What can I tell you about Doug Youngblood? I met him when I was 16
years old. He was new to the neighborhood and he started hanging out with my
brother.

35

�JJ:

Who is your brother?

CC:

My brother Ross.

JJ:

You told me three times already.

CC:

Then he would -- that’s all right. He would come to my house with my brother
supposedly to look at comic books because they -- I know they were 16 but they
were still into the comic books [01:00:00] and stuff. He kind of liked me but I had
another boyfriend who would get really upset because (laughs) when he would
come to bring me home, there would be Doug sitting there with my brother. The
young man I was going with got in some trouble and got sent to Minnesota. He
had gone to the Audy Home and the way that his mother got him out was to send
him to his brother’s in Minnesota. So he was gone and Doug was there.
(laughs) And he pursued me.

JJ:

He persuaded you.

CC:

He pursued me.

JJ:

He pursued you.

CC:

We lived in an apartment building where there was a basement where you did
your laundry. Everybody had their washing machine in there and stuff. One
night, he went down there to help me carry the laundry back up. When we were
going out, he stood in front of the basement door, told me I wasn’t getting out of
there unless I gave him a kiss which I did. First I said, “Get out of my way,” but
then he was [01:01:00] -- and we -- then we were together for a long time. Then
he moved to Michigan -- Jackson, Michigan because his -- with his mom and
stuff. So we were separated for a while but when he came back, we got together

36

�and eventually got married and had a son, Jason, and got involved. His mother
was married to this guy [Gil Terry?] who -- I remember when I first met Doug, he
said to me, “My stepfather is a communist.” I said (nods) but he was. Gil Terry
was a communist.
JJ:

Is it Doug’s...?

CC:

Doug’s stepfather, yeah. They were involved in politics and stuff and you know,
sure.

JJ:

[01:02:00] But why is he telling you that?

CC:

He told me that after we’d been together for -- because I think -- Doug at first told
me that --

JJ:

Did he look at that bad or good or...?

CC:

Bad.

JJ:

That he was a communist?

CC:

Yeah, because he was a communist and we (inaudible). But all Gil was was, Gil
Terry, was a man. He cared about people and like us and he politicized Peggy,
Doug’s mother Peggy, and (crosstalk) got her involved in stuff. Peggy Terry is -yeah, it’s Peggy Terry. Yeah.

JJ:

Peggy Terry, isn’t she the one that ran for...?

CC:

She ran for vice president of the United States on the Peace and Freedom Party
ticket with Eldridge Cleaver. And I have a bumper sticker some place that says
that.

JJ:

That’s your mother-in-law.

37

�CC:

My mother-in-law, yes. Who was a great lady who really taught me most of what
I know about anything. She politicized me. (laughs) I always cared about
people. You know what I’m saying. [01:03:00] But I --

JJ:

How did she get to the Peace and Freedom? What was she doing to get up
there?

CC:

When JOIN came in, they got her involved in all that. It was them.

JJ:

It was them. So she was a member of JOIN?

CC:

Yeah. But she also -- they had this thing that was called WRDA, Welfare
Recipients Demand Action. We had a block club and a tenants union. Also, we
used to go to South Water Market and we had a food coop where we bought food
for real cheap and stuff. We had one lady (laughs) that was in charge of the
money and her and her husband [Dominic?], they decided to take off with the
money (inaudible). So you had to be careful. But then I took charge of it so
[01:04:00] and I did run away with the money. (laughs) But see, my background
at that time was in bookkeeping and stuff. So I was real good about keeping
books and keeping --

JJ:

How did you get into that?

CC:

Bookkeeping? From high school. I learned in high school. Then I went to
comptometer school. Comptometer, it was an adding machine. It was 10 keys
across and 10 keys up and down. That’s what you added stuff. I could do that
without looking like a typewriter could type stuff. I worked for ACNielsen as a
comptometer operator. (break in audio)

38

�JJ:

Testing one, two, three. Go ahead. Go ahead and say something. Go ahead
and say something, Carol, please.

CC:

Hello.

JJ:

Okay.

CC:

Can you hear me?

JJ:

Testing one, two, three. This is interview number two. (break in audio) Okay, we
[01:05:00] were talking about Doug, you said?

CC:

Yeah. I mean, here’s this young man who grew up in Ozark, Alabama, Paducah,
Kentucky and stuff. Had never gone to high school, never graduated. I think he
graduated from grammar school, never went to high school, not much of an
education, who could write the most beautiful poetry, like political poetry, and just
write up -- write on everything imaginable and who sounded like he had a college
degree. (laughs) Honest to God. He was amazing -- an amazing man. But he --

JJ:

How far did he go to school?

CC:

He only went to eighth grade. He never went to -- but he’s -- he got a GED in
later years when we were in our 20s and then went to Northeastern also.
[01:06:00] But he gave a poetry class at Stanford University (laughs) once. But
he wrote political poetry and stuff and read. That man --

JJ:

What kind of stuff did he write and [read?]?

CC:

It was against I don’t know, the police and the government. [Hythern?] has some
of his poetry I gave him. Plus we put out a poetry book, the Young Patriots,
called Time of the Phoenix and some of his poetry is in there. But he just -yeah. He was just amazing and he was reading all the time. I just cleared out

39

�the basement of books. He had books on everything imaginable. Nothing
disinterested him. I mean, he’d read just everything. Not just political stuff;
everything. And he was into -- he started painting. Oh, his paintings are
upstairs. But [01:07:00] painting. Just beautiful. I didn’t know he could do that.
He just was into everything. He was an amazing man and he passed away four
years ago.
JJ:

You said cancer.

CC:

Cancer but we were together. We weren’t married that long, but we were
together 50 years.

JJ:

Fifty years?

CC:

Fifty years. Yeah. Because we met in ’58 and he died in ’08. We were together
50 years so it was a long time. And I miss him; I really miss him. There were
times I wonder (laughs) that I even miss that. That’s power for when you’re
married to somebody. We just weren’t the -- what the -- [01:08:00] like on the TV
families where everybody’s so happy. We weren’t like that. But we did pretty
good.

JJ:

But you did pretty good, right? I mean you were happy sometimes. (inaudible)

CC:

Oh, we were happy most of the time. It’s just every once in a while. That was
always all his fault, of course. (laughter) I would like to believe that but I know it’s
not the truth. Yeah.

JJ:

But how were the Young Patriots? Did you know each other pretty well or did
you visit each other or...?

CC:

What, with the Young Patriots?

40

�JJ:

Yeah.

CC:

Oh, we were married when we got into the Young Patriots because we’d been
together since we were 16. Like I said, he moved away because Peggy moved
to Paducah -- not Paducah -- Jackson, Michigan. He was gone a couple years
and then he came back and we were together after that.

JJ:

Okay, you want to talk about Peggy, too. What about...?

CC:

Peggy. When I met Peggy, I was 16 and she was like 36 [01:09:00] years old.
The most amazing woman you ever want to meet in your entire life. She just -you’re talking about a woman I don’t think even finished public school, grammar
school or anything. Had no real education at all who became -- it’s because of
her. She was like a historian, too. She kept all this stuff from all those years ago
and just got into and started becoming very vocal. Talking about welfare, the
police. She worked with doc-- very closely with Dr. King and she marched in
Mississippi. She wound up with 12 broken vertebrae in her back because when
the police beat them with fire hoses. That’s not fair. She was an [01:10:00]
amazing woman. Just an amazing lady. For coming from -- she’s just a little -she’s a little hillbilly girl. Dumb hillbilly girl, didn’t know nothing and then she just
(snapped). She was the first person, the first white person, that was on Jet
magazine. I -- yeah. I don’t know if you’ve heard of Jet magazine.

JJ:

Yeah, I have.

CC:

Yeah. She was the first white person that was on there. They have an article on
her.

JJ:

I’ll look at it.

41

�CC:

Yeah, yeah. She worked -- mainly, she started out with the civil rights stuff. But
that was because of Gil. Like I say, he was a -- into politics and he got her
involved. I don’t think he realized what he created when he started politicizing
her (laughs) because she just went -- she was just amazing.

JJ:

[01:11:00] So she did a lot of stuff in Uptown?

CC:

Oh, a whole lot. A lot of stuff in Uptown.

JJ:

(crosstalk) Were you living in Uptown then or...?

CC:

Yeah, we lived in Uptown. And she -- yeah.

JJ:

How long did you live there?

CC:

We lived there up until the ‘70s.

JJ:

From what year?

CC:

Okay. We lived there from about 1965 to 1973.

JJ:

Oh was it?

CC:

Yeah.

JJ:

What was it like then?

CC:

Uptown. Uptown? It was like the ghetto. It was a lot of slum buildings and stuff.
A lot of crime. (laughs)

JJ:

How did it feel like?

CC:

I was used to that. (laughter)

JJ:

You [01:12:00] called it the ghetto but you were living there. (laughs)

CC:

I didn’t know the word ghetto till I -- they politicized it with ghetto. What are you
talking about ghetto? (inaudible)

JJ:

(laughs) This is my hangout.

42

�CC:

Yeah, right, this is my neighborhood. (laughs)

JJ:

So how was it? Was it a neighborhood or did people know each other or...?

CC:

Well, not really. People, I think, were suspicious of each other. It was a very
diverse community. There were Blacks, whites, Hispanics, some Orientals, and
stuff. They -- until JOIN came and they got to -- I don’t think the people were that
close together. You know what I’m saying? And then JOIN kind of organized
them and people got -- you got to know your neighbors were... Like I said, the
neighborhood I grew up in, you knew everybody in the building and all the kids in
your neighboring buildings and stuff. But that was the [01:13:00] ‘40s, ‘50s.
Now, this is a little different and nobody, I don’t think, knew each other or trusted
each other (laughs) all that much. Then they came together with the block club
and that we had a tenants union and a (coughs) -- and a food coop. Plus, we -we had our hands in a little bit of everything. There was a lady, [Kit Komatsu?],
who came. Peggy brought her back from -- when they were marching in
Mississippi, she brought her to town, Kit Komatsu. Had a group that was called
CAMP, Chicago Area Military Project. What they did was they printed up a
newspaper and took it to military camps and soldiers because it was against the
war but not against the soldiers. Do you know what I’m saying? Because there
were some soldiers that were involved in that. One I remember particularly, his
name was [Jeff Sharlet?]. He had been a [01:14:00] special forces. He would sit
there and tell us about how they used to go in these towns in Vietnam and
literally kill the mayor and stuff. What he wound up and a lot of soldiers was that
Agent Orange. He wound up -- see, that’s the thing. They were spraying all this

43

�stuff but they weren’t getting the Vietnamese; They were getting our soldiers, too.
A lot of our soldiers came back with that Agent Orange and cancer and all this.
Then she -- Peggy brought her in and we started this newspaper called Firing
Line where she would keep me up, Kit, till three o’clock in the morning (laughs)
cutting with an X-Acto knife to make these little cows and all this. (laughter) I
hated that newspaper. I didn’t hate it but I hated to have to [01:15:00] because
she would not let me out. The Young Patriots Bobby Joe -- okay, Peggy was very
political and Bobby Joe McGinnis, Junebug and I’m trying to -- and somebody
else and I. There was a program on TV called The Fugitive and it was the last
night when they were going to catch the one-arm man. We got up out of a
meeting, a tenants’ meeting. Me, Bobby, and Junebug (laughs) went to my
house to watch the last episode of The Fugitive. Peggy was so mad at us. We
said, “We don’t care about the tenants’ union. We got to see -- catch the onearm man.” (laughs) Well, what can I say? (laughs) And over the years, she used
to bring that up (laughs) about how we were more interested in The Fugitive than
the -- well, anyway. They survived without [01:16:00] us.
JJ:

What about -- you mentioned Chuck Geary before.

CC:

Chuck Geary.

JJ:

Did you know him pretty good or...?

CC:

Yeah, I knew him and I -- well --

JJ:

Because he was an activist there, right?

CC:

Yeah, he was -- Hythern would be more because he was involved with him. I
knew Chuck Geary and I -- his daughter [Marcella?] ran around with us. I was

44

�close to Marcella. In fact, I can’t find her. We talked to her in 2007. She used to
call here and I know she’s in Texas someplace. But we can’t... I tried calling the
phone number I had and it’s disconnected. So but that -- Marcella. Yeah, Chuck
Geary, he was a good guy and stuff. But he was more for working within the
system rather than trying to change -- to work along with people. His idea of
helping people and somebody said it was a good id-- [01:17:00] he bought a
bunch of (laughs) chicken farms and threw these people out there and they were
raising chickens. (laughter) I’m sorry. (snorts)
JJ:

They were raising chickens?

CC:

Yes. They were --

JJ:

So you didn’t think that was a good thing?

CC:

No. (laughter) I guess the --

JJ:

What should they have been doing instead of raising chickens?

CC:

They had nothing so he’s -- he set them up and whatever. They had all these
chicken farms and I think that was in Kentucky. (laughs) I’m not sure. I -Hythern could probably tell you more (laughs) about the chicken farms.

JJ:

So chicken were going back and forth to Kentucky? Is that what you’re saying?

CC:

I think they all moved down there is what -- but he had all these chickens.
(laughs)

JJ:

Oh, he moved them there --

CC:

He moved them there. (laughs)

JJ:

-- to a chicken farm. (laughter)

45

�CC:

[01:18:00] He always reminded me of one of those southern preachers, Chuck
Gea-- because he was always preaching. He was the Reverend Chuck Geary. I
don’t know which church (laughs) he was at, but he was a Reverend Chuck
Geary.

JJ:

He had some (inaudible)

CC:

(laughter) Yeah, right. But --

JJ:

But he preached pretty good or...?

CC:

Oh yeah, oh yeah. And he had a lot of people that believed in him. And he was
not a bad person, Chuck. I like Chuck Geary.

JJ:

You didn’t like chickens.

CC:

I -- no. (laughter) I was not about to go to the chicken farm. (laughs) My
chicken, it’s got to be plucked and on my plate. That’s the only thing I want with
chicken, but --

JJ:

I did hear he was a good leader.

CC:

He was a good leader. I mean, he could -- he had a -- he could talk. You know
what I’m saying? And make you believe everything he was saying. [01:19:00]
Not that he wasn’t honest. You know what I’m saying. But oh yeah, he was very
--

JJ:

He worked kind of within the system and you wanted to --

CC:

Right, and we were revolutionaries. That’s what we considered ourself
revolutionary.

JJ:

What does that mean?

46

�CC:

We would fight for what we believe rather than try to work or take concessions or
make concessions. That’s my understanding of revolutionary. We were rabblerousers.

JJ:

How did -- there’s another -- a better word. Rabble-rousers.

CC:

Yeah, rabble-rousers, yeah.

JJ:

But you would fight for what you believe instead of compromising.

CC:

Right, what we believe in. Yeah, or compro-- or taking -- that’s why we never
took federal funding or anything for the clinic. Because I said once you let those
people in, they’ll tell you how to run it. Before you know it, you’re not running it at
all, they’re running [01:20:00] it. The reason we started the clinic to begin with
was so we could do better than what they had.

JJ:

Okay. So in Uptown, you had -- so okay. So they can do better than what they
had?

CC:

We could do better. The community and the community was well able to tell us
what they wanted or to do for themselves. See, that was the problem with -when JOIN came, when the students came. In the beginning, it was really good
because they brought all these ideas and everything. However, they didn’t want
to let go and they sometimes treated the people like they were little children or
something and that they had to be told what to do. These women that they were
organizing and stuff were becoming more powerful and more -- and thinking
more and wanting more. And able to vocalize that and go and do some. But the
students didn’t want to let go. [01:21:00] It’s like little children -- you cannot...

47

�They told them, “We don’t need you. We’re not little children, we’re not idiots and
we know what we want. We’re not your little project.” (laughs)
JJ:

Like they’re parenting -- they were parenting.

CC:

Yeah, right.

JJ:

Patronizing probably. Something like that.

CC:

Oh yeah, patronizing. Yeah. So a lot of the students were good people --

JJ:

So the majority of the students -- they just later on, they got into -- they got into
patronizing.

CC:

Yeah. In the beginning, too. “Oh, we’re going to save the community,” and all
this and that’s okay. But if you’re going to teach people, you got to let go. It’s like
with children. You got to let your kid walk on his own. You kind of watch maybe
to make sure they’re not going to fall down a hole or something. But you got to
let go. See? They didn’t [01:22:00] want to let go.

JJ:

So the Patriots believe in letting go so that then people could go by themselves --

CC:

Right. (crosstalk) and various people became more knowledgeable about what
they were entitled to and what they could do.

JJ:

So they were not just giving handouts. (crosstalk)

CC:

That’s right, that’s right. People were doing things and people were starting to
feel good about themselves. Yeah, I can make a difference, you know? But the
students were like, “You can’t do this without us.” So that’s that. Like they
moved into the neighborhood -- okay. (laughs) I shouldn’t tell this story. There
was a young lady and she moved into one of the apartments, one of the
[Claremont?] building apartments. Once a week, her parents, chauffer and the

48

�maid would come and clean her apartment and take her laundry and do her
laundry. However, she was living in poverty. She saw that as living in poverty
and I’m not going to mention her name because she is pretty well-known.
[01:23:00] I said to her, “What’s the matter with you? Do you really think these
women can relate to you?” Here you are, your chauffer and your -- and they
would pull up in a limo or whatever and (laughs) they’d come clean her
apartment. They never worked. All right? That’s another thing is they -- a lot of
these people, if you [wanted?] them over, a lot of women were out working trying
to support their families. These students were not working. I don’t know where
their money was coming from. It had to have been from their mothers and
fathers or whatever. You can’t say, “We’re just like you.” You’re not. But they
were well-meaning. I don’t mean to cut them that because there were a lot of -they meant well. They just didn’t know when to let go. And there -- [01:24:00]
what can I say? (laughs)
JJ:

I understand that they -- that it was important to let go to create sort of --

CC:

Right. They created something. They gave people tools to work with and I think
they didn’t expect that they were going to get the -- that they were going to
succeed.

JJ:

(laughs)

CC:

You know what I’m saying? (laughs) What’s the thing? (inaudible) “I’m going to
do this,” and all of a sudden just... These people really have voices and they can
really express themselves and they can do things and make decisions for

49

�themselves. It was like, “Hmm, be careful what you wish for,” (laughs) kind of
thing.
JJ:

So what was the -- what kind of issues did you program with JOIN and all that?

CC:

I wasn’t involved that much in JOIN -- not myself. I just know this from my
mother-in-law who was Peggy Terry.

JJ:

[01:25:00] For example, what was the housing like in Uptown?

CC:

The housing was terrible.

JJ:

It wasn’t --

CC:

You had buildings where the back porches were literally falling. The kids were
falling through the porches and some getting killed or maimed or there was
painting peeling off the ceilings and stuff. The lead paint. They didn’t -- the halls
were filled with trash and stuff. I mean, it’s just terrible. The buildings were --

JJ:

Were these two- or three-storey buildings or...?

CC:

Yeah, yeah. These had been nice buildings at one point. But the landlords, all
they did was take the rent and they never fix up the property. And if you didn’t
like it, you could move. That’s the way it was. A lot of it was like there weren’t
leases, see? It was like monthly. [01:26:00] Or some places, there were some
furnished places that were weekly and stuff like that. And then urban renewal
decided they were going to come in and --

JJ:

So what happened there?

CC:

Urban renewal? They wanted to build that Truman College over there on Wilson
Avenue and they were going to tear down a bunch of the buildings. We fought
them about that because what are you going to do about the people that are

50

�living here? Are you going to move them into...? They did give people like a first
month’s rent. They had to find an apartment and then they would pay the first
month’s rent to move there or wherever. But they had to find their own. They
were going to just tear down these buildings and where are these people going to
go? And they didn’t care.
JJ:

This was the city.

CC:

The city, yeah. Urban renewal because they wanted to build the -- which they
did, the Truman College. (laughs) Terrible.

JJ:

Now, this was [01:27:00] you. This was the --

CC:

The JOIN. That was JOIN.

JJ:

(crosstalk)

CC:

Yeah, and all Young Patriots, we went there to the meetings with urban renewal
and we fought with the Uptown National Bank (laughs) is who was --

JJ:

The Uptown National Bank was part of it? It was --

CC:

Yeah. It was part of the urban renewal and this [Yurania Dumofley?] was her
name. They didn’t care about the people. I can get rid of the -- see, you get rid
of the neighborhood, you get rid of the people. It was in Uptown there, there was
one street, I can’t think of the name where [Ed Farr?] lived, it’s all mansions. In
the middle of the ghetto, there’s this street where there’s all mansions and all
these rich people live. We said to them, “Would you like some of our tenants to
come move in your neighborhood? [01:28:00] (laughs) Maybe you can put us up
in some of the buildings you have there.” No, no, they didn’t want any part of
that. So where are you gonna move these people? But --

51

�JJ:

When did you move from Uptown?

CC:

I moved from Uptown in 1973. I moved actually into Edgewater and then into
Rogers Park. I lived in Rogers Park, yeah.

JJ:

(crosstalk) You skipped one there. Now, were you being pushed out or you just
went on your own?

CC:

No, I just went on my own. And I worked for ATA which was Aid to Alcoholics and
that came out of the mental health center. We opened up the men medical detox
center and I worked there. Okay. And that, I moved to Rogers Park and --

JJ:

How did you get into that over there?

CC:

Because [01:29:00] of the mental health center, I worked with United Charities
with geriatrics. But I was more interested in working with drug addicts and
alcoholics and stuff. So --

JJ:

Why were you into that?

CC:

Because most of the people (laughs) I ran around with were like that. Also at the
time, I had kind of an alcohol problem myself. We had a storefront and then we
opened up --

JJ:

I mean, you became like a counselor.

CC:

A counselor, yeah. A counselor. But the terrible thing was I was also at that time
drinking. (laughs)

JJ:

Drinking and counseling at the same time.

CC:

But most of the counselors and stuff were recovering alcoholics that worked in
there. I was still a practicing alcoholic. (laughter) I didn’t know I was practicing
but I was practicing. But then we --

52

�JJ:

Don’t they call it denial or something?

CC:

Yeah, denial. Absolutely. [01:30:00] And then the man who ran it was Reverend
Jack Norgaard. That was [Lutheran Welfare Services?] ran that. He knew that I
had a problem because people would see me out on the street and stuff. He
came to my house and said to me -- never threatened my job, nothing. “You’ve
got one week to get Jason,” my son, because Doug and I were split up at that
time. Have Peggy, my mother-in-law, take care of Jason. He was taking me out
to Mercy center in Aurora here for the alcohol treatment program. Because he
said, “There’s people that are really concerned about you and they don’t want to
see -- they want to see you live a little longer.” I’m thinking, “Oh, Jack. I’m not an
alcoholic.” Anyway. So I let him take me out there to Mercy center and I haven’t
had a drink since 1975 -- October of 1975.

JJ:

[01:31:00] That’s --

CC:

Thirty-three years. Well, no, it wasn’t. Thirty-seven years.

JJ:

Congratulations. That’s pretty good.

CC:

But I --

JJ:

Did you go to any program or did you just...?

CC:

Yeah, I went to -- it was an alcohol treatment program they have at Mercy center
and --

JJ:

And how long were you there?

CC:

I was there for 30 days. Okay? When I came back out, I went back to work at
the drop-in center, the storefront we had. Then in a couple months, I helped
open the non-medical detox center. We had a building that used to be a nursing

53

�home. There were like three floors and I worked in triage where the police would
bring us people off the street and stuff.
JJ:

You detoxed.

CC:

Yeah, we detoxed.

JJ:

I worked in a detox.

CC:

Did you?

JJ:

Yeah.

CC:

But it was non-medical so they -- we had a lot of people shaking and --

JJ:

Shakes and all that.

CC:

Yeah. Yeah.

JJ:

Mine was medical. They had a (inaudible).

CC:

[01:32:00] Was it medical? Where did you work, Cha-Cha?

JJ:

I was in Michigan.

CC:

Oh, in Michigan?

JJ:

(inaudible). I started in Chicago -- I was a counselor in Chicago, too.

CC:

Oh.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CC:

Yeah, and I got an ENT card --

JJ:

Before the counseling, I started on my own. (laughs)

CC:

Oh, you were like me. Yeah.

JJ:

(laughs) (crosstalk)

CC:

That’s it. I never looked back and I’ve never regretted. Never regretted giving
that up. I used to tell Jack, Reverend Norgaard, I’d say, “You saved my life.”

54

�“No, I didn’t.” I’d say, “Yes, you did. You saved my life. You really saved my life.”
And the thing about it was a lot of the people that they brought into the detox
(laughs) that were people I drank with. They listened to me because they knew I
had been there and done that. The only problem is -JJ:

It really helps you if you’re helping somebody else.

CC:

Oh, yeah. And I had to go to AA and one of the counselors at the storefront we
had, him and his wife, every night, they took me to AA and I’d (inaudible)...
[01:33:00] They took me to this one place that used to be a funeral home. I
would be sitting in a chair and right across the street, there was a tavern and this
Budweiser sign would flash on and I would think this is hell. (laughs) This is hell.
I’m being punished. (laughter)

JJ:

(inaudible)

CC:

But I ran AA meetings. We had a -- like a dining room type thing. I got paid to
play Pinochle with these... (laughs) When I worked triage, then I worked with the
people that were really when they first came in and stuff. But then when I worked
on the second floor, I used to get to go in the day room and play Pinochle. Now,
they used to call me the warden. I worked on third shift and I would come in and
people would be running to their rooms. “Here comes the warden,” right? I knew
they were bringing [01:34:00] booze in somehow -- somehow. I sat one night
and I waited and I heard noise and I went down by the day room. Here, they had
a rope outside the window and somebody was standing in the gangway and they
were pulling booze through the window and I busted them. Then I went from
room to room and the ceiling tiles. Went up in there and I got every bottle I could

55

�find -- I mean stuff. I had a setup at the nurses’ station. Just say goodbye -wave bye-bye. (laughs) That’s how they started to call me the warden because I
made a raid and (crosstalk) I said, “This is a -- you’re busted. It’s not going to
happen anymore.” (crosstalk) But it -- I loved those guys. I would be standing on
the corner in Chicago waiting for the bus and here would come one of the drunk,
“Carol.” They’d be hugging me and people would be looking at me. (laughs) I
was like, “Oh my God.” [01:35:00] I knew every drunk in Uptown. (laughter)
Yeah. That was exciting. That’s what I did.
JJ:

So you get clean you said 37 years or...?

CC:

I’ve been sober 37 years. Yeah. Yeah.

JJ:

Thirty-seven years.

CC:

Yeah, thirty-seven years this month.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CC:

I never regretted it; Never ever. (laughs) I don’t know why I drank, in fact. You
know what I’m saying? I don’t... But that’s something that was started when I
was a teenager. I mean, that was the thing you did. You drank and --

JJ:

You were a teenager when everybody was out on the same corner and that’s all
they did.

CC:

Yeah, right. That’s all we did was drink. Some people did drugs. Like I said, I
was terrified of drugs and I never... Now, when I got a little older, I did try.
[01:36:00] I smoked pot. I didn’t inhale; Yes, I did. (laughs) But I never got into
anything like needles. I hate needles and stuff like that. But you have your peers

56

�are there and they’re doing this and you -- so you decide you’re going to try it, but
-JJ:

In terms of the Young Patriots, what do you think was their contribution in the
(inaudible)?

CC:

What was their contribution?

JJ:

Yeah. I mean their --

CC:

Mostly, the clinic. They taught people that they didn’t have to treated like
garbage, that they were worthwhile human beings. They had a right to have
good healthcare, they a right to eat, (laughs) they had a right to live in conditions
that weren’t falling [01:37:00] apart. They organized a lot of people -- a lot of
community people. It was surprising that people got really involved. You start to
feel like you’re worth something. Here, you got people telling you you’re a
worthless hillbilly or something and you start to believe that. Then they saw that
they weren’t. That they could do something. They could fight City Hall. Maybe
we didn’t win all the time but you could do that. You were allowed to do that. You
were allowed to stand up for yourself and say, “I am somebody and I deserve to
be treated like somebody.” I believe that’s what the Patriots taught and I think the
Patriots themselves. Here you got young guys that were just street hustlers who
became different -- their lives are changed. They’re not in prison [01:38:00]
which is probably where they would’ve wound up had they not gotten (inaudible)
with stuff. They would probably be in prison or dead. I believe that. I really
believe that.

JJ:

What are some final thoughts on that?

57

�CC:

Hmm?

JJ:

Some final thoughts.

CC:

Final thoughts? I’m glad I was there, I’m glad I was involved. I’ve never been
ashamed of what I was involved with. I would do it again. I don’t know about at
this age because I can’t run as fast, for one thing. (laughter) Yeah. I’m glad I
was there. I’m glad that maybe I made a difference; That I did change people’s
lives or maybe educate people how they could change their lives. I’m glad I was
here and I’ve never been ashamed. I’m not ashamed today.

JJ:

[01:39:00] Any other thoughts? Anything we forget to talk about?

CC:

No. I told you --

JJ:

What about the relationship with the -- how did people feel between the Panthers
and the Patriots or the Young Lords?

CC:

The Panthers. We didn’t have so much contact with the Panthers. The Panthers
were -- let’s see -- on their own page. (laughs) How can I say? We were closer, I
believe, to the Young Lords than the -- because the Young Lords, they ran their
clinic and they were interested in the people. The Panthers? I don’t know.
Sometimes I had some problems with them.

JJ:

What kind of problems?

CC:

They would call me on a -- when I was running the clinic one time and they said
there’s a meeting. They were having a meeting and I had to come to this
meeting. Because like I said, I was a certain -- that was my thing. [01:40:00] I
said, “We’re running the clinic.” “Well, we’re the Black Panthers.” I said, “Look, I
don’t care. When the clinic is over, then I will be there.” All right? All right. They

58

�had this -- these new cars and stuff and vehicles they were transporting. We had
this little stinking station wagon (laughs) that was always breaking down. But -JJ:

So you just didn’t have a lot of contact with them. That’s (inaudible).

CC:

Right. I had no animosity towards them but I really questioned their politics. The
Chicago Panthers, anyway.

JJ:

What do you mean their politics? (crosstalk)

CC:

They were more -- I don’t know how to say this. (laughs)

JJ:

No, no, I think it’s fine.

CC:

It’s like --

JJ:

You’re talking personally because (inaudible) -- of course there were, some of the
other people were more [01:41:00] in communication with them -- with the
Panthers. But you were in the clinic so you didn’t --

CC:

Yeah, right. I was in the clinic and stuff and I just --

JJ:

All you wanted to do was just do the clinic.

CC:

I just wanted to do what I was --

JJ:

The clinic, right?

CC:

-- the clinic --

JJ:

That’s what the Panthers --

CC:

-- and to be helping people and --

JJ:

And that’s what the Panthers wanted you to do anyway, right?

CC:

-- they just wanted to do, “Okay, it’s fine to beat your chest and all this other sun
talk,” and sit here in a meeting and BS and talk about nothing as far as I’m
concerned. I was about doing stuff. Like I said, I used to get in trouble

59

�sometimes because my mouth would go. But I’ve always been an upfront
person, Cha-Cha. I’m not going to stand there and say, “Oh, okay. Yeah, well...”
That’s not the way I am. (laughs)
JJ:

So you were a doer and you had to do -- you didn’t want to go to meetings.

CC:

Yeah, that’s -- I want to do and I don’t want to sit in meetings and just BS and not
get anything accomplished. Just sit there and listen to yourself [01:42:00] talk is
not my way of doing things. It doesn’t get anything done. That’s the problem I
had with the JOIN students, too, is they were, “Me, me, me,” sitting there talking
about nothing. What they wanted to do, what they were -- I don’t want to hear
that. Get out there and do it. Who cares what you want to do? Get out there
and do it. Or talk about philosophies or there’s a word I can’t. (gestures
vomiting) Boring. So (inaudible). (laughter) I’m sorry, I have --

JJ:

No, but you did get to speak with Doc Satchel and --

CC:

Yeah, I liked Doc Satchel because -- oh, and that was another thing. If Doc
Satchel couldn’t make it, somebody wouldn’t come from the Black Panthers.
Then they expected us to share but we had to give them their 100 dollars. No,
I’m sorry. That’s [01:43:00] not right because it was only me and somebody from
the Young Lords that was there speaking. The Panthers were suppose-- but they
didn’t because Doc was busy or something. To me, that’s not --

JJ:

(laughs) It ain’t right.

CC:

“Give us our speaking fee.” No, you didn’t speak.

JJ:

So you didn’t want to give them that.

CC:

No, we didn’t. We didn’t.

60

�JJ:

Now, what did you think about Fred Hampton?

CC:

I only met him one time and I didn’t know him. Mark Clark, I met many times.

JJ:

Was there -- they killed them. Was there something like that happening with the
Patriots, too? Were the police after the Patriots?

CC:

Oh, the police were after the Patriots. But they just killed people on the street.
They didn’t go into their apartments and roll them away which is what that jerk
did.

JJ:

But they did (inaudible) him.

CC:

Oh yeah.

JJ:

So they didn’t plant it or anything, they just killed him on the street.

CC:

No. they went -- they planted it. They went in -- those people were sleeping,
Cha-Cha. [01:44:00] They went in there and they killed them in their beds. I
didn’t know for a long time that Doc Satchel was one of the people that got shot.
Somehow, he got away but he was there the night that they killed Fred Hampton
and Mark Clark. They went into there. I want to say was it Burke or Ed -- what
was his name?

JJ:

[Hanrahan?], Hanrahan.

CC:

Hanrahan, him. Oh, that guy, I got to tell you a funny story. Hanrahan. They
planted it. They just went in there and went into that apartment and blew people
away in their sleep! I was at a bingo -- okay, 25 years ago or so at this church.
In the hall comes Hanrahan running around shaking people’s hand. [01:45:00]
He got to me and I just sat there. I said, “I don’t want to shake your hand, jerk.”
(laughs)

61

�JJ:

How come you didn’t want to shake his hand?

CC:

Because he had killed Fred Hampton. (laughs) I mean, he was responsible and I
knew about it and he was a jerk. He was a real jerk. Oh, Hanrahan, going
around, shaking all the bingo ladies’ hands. I don’t know what he was running for
-- from them. He should’ve been running for his life is what he should’ve been
doing.

JJ:

(laughter) Yeah. He was running (crosstalk).

CC:

Hiding in a hole. Yeah. I forget what it was.

JJ:

(inaudible) So (inaudible) [Youngblood?]? So I know you said that they killed
some people on the street. But was the police, did they do any questioning
afterwards? Why did the Young Patriots break up?

CC:

Oh, why did they break up? They [01:46:00] didn’t break up. People just went
their own ways -- kind of moved, kind of moved. Junebug went to California and
Bobby moved to Kentucky. People, the original Young Patriots. Doug and I, we
moved.

JJ:

Mm-hmm. So you moved this way or...?

CC:

No. I moved to Rogers Park and I got into working with drug addicts and
alcoholics. Kit Komatsu and David Komatsu, they kept up the clinic. They
moved it over on [Gray Street?] and they kept it up. But people just drifted away.
Nothing, nothing --

JJ:

What about a preacher man or (inaudible)?

CC:

Now, preacher man. That’s a totally different thing. I never cared for him,
(inaudible) -- never cared for him.

62

�JJ:

But wasn’t he -- I thought he was from the neighborhood.

CC:

No, he was from -- he was a seminary student or [01:47:00] something --

JJ:

(inaudible)

CC:

-- that my mother-in-law, Peggy Terry, when we were in Resurrection City after
they killed King when we set up that city in Washington, D.C., he was there and
they talked to him. Then he came to Chicago and worked with the Patriots.
However, he had his own agenda and he was kind of a megalomaniac, I guess.
(laughs) Megalomaniac? Is that what that -- megalomaniac? Like ego maniac?

JJ:

(crosstalk)

CC:

Yeah. A megalomaniac, because I do crossword puzzles. It has something -- no,
well, that’s where I learned that word is self-important. Very self-important.
(inaudible) Like I said, I never cared for him and I --

JJ:

He wasn’t from Uptown. I thought he was from --

CC:

No, he was from [01:48:00] North Carolina or South Carolina and he came here.

JJ:

So was he like a hillbilly, too, or...? (crosstalk)

CC:

Yeah, he was a hillbilly.

JJ:

Okay. Is that a good term? I don’t know. I --

CC:

Oh, there’s nothing wrong with that. It used to be -- now, when I was young and
stuff, if you called somebody a hillbilly, that was like using the n-word to a
southerner. But then in the ‘60s and stuff, it became -- people were proud to be
hillbillies. We used to say, “There’s only two kinds of people in this world:
hillbillies and the people who wish they were hillbillies.” (laughs) But no, Peggy

63

�and them, they never had a problem being called hillbillies. And they used to tell
me they loved me anyway even if I was a Yankee.
JJ:

Oh, okay.

CC:

Yeah, because I wasn’t a hillbilly. They told --

JJ:

[01:49:00] Did they call you Yankee or no?

CC:

No.

JJ:

You called yourself Yankee.

CC:

Everybody did.

JJ:

Why is there a difference? Yeah, what is that?

CC:

Why do you think? Because -- okay, Yankee, because of the Civil War, the North
and the South. See, I’m a Yankee. I’m a Chicago girl.

JJ:

Oh, that’s right. That’s right. That’s right, you’re a Chicago girl.

CC:

They used to kid me and say I was hillbilly by injection but that’s not... (laughter)
That’s dumb. Don’t put that. (laughter) No, that’s what Dougie used to tell me.
(laughter) (inaudible) “You’re a hillbilly by injection.”

JJ:

What does that mean? Something (inaudible).

CC:

Yeah, right. But it -- my mother-in-law, Peggy, she would say, “We love you even
if you are a damn Yankee.” (laughs)

JJ:

Okay. So there was a lot of pride in (crosstalk)

CC:

(inaudible) it’ll go -- yeah. It came -- it became --

JJ:

It’s a culture. (crosstalk)

CC:

-- for me derogatory to a -- yeah.

JJ:

So it’s [01:50:00] like a different culture, right?

64

�CC:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

Something like Puerto Rican, Mexican.

CC:

Right. Yeah. Hillbilly. Southern white. It’s usually meant southern white, not
southern Blacks but southern white. Hillbilly. But actually I think in the dictionary,
it says that a hillbilly is a Michigan farmer.

JJ:

Really?

CC:

It seems to me. Maybe not but it’s probably updated. I don’t care what you call
me as long as you don’t call me late for dinner. That’s what I... (laughter) But
what would be funny -- okay. Because I was married to Doug and Peggy was my
mother-in-law, when we would go someplace, I forget where it was. I was
applying for something and they put down, “You’re a southern white, right?” I
said, “No, why?” Doug is, yeah, he’s my husband but I’m not a southern white.
(laughs) [01:51:00] Or when they would categorize me and put me in a southern
white and I’d say, “No, I’m not a southern white.” (laughs) I’m a damn Yankee.

JJ:

So right now, you’re not active? You’re kind of retired?

CC:

Oh yeah, I’m retired. (laughs)

JJ:

From that, yes.

CC:

Yeah, from that. I still put my two cents in and if I can help, you know what I’m
saying? Like at work, I’ve had guards that would -- racist and stuff and I got them
removed. (laughs) I’m not ashamed to say that and I really don’t mess with
people’s jobs. But if you’re going to treat people like they’re garbage just
because they’re not white or whatever, you’re gone. (laughs) I’m not putting up

65

�with that. I’ve [01:52:00] had people who needed help with alcohol or something
and I would put them in contact with people so...
JJ:

You still (inaudible)

CC:

Yeah.

JJ:

(inaudible) Okay. One more time. Any other final thoughts?

CC:

No. That’s it; that’s it.

JJ:

Okay. You said you have your son or...?

CC:

Yeah, I have a son, Jason. He’s 45. Yeah.

JJ:

He doesn’t come around or...?

CC:

He lives here.

JJ:

Oh, he lives here.

CC:

He lives here with his girlfriend and her two-year-old son so that just happened
recently that they moved in. Actually, it was the little boy that got to me.
(crosstalk) I wasn’t so keen on having her because you can’t have two women in
the house or even in the kitchen and all that. But that little boy just kind of got me
so --

JJ:

[01:53:00] (inaudible)

CC:

Yeah. I guess he -- he’s my grandson. He’s not my blood but he’s my -- I love
him to death. I’m a pushover when it comes to babies and animals.

JJ:

What’s his name?

CC:

His name is [Nicholas?].

JJ:

Nicholas. What’s her name?

CC:

Her name is [Nicole?].

66

�JJ:

Nicole. (inaudible)

CC:

Yeah. She’s a sweetheart. She really is a sweetheart. But puppies and babies
or little kids. (laughs) I know I’m a pushover. (laughs)

END OF VIDEO FILE

67

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Douglas R. Gilbert (b. 1942) is an American photographer from Michigan. He was born in Holland, Michigan and is the son of Russell W. and Carmen (Andree) Gilbert. Gilbert earned a B.A. in social sciences and art at Michigan State University in 1964, an M.S. in photography from the Institute of Design at Illinois Institute of Technology in 1972, and a M.S.W. from Salem State College in 1993. He is married to Barbara (McDonald) Gilbert, and has three daughters, Robyn, Rachel, and Anne. Gilbert took a serious interest in photography at the age of fourteen. In 1963 he joined the staff of Look magazine in New York as the second youngest photojournalist in the magazine's history. As a Look photographer from 1964 to 1966, he photographed folk musician Bob Dylan, the Newport Folk Festival, Simon and Garfunkel, the New York City Financial District, the children and facilities at the Manhattan School for Seriously Disturbed Children. From 1967 to 1969, Gilbert did several shoots, including that of folk singer Janis Ian for Life magazine. After moving to Chicago, Illinois in 1969 to attend the Illinois Institute of Technology, Gilbert conducted notable photo shoots of business and political figure Lenore Romney, and pursued more personal and artistic photography, focusing on urban and rural landscapes in Illinois and Michigan. He then joined the faculty of Wheaton College, where he taught from 1972 to 1982. In 1993, Gilbert graduated from Salem State College, Massachusetts, with a Masters in Social Work, and later pursued a second career as a psychotherapist. Douglas Gilbert died in June 2023. &#13;
&#13;
Throughout his photography career, he pursued both freelance commercial work as well as artistic work. His art photography is characterized by its classic black-and-white format, and features people, places and objects shot great attention and sensitivity. Gilbert's works are held in the permanent collections of the Art Institute of Chicago, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta, The Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, and the Grand Valley State University Art Galleries, as well as in numerous private and institutional collections.&#13;
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                    <text>ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW
ED CARPENTER

Born: Rockford, Michigan
Resides: Jenison, Michigan
Interviewed by: James Smither PhD, GVSU Veterans History Project,
Transcribed by: Joan Raymer, November 29, 2011
Interviewer: We’re talking today with Ed Carpenter of Jenison, Michigan. Mr.
Carpenter, can you start out by telling us where and when you were born?
I was born in Rockford, Michigan in 1921.
Interviewer: What did your family do?
Pardon?
Interviewer: What did your father do for a living?
He was a plumber.
Interviewer: Did you live in Rockford and grow up there?
No, I grew up around Grand Rapids.
Interviewer: Did your father have regular work during the thirties, during the
depression era?
He was on the WPA for a while like everybody else, you know after the depression.
Interviewer: Right—did you finish high school?
Did I finish high school?
Interviewer: Yes
No
Interviewer: How long did you stay in school?
The eighth grade, actually.

1

�Interviewer: What did you do after the eighth grade?
I was in the plumbing business with my father for quite a few years. !:00
Interviewer: How did you wind up in the military?
Well, I was in a CC [Civilian Conservation Corps] Camp for two years, and right after
that my friends all went into the service.
Interviewer: Why were they going into the service?
I suppose they went in there just to give them something to do.
Interviewer: So, this was all before the war and started, or at least before the
American war had started?
Pardon?
Interviewer: This was before Pearl Harbor then? This is before Pearl Harbor,
right?
Yeah, that was all before Pearl Harbor.
Interviewer: At the time you signed up, did you think that we might get into a war,
or that you might get into one?
No, no, at that time we were allowed to pick where we wanted to serve, so I picked
Hawaii, and that‟s how that started. 1:56
Interviewer: Where did they send you for basic training?
Hawaii
Interviewer: You went straight to Hawaii?
Yeah, I left the United States and went to California. First I went to Fort Sheridan,
Illinois and then I want to Angel Island, California, and I was quarantined there for two

2

�weeks, and got my shots, and all that stuff, and then we went on to Hawaii. I had my
basic training in Hawaii.
Interviewer: Where did they station you in Hawaii?
Where?
Interviewer: Yeah, where in Hawaii?
Schofield Barracks
Interviewer: On Oahu?
That‟s right
Interviewer: Can you describe the basic training process? What did you do?
We went through everything there was to go through in the service. You had all the
components they had to go through, you know, and it was quite a list. I‟ve got a list of
them in my stuff in my room there. 2:57 You went through all your basic stuff, you
know, your military maneuvers, your marching, and your gas stuff, you know, and all
that stuff. Everything they did in the service, hand to hand combat, all of that. I took
seventeen weeks of it, and then when we got to the manual of arms to graduate, I
graduated and got we got our certificates, and was assigned to a company.
Interviewer: Did you have any problems adjusting to army life? Was it easy to
make the switch?
None whatsoever, and being in the CC Camps helped a lot though.
Interviewer: So, you learned to follow orders and take care of yourself?
It was not a problem
Interviewer: What kind of weapons did they train you on? 3:59

3

�Well, I was qualified with the 0-3 rifles, and 0-6, Grand 45 automatic, Thompson Sub
Machine Gun, 37mm, 45mm, I mean 75mm.
Interviewer: Now, were the 37mm and the 75mm, where those anti-tank guns or
all-purpose guns?
The 37mm was your anti-tank weapon. The 75mm was mounted on a tank, and that was
with the Sherman tanks. I was a Platoon Sergeant in a Sherman Tank outfit.
Interviewer: What Company did they assign you to, or what unit did they assign
you to?
We were with—I was with the 767th Tank Battalion, 19th Infantry Regiment, 24th
Division, and we were assigned unattached to any outfit that needed us. 5:02 When we
went to Leyte, I was with the 32nd, the 7th and a whole slew of them.
Interviewer: All right, so basically your division served as sort of a reserve force in
the Pacific Theater, and they would send parts of it where it needed to go, or was
that mostly your tank battalion that was that kind of thing?
We were with the 19th and wherever the 19th went, we went.
Interviewer: When did you finish basic training?
Pardon?
Interviewer: Do you remember when you finished basic training? What time of
year?
Let‟s see—I got over there in July, and I think it was October.
Interviewer: OK
October, about three months, seventeen weeks

4

�Interviewer: What was it like living in Hawaii then, before the war started? Did
you like it out there?
Oh, it—I loved it out there. Yeah, that was a good place. It was native, a lot of it, you
know. 6:00 Now it‟s all commercial.
Interviewer: Right
I was there when you couldn‟t drive all over the mountains, you had to walk, and we got
to see a lot of stuff there.
Interviewer: You saw that when you were out on marches?
Yeah, training and stuff like that.
Interviewer: What could you do for fun out there?
Well, the only fun we had was—we had our own gym, you know, and a bowling alley,
and a theater, and stuff like that, on the base, and the army PX‟s, you know, but after that
it was Hawaii, going to Honolulu, and you were pretty well restricted on a lot of stuff too,
you know. There were places in Honolulu that you could go to. I use to go to just
outside Schofield Barracks a lot, and they use to have a drive-in up there that was real
nice for GI‟s, for everybody really, but you could get a steak there for a dollar, and you
couldn‟t eat the whole thing. 7:13 I‟ll tell you, it was nice though, and I don‟t have no
complaints about Hawaii.
Interviewer: All right, now, can you describe what happened, or what you
experienced on December 7th, 1941?
I was on KP for one thing, and I want outside to smoke a cigarette, so I went outside, and
I heard this noise, banging, you know, bombs, and it was in Pearl Harbor, but we were
thirty-six miles north of Pearl Harbor. Anyway, the planes started coming through and

5

�they started coming through over our outfit, and I was outside there, and this one Jap
plane came in and he strafed me, but he missed me. 8:03 They strafed all the barracks
and all the hospital was right behind us and they strafed that too. They dropped a bomb
through our barracks, and it went right through my footlocker, and it never went off, it
was a dud. I lost everything I owned, civilian stuff, everything. I had gabardine suits I
had made, you know, tailor-made, I had all that stuff, and I didn‟t have anything left.
Interviewer: If the bomb didn’t blow-up?
It was a dud
Interviewer: Did it still damage your stuff?
Oh yeah
Interviewer: Because A big bomb lands right on your footlocker.
It went through the roof and right on down through.
Interviewer: So, there was not much left anyway. Did you find a place to take cover
when the—or did you just kind of watch them go through or--when the planes were
coming over did you take cover somewhere?
Well, I was looking up to see what the hell was going on first and I said, “they aren‟t our
planes”, and I saw the yellow rising sun on them, you know, so I just hollered that they
were not our planes, and by that time they got the word and the sirens went off, and
everybody got ready to get together, you know. 9:19 We had to get our rifles and stuff,
and everything was locked up, the ammunition was locked up, and we were going around
like a bunch of chickens with our heads cut off. We got all organized and we got orders
to go up in the mountains, and they said we were going to defend the island to the last
man, so we went up in the mountains and dug in. I was up on a ridge, it‟s the highest

6

�point in Hawaii, and you could see the whole island, and our job was to notify whatever
went on, but the Japs never landed.
Interviewer: Nope
It was a good thing too, because they would have wiped us out.
Interviewer: We were not really ready for a war yet; so, how long did the attack
itself last? How long were there planes over your base do you think?
I would say it probably lasted over our area, maybe five or ten minutes. I don‟t know
how long it lasted at Pearl Harbor, but it was quite a while because they—we had a few
planes get up there though. 10:24 They had a couple of bases or airstrips here and there
that they didn‟t know about, and we had a few of the guys get up and take out a few of
the Jap planes, but they got taken out too.
Interviewer: How long did you stay up in the hills after the attack? You said you
were up there on lookout, how long did you stay up there?
There you got me, I don‟t really know, I don‟t remember.
Interviewer: Once things quieted down a little bit, did you get down to Pearl
Harbor, so you could take a look at it?
Oh yeah, we were on special assignments all the time and we had to go down and keep—
we went down into Honolulu to get rid of the Japanese that were on the island, and we
stopped everybody that was Japanese descent, and if they had any GI clothes on we
stripped them right then and there. 11:31 Then they got picked up and sent to California
or wherever.
Interviewer: Actually a lot of the Japanese stayed in Hawaii, they didn’t intern the
Japanese there. They probably interned some of them.

7

�You see the Japanese--the United States was so damn mad they picked up everybody they
could get a hold of, and I guess that‟s why they paid them twenty thousand dollars apiece
afterward.
Interviewer: What was it like then just being based on Hawaii during 1942? What
were you thinking was going to happen?
We didn‟t know, we just couldn‟t really write home, and we didn‟t get any mail, and all
we were doing was training all the time. 12:24 Organizing, and organizing, they would
jump from— like I just got trained in 37mms, anti tank weapons, and then we got
transferred into a tanks outfit. We had three different tanks we were training with them
and we ended up with the Sherman‟s. That tank [the first one, the Stuart] was a real light
tank, the old fashioned tanks, and then we went to a Grant, which had two guns on it, a
37mm and a 75mm, and then we went to the Sherman and that‟s the one we ended up
with.
Interviewer: Now do you remember when you got the Shermans? Was it still in
1942, or was it later than that?
I remember alright, our company commander called us in, us sergeants in, and handed us
a box full of pamphlets, you know, books, and it was on the Sherman Tank, and it had
everything in it, all it‟s components and everything else. 13:30 We never had seen a
Sherman Tank, we didn‟t even know what one looked like. Well we got them all in and
everything was in Cosmoline, so we had to clean them all up, you know. Then we had to
instruct our troops on the dumb things, so we had to pick out the men we wanted for
drivers and so on and so forth, you know. We had a gunner, and a driver, and an assistant
driver, and a loader, and two tank commanders.

8

�Interviewer: So you had a five-man crew?
Yeah, so we got that all straightened out, we started training and we said we had three
months to get ready, so in three months we were just like experts on it. We went together
on it, and if you were a sergeant it didn‟t mean a damn thing, what it meant was, you
were in charge, but the other guys there, they knew as much as you did, so we got
together, we got our heads together and that‟s the way we operated. 14:31 We only
pulled rank when we had to, but everybody did what they were supposed to do.
Interviewer: How many tanks do you think you had in your battalion? How many
tanks did your unit have?
How many did we have? By company?
Interviewer: No, how many tanks in your unit?
There were five tanks in a platoon.
Interviewer: And you had a full battalion?
Yeah, we got three platoons in a company.
Interviewer: Was there just one company or were there three companies?
Three companies, A, B, and C
Interviewer: So, in principle, forty-five tanks to start with?
Right
Interviewer: What did you think of the tanks, just as a machine to drive in, was it
better or worse than a Grant or a Stuart, or anything like that? Just to be driving
and trying to use. Did you like the Sherman better?
Oh, I loved the Sherman Tank, yeah, but see, we didn‟t have any of those other ones that
came out later like the Patton and all of them. 15:33 They were all in Europe. The

9

�tanks were limited in the South Pacific in what they could do, and it was the terrain. We
had some rough terrain, man, I‟ll tell you; I don‟t know how we made it, and those
mountains, I‟ll tell you—that was something else.
Interviewer: In this period while you were training, were you following the news of
the war? Were you paying attention to what was happening on in the Solomons, or
New Guinea, or things like that? Were you keeping track of the war and wondering
when you were going to go in?
While I was in the service?
Interviewer: You’re spending 1942 mostly in Hawaii, and you’re training in the
tanks, and that kind of thing.
In 1942 [1943?] we went to Kwajalein. 16:20
Interviewer: Tell us about that, how did they get you over to Kwajalein?
By ship
Interviewer: What kind of a ship were you on?
LSD, landing ship dock
Interviewer: So, how was that ship set-up?
Loaded on a LCM, they loaded our tanks on an LCM, and they floated the LCM‟s out to
the LSD, the LSD dropped her tailgate and they loaded it with five foot of water. We
drove the LCM‟s in there.
Interviewer: So, you’re actually taking the small landing craft, which holds one
tank and a few men, and just sailing it into the stern of the ship?
We got all these into the ship, they got them in there and pumped the water out and
chained the LCM‟s down. Then we shut the gate up, the water was gone and away we

10

�went. We could go wherever we were going to go. 17:18 We got over to Kwajalein
they dropped the tailgate, put the five foot of water in there and we floated out,
rendezvoused, and got ready to hit the beach. When the shelling stopped we hit the
beach. W e lost one tank in a shell hole, and it went in nose first, just like this, but we
got the crew out. As far as I know it‟s still setting there. Anyway, it was an easy
operation as far as we were concerned, because we wiped them out in nothing flat. It was
just a small island, a couple miles long, and I forget how big it was.
Interviewer: It didn’t have the kind of defenses on it that Tarawa did or some of
these other places?
No, it‟s a flatter island, it doesn‟t have mountains in it at all, and it‟s just a flat island.
Interviewer: So is Tarawa, but they were better dug in there, but this was smaller
still. 18:20
Tarawa was--the trouble was, the people don‟t know all of this either that, half of these
islands that the Marines were supposed to have taken, they didn‟t actually take them, the
army took them, but they never got the credit for anything because we didn‟t have the
news media. Everything that went on was the marines, marines, and marines all the time.
I don‟t have anything against them, they‟re nice guys and I had three buddies in the
marines, in fact I went to Pendleton and I saw my buddy over there. It‟s just that—we
had a guy that, on one of the island, a marine General, “Howlin Mad Smith”, they called
him, and the marines and the army was over on Saipan, and the army took the center, the
hills, so the marines took the flanks. 19:21 Well, the marines got around, and we got up
there and we wiped them out. Here they are up there and they weren‟t even supposed to
be there. We wiped them out damn near, you know. Well, “Howlin Mad Smith”

11

�complained about the army not doing their job, so Roosevelt fired “Howlin Mad Smith”
from the Marine Corps, and replaced him, and that was never publicized.
Interviewer: Let’s go back to the Kwajalein operation. The Kwajalein, was that
just an army operation?
Marines in the Marshall islands, there was Kwajalein, Eniwetok was one, was one and
Majuro was one.
Interviewer: But when you went into Kwajalein was that just the army or were
there Marine?
All army, another island had marines, but we had Eniwetok the next island over and
that‟s where they tested all of their atomic stuff. 20:33
Interviewer: later on, and I think they tested some of that on Kwajalein too. Now
ere you guys in the first wave at Kwajalein? Did they land the tanks first or did you
come in after the infantry?
No, I think we were in about the second wave.
Interviewer: Did the Japanese on Kwajalein have anti tank guns or anything they
could shoot at you?
They had some small tanks, real light tanks. In fact, I never encountered any of them.
The only ones I saw were when they were trying to repair them.
Interviewer: Did you have targets to fire on there? Did your tanks do anything or
did they just kind of drive up onto the beach? When you were on Kwajalein did you
get in any actual fighting, or did the foot soldiers do that?
Oh yeah, we had to knock out pillboxes and machine gun nests and snipers, and stuff like
that, you know. 21:31

12

�Interviewer: How did you—were you able to communicate with the foot soldiers?
How did you know what to shoot at? Did you just look around?
In the back of the tank you have a telephone. We had this colonel come on our tank, my
tank, and he wanted me to knock out this big cement abutment, and they had three
hundred and fifty people in it, and they wouldn‟t come out. He wanted me to poke a hole
in it, so they could put some satchel charges in there, and I thought to myself, “what the
hell do you want to murder three hundred and fifty people for when all you have to do is
sit here. They will have to come out or die right there”, so I poked a hole in it all right,
but I don‟t know if they ever blew it up or not. 22:25
Interviewer: Did you have ordinary foot soldiers call you up on your phone on the
back of your tank?
Most of them were officers, or sergeants, somebody that was in command of an
operation, you know.
Interviewer: Once you guys took the island, how long did you stay there? Did they
move you out again right away?
We didn‟t stay there very long, just a few days.
Interviewer: Did you go back to Hawaii from there?
Back to Hawaii to retrain and regroup and get ready for Leyte Island. We were supposed
to hit Truk Island, but they changed it.
Interviewer: We only bombed that, but it didn’t get hit. Now, lets see Kwajalein—
did you go anywhere in 1943?
43, 43, let me see 23:23
Interviewer: Well, Kwajalein might have been 1943, and not 42.

13

�Kwajalein was right after Guadalcanal
Interviewer: Guadalcanal finished up pretty much in February of 1943, and
Kwajalein was after that.
We were in there before that because we went to Leyte in 1944.
Interviewer: That’s in the fall of 1944
October 20th 1944 is when we landed. We landed in the first wave there, in fact the tanks
landed before the infantry. I have a picture of my tanks lined up on the beach.
Interviewer: All right, now when you landed there at Leyte, were you under fire at
that point, or were the Japanese somewhere else?
The Japanese had pulled back.
Interviewer: Were they shooting artillery at you or just letting you come on?
They didn‟t hit us until we got clear up past a little town around Leyte, and on the way to
Tacloban, and we were on our way to Tacloban, when we started getting heavy fire.
24:29

Well then we moved to a Ormoc Bay, which was on the other side of the island,

and we pushed the Japs off of there and we got there and we got word that the Japanese
had fifty thousand troops coming in to reinforce them. Well, the air force went out, the
Army Air Force, the Army Air Corps then, went in and knocked them out in the water, so
that‟s what they told us.
Interviewer: Well, there were still quite a few Japanese on that island. Now, when
you were landing there did you have to take the tanks through jungle or was it more
open country that you were in?
I was in the jungles quite a bit.
Interviewer: How do you take a tank through the jungle?

14

�We had a hell of a time there, because we were supposed to have infantry troops with us,
you know, and we didn‟t have any. Here we were going through there by ourselves. I
thought it was kind of stupid, you know.
Interviewer: Dangerous 25:22
I don‟t know how anybody could stick up on the top, well one guy did get up on my tank,
and my guy behind me, we were supposed to work in pairs to protect each other. So, a
guy got on my tank, an officer, and he started chopping at my tank with a saber, you
know a Samurai, so a guy on the radio tells me not to open my hatch because I got
company. He said, “we‟ll take care of him”, and I heard bullets hitting my tank, and they
got him with a machine gun. He fell in my air intake on my turret intake, so I had to get
out of there and knock him off of there, so some of the stuff like that, they could have-Interviewer: Do you know how far away the infantry was? Do you know how far
away the foot soldiers were at that point?
Their soldiers?
Interviewer: No, your soldiers, the infantry you were supposed have with you.
They were behind us, but I don‟t know how far.
Interviewer: Was there a trail in the jungle you were following, so you went single
file or what?
No we just followed by compass. 26:21 We had to pick our way because of the terrain.
We weren‟t like a foot soldier, they go out through the swamps, but we couldn‟t do that.
Interviewer: Now, did you get tanks stuck in the jungle?
We got one, and it was mine. I came up on this flat plateau, and we couldn‟t see where
we were going because it was all covered with brush. We started to torch it and all of a

15

�sudden the damn tracks started to spin. Well, I opened up the hatch and got out and I
looked down and there I was, stuck. Well, then the damn mortars started coming in, and
a mortar shell hit behind me, back of the tank and it blew me off the tank, and I got
shrapnel in the back of my head and stuff, you know, but that didn‟t stop me. It wasn‟t
that bad, so somebody came out of this area on this plateau and I shot this guy, and I
asked the gunner for my Thompson sub-machine gun, and he gave me that. 27:38 I had
fifty rounds in there and I got seven more, and then I had my man on the other tank come
up and help me get out. So, I could pull myself out, you know, and we got out of there.
then a Jap tank came up the side of the ridge, just beyond it, and my gunner said, “enemy
tank ahead”, and I said, “Are you sure it‟s the enemy?” I give the orders what to shoot,
and he shot and hit it the first thing and blew it all to smithereens, because they were light
tanks. 28:21
Interviewer: Yeah, the Japanese didn’t have very good tanks at all.
They didn‟t have very good equipment, tanks, they just had manpower. We would kill
ten of them to our one every damn time. I don‟t know how they kept getting all these
men.
Interviewer: Eventually they ran out
I‟ll tell you, there was another bad one too because of the terrain, and we got the unit
citation over there too while I was there from President Marcos, and we got one from our
country.
Interviewer: Marcus was the president during the 60’s and 70’s, so Quezon was
president then.
Marcos was a guerilla, that‟s when I met him he was a guerilla.

16

�Interviewer: What Island was he on? Was he on Leyte?
He was on Leyte, and his wife was from Leyte. I met a platoon of Philippine Guerillas,
and I was around Leyte, it was a Sunday, we had things pretty well under control, so we
were just out walking around, monkeying around, and we see this platoon come in this
town. Well, they give their order, halt the platoon, left face, she gave another order, and
they had bags on their shoulders, burlap bags, so they picked the bags up and threw them
like that, well, I thought they were bowling balls or coconuts, but they were Japanese
heads. They had gone out and beheaded the Japanese, and this platoon leader was a girl.
30:22 I was told that the government paid the guerilla, or they paid the guerillas, twenty
dollars a head for the Japanese, and whether that‟s true or not, I don‟t know.
Interviewer: But it’s still kind of a striking sight, and not something you would
have expected.
I don‟t know if the government would do that, but you know-Interviewer: It’s hard to tell. Now, did you see much of the native population there
on Leyte?
Oh yeah
Interviewer: How did they get along with the Americans?
Good, and we were well treated there.
Interviewer: Aside from these guerillas, were there other Filipino soldiers? Were
there other units that served with you?
No, just the guerillas
Interviewer: Just the guerillas at that point.
We just ran into the guerillas, we didn‟t run into any troops.

17

�Interviewer: Now, did you—after that first action you had at Ormoc Bay, did your
unit go further into the jungle and continue fighting, or did you move out? 31:26
When we got to Ormoc Bay we stopped right there, that was the end of the island, and we
had the island taken then. Then we went on over to Mindanao, the next island.
Interviewer: What happened there?
Well, that‟s where we ran into a lot of trouble, over there.
Interviewer: That was the Villa Verde Trail and that kind of thing?
There were more troops on there and stuff.
Interviewer: Do you know about when that was? Was it in early 1945 at that
point?
Let‟s see, October
Interviewer: October is Leyte
November, December—see, I left there in January and went to New Guinea in January,
to I Corps, and then I went to the United States and I was assigned to Fort Ord, California
as a drill sergeant. 32:27 I was there for about two or three months, and I got orders to
go back to the South Pacific. I had an appendicitis attack, and they operated on me, and
while I was in the hospital I got my orders rescinded and they set me up for a reenlist. I
was up for a commission in the field, you know, in the South Pacific, but I wouldn‟t take
it because they wouldn‟t let me come back to my outfit. They wouldn‟t reassign me to
my outfit, and I told them that if I couldn‟t come back there as a Lieutenant, I don‟t want
to come back. I said, “I‟m here as a Platoon Sergeant, why not a Lieutenant?” He said,
“there‟s a difference”, and I could see there was too. 33:25 Once you get those bars on
you, their attitude toward you changes.

18

�Interviewer: You had mentioned earlier that you were once on Peleliu? You were
also on Peleliu, right?
Well yeah, on the island, yeah, and the 38th was over there too.
Interviewer: That’s another regiment from your division?
Yeah
Interviewer: Can you tell us about that? What sis you do there? What did you see
there?
I didn‟t do anything there myself. I went over there to visit, see I hitch hiked from Leyte
to Peleliu. I went to the airstrip and saw his plane, and I asked this captain if anybody
was going to Peleliu, and he said, “yes, but I can‟t take anybody, it‟s against regulations”.
I knew that, I was AWOL, see, so I got—he said, “that‟s my plane over there”, so I got
on the plane, and we went over to Peleliu. 34:34 I went over there and I asked some
guys about the 1st Marine division, and this guy I knew, and they showed. Me where it
was, and I went over there and saw him. He started crying and said, “I wondered when
the hell you guys were going to get here”, and raw, raw, raw, you know, and I said,
“Well, we‟re just over here to visit, we got Leyte taken care of so”.
Interviewer: Was the fighting still going on then? Were they still fighting on Peleliu
at that point?
Sporadically, you know, mop up stuff, there‟s always that. Hell, they had a guy on the
Admiralty Islands; the Japanese were there twenty-seven years after the war. They didn‟t
even know the war was over yet, and they finally got him. 35:27
Interviewer: Did you also go to the Admiralties?

19

�I went there as, not as a fighting unit, we went there as a staging, getting ready to hit
Leyte. We were supposed to go to the Truk Islands, see, but they stopped that. Truk
Island was the highest fortified island in the Pacific, and it was a big naval base, but they
bypassed it and hit Leyte instead, which is a good thing.
Interviewer: A lot of those Japanese bases, once we knocked out the airstrips and
got air superiority, it didn’t do them any good. They couldn’t do anything with
Truk at that point.
You know, just like Okinawa that was one son of a gun over there that was something
else.
Interviewer: You didn’t go to Okinawa? You didn’t have to go to Okinawa
yourself though?
No, I didn‟t fight there, but my outfit did. The report I got back—when they were taking
that island the suicide rate over there for natives alone was astronomical. 36:34 They
had suicide cliff there, you know.
Interviewer: They had one of those at Saipan too.
Oh man
Interviewer: Now, when you took that trip over to Peleliu, what happened to you
when you got back?
Not a thing, they never even knew I was gone.
Interviewer: They never knew you were gone, ok.
I cheated, the idea was he had to go over there and come right back, so I probably didn‟t
visit over an hour, and I was right back on the plane. That wasn‟t the first time. I went
out on a damn sub patrol with him on B-24‟s. Went to the airstrip, asked the captain if I

20

�could take a ride, and he said, “Yeah, we‟re going on a patrol”, so he let me in there, an
that was the most monotonous ride I ever had. Three feet above the water and here you
are going just so many degrees this way and so many degrees that way, and back, and
that was it. 37:29
Interviewer: How long were you out?
I don‟t remember, a couple of hours, maybe three hours. They never knew I was gone
there either.
Interviewer: Did you have any other adventures like that? Did you sneak out
anywhere else?
No, there was only one other thing that happened that I could never figure out, and I
haven‟t done it to this day. I was out there training my men on tank tactics, and this
captain came up to me, and he wanted to talk to me, so he took me aside and he said,
“How would you like to do something for your country?” I said, „Well, I‟m doing about
all I can do, as far as I know”, and he said, “well, I got something I want you to do”.
38:21 “What‟s that?” Well, there‟s talk about this Lieutenant Nakamura, a Japanese
officer, and he was in the United States and went through college, and went back to Japan
to visit his folks. He got back to Japan; they grabbed his ass, and put him in the Japanese
Army. He had two sisters on Hilo, on the big island., so they wanted me to go over there,
get acquainted with those two sisters, and find out where he was, because they lost track
of him. So here I am—and these women were barbers, and they only had women barbers
over there, so I went to the barbershop, got a haircut, shave, shampoo, all this crap, and I
got acquainted with them, you know. I got a picture of her here someplace. 39:22

I

said, “Do you mind if I walk you home/” “me like, me like”, and I said, “alright‟, so we

21

�went down by the park, you know, and they had bomb shelters in the park, and we went
around them, and we walked around. You see all the ships going by, so she was asking
me about these ship, which ones was—I said, “I don‟t know anything about ships, I‟m
not in the navy, and I don‟t know about ships”. I knew what some of them were, because
some of them were heavy leaded and sunk in the water, and about ready to sink.
Anyway, I got acquainted with her, and one night I took her home. She lived above a
store, and the store was not operating anymore, and everything was blackout, you
couldn‟t have any lights at night, you know, and to get upstairs we had to go to the back,
the back of the store. 40:22 There was an outside stairway, and we get up there and she
takes my shoes of, because that‟s there custom, and I bend down, I was going to do
something with my shoes, and they had a window in the back door and I could see
straight through the house. The moonshine was shining through the front window, and I
see a shadow go by, so I asked her if she had anybody living there with her, “no”, and if
she was all alone? “Yeah”, well, I had my 45 stuck in my shirt, and I wasn‟t supposed to
have my 45 with me, I was supposed to go unarmed, see. Well, I pulled it out and I
loaded it, and I let go right through the front of the house, and all of a sudden all the
damn area lit up like a Christmas tree. These damn big spotlights, and the MP‟s came in
there and surrounded the house, dragged my ass, took me back down to the airstrip, they
had my bags already on the airplane, and they threw my ass on the airplane and back to
Honolulu I went. 41:41 Back to my base, so I get back there, and I get into my bunk, I
had my bunk and my own private room, and there‟s a letter on my bunk, so I opened it up
and there‟s a picture of this Lieutenant Nakamura and three other guys, but it was from
California at the concentration camp they had there. They had done something to them

22

�for inciting a riot or something. So, to this day I don‟t know what in the hell I was doing
over there when they had him in California. Here I am looking for him in Hawaii, and
what in the hell am I doing over there in the first place? They had me doing something
that I didn‟t know anything about, and I didn‟t have nobody to contact, but this captain.
Later on I go and check and there‟s not even a captain by that name in our damn outfit.
42.44
Interviewer: Did anything else happen to you?
So, I get a hold of my company commander, he‟s still alive down in South Carolina, I get
a hold of him and I said, “Captain, do you remember me, when was gone for ten days
playing around in Hawaii, to Hilo?” “No”, and I said, “You‟re the company commander
and you didn‟t know I was gone for ten days?” “No”, well, somebody‟s full of bull, you
know, and to this day I don‟t know. It drives me nuts trying to figure out why they sent
me over there to start with. It had to be something I was doing that I didn‟t know about,
but I didn‟t have a contact and that‟s what got me too. If I‟d of got caught, I would have
been—shit.
Interviewer: As it was, they caught you after you fired the gun, right? Didn’t they
just pack you back off to—
What?
Interviewer: Didn’t they catch you after you fired the gun?
No, they didn‟t do anything
Interviewer: The lights came on, but nobody came into the building or anything
like that? 43:47
No

23

�Interviewer: Ok
I didn‟t hear a damn thing about it afterwards, nothing, and I don‟t even know what the
hell went on. It happened so damn fast that it—he told me—I had to destroy that letter
right away, that picture and everything. I had to destroy it right away, after I read it, and
I wish that I‟d kept it, but I didn‟t. I was following orders, you know.
Interviewer: Right, but the fact is, they didn’t notice you were gone, they didn’t
punish you, they decided they didn’t notice you were gone so—
Right, I had a nephew that was in the navy, a jet pilot, and I had this nephew, my nieces
husband, he‟s in the marines, and these other two buddies of mine are marines, and a
couple other buddies in the army, one got killed, accidental, put a damn machine gun up
on the back of a truck while it was loaded yet, and it went off. 44:49 Somebody got his
ass in a sling over that I‟ll bet ya. They had no clearing blocks in there, you know. I had
another thing happen too that I got away with, in a way. We were loading on Hawaii
there to go to Leyte, the Philippines, and a marine came up with a Jeep, he came up to the
supply house, he got out of the Jeep, left it running, and he went inside. So, I told a
couple of my men, I said, “grab that damn Jeep and bring it over here”, so they drove the
Jeep over by the dock, and I had the crane operator load it on our ship. 45:40 They
loaded it on our ship, and I told my buddy, he was in the maintenance department there,
ordinance, I said, “put our colors on that and put our insignias on that”, and he said,
“Where did you get that?” I said, “never mind, get that thing painted up”. We did see the
major come out of the building, and mad, he was so damn mad, he was looking all over
that place—he didn‟t know what the hell happened. I seen guys pointing here and there

24

�and he was looking here and there, and we got that damn thing clear over to the
Philippines. I got a hold of another—a 1939 Cadillac.
Interviewer: Where was that?
A black one, and this was on Leyte, right near Tacloban, and it was full of bullet holes, so
we yanked it out of there with a tank, took it back and had them fix it all up, and we were
going to use that as our car to go play around in. 46:42 Well shit, the MP‟s come along
and they confiscated that too. Every vehicle we could find—we‟d pull it out of a ditch or
take it out of a swamp, pull it out and take it back to our outfit, get it all cleaned up, fixed
up, and we were going to use them, and they would take them away from us every time.
Interviewer: Did you have the same crew with you the whole time? The guys in
your tank, did they stay the same people?
Yeah, and one thing about the war, I never lost a man in the war. One guy got his leg cut
off, and that was due to an accident. We fell off a cliff, and I got the guys out, and his leg
was cut off by the gun. It came down and it was in a traveling lock position, well the rod
broke and it came down and hit his knee and cut it off. We got him out of there, but we
had to send a rope basket down to get him up because it was a hundred feet down. 47:43
Interviewer: Now, did the tank go off the cliff?
Yeah, it fell right off.
Interviewer: It fell a hundred feet down?
Yeah, it lit right side up too. Smashed all the bogie wheels on it too, the tracks and all
that stuff—it‟s a wonder it didn‟t kill us all. That‟s where I was supposed to have got the
Bronze Star, for getting them guys out. I don‟t give a shit about no Bronze Star, I got
them out, that‟s necessary.

25

�Interviewer: Did you keep in touch with any of those guys from your crew after the
war?
I had one guy, two guys, but they weren‟t in my outfit. They were to start with, but I got
rid of them because they both were a bunch of duds, you know. One of them ended up as
a Master Sergeant in the air force in computers, and here he couldn‟t make PFC in our
outfit, and in the air force he made Master Sergeant, and he did a good job. 48:42 The
other guy, he‟s over in Annapolis, and I don‟t know about him. Everything was about
him, him, him, you know. He had 8x10 pictures made of everything he did, and he was
patting himself on the back all the time. He called himself “Sergeant”, and hell, he
wasn‟t a sergeant, you know. I had a whole damn bunch of pictures I sent to him, and he
wanted copies of them, so I sent him the pictures, and I told him to send them back. He
sent them back, but he didn‟t put my name on them. He put the address, but he didn‟t put
my name, and the damn post office wouldn‟t deliver them, so I called Washington, where
he mailed them from, and they wouldn‟t do a damn thing about it. I never did get them
pictures. I never got them, and they were in a box about like a check box. 49:50 They
had pictures of it with the address, but they didn‟t have the name. Why in the hell
couldn‟t they deliver them?
Interviewer: I don’t know, they send things to occupant all the time.
Shit, all they had to do was mail them to the damn address. I called everybody I could
call. I called the postmaster over there, I got a hold of him too, and I told him I wanted
them pictures. I lost enough shit during the war like that. Coming back home I got to
San Francisco, I had my Samurai sword, I had my 45, a bunch of pictures, which were
not supposed to have been taken, I took them through the turret of the tank, hand to hand

26

�combat stuff, and this major sat there, he had a 45 setting on the table right beside him.
When we got off the ship we had to unload our duffle bags, so he could see what was in
them. 50:53 He said, “ok, we‟ll tag this one and ship it to you, we‟ll tag that and ship it
to you”. They wanted to check for cigarettes because you could get cigarettes for five
cents a carton, I guess it was five cents a carton or something like that. Anyway, you
were only allowed one carton, and it went on like that and I never got that stuff, none of
it. I got a book in there that Colliers magazine put out years ago and my pictures are in
there, but how in the hell could I prove that they‟re mine, I can‟t. I know they‟re mine,
and I didn‟t have them developed, see, I had the picture, but I didn‟t have them developed
yet. Well, they must have developed them.
Interviewer: You had people in some of these supply services and things like that,
that were pretty good at making things disappear. 51:50
The major, he was the one that made money off of that stuff.
Interviewer: Entirely possible, either that or he handed it off to somebody else and
somebody else sells it off.
I didn‟t have a damn leg to stand on because he‟s a major and I‟m a sergeant. How the
hell am I going to tell him what to do?
Interviewer: Yup, and even if you did there wouldn’t be any way to show that it
was he that did it rather than somebody else. That’s too bad.
That sword was worth a lot of money because it belonged to a general too.
Interviewer: How did you get it?
How did I get it? From a general after he was killed.
Interviewer: How did that come about?

27

�Well, we went—we were on this island and I don‟t remember if it was Leyte or where it
was now, but anyway, there was a battle and all the Japs were dead. We got outside and
made sure they were all dead, checked them out, you know. Well, I saw the sword there
and I took the sword and put it in the tank and stuff. 52:57 I had a Hari-Kari [hara kiri]
knife too that they used to commit suicide with.
Interviewer: How could you tell he was a general?
Well, he had—the generals had—all the big shots had the samurai swords with all
jeweled handles, and this was jewel handled. They had a certain handle they used for
each general. The higher the rank, the bigger the jewels, or the good ones, or whatever
you want to call them. Then he had his uniform, and of course I didn‟t know what the
hell his rank was at first because I didn‟t know their ranks, but somebody else told me
that was a general, so I assumed it was a general. 53:47 The sword, the samurai,
coincided with everything else.
Interviewer: Now, when it’s all over, you get out, come back to Michigan, was
that—did you come back to Michigan after you were out of the service, or did you
go somewhere else?
When I got out of the service I came back to Grand Rapids. I went from San Francisco
to Fort Sheridan, Illinois. I was sent home for a delay in route for R&amp;R in Florida, and I
came home first, I stayed home for twenty days, that‟s all I got, and I got married while I
was home, on March 31st, and my wife, I was going with her when I went in the service.
I was sent on R&amp;R to Florida, and I didn‟t know I could take my wife with me, so didn‟t.
55:06 I get over there, and I could have taken her for a dollar a day. Well, they didn‟t
tell me until it was time for me to go back home. Then I got orders to go to Fort Ord in

28

�California, so what did I do? I got a hold of this officer in charge, and asked for a delay
in route, and he asked my why, and I said, “I want to buy a farm when I get—on the way
home, so he said, “Ok”, and they gave me a ten day delay in route. I got the orders to go
out to California, you know—well, I had the orders already, and my wife wanted to go
with me out there, and I said, “no, I‟m not going to take you down there, because I don‟t
know what the hell‟s going on when I get there”. 55:52 “Where are you going to live? I
don‟t have a place for you to live or anything else”, so I didn‟t. Well, if I would have
told them about it ahead of time they could have had that set up, but they don‟t tell you
anything, you know, so anyway, I got back down there, and my wife had been in
California, and she worked as a telephone operator in California near Fort Ord. Her
cousin was stationed at Fort Ord, and she went down there to see her husband and my
wife went with her and she got a job. I could have gone down there, and she knew more
about Fort Ord than I did really, so she never got to go there either, but it worked out
alright I guess. 56:45
Interviewer: Did you buy your farm?
No, I didn‟t intend to buy a farm.
Interviewer: That was just a good story?
I just told them that.
Interviewer: Did you go back into the plumbing business, or did you do something
else?
No, I got home and started in the plumbing business, but you couldn‟t by soil pipe, you
couldn‟t buy anything hardly at all, so I went to work for, I think it was General Motors
Plant 1 for a while, and then from there I went to Kelvinator, Blackmere Pump,

29

�Production Die Cast, and I couldn‟t handle there jackass foremen and stuff in these
plants. I had it out with every one of them except General Motors. 57:43 In 1952 I
started back in plumbing with my dad and my brother, and that thing fizzled out, so I
went back to General Motors, and I spent thirty and a half years there, and I stayed in the
plumbing business too. I did a lot of plumbing on my own then, and I did a lot of houses
in Grand Rapids, and all over really.
Interviewer: I believe it, and when you look back on the whole thing now, how do
you think your time in the service affected you? Do you think your time in the army
made you different from what you were before, made you grow up at all?
Oh yeah, I went from a snot nosed eighteen year old to a seventy-five year old man in
five years. 58:40 Here I am trying to lead a bunch of kids and I‟m only a kid myself.
We were all about the same age, a couple were a little older, but we were all about the
same age.
Interviewer: In the South Pacific it was kind of hard to be much older. They didn’t
want a lot of older guys out in the jungle and that kind of thing. They didn’t think
they could take it.
The younger guys were fodder.
Interviewer: It was that too
They were the only ones that could take it, and when you go through that damn basic
training—I‟ll tell you that aint nothing fun, and I don‟t know if you ever did it or not.
Interviewer: Certainly not

30

�Man, that‟s something else, and they really pour it on too. You don‟t have one sergeant
on your ass at a time, you got two or three of them, and you have them all hollering at
you at once. 59:51
Interviewer: Now when you were a drill sergeant, did you do that too?
Yeah, I had to do the same thing, just about. I had one sergeant that I chased across the
drill field with a bayonet. We were doing a manual of arms, getting ready for graduation,
I missed on a count and he said, “you ---eating son of a bitch”, that‟s just what he said,
and I said, “nobody calls me a son of a bitch and gets away with it”, and I pulled down on
him with my bayonet, and that‟s when we had all chrome plated bayonet‟s yet. I was
chasing his ass across the 800 yard drill field, and I damn near caught up with him when
this lieutenant came up, Lieutenant Yearman was his name, he came up in his Jeep and
the driver pulled in between me and the sergeant, and the sergeant jumped in the Jeep and
they took off. Here I am standing out in the middle of the field by myself. The next
thing I knew, here came some damn MP‟s, and they grab my hind end and take me back
to the regiment. So, I get back to the regiment and I had to go up to the colonel, Colonel
Sullivan. 1:10
Interviewer: So, you were on the drill field here in Hawaii, chasing after the
sergeant, the Lieutenant saved him, the MP’s came and took you, and then what
happened?
I went before the colonel, Colonel Sullivan was his name, and he asked me what
happened, and I told him. I stood at attention for an hour from him and he was chewing
me up one side and down the other, you know. He asked me what happened and I told
him, and he called the sergeant and he busted him down to a private. He got his rank

31

�back in thirty days, but anyway, Sergeant White was his name, and I‟ll never forget it, but
I never got anything out of it, and I graduated and everything else.
Interviewer: Are there other things that stick in your mind or that you remember,
whether it was in Hawaii or the islands? 2:10
A couple other things, when I was on guard duty one night, we got in this here, it was like
a mine in the side of a mountain. It was all built out of concrete, and it was all lighted up
and everything else. I couldn‟t tell you where the hell it was at, it was on Oahu, but I
don‟t know where, up in the hill, in the mountains. I was on guard duty there, and it was
where the Hawaiian headquarter was going to be moved in case the Japanese landed, and
it was a top-secret place. I was always wondering if that was still there or not, if they let
people know if it‟s still there or not.
Interviewer: Do you think it was pretty close to Honolulu, was it pretty far away?
It was up near Schofield Barracks, near there. 3:10 See you take—from one side of the
island to the other, you go to Kaneohe Naval Base and you‟re 2000 and some odd feet
above, up on the palley there looking down on Kaneohe naval Base, so from one side of
the island to the other there‟s a difference and a lot mileage, you know, and they could
have been building that stuff anywhere. It was a beautiful island until the damn white
man got over there and screwed it all up. Kaiser, Kaiser Aluminum, he‟s the one that
started it on Waikiki beach, them high-rises—I use to go to Hawaii and stay there on
Waikiki beach. 4:09 I met a girl there and her dad owned, I don‟t know what it was, it
was a big mansion or something, but he opened it up for the GI‟s, and I met her, and I
don‟t even know what her name was. When they built that high-rise at Waikiki it
blocked him off from even seeing the beach, and they fought about it, but it didn‟t do any

32

�good. Now look at it, and there was only one hotel on that island and that was the Royal
Hawaiian, an all pink one, and it was the only one that was there, and now look at the
damn thing. 4:56
Interviewer: People can’t afford to live there.
There seems to be somebody is living there.

33

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                  <text>Smither, James&#13;
Boring, Frank</text>
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                <text>Carpenter, Edson (Interview transcript and video), 2008</text>
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                <text>Edson Carpenter is a World War II veteran who served in the U.S. Army with the 767th Tank Battalion 19th Inf. Division from 1941 to 1945. In this account, Carpenter discusses his pre-enlistment, enlistment and training in the U.S and the Pacific, and his combat experiences across the Pacific. Carpenter also mentions aspects of the war not generally talked about such as the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the fighting on Leyte, and other island assaults he took part in. Carpenter concludes by discussing his life after the war and what he learned from his military experiences.</text>
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                    <text>GrandValleyStateUniversity
Veteran’s History Project
WWII/Post-WWII/Korean Conflict
James Carr Interview
Total Time:
Background
 (00:14) Born in ChicagoIllinois, in 1927
o Stayed here through high school then moved to Park Ridge
o Mentioned that they lived in a Norwegian ghetto
o Got Norwegian newspaper
o Went to high school in Park Ridge also
 (00:50) Father was a civil engineer
o Never lost a job through the Depression
o Family members lived with them who had suffered during this time
 (1:30) Father tried to get in the Marines during World War I as an artillery observer
because of his technical background
o They didn’t take him because his blood pressure was high from excitement
 (2:02) Had two brothers; one was killed when Mr. Carr was an infant
 (2:40) All of his male cousins served in World War II, uncles in World War I
 (3:20) Remembers during childhood when his younger brother wanted to see an army
jeep
o Drove through Ft. Sheridan
o Gates were closed when they tried to leave, they got let out
o Went to a nearby relatives house who seemed concerned about a recent event
o Found out that Pearl Harbor attack had occurred
 (4:36) Mr. Carr’s first choice was to join the Naval Academy and take flight training
o Navy wanted him to have a degree before joining
o Joined the Civil Air Patrol as a teenager
 (7:20) Mr. Carr enlisted instead of waiting to get drafted
o Took a skill test that had to do with electronics
o This made him eligible to go into the Navy as a first class seaman
o He was 17 at the time, as well as his other friends
o They had to wait until graduation
o After graduation, the war in Europe was over
 (8:30) Got to boot camp in early September of 1945

�Training
 (9:00) Said that when they arrived to boot camp, “you were a nobody”
o Had to learn many new things
 (9:40) They had companies within the boot camp, about 100 of them in the company
 (10:16) They had weapons training, but different than the Marines
o They still used 1908 Springfield rifles
o Firefighting aboard ship
 (11:30) At the time, the Navy was still segregated
o This was strange to him, because it was very different in Chicago
 (12:35) He said the most challenging part of training was identifying aircrafts and ships
o They only flashed on the screen for barely a second
 (13:07) Boot camp was 10-11 weeks
 (13:16) The electronics program was cancelled because the war was over
 (13:16) Mr. Carr was given the opportunity to learn how to become a dispersing clerk
o To handle Navy payroll
o Once they graduated, they learned they could be discharged once everyone else
was discharged
 (13:56) There was a 3 week program to learn how to do this
Navy Career
 (14:15) Sent to Great Lakes Campus
o Then assigned a discharge unit
 (14:15) As a dispersing clerk, he looked at their payroll record
 (14:50) A case Mr. Carr will never forget
o One man was a chief petty officer; many ribbons
o All the ribbons were red; which meant that he didn’t get top conduct awards
o Address was the same as in 1908; had been serving for 40 years
 (16:33) Says that they didn’t get paid a lot, so there wasn’t really any disputes about
how much a person was paid
 (17:10) There was a guy whose payroll didn’t keep up with him; had been in different
combat situations
 (17:34) Mr. Carr did this work for 9 months
 (27:37) Afterward, he went to school at MichiganStateUniversity
 (27:53) During his time as a dispersing clerk, he stayed at Great Lakes
o Mentions that the base was more of a training center and a transition center
o Hangers were converted to barracks; 1300 guys to each room

�

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(19:06) They had 8 hour shifts
o They got liberty passes; got to go anytime as long as they reported when they
got back
o Talked about the nice houses near the area
(20:22) Got days off sometimes
o 8 hours on and off, and then 56 hours off
o Then they were changed back to the regular schedule
o Went downtown, got to go see movies and plays, etc.
(24:13) Enlisted in the Navy Reserves
o Inactive reserves
o Joined an organization at school, 45 hours a month, and joined another one later
(25:09) Because Mr. Carr could type, he could work any hours he wanted
o Did this in between classes
(26:10) One of his assignments was with Navy Intelligence in downtown Chicago
o Didn’t know what they were looking for, but knew that there were many people
with aliases
(28:44) Mr. Carr had graduated by the time the Korean conflict had started
o His enlistment was going to expire in August after he graduated in June
o On June 25th, North Koreans invaded South Korea
o About a month later the president extended all of their enlistments by a year
o In August, he got word to report to active duty on September 7th
o Had a wedding planned on September 9th, so they got married on August 23rd
instead
(31:35) Reported to the NavalReserveCenter and then went to Pere Marquette Railroad
Station in Lansing
o Went to Ft.Wayne, in Detroit
o Then got on a train to Great Lakes Naval Academy
o Went there for processing over a weekend
o Wives came to visit them, and they got liberty
o Took a train for 3 days to California
 Said the ride was beautiful
(35:16) Arrived at Port Hueneme in OxnardCalifornia
o Assigned to a battalion that hadn’t been formed yet
o Waiting until others arrived so they could be a 1000 man battalion
o Had to build their own housing
o Got to participate in the commissioning of the assignment of officer
o Mr. Carr was color guard

�
















o Didn’t ship out until the first week of January
(37:56) 60-70% of the guys in the unit were WWII vets or of that age
o The rest were those who had joined in the reserve units
(39:12) Went to a recruit training center in San Diego
o Stayed at the place the SEALs trained
o Spent an hour learning how to use each weapon
o Learned a lot about being a good soldier; more than the Navy boot camp
o Did this for two weeks before going back to Hueneme
o Got leave shortly after, explored Northwest United States with wife
(41:15) Shipped up to the Aleutian Islands
o This was a secret project; not told that they were going there
o It was a secret project for the Atomic Energy Commission
o They were to do underground nuclear testing in basalt rock
o They were in Amchitka
o This was an area that hadn’t been occupied by 1,000 people since World War II
o Two dozen of their people were flown up there, then 100 of them left on an
attack cargo ship
(44:42) Mr. Carr describes Amchitka as the “Florida” of the Aleutian chain
o It snowed, but there was no frost
o Remembers solid fog
(46:55) Says the island as pretty much abandoned
(47:13) Their first job when they arrived was to convert warehouses to barracks
(48:25) The coldest it got there at night was 28 degrees
o Snow never lasted more than a couple of hours
(49:17) Eventually, the whole battalion joined them
o They brought over the flu
(50:44) Mr. Carr said they had a regular galley
o Big meal was at noon, but they were working at that time
(52:13) Decided to keep a diary because he could not write home about their work,
since it was a secret project
(53:37) Had 3 survey crews working, they laid out the ground zero line
o Out from about 3 miles
o Had to be witnessed, etc.
o Whatever they put down was going to be destroyed, but they had to put it back
(55:14) The biggest challenge of his job was the weather
o Wind never stopped; caused equipment to vibrate
o The Aleutian islands were all tundra – made a “mattress”

�











(56:40) His team consisted of about 5-6 guys
o He really liked these people
o They came from all over the US
(58:00) Also had to report tide gages
(58:28) When they were off duty, they hiked and explored the island
o Describes various moments in nature and wildlife that he experienced
o They got to watch movies often
(1:00:00) Stayed on Amchitka from January until June
o Many decisions and work was based on the weather
(1:04:42) Mr. Carr’s wife was in Lansing while he was in Amchitka
(1:08:37) He said on the island, the morale would go up and down; depended on the
weather a lot of the time.
(1:10:40) His enlistment was extended by a year; different than World War II
o Discharged in August
(1:12:00) They came home in a victory ship
o 6-7 days crossing the Pacific
(1:15:00) Says his time in the military helped him have a great respect for those that do
it now

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                    <text>Carrying Coals to Newcastle
Scripture: Luke 9:51-56; 19:41-48
Richard A. Rhem
Fountain Street Church
Grand Rapids, Michigan
November 8, 1998
Transcription of the spoken sermon
It is a pleasure and high privilege to be with you this morning. I am grateful to
Bruce for his kind orientation and bringing me to this point. It is a privilege to
stand here, and I do so with some fear and trembling, in spite of the fact that it is
nearly forty years since my ordination and I have preached a sermon or two in
those years. But this is not just any place, this is an historic pulpit and you are a
people with a grand tradition. This is hardly a place where one would mouth
banalities or come forth with trivial truisms. I come with some fear and
trembling, not because I do not know that you are a gracious people and this a
gracious place; you have been supportive and encouraging to me and to my
people, and for that I would thank you very much.
But, I do come with some fear and trembling, for this is always a very serious
moment in which one would seek some word to address to a people engaged in
the religious quest. I come carrying coals to Newcastle.
Perhaps I should explain that a bit. There is, as some of you may know, a
conversation that takes place on Tuesdays at Duba’s bar. A few weeks ago when I
was wrestling with this moment, I said to an old intimate friend of mine, John
Richard DeWitt, "If you were to preach at Fountain, what would you preach?" He
laughed at the prospect. John Richard DeWitt is a classmate of mine from college
and seminary and some few years ago he was called to become the pastor of the
Seventh Reformed Church of Grand Rapids. At that time, I was serving my
present congregation in Spring Lake and we were still affiliated with the
Reformed Church in America and we had the distinction of being on the far left;
he in Seventh Reformed Church had the distinction of being on the far right. The
polls have been shaved a bit because both of us have been cut out by now.
The reason that John Richard DeWitt sits at the table in Duba’s is because an
older luncheon fellowship between Dr. Duncan Littlefair and Dr. Lester DeKoster
had been going on for many years. And when my friend came to this city, the
DeKosters became members of that congregation. Lester invited his pastor to the
table. (Now, you see, Duncan was at the disadvantage. It was heavily weighted
toward orthodoxy. But then my old friend invited me to the table. The scales were
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righted once again, although I had the sense that Duncan was doing quite well on
his own.) But, that wonderful conversation at Duba’s was an occasion for me to
say to my friend, "What would you preach?" I said to the table, "The only thing I
can think of as a theme is ‘Carrying Coals to Newcastle;’ what do I have to bring
to that people from whom I have learned so much, a people with whom I will
spend the rest of my ministry trying to keep up?"
Then my old friend, John Richard DeWitt, said, "Well, you know even Newcastle
needs coals that are flaming." In that moment, of course, the sermon was born.
Contrary to nature, the birth pains came afterward and have continued to the
present.
But, Coals to Newcastle - I, a guest in this pulpit, seeking to say something to you,
a people engaged in the religious quest along with myself. I want to say very
clearly in the beginning that I am conscious that I am bringing coals to
Newcastle, for you have been a people for a long time on this quest. You have
been a people for a long time who have been a voice in this community; you have
been on the cutting edge, you have been prophetic and provocative. Thus, as I
come and would say all of the things that are the passion of my life and ministry,
I would only be repeating the things that have moved you and motivated you over
many decades.
I want you to know that I am conscious of that and that you have been for me and
for many others a beacon. You have been a model of what a congregation ought to
be, placed in the city as you are; I want to thank you for what you have been and
express very clearly my respect for all that you are.
I can perhaps demonstrate what I mean by that when I tell you a personal
narrative that goes back forty years. In the irony of history and our human
experience, it was forty years ago when my friend, John Richard DeWitt and I
were students at Western Theological Seminary in Holland, Michigan. We were a
part of a quartet that might have been called The Four Horsemen of the
Apocalypse. We probably should have been caged up at the time, but,
nonetheless, we were free to flaunt our impeccable orthodoxy. At that time my
friend, John Richard, invited Dr. Duncan Littlefair to address the student
assembly one evening during the year. Well, he came, and he was the adversary,
he was the enemy we allowed within the camp. He was fascinating, brilliant as
always, and terribly threatening. But, I was quite sure that I had managed to
escape the evening without damage; I was invulnerable at those times. I had
many answers, not having yet confronted the questions.
It was shortly after I returned to Spring Lake in the early seventies that I was
invited to be the speaker at an insurance seminar. I was some kind of a visiting
fireman. I don’t know why I agreed to do it, but I told them everything I knew,
and some things I only suspected. During one of the coffee breaks, my wife,
Nancy, came up to me with a bit of a smile on her face with a distinguishedlooking gentleman, and she said to me, "This gentleman has just paid you a

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compliment, I think." I said, "Oh, what was that?" And he said, "Well, I told your
wife that any day you could step into the pulpit of Fountain Street Church."
Sometime after that, I think still in the seventies, Nancy and I came and
worshiped with you. I remember the day vividly. Dr. Duncan Littlefair was in this
pulpit. The title of the sermon was "Honk If You Love Jesus." The text was
Matthew 11:28, "Come unto me all ye who labor and are heavy laden and I will
give you rest." And Dr. Littlefair proceeded with all of his brilliance to contradict
the text. He said, "There is no one out there, you are on your own." He decried the
weakness of so much sick religion. Well, it was a bit unsettling to me, I must
admit. But, then, before we left the service, the choir intoned those words, "The
Lord bless you ..." and I thought, "Oh well, it’s all right."
But then, after some years, I was invited to be a Professor of Preaching at
Western Theological Seminary and I wrote an article about the extent of God’s
grace, wondering out loud and in print whether or not the embrace of God’s grace
might not embrace the whole human race. I found that I wasn’t simply the pastor
of Christ Community Church, but I was now a seminary professor and seminary
professors don’t think out loud, let alone dare to utter such a truth. I stepped
aside rather than bringing down the roof, but as I left the seminary and returned
to my home base, I said to my leadership and to my team members, "I must not
be less radical; I must be more radical."
I said to a trusted colleague of mine, "Christ Community must move toward
Fountain Street," and he said to me, "You’re in enough trouble, don’t say that
publically." But, I knew it, you see, I knew it ten years ago and I have watched you
and I have admired you, I have respected you and I have learned much from you.
I say this to you, not simply to tell you my personal narrative, but to remind you
that you are being watched and you never know who is watching and you never
know the impact of the integrity of your life and what it will mean to those who
with you are on the religious quest.
So, I carry coals to Newcastle quite self-consciously and I do it in order to remind
you that what you are and what you have been is critically important. The world
needs you, this community needs you, the whole church needs you. But, I say
those things to you not simply that you might relax and rest on your laurels. Let
me read a statement from Martin Luther:
If I profess with the loudest voice and clearest exposition every portion of
the truth of God except precisely that little point which the world and the
devil are at that moment attacking, I am not confessing Christ, however
boldly I may be professing Christ. Where the battle rages, there the
loyalty of the soldier is proved. To be steady on all battle fronts besides is
mere flight and disgrace if he flinches at that point.
Luther would indicate that we may be doing well all across the board, but if we
have not located that one point where the battle is raging, where the fire is raging,

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we will not be faithful; rather, we will be a disgrace. It is not enough once to have
a vision. It is not enough to have been relevant and pertinent and powerful in the
past, for it is always now and it’s always today in which we must discover that
point at which the battle is raging, those things to which we must address
ourselves if we would be true to our vision and faithful to our dreams.
Where is the battle raging today? Well, I don’t really need to tell you. You can
read it every day in your newspaper and view it on the television news.
Jerusalem, the holy city, the cradle of three great religious traditions, where even
this week violence, terrorism and death reign. Where people who profess to
worship the same God are at the respective extremes, killing each other; where
the fundamentalisms of Judaism and Islam clash.
Where does the battle rage? It rages in Wyoming where a young man is strung
across a fence as a sign post and a marker of that paranoia, fear and hatred that
would say, "This is what we have in store for you if you are gay or lesbian."
Where does it rage? It rages just down the road at my alma mater, Hope College,
where the chaplaincy office advocates a position that condemns a positive
response to the pluralism of religion, the recognition of the value of the respective
traditions. At my old alma mater, exclusivism is being promoted in its sharpest
form.
Those are but symptoms, you see, for underneath, and this is my point,
underneath, the greatest peril to the world, to its peace and its well-being are the
respective religious fundamentalisms that are fueling the fears of people and
unleashing their animal nature that result in the terrorism and the violence and
the death that mark our globe every moment of every day.
Where is the battle raging? It is raging in a kind of absolutist and dogmatic
religion that is blind to its own meanness and narrowness, that identifies itself,
its sacred book, its sacred tradition, its sacred persons with the Absolute itself,
that has no sense that it is but a human response to that ultimate Mystery that
pervades our lives and embraces us in a grace, and that sees its mission to
promote its own particular point of view, no matter what the cost.
I believe that’s where the battle rages today and I am again bringing coals to
Newcastle because you’ve heard it from this pulpit for decades. But religion has
never been more powerful; it has never been more volatile; it has never been
more dangerous than it is in our day. And so, while I realize I am carrying coals to
Newcastle, I would say to you, "What do we do about it?"
We might abandon religion, wash our hands of it, shake the dust from our
sandals. I’d like to do that. I cannot believe in the bigotry and the bias and the
prejudice and the fueling of violence for which religion is responsible. There are
times when I am so ashamed of it, I would like to leave it altogether, and I
imagine you have been there, too.

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Or, we might not abandon it. We might remain in it, but only in our little enclave,
congratulating ourselves that we have long since left such darkness and with a
kind of enlightened superiority look with disdain on those whose religious
passion is misdirected. Or, we might see it as simply another social relationship,
lacking all passion and significance.
But, how can we? In this city where you have set such a grand tradition, the
dangerous religious exclusivism to which I have referred is being preached in the
majority of the pulpits at this very hour. The enlightenment that you have
enjoyed over the decades has not penetrated one whit. There is still an
exclusivism and a dogmatism and an absolutism which has put the whole
creation in danger and is a detriment to human well-being.
Well, what will we do about it? We won’t go on a social crusade. We won’t gird up
our loins and march off to battle. We had better wait first, in moments like this,
in an environment like this, in the attitude of prayer, allowing the Spirit to seep
deeply into our being. We must be something before we do something.
Let me hold up before you the model of Jesus who set his face to go to Jerusalem.
It was precisely his recognition that the collusion of religion and politics was an
oppression to the people that set him on his course. He set his face to Jerusalem.
On the way, they went through Samaria. There was hostility between the Jews
and the Samaritans and the Samaritans wouldn’t receive him. His own disciples
said, "Should we call down fire from heaven and consume them?" And he said,
"My God, you don’t know what spirit you’re of, for I have come to heal humanity,
not destroy it."
And then he came to the city and as he looked at that golden city from the crest of
Olivet, he began to weep. It was anguish, anguish wet with tears. He cried out
that great lament, "If you ... had only recognized ... the things that make for
peace, but now they are hidden from your eyes." He could see it; he knew it. With
frustration, with anger, with compassion, he entered the city and the very citadel
of religion and he cleansed the temple of its bartering and its business and called
it again to be what it was intended to be - a house of prayer for all people.
This is why I follow the way of Jesus - not because he is some Divine Intruder
invading our time and space to effect some miracle cure for our frail and flawed
humanity, promising us some bliss in another world at a future time, not because
he is some Savior figure of a Salvation cult. No, rather, that in that life, in that
face set steadfastly toward Jerusalem, in those tears shed over that Holy City, I
see the loving anguish, the passionate concern that bespeaks one who cares
deeply, one who is angry with human arrogance and gracious with human
weakness. I see his intolerance of human systems of domination and oppression,
religious, political, economic and social. I see his awareness that it is religion
gone awry that nurtures prejudice and fosters ignorance, that hides injustice in a
cloak of piety while exploiting human fears and weakness to support
institutionalized religion which so subtly becomes a facade behind which to hide

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vested interests and reactionary forces seeking to maintain the status quo which
means a societal system protecting privilege, deaf to the cry of the millions who
live a less than human existence.
I set before you Jesus, with all of his compassion for human weakness, in all of
his anger at human dominance and oppression. I set before you one who set his
face to go to Jerusalem and confronted the principalities and powers, the demons
of his day. He found where the battle was raging and, after steeping himself in the
presence of God, set forth to act.
That is the fiery coal I would bring to Newcastle. I have no quick fix, I have no
easy answer, but I’ll tell you this - a comfortable and complacent liberal religious
experience will stand by while the world goes to hell and by God, we can’t let it
happen!
I set before you a model whose way to follow and in whose steps to walk will
bring us to that point where the battle is raging.
May the Spirit give you restlessness in your rest; enough humor to keep you
humble, enough grace to keep you going, and joy in your journey.

© Grand Valley State University

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Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Kent County Oral History collections, RHC-23
Cary, John
Interviewed on September 27, 1971
Edited and indexed by Don Bryant, 2010 – bryant@wellswooster.com
Tape #18 &amp; 19 (1:08:16)
Biographical Information
John Cornelius Cary was the son of Cornelius “Neal” Cary and Julia A. Lynch. Neal Cary was
born in Vergennes Township, Kent County in January 1861, the son of Patrick Cary and
Catharine Boylen. Julia was born in October 1861 in Kent County, Michigan, the daughter of
Jeremiah Lynch and Julia Harrington. Neal married Julia Lynch in Grand Rapids on 27 October
1896.
John C. Cary was born 2 October 1897 in Grand Rapids. About 1926, he married Helen M.
Wren. Helen died 6 June 1972 and John passed away five years later on 1 June 1977. They are
buried in Woodlawn Cemetery in Grand Rapids.
___________
Interviewer: Were you born in Grand Rapids, Mr. Cary?
Mr. Cary: Yes, I was, in October second, eighteen ninety-seven on, what was then, Central
Avenue, now Sheldon Street. And it was the fifth house north of Fifth Avenue, so called at that
time, now Franklin Street. It was on the east side of the street, and the house was torn down
some eight, ten years ago, the entire area from Franklin Street, north to Sycamore and Sheldon,
east of Jefferson, has been completely torn down, for a new project either a housing development
project or an extension of the Sheldon Complex. When I was five years old we moved from
there to a house on the west side of Cass Avenue between Hall and Delaware. Dr. Long, who
was quite a prominent physician in the South End as it was called in the south part of Grand
Rapids, it was, lived on the corner, the southwest….or the northwest corner of Cass Avenue and
Delaware. It was called Eighth Avenue then, under the old numbering system. And next to us
was a Mrs. was the VanderVelde family, and she was a half-sister of Adrian Otte, who, with his
brother John Otte, organized the American Laundry Company, which was existing then on
Division, at the corner of Haifley and Division. We lived there from the time I was five years
old until I graduated from the law school at the University of Michigan in nineteen twenty-two.
Interviewer: Were your parents born in Grand Rapids?
Mr. Cary: My mother, yes. My mother was born blessed Julia Lynch. She was a part of the Irish
laboring people who built what was called the South Railroad into Grand Rapids. I‟ve never
been able to determine what they meant by the South Railroad, but I think it was the Grand
Rapids and Indiana Railroad. Those Irish laborers who worked on the railroad, and I had an
uncle, Timothy Lynch, who was sort of a section boss of those people who laid the tracks and
ties and spiked „em and so on. A group of them settled in the southwest part of Grand Rapids.
My grandfather had an opportunity to buy some land around the swamp, which is, was located
about where the Union Depot was subsequently built which is no more because of the
expressway. But he wanted to be on the high ground so he bought five acres from Noyes Avery,

�2

I can‟t tell you the year but it was before my mother was born in eighteen fifty-nine and built a
house, which still exists on Jerome Street running north of Burton on the high hill east of the
railroad tracks as they cross there.
Interviewer: And the house still stands?
Mr. Cary: The house still stands. Not on the original site, subsequently my mother and father
platted that into the Lynch-Cary addition, and it was moved to the corner of Jerome Street, and it
was called Jerome Street because the city wouldn‟t allow my mother to name it Jeremiah, which
was my Grandfather‟s given name. And, so, mother was born there in eighteen fifty-nine, and
then my father was born in Sect.., on Section seven of Vergennes Township. My grandfather,
Patrick Cary, also by legend, was, did some work, or worked on the Erie Canal, came through
into Ohio and was, lived there for a short period and, in eighteen forty or eighteen forty-two
when he entered some sections in for Vergennes Township, Section seven, parts of section, I
should say he gave his residence as Marshall, Michigan. The only connection that I can get to
that is that he was a laborer on the, what is now, the Michigan Central, or Penn Central Railroad
running from Detroit thru Ann Arbor, Jackson, Battle Creek, Marshall, Kalamazoo into Niles
and into Chicago. Sometime after that he moved and settled on the land in Vergennes Township
and my father was born there in eighteen sixty-one and lived there until he became a young man,
came to Grand Rapids and went to work for the Judson Grocery Company and alternately as a
shipping clerk, ultimately he became what they called in those days, a broom peddler. He was a
traveling salesman for the Judson Grocery Company, and his territory was from White Cloud on
the Pere Marquette to Thompsonville north, and from Reed City on the GR &amp; I to Cadillac and
west of Lake Michigan including Ludington, Baldwin, Wallahalla, Sherman, Scottville, Mesick
and many towns that were built because the lumbering industry which existed.
Interviewer: Was the Judson Grocery Store, was that the wholesale house?
Mr. Cary: Yes. It was located at right as I, my earliest recollection of it was at the corner of
Ottawa and Louis Street, more close to the corner. Subsequently, Mr. Judson built the building
[now the B.O.B.] on Market Street just off from the corner of Fulton and that building was
operated by the Judson Grocery Company until about nineteen twenty-seven or twenty-eight and
after Mr. Judson‟s death, who was a very staunch ardent Republican, it was sold to William
Cady and William Cady operated it there and subsequently on Jefferson Avenue in the old
Wilmarth, Welch-Wilmarth Showcase Factory, on Jefferson, east of Macey‟s and at the railroad,
Pere-Marquette railroad tracks. I think your grandfather and McInerney subsequently occupied
some part of that area for his client before he moved to Godfrey Avenue as a result of a fire.
Interviewer: Was there, you‟re an Irishman?
Mr. Cary: Yes
Interviewer: Did the Irish have a kind of particular area in the town that they lived in?
Mr. Cary: Yes. There were two predominately Irish settlements. The Irish immigration to
Grand Rapids was the first economic, ethnic migration. By that I mean that the German
migration to Grand Rapids was the first ethnic group, was a political migration; they didn‟t want
their sons to be a part of the imperial German Army that Bismarck had invented. The whole
[exolerance?] were planning for Germany and so the German migration was to Grand Rapids,

�3

was similar to the one to Cincinnati, Milwaukee, St. Louis and so on. So that, that is why the
two most prominent department stores in Grand Rapids carry German names, Herpolsheimer and
Wurzburg, and they were a part of that early migration and their migration was not because the
economic conditions. The Irish migration was and they were the common laborers of the United
States at that time. And the railroads were being built at that time and the Irish built the
railroads. And the two prominent places in Grand Rapids were the area around the D &amp; M
Depot at Plainfield and the, what had got to the railroad got that far, the Irish who did, worked
for the railroad settled in the area around Leonard, Plainfield, Carrier and all of that territory
there. And I, it‟s an assumption on my part, that St. Alphonsus church, was erected in that area
because of the fact that the Irish-Catholic people who lived in that area. The other Irish
settlement was as a result of the railroads coming in from the south as I spoke of before and they
settled in what was the First Ward, which was around Ellsworth, Grandville around Number Six
Engine House, over there and up Grandville Avenue there. And also, along Clyde Park from
Grandville south and most of those people had large families and to supplement their economy
they had several of them had five acres running from Clyde Park through to Century and at that
time Century, when I went out to visit my grand uncles out on Clyde Park Avenue there was no
Century Avenue and subsequently after the Rathbone Mantle and Fireplace [Manufacturing] was
erected on Clyde Park Avenue which would now be a little south of where the Kelvinator plant is
and after the Leonards moved their ice-box manufacturing place to what is now the Kelvinator,
why the Irish plotted those areas, and that‟s why you have Holmes Street, Lynch Street and you
get streets that up there Shamrock and Emerald and McKendrick, various other real Irish names.
For many years Thirty-Sixth Street or Thirty or Forty-Fourth Street was called Daly and the
Dalys and the Lynches were intermarried and I can‟t tell you the relationship of the Dalys, but
they had a large farm and near where the Reynolds plant is now, which was the heart of the site
of the old gas[?] plant, which was a started building during the First World War, and never got
finished. [Louis Lynch in 1893 married Julia Daly in Grand Rapids.]
Interviewer: Well what was the downtown, what did you do as a child? You mentioned that you,
kind of hung around the streets, were kind of an urchin, what….
Mr. Cary: Well I, I didn‟t decay around the streets, my parents wouldn‟t let me, but as a kid and
I‟m sure, I was six years old, I went to St. Andrews school, which was then at the corner of
Maple and Sheldon, and from our house on Cass Avenue to there was a mile and a quarter and
we walked it four times a day, „walked‟ is used in bicycling because it was probably running not
to be late, and I don‟t think that there was a fence in any of that area that I or my companions
hadn‟t jumped, in one way or another by being chased out of the yard or because we were in a
hurry. And, but some of the other people that lived in that area were Bill Morrissey and his
brother Leo, who died while the boys were in school. Bill Morrissey became the owner of the
Fanitorium and he was a fight promoter and recreation and built up recreation facilities in Grand
Rapids as he came to manhood following the First World War. Another family who was from
that area and were closely associated with Morrissey was the Pipp family, who were very large,
had a very large family. The older boy, Ben, became a priest, I don‟t know whether he was a
secular priest or he belonged to an order, I‟ve forgotten that, but his brother, Wally, became a
member of the New York Yankees, played first base and was pushed out of his job by the
famous Hank Gehrig. And Wally was in, and I met him in, at Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, when we were both in the Naval Flying Corp and there were several of the New
York Yankees in the ….well… We studied at M.I.T., but it would probably to designate it

�4

would, would say it was what was ground school now in the Naval period of the Second World
War and he was there and a fellow by the name of [Leslie] Nunamaker was there and on both the
False Armistice on the fourth of November in nineteen eighteen and then the real one on March
eleventh, nineteen eighteen in my particular squad, marching in the parade in Boston, at that
time, was a famous baseball player by the name of Tris Speaker. You want to shut that off a
minute?
Interviewer: Sure. Did you see the, what was the former Post Office, which is now the Federal
Building?
Mr. Cary: Yes.
Interviewer: Did you see that dedication? The dedication of that building?
Mr. Cary: Yes. Yes.
Interviewer: Can you tell me about that, why you were there and so on?
Mr. Cary: Well, I was there because it was, we were let out of school and we were let out of
school to go to that affair and it was a real civic celebration for Grand Rapids to have a building
as nice as that and so on. I, of course, had no conception that it was a nice building, at that time.
There were other kids there and people of prominence were there and we were probably making
nuisances of ourselves, crowding in and so on to watch of course. Teddy Roosevelt was, was a
national and international figure of those days and his experience and his fame as a Rough Rider
were carried by every youngster of that time. And to have his daughter in town for an affair of
that kind was a real event. There was also Vice-President Sherman, was here for that affair.
And it was Sunny Jim, so called, “Sunny Jim” Sherman, former senator from New York, and not
John Sherman, the brother of William Tecumseh Sherman, the general, who was in the Senate
and who was in the Congress of the United States, from the time in the Civil War until his death,
which I, it was after the turn of the century, but I don‟t remember just when.
Interviewer: Why, you mentioned to me before when we were talking that the sisters down at St.
Andrews had something against Alice Roosevelt. What, what was that?
Mr. Cary: Well, at that time, cigarette smoking by women was a real evil thing; many people
thought it was that. And Alice Roosevelt had a reputation at that time as being a cigarette
smoker, and she smoked in public. She was always one, and still is, too, she is quite famous for
her vitriolic remarks of one kind or another, about a Governor Dewey of New York and some of
the other national figures that she didn‟t completely care for, and she was not one to take a back
seat and if she wanted to smoke cigarettes, why she smoke cigarettes. And it made it was long
worth from Cincinnati, she had money enough to smoke cigarettes when she wanted to.
Interviewer: Was there a common, a common thing in those days, for like for example, the
dedication of a federal building, to have a city-wide celebration?
Mr. Cary: Yes and they….Grand Rapids was predominately a Republican community and
whether it was a result of the Civil War or not, I don‟t know, but it was predominately
Republican. And the Coliseum which was built by Heystek on Commerce Street between Oakes
and Cherry along about nineteen seven or eight and [Charles] Jandorf, who had a delicatessen

�5

store on Monroe Avenue would be just immediately west of Peck‟s Drug Store, which was at,
was at the corner of Division and Monroe at the northwest corner, was the caterer for most of
those affairs. And they would have the William Alden Smith, who was a senator after nineteen
seven, priding himself on bringing some of the most famous and popular Republicans to the
Lincoln-Day banquets of that time. And my father because of Mr. Gibson‟s prominence in the
Republican Party was probably given tickets to those banquets, usually held on Friday night,
when he would come in off his northern route with a [
?]. You know that my father
wasn‟t enough of a political person to have spent the, the money that was charged for those,
there were six of us children, and he just didn‟t have that kind of money to pay for affairs of that
kind.
Interviewer: The Coliseum, is that still standing?
Mr. Cary: Yes. It‟s, it‟s mentioned in the downtown Grand Rapids eighteen thirty – nineteen ten,
I think it was the Heystek building. It was, you guess, it was at, it was originally, its site was
there on Commerce. Sometime later they acquired some property on Division Street and an
annex was built out to Division, but for, from its inception for many years thereafter, it was on
Commerce Street. And as kids, on Saturday morning, and that‟s true of most of the kids that,
that went to Central, Division Avenue School, St. Andrews, Fountain Street School, in those
schools, who were all fifteen [to] sixteen years of age, would go to the Coliseum on Saturday
morning to roller skate. It was a real recreation spot, at that particular time.
Interviewer: Was there much difference between the downtown of those days and the downtown
of today?
Mr. Cary: Not much really. They, Grand Rapids was always a one-street town, Monroe Avenue.
And it used to, I would imagine that they used to drive carriages down Monroe Avenue to show
off. And I know when I was a young boy anybody that had an automobile drove it down Monroe
Avenue and when we got into high school and in early days of college, if you were out on the
prowl for picking up some girls, why if you had a car or could borrow or get someone else, ride
in someone else‟s why you went down there on Monroe Avenue to show off. And that was still
the situation until they put the mall in, and they fairly well eliminated that, for the time being.
Interviewer: What were the, was the, the commercial establishments, pretty much the same or
were there some differences there? For example, grocery companies; I don‟t believe there are
any groceries companies downtown now, are there?
Mr. Cary: Well are you speaking of retail or wholesale groceries?
Interviewer: Both.
Mr. Cary: Well, there were many wholesale groceries in those days. In addition to the Judson,
which my family was connected, a short distance away at the corner of Weston and Ottawa, why
the northwest corner was the Worden Grocery Company that, I don‟t know who Mr. Worden [A.
E. Worden] was or what the connection is, but Guy Rouse, the „Winchesters, were active in that
business at the time that I speak of, the Judson Grocery Company, which would be from oh,
nineteen seven to nineteen twenty-seven, a twenty year period. Another one that was, that I
remember of at that time which was on Ionia Street across from William Alden Smith building
between what is now Weston Street and Fulton, was the Musselman Grocery Company, and that

�6

was headed by Amos Musselman, who was a very prominent man at that time. At the corner of,
on the northwest corner of, Ionia and Weston, where Quimby-Kain is now, was the wholesale
grocery house of Lemon and Wheeler and that, that I don‟t know much about Mr. Wheeler, but
Sam Lemon was well known at that time and it was his early Greek revival house of red brick
and white pillars on Jefferson, on the east side of Jefferson that was, has been recently occupied
by the O‟Brien funeral home, was the home of Sam Lemon. A little further south, on Jefferson,
at that time, was another Greek revival house, which had been torn down, unfortunately, which
was the home of Jacob Kleinhans. He was a very prominent lawyer in the law firm of Kleinhans,
Knappen, Kleinhans, Knappen and Kleinhans. Knappen became the United States Court Judge of
appeals and Kleinhans was a very prominent lawyer around the early nineteen ten and earlier in
that time and Stuart Knappen, the son of the judge was a member of that firm, and that firm and
its successors exist today in Wheeler, Upham, Uhl, and Bryant. But to go back to the wholesale
grocery houses, at the, at the southeast corner of, of Ionia and Weston, what is now the Morse
[Dry Goods] building, formerly the Transportation Building. That was, I think, originally built
for wholesale grocery and wholesale hardware store. M.J. Clark, the donator of the Clark
Memorial home of the Methodist Preachers on Sherman Street was involved in two companies
there, Clark-Rutka-Weaver [actually hardware firm, not grocery] and Clark-Jewell-Wells. I
can‟t tell…
(break in the taping) …

[Recording skips to a later portion of transcript. See beginning of Side Two]
I was speaking of M.J. Clark and his company. I can‟t distinguish between which was the
wholesale hardware firm and which was the wholesale grocery firm. The Judson Grocery
Company bought out, I think it was Clark-Jewell-Wells. I think that was the grocery company
but I wouldn‟t be firm about that. And that became a part of the Judson Grocery Company
sometime during my boyhood days. Another company that was absorbed by Judson Grocery
Company and wholesale house, and this was before my…any knowledge of it. I used to see the
sign, an old sign that they had in the drive in of the Judson grocery company. The Ball Barnhart
Putnam Company; it was a wholesale grocery company. And Mr. O[rson]. A. Ball, who was a
son or a nephew of John Ball of John Ball Park, was one of the officers of the Judson Grocery
Company, subsequent to that buyout or merger of the Ball Barnhart Putnam Company. Mrs.
William Judson the First was a Barnhart and it may have been some family connection there that
caused the absorption, but that I have no knowledge of. But I think Worden absorbed various
wholesale grocery houses but you ask about places, food places, on the Monroe Avenue there
was one called Dutton Taylors, which was a very fine market, large grocery store and market and
it was in the block west of Peck‟s drugstore on the corner of, and I use that as a fixing point
because most everybody knows where Peck‟s drugstore was, on the corner, the northwest corner
the flat iron area of Division and Monroe that was oh half way in the middle of that block.
Across the street was the at the corner of Commerce which would‟ve been at the south west
corner of Commerce and Monroe because at that time Commerce came through from Fulton
Street into Monroe at an angle was the Morse Department [Dry Goods] Store, George Morse and
there was a food department connected with that in the back end of it ran through and came out
on Ionia Street between Louis and Monroe and there‟s a story I know about George Morse who
was inclined to be oh let‟s say a little (garbled word) maybe a little more. He was walking
through there, through the food department one day and it was a custom then to sell cheese in a

�7

large round bowl. Oh it probably was a foot or 18 inches across. They‟d cut the mold. Then to
entice you to buy they‟d sliver off a piece of the cheese and offer it to you on the knife and you
could taste the cheese and see whether or not it had the bouquet and the flavor and so forth and it
was what you wanted. So Mr. Morse was going through there and the clerk was doing that to
someone and he said out of the corner of his mouth, “Sell it to him, don‟t give it to him”
(Laughter). Sometime when I was in grade school there was a large fire in that department store
now whether it was during the Morse ownership or subsequently when it was known as Ira
Smith‟s Department Store, I can‟t recall, but I don‟t remember how the, a department store being
in that area or that building much after that fire. There was another large grocery store and
market called the Bertsch Market on lower Monroe and about where Crescent came into, ran into
Monroe; the west side of Monroe and that area from the Pantlind Hotel south to Bridge Street
and Michigan Avenue as you…
Interviewer: North
Mr. Cary: ….it was all Bridge Street for many, many years and then I think the time the
numbered system was changed the area from Monroe to the east was called Michigan and the
area west of Monroe was still called Bridge Street and the stores and the shops in that area were
as good as the shops up Monroe avenue. There was the Wurzburg‟s Department Store down
close to Crescent Street, there was the Benjamin Company, there was the [Levi‟s] Star Clothing
store in that area, the Petey[?] Apparel Company whose kids went to St. Andrews with me and
their father owned that store which was on the east side of Monroe in the area between Lyon and
Crescent. There was Katz Brothers which was at the corner of, the north east corner of Lyon and
Monroe, the Water Shoe Store[?] which was a large shoe store at that time was there in the sort
of onion shape projection there in the corner of the…well it‟s the first street runs dead end into
the Civic Auditorium.
Interviewer: Where the Inersin[?] Drugstore is now. The Inersin Craft, Art and Supply store is
there?
Mr. Cary: Well no, it‟s not Inersin that‟s over on Louis Street here. That‟s the….
Interviewer: Oh yeah not Inersin.
Mr. Cary: ….Dave Munner, Douma‟s?
Interviewer: Yeah.
Mr. Cary: Yeah, that‟s the street I‟m talking about there. And then of course Aman‟s Sons The
Giant [Giant Clothing Company] was at the south east corner of Lyon. Our earliest theatre,
movie theater, was in the area between Lyon and Monroe across from the Pantlind and Peck‟s
drugstore was in that area. That was a large progressive drugstore and the forerunner of being of
a drugstore being something else besides selling drugs. I can remember one time, it was after I
got out of college - I was practicing law, I was in the west drugstore in the evening around six
o‟clock it may been because I was going to the Armory which was on Michigan Avenue for a
concert. I saw the one, the in-inable[?] Shayapa come into Peck‟s drugstore from across the
street from the Pantlind one of the most striking people I ever saw on the streets of Grand
Rapids. He had one of those Asterican[?] fur hats cocked on the side of his head he was about,
six feet three, six feet four, weighing around two hundred pounds and he carried, carried himself

�8

to the full extent of his height just a magnificent looking male figure and he was giving a concert
at the Armory where concerts were held in those days. But the movies had been in Grand
Rapids was named Gaudet and for years the people in Grand Rapids didn‟t speak of going to the
movies they were going to the Gaudet and I know as green as I was when I went to Boston in
nineteen eighteen, why I would speak of the movies as going to the Gaudet the people down
there of course had no idea what I was talking about and the United Star Store had a place in the
corner of Pearl and Monroe and upstairs over that was one of the finest eating places both from
the standpoint of food and reputation. It was a Chinese restaurant [Hong Ying Lo] operated by
Charlie Young. Mr. Young was a educated Chinese. He was the only interpreter that I ever saw
in the federal court.
[END OF SIDE ONE]
[SIDE TWO] [RECORDING CONTINUES HERE]
…both the plaintiff and the respondent in the same proceedings and they had been because there
weren‟t any other educated Chinese who could act as interpreter but, Charlie Young had the
reputation of being a real, fine character, real fine honest man and it was because of that
reputation, I‟m sure that he was allowed to jump to both sides in the lawsuit. But that restaurant
was, had a reputation all over the west especially in western Michigan and if anyone came in and
were of the least bit boisterous in the place, Mr. Young in a very quiet, suave way went over and
either quieted them, or escorted them to the center stairway so that they could leave.
Interviewer: Was, did you ever go to Chinnick‟s?
Mr. Cary: Chinnick‟s was just east of the Young restaurant, Chinese restaurant and the United
Cigar Store there on the corner was the Arcade, which ran through and it still exists, that runs
through from Pearl to Lyon and the Power‟s Opera House fronted on to the east side of the
Arcade and that was the real, legitimate, the better, legitimate theatre of Grand Rapids of that
area. And just east of that was the, the Chinnick Saloon and upstairs over that there was one of
the first bowling alleys of Grand Rapids, and if not the first, one of the very earliest and about
the only one for many years. As kids growing up as high school boys, there were two saloons
there… the Chinnick and Hugh Cavanaughs or commonly called Colonel Cavanaugh and you
could prove that you looked to be twenty-one, if you could get by either Hugh Cavanaugh or Bill
Chinnick, who sat at the front of their saloon. If you could get by whether you were eighteen or
nineteen, into that, you looked twenty-one……They were a very high grade of operators of
liquor by the glass business and were real respected citizens.
So I, I spoke of Powers Opera House and when I got through college in nineteen twenty-two and
started practicing law in the law firm, of which I am the survivor, and which has existed in Grand
Rapids for one hundred years in nineteen seventy one.. I started at a salary of a hundred dollars a
month. In fact, I could make more money on Saturday afternoon, going out and officiating at ba
football game, than I could all week practicing law. So there was Harper Moore, was at
Knappen, Uhl &amp; Bryants as it was called then, and I was at Norris, McPherson, Harrington and
Waers as it was called then, and Al Cook, my roommate and was at Corwin and Norcross,
Norcross being later a part of Warner, Norcross and Judd and Al Cook was George Norcross‟
brother in law and…. Oh, there were several others, there was Bill Biggerd[?], from Yale, who
was at the Travelers, which was then in the building and where our office was located, and a

�9

fellow by the name of John Randall, whose father was an Episcopal bishop somewhere in
Connecticut, and three or four of them were living at the YMCA, and we used to go there and
play bridge at night and other nights we would take in the theatres. In the early period, although
I don‟t remember very much of our going, that crowd, going to the Majestic, but at that time in
Grand Rapids, there were the, the name escapes me now, a group of players and of that group
was Selena Royal was the leading lady Spencer Tracy was the leading male, young man. Bill, his
name escapes me too; he later became the director of the degrees for the Masonic Order in Grand
Rapids and stayed that way for twenty or twenty-five years, directing the degree program of the
Masonic group. But then the Clark, I guess, Players although I wouldn‟t be sure of that name,
although the man who owned, owned the outfit and or at least operated it, directed it, came out in
sometime, during one of the acts and told what was coming on later on. They later moved to
Powers Theatre Building and operated out of there and so we were real patrons of the legitimate
theatre arts, as stock played by Selena Royal and Spencer Tracy. Selena Royal later went to New
York. She was a part of a theatre family and was in some very fine New York productions. I
can‟t tell you very much of it, about it anymore. I haven‟t followed through in that area
extensively and my memory fails me, in part….
Interviewer: What‟s the…You mentioned that in nineteen thirty-six you came into possession of
a social register of Senator Smiths?
Mr. Cary: Yes.
Interviewer: Did you have any connection with William Alden Smith?
Mr. Cary: Yes, he was, he was a close friend of William Judson and we…shut that off….when I
started practicing law with Norris McPherson, Harrington and Waer, our office was in the Grand
Rapids Savings Bank Building, now the Peoples Building. And the Senator William Alden
Smith was President of the Grand Rapids Savings Bank or was chairman of the board, and
Gilbert Daane was the President of… Mr. Harrington, Mr. Leon Harrington, of the firm was a
friend of Gil Daane‟s and did quite a bit of work for the Grand Rapids Saving Bank. And about
nineteen twenty Gil Daane and Senator Smith organized the Michigan Guarantee Corporation
which was a finance company which was quite prominent in that period following the First
World War. It was an outfit that made loans that the Grand Rapids Savings Bank couldn‟t make
under the regulations of the banking department. And with his prominence, Senator Smith sold
stock in the Michigan Guarantee Corporation, pretty well over the middle and the dock(?) district
of Michigan. And our office did quite a lot of work for the Grand Rapids Savings Bank and the
Michigan Guarantee Corporation. And Mr. Charles McPherson, who was a partner with Joseph
Brewer Senior in Kelsey-Brewer Company which was the partnership which owned the
controlling stock of the American Company Public Utilities Corporation was also a member of
the firm. And the Grand Rapids Trust Company which was subsequently headed by Mr. Brewer
after he got out of the public utility business in nineteen twenty-five, by a sale to Samuel Insel,
was the executor of the William Alden Smith estate. And because of his ownership of Grand
Rapids Savings stock and the double liability of stockholders in case of bank failures the Senator
Smith was estate was considerably diminished by virtue of having to pay on that liability of his
stock. And so the Senator died in nineteen thirty-three, thirty-two or thirty-three, and his wife,
Nanna Smith, survived until late in nineteen thirty-five or early in nineteen thirty-six. So at that
time, I was a young lawyer and a young book collector and I thought that probably Senator
Smith would have some government publications by Schoolcraft and others on the Indians and

�10

things, and I thought probably I could get some real finds. And so I asked Mr. McPherson if I
could go and look over the Senator‟s library and he made arrangements for me to do that, and so
on March the thirteenth, nineteen thirty-six, Irving Quimby, who was the owner of a bookstore
called Raymer‟s Bookstore, along with Mrs. McCarn and Mr. Hooper, who headed the trust
department of the Grand Rapids Trust Company, and one or two others went to the Smith
Library. And before I went, Mr. McPherson said to me, “John I think your just wasting your
time.” He says, “the Senator was a politician not a student.” Well I didn‟t find any real first
editions at the Senator‟s, in the Senator‟s library. I did get a book that the senator got free, which
was a book that was issued when the Clements Library of Ann Arbor was when the University of
Michigan was dedicated and I also got a copy of the History of the Supreme Court of the United
States, which was published in eighteen ninety and in it there were original etchings by two
brothers in Philadelphia, of all of the - Rosenthal were their names - of all of the justices of the
Supreme Court up to eighteen ninety. Those were the two books that I got from the Senator‟s
library and having finished the examination of the books, I was waiting for Irving Quimby to get
through and the others were looking around and there in the library between two Chinese dogs,
which were a real showpiece if you liked that sort of thing, was an old burner and it was filled
with waste of one kind of another, leather obituary mementos which were custom of people with
money in those days to have, were thrown in there and I rummaged through it and I saw a little
black Morocco book about eight by eight in there and I picked it out, rummaged through it, and
immediately recognized that it was a book of autographs. So I sat in the window seat there, and
ran through it, and recognized the names of local people and politicians and state politicians and
national politicians and figures and I was wearing a tweed Al McCain[?] sleeved coat, with great
big pockets and the thought went through my mind and which was well, “Should I say something
about this or should I stick it in my pocket?” And so finally, I thought I can‟t do anything with a
thing like that, after you get it surreptitiously, so I said to Jim Hoover, “Jim, are there any other
books like this around?‟ He said, “What is it?” Well, I says, “It looks like it‟s a book of
autographs.” “Well,” he says, “I don‟t know. But,” he says, “if it‟s here, it belongs to Mrs.
Jewell.” Well Frank Jewell who was had been a lumber man and who was married to Mrs.
Smith‟s sister was there. He had an office in the, on the 12th floor of the Grand Rapids Savings
Bank above my office and our firm offices, so I knew Mr. Jewell through his sons and from
seeing him at the building for a number of years. And so Mr. Jewell said, “Well, if it‟s here,
Mrs. Jewell doesn‟t want it.” That she‟s taken everything that she wants. So I thought, Well,
here is my entry. Here is where I go in. So in my very best dealing smile I handed it to Mr.
Jewell and I said, “Well if it‟s Mrs. Jewell‟s and she doesn‟t want it, it would be hers to give
away”. So I offered it to him and he took it and it flashed through my mind, “you should have
stuck that in your pocket”….He went up stairs with the book and in about 10 or 15 minutes later,
came back and he telephoned across the street to Mrs. Jewell and he walked across the room, the
library there, and handed the book to me and said “Mrs. Jewell wants you to have it. So make
your own moral and how about it? So following that I got squibs and other things from a various
people who were mentioned in the books was the lucky occasion was of a…..
[END OF TAPE ONE, SIDES ONE AND TWO]
[TAPE TWO, SIDE ONE]
Mr. Cary: Ask me what you want.
Interviewer: Well let‟s start out with that story concerning the diary, the one about the Indiana…

�11

Mr. Cary: Okay.
Interviewer: …Congressman.
Mr. Cary: Part of the interesting pages in the William Alden Smith guestbook is that one which
concerns the round robin, which Senator Smith, Senator Watson of Indiana and Senator Hyde,
Harding, of Ohio had on Washington on St. Patrick‟s Day. Our former fellow townsman, Fred
Wetmore, who nominated William Alden Smith, in nineteen thirteen the last nomination by the
Michigan Legislature of a United States Senator, told me this story and that he had it from the
Senator himself, and in the book, on March seventeen, nineteen-eighteen, the Smiths having a
party, the next President of the United States wrote “On the morn of songs and sausages.” And
his wife Florence Kling Harding signed her name and as an aside for many reasons, personal and
intimate writings of President and Mrs. Harding, are difficult to secure and especially together on
the same instrument. Indiana Senator Watson recorded ”On a day long to be remembered.”
Well, Senator Watson was an outspoken, testy curmudgeon and renown in Indiana for his
pointed use of the vernacular. There appears in one of Jonathan Daniels recent books a
statement by Senator Watson, which is more in character than the above statement about it being
a day long to be remembered. Wendell Willkie was from Indiana and in nineteen forty the
Republican candidate for President of the United States. And his supporters sought Senator
Watson‟s endorsement, and the Senator refused because he complained that candidate Willkie
was a Democrat and so he didn‟t want to endorse him and so finally Senator Watson was pushed
and asked if he didn‟t believe in conversion, and the all-irreconcilable graphically snorted, “If a
whore repented and wanted to join the church I‟d personally welcome her, and lead her up the
aisle to a pew. But by the Eternal, I‟d not asked her to lead the choir the first night.”
Interviewer: What was that other, there was another incident you related to me about some
fellow that was, who was in charge of some committee that would approve a project? It was a
pork-barrel project involving the Grand River.
Mr. Cary: Oh that was, was a party which the Smiths gave for Vice President Marshall, who this
Senator, Senator Smith was there during the Wilson administration, and of course Marshall was
Woodrow Wilson‟s Vice President. And so the guests were Vice President Marshall and Senator
and Mrs. Kellogg from Minnesota and Newton Baker, who was Secretary of War at the time,
and his wife and Mrs. T. DeWitt Talmage, who was the widow of a very prominent Presbyterian,
or at least Protestant minister of the Washington community and quite famous. And so one of
the stories about Vice-President Marshall, of course, is the famous one about what this country
needs is a good five-cent cigar. But in his recollections, subtitled “Hoosier Salad”, he related an
occasion when an appropriation to dredge the Grand River in Michigan was being debated. And
Senator William Alden Smith was for the appropriation and Senator Theodore Burton of Ohio,
opposed it. And the controversy, according to Vice President Marshall, was waxing, warm and
Burton was insisting that there never had been two and a half feet depth in that river, and there
never could be and Smith, Senator Smith said to him testily, “Well, you‟re the man to whom
when you were in the house of Representatives, we gave a dinner in Grand Rapids, and you
came back and introduced the first appropriation for this.” “Yes.” Burton replied, “I know that is
so. You gave me a dinner there, and after the dinner, was over, I saw water, where there was no
water”. “But I‟m sober now. I‟ve reformed and I‟m opposed to this appropriation.”

�12

Interviewer: How, how about that, the story about how Catholic Central finally got a football
team?
Mr. Cary: Why I don‟t, I don‟t know whether that story is, is how they got it, but the fact is that
in nineteen twelve, I was a sophomore in Catholic Central High School and in nineteen eleven,
the boys who were Juniors and Seniors in Catholic Central played football, but they were not
allowed to play under the name Catholic Central, because Bishop Richter, who was very
aesthetic, pious, studious man and a great administrator of the Dioceses, who a great number of
years figured that children should be educated and should not waste their time on athletics and
other things, and he wouldn‟t allow athletics in the high school, so the boys who would play and
in nineteen eleven the kids that went to Catholic Central played under the name Ernie Reed‟s.
Ernie Reed was a saloon keeper who had a saloon at the northwest corner of Cherry Street and
Division Avenue. Winegar‟s large furniture store was immediately south of Ernie Reeds, on the
same side of the street and some of the people, who played on the nineteen eleven Ernie Reed
team were Carroll Williams, who later went to the University of Michigan and became a rather
prominent engineer in Grand Rapids, a brother of Francis Williams, the lawyer who has two sons
who were both practicing law in Grand Rapids. One of the other members of the team was John
Hugh O‟Donnell, usually signed J. Hugh O‟Donnell, who went to University of Notre Dame, and
played center on one of the teams that Knute Rockne played on. That would be sometime in
nineteen twelve [or] thirteen and later after the First World War, Hugh O‟Donnell, who was a
very fine imposing, looking person, who had a tremendously sonorous voice, speaking voice,
joined the priesthood. I don‟t know whether he became a regular priest or whether he joined the
order, but he ultimately became a member of the Holy Cross Order and ultimately was elected as
President of Norte Dame, and served for one, six-year term and then was out the required period
and came back and was elected for another six-year term as President of Notre Dame. On that
was also Bob Murray, who‟s family had, made money in the lumbering industry, and the Murray
Building at the corner of Division and Library Street is, was built by Bob Murray‟s father, John
Murray. Oh, there was the Holland, Alphonse Holland and others that, oh an Italian boy who
was one of the stars of that Cole Manardo. In fact, the matter is there may have been two Cole
Manardos, on the, the team, Cole is an abbreviation of Cosamou Manardo and at that time I
knew four Cosie Manardos in various stages of the school at St. Andrews and the one who lived
on Jefferson Avenue, right near Sycamore, went to Detroit and is still a well-to-do, practicing
lawyer in Detroit. Where the others are, I don‟t know now.
Interviewer: Was there much of, when the Ernie Reed football team was playing, did they play
Central High School?
Mr. Cary: I, I was young enough so that I didn‟t know who they played or how they played.
Yeah, at that time, you know there was, there was only one high school that really had a full time
twelve grades and that was Central High School, Grand Rapids Central. At that time it was a
real all-state power, the big teams of the state was Detroit Central, Grand Rapids Central and
Muskegon High School. At a little earlier than that, Robert Zupke, who was later the great coach
at the University of Illinois, was the coach at Muskegon High School and he went from
Muskegon to Oak Park, Illinois, had very successful teams there and then about nineteen twelve
or thirteen, Zup, whom I later was acquainted with personally along with Benny Oosterbaan,
who was one of his boys, but who Zup didn‟t get to go to the University of Illinois, were friends
of mine. We used to play some golf at, in tournaments at Spring Lake and Muskegon and so on.

�13

And Zupke was a very vocal person, always, always telling stories and so in the twenties Zupke
was out scouting and looking for players for Illinois and Benny Oosterbaan was out looking for
players for the University of Michigan. And they traveled together. And I can remember a
couple of years, there was a hole over at Spring Lake Country Club, around the third where the
third, the fifteenth, and the seventh or sort of came together, and so when you‟d finish your
match, and were waiting for the next one, why you‟d congregate in that area. And I spent several
hours there listening to Zupke tell stories about his various teams. Benny Oosterbaan would be
laying on his back, with his hands under his head and his elbows akimbo to his head, and you‟d
think he was asleep, but whenever Zupke would run down Oosterbaan would kind of roll over
like that, open up one eye and say, “Hey Dutchman, did you ever tell them about so-and-so?”,
and Zupke would then be off again no, no sense story so that, when you got away from Grand
Rapids Central, but it was the only high school. It wasn‟t until nineteen eleven or twelve that
Union High School became a full twelve grade school and so I remember that Johnny Beck,
Alvin Louks and some of those boys of that time, some of the others, their names don‟t come to
me now, played on the first Union High School Football team. So get back a little to Catholic
Central, now I played on the first team, a friend of mine lived on the block south of us, was a boy
by the name of Paul Hines. His father was a railroad engineer and Paul was not very successful
in athletics and but he was very fond of them and so I remember in the late summer of nineteen
twelve, I was down at Paul‟s house, we always called him Pickle, Pickle Hines and he asked me
how old I was and how much I weighed. Well I didn‟t know and so we went over to Cody‟s
store, which was at the corner of Highland and Lafayette and I got weighed and I weighed a
hundred and forty-three pounds and I was somewhere around six feet and he says, “Yeah sure.
We‟re going to organize a second team at Catholic Central this year, and I want you to play for
my second team.” The second team had no relation whatever to the first team and we were
playing at the practice grounds at the corner of College and Logan and one night we were
scrimmaging and I was playing fullback for the second team and they finally talked Pickle into
letting our second team play the first team. And so I had a good night in that practice and so
some of the first team members wanted me to play guard on the first team. And Pickle wouldn‟t
let me, because that would spoil his second team, and so there was quite a controversy about it
and finally I was allowed to go to the first team. We played one game at Garfield Park. I
remember that our singing teacher at Catholic Central at that time was Mary Agnes Douglas, a
fine old lady, she probably is much younger at that time than I am now, but at least she was old
to me then. And in order to get some income from the game, we sold tags which you put in your
buttonholes, and I don‟t remember now how much they cost, but Miss Douglas, made a hit with
all of the boys in school because she bought quite a number of those tags for the football game
against Sparta at Garfield Park. Well the sad part of that game was that three or four of our
players got hurt and we couldn‟t continue the rest of the season, because we didn‟t have enough
able-bodied students after that to make-up a football team. Dan Mead, who was playing halfback, hurt his neck. Dan later went to M.A.C. Michigan State College and became an engineer
and one of the top officers in late years of Owen, Ames and Kimball builders. And another one
who got hurt was Bob Murray and I don‟t remember who the two others were. Lester Styles,
who at that time was, had won national honors at Philadelphia for the Grand Rapids‟ Boat and
Canoe Club, was playing tackle along side of me that game. But that was the last, first and last
game of the nineteen twelve Catholic Central High School Football Team. Later on, Bill
Murray, who, that‟s wrong, later on Bill Ducey, who was a, whose family, the son of Michael
Ducey who was a furniture manufacturer, with a factory on Godfrey Avenue, out around Hall

�14

Street, which later became the Johnson – Hanley – Johnson factory, was a student at the
seminary, St. Joseph‟s Seminary and at that time St. Joseph‟s Seminary was across Sheldon
Street from Catholic Central High School. And Bill was studying for the priesthood and he was
short but very quick and was a fine quarterback. He later played quarterback for the Catholic
Central teams of nineteen thirteen and fourteen and Bill played on the second team and the
second team after I went back to it, we went on and we played Union‟s second team at John Ball
Park and both Bill and I got an offer to, I can‟t remember now whether there was any money
connected with the offer or just what it was, but we were offered by Mr. Dillingham, who was
either the principle or the faculty manager of Union High School, some sort of scholarship or
something at Union if we would transfer from Catholic Central to Union. Well the Duceys had a
very large family and the Duceys were very devout as my parent were, and we had about as
much chance playing for anything except the Catholic School as a snowball would in certain
places that are fairly hot. At that time in nineteen thirteen, Elmer Mitchell was the coach at
Union High School. Phil Holloway was our coach at, at Catholic Central and we played Union
High School at Ramona Park on Saturday morning. And we had some pretty big boys on our
team, but it wasn‟t real cohesive as a unit and so we would play good games and bad games.
Well, the day we played Union, we played a good game and Union almost had the disaster of
losing to us. And so the next year when we tried to get Union to play us in nineteen fourteen
Elmer Mitchell said, “Why should I play you guys?” He says, “Your other games you play like a
lot of sand lotters and you play my team and,” he says, “you knock my players out and we have
injuries and so on and I‟m expected to beat you by a high score and if I don‟t, why I‟m in
disgrace. I don‟t want to play you.” And what he said was true. Union was about to, Central was
having an off year after it had a State Championship having beaten Muskegon a year or two
before when Central had a great team headed by our sheriff of later years, Hugh Blacklock who
became an all American, after having played four years at M.A.C, he went to Great Lakes and
played there, while playing at Great Lakes on the service team he became All-American, a
Walter Camp All-American. He later joined the Staleys, which was headed by George Halas and
ultimately became the Chicago Bears. Hugh Blacklock played for the Chicago Bears until about
nineteen twenty-six or twenty-seven, a matter of six or seven years. Hugh was a great player and
a great person and was a real credit to professional football and to college football in Grand
Rapids.
Interviewer: This is a little away from, away from football, but could you tell me about the
breweries in Grand Rapids and that story about how the breweries apparently had something to
do with preserving part of the population.
Mr. Cary: Why that matter about the health of Grand Rapids isn‟t anything that‟s original with
me. It is set forth in Baxter‟s History of Grand Rapids, which in my opinion is a real history of
Grand Rapids and is a wealth of information on Grand Rapids history. But John Pennell or
Pennell, P-E-double N-E-double L, was an Englishman who settled in Grand Rapids about
eighteen thirty-four, eighteen thirty-six and he because of the fact that at the foot of the hill on
Michigan Avenue, which was then called East Bridge Street, there were springs of very pure,
fine water and Mr. Pennell secured the rights to that land and that water and piped it across East
Bridge Street over to the corner of Ionia and Bridge and made English Beer. What the difference
is between it and the German Lager beer that I‟ll talk about, I don‟t know. And so the German
migration to Grand Rapids brought with it a great number of men and families who were brewers
in various provinces of Germany and one of the more prominent of these brewers was

�15

Christopher Kusterer and in, sometime in the eighteen forties, I think probably about eighteen
forty-nine, Christopher Kusterer bought out the stock in the business of John Pennell and
whether he removed it from across the street to the southwest corner of East Bridge and Ionia or
not isn‟t quite clear historically but that area was the area where the water was. And Kusterer
wanted that water. And he then started making lager beer. At that time the area which was the,
the part of Grand Rapids along Canal Street, along in that area was swampy and that condition
also existed down around the around the area where the, the Union Railroad Station was
ultimately built on Ionia at Logan or at Weston or Island as it was called previous to Weston and
Oakes and Cherry in that area, was low ground and swampy. And there was, it was sort of an
ague was contracted by a lot of people in the, in the Grand Rapids area. Whether it was malarial
or not I‟m not quite sure, but the out it, as a result of it they contracted a certain amount of chills
and shaking.
Interviewer: Let‟s, let‟s just stop there for a second so I can turn the tape over, okay?
[Audio recording ends at this point]
Mr. Cary: I was talking about the fact that many residents of Grand Rapids suffered these chills
and shaking ague that went along with it and that between the late eighteen forties and eighteen
fifty-five that would be about eight years following the, the sale and brewing of lager beer. That
condition was almost completely eliminated so far as Grand Rapids was concerned. Whether
that‟s sound medically or not I don‟t know but if that is true, it can be well said that the Grand
Rapids Brewing industry really played an important part in the public health of the city of Grand
Rapids. Christopher Kusterer was a real business man. He had a good sense of, of what was a
good product and the way to market it and get the people to buy it. And there were oh, I
wouldn‟t know how many German brewers there were who had brewers it, in this period of the
late forties and early fifties. Peter Weirich who was, an important German Businessman in that
period had what was called a Michigan brewery at West Bridge and Indiana. There was the
Eagle brewery which was established in eighteen seventy-six at fifty Stocking Street by Jacob
Veit and Paul Rathman. The Tusch brothers had a brewery on Grandville Avenue and I think
that was a little south of Wealthy Street. And then H. A. Britt had one on West Division Street
and West Division was a street on the west side and its name was changed when Grand Rapids
completely reversed the names of its streets and avenues and had all thoro, thoroughfares
running east and west as streets and all north and south as avenues. And it was at that time that
the city was geographically divided into four quadrants with Fulton Street dividing north and
south and Division Street dividing east and west. And John Gessler and company had a brewery
on Page Street up in the north end. Adolph Goetz, whose family was later a client of mine had a
brewery at Broadway and West Leonard. And the Union Brewery was located at eighty-seven
South Division Street and it was established in eighteen sixty-two by George Brandt. In eighteen
eighty-eight the proprietors were Elizabeth B. Brandt and I think she is the widow of the
organizer of George Brandt but I‟m not sure. And then there was George Jub, W. Brandt, he‟s
the son of the original George Brandt and Julius Petersen. The Petersens had a brewery which
was operating as late as nineteen twenty and their brewery was on Indiana Avenue, just south of
Bridge Street, the Union Brewery at eighty-seven South Division Street was located at the
southeast corner of Oakes and Division. And in the period of about nineteen oh-five to nineteen
ten those premises were operated by Theodore Clark. And the Neal Cary flam, family was a
customer of Theodore Clark in the summertime because when he came to deliver the beer at our

�16

house, I would quite often ride with Mr. [Louis P.] Maude the driver of the truck for the rest of
his finishing up the rest of his route. Later Mr. Maude was the bailiff for United States Circuit
Court of Appeals Judge, Arthur W. Dennison. And later on in our lifetimes we used to talk
about our deliveries many years before.
Interviewer: Then the breweries, the solo breweries consolidated.
Mr. Cary: Yes, Christopher Kusterer in eighteen eighty was a victim of the steamer Alpena
disaster which was the loss of the Alpena on a trip from either Holland or Muskegon to Chicago
or Milwaukee. And following that the, the any number of these breweries consolidated and
joined up and the Grand Rapids Brewing Company was the result of that amalgamation of these
various German family breweries. And prior to sometime between eighteen eighty and the
publication of the Baxter History of Grand Rapids in eighteen ninety, the large red building, the
home of the Grand Rapids Brewing Company was built and it was a landmark on Michigan Hill,
which was formerly East Street Bridge Street for many years and until nineteen sixty-four, five
or six whenever that was torn down as part of the Urban Renewal in the Grand Rapids
Downtown area.
Interviewer: The, the, I think you said that their beer was Silver Foam.
Mr. Cary: Yes.
Interviewer: And how, what, how did they market that beer around town? Then there was the
story about the Branch Bank in Michigan and how breweries affected branch banking.
Mr. Cary: Oh, well, it, it, it was the custom of breweries, it wasn‟t unique in Grand Rapids, but
the law books have cases in which Joseph Schlitz had certain corners in certain cities which he
would lease to a man who would be expected to only dispense Schlitz Beer. And there are
records of breeches of that agreement and law suits over it. And there also in the Michigan
records of suits by various breweries in Michigan who have the same situation and so the Grand
Rapids Brewing Company bought up some of the best retail corners throughout the city of Grand
Rapids. One of them was the southeast corner of Franklin and Division and off hand I, I don‟t
remember any others and I haven‟t done any research on it so I, I‟m not sure of that. I‟m sure of
that one but there were many more. And when prohibition came to Michigan in nineteen
eighteen, the time of the First World War and the Grand Rapids Brewing Company went out of
the brewing business, it went into the real estate business and sold these prominent corners in
Grand Rapids to George Ellis who had a private bank, to the Grand Rapids Saving Bank, to the
Kent State and they established branch banks on those corners throughout the, the, throughout
the city. And those corners were used by branch banks until very modern times when the plaza
and the outside area shopping districts were, came into being and so progress changes and
methods of branch banking change but the brewing business was forerunner of branch banks.
Interviewer: This is a,
Mr. Cary: After repeal of prohibition the National trend of consumers to prefer the highly
advertised national brands of beer sounded the death knell of the relatively small local breweries
throughout the United States and the attempt by the Fox people of Chicago to take over the old
red building of Grand Rapids Brewing Company on Michigan Avenue and Market Fox Deluxe
beer succeeded for several years. But then it just couldn‟t compete with the National Advertising

�17

that had to be done in order to sell beer. There are probably more money spent for television
time for beer than for any other product and if you haven‟t got money to do that advertising, you
lose out. As illustration, Harry Heilman who was one of the great broadcasters of radio and
television broadcasting the Detroit Tiger games for many years his product was Global Beer but
a…..

[SIDE TWO OF TAPE TWO]
….make it in the Grand Rapids Brewing Company later followed by Fox Deluxe part of the
Frank Fox family of Chicago. I was not able to make it either. And it…….not very many people
now remember what that big red building was, what caused it to be there and so on yet it
gracefully aged up there on the hill, but finally it was looked upon as an eye-sore and the cost of
trying to maintain it in condition so that it was not a hazard as a structure that it finally felt that
with the Urban Renewal it had to be torn down and when it was a historical era so far as Grand
Rapids is concerned, passed out of existence. It goes back to the very early beginnings of Grand
Rapids in the 1840s and its industrial life and it saddens people who have lived through a part of
that period when structures of that kind were a real life blood of the community. And some
place or other I think probably that the following quotation, I don‟t know whether where it‟s
from is a probably a good obituary for the old Grand Rapids Brewing company building, the
home of Silver Foam Beer and I quote: “Yet shall some Tribute of regret be paid when her long
life hath reached its final day. Men are we and must grieve when even the shade of that which
once, of that which once was great, passed away”.
INDEX

A

D

American Laundry Company · 1

B

Daane, Gil · 10
Daly Family · 3
Douglas, Mary Agnes · 15

Blacklock, Hugh · 16
Burton, Senator Theodore (Ohio) · 2, 13

E
Erie Canal · 2

C
Cady, William · 2
Cary, Cornelius "Neal" (Father) · 2, 5
Cary, Julia A. Lynch · 1, 2
Cary, Patrick (Grandfather) · 1, 2
Catholic Central High School · 13, 14, 15
Cavanaugh Family · 9
Chinnick Saloon · 9
Clark, M.J. · 6, 7, 10
Coliseum · 5

F
Fanitorium · 4

G
Gaudet (movei theatre) · 8
Grand Rapids and Indiana Railroad · 1

�18
Grand Rapids Brewing Company · 17, 18
Grand Rapids Trust Company · 10

H
Hines, Paul · 14
Holland, Alphonse · 14
Holloway, Phil · 15
Hoover, Jim · 11

J
Jewell, Frank · 7, 11
Judson Grocery Company · 2, 6, 7

O
O‟Donnell, John Hugh · 13
Oosterbaan, Benny · 14

P
Peck‟s Drugstore · 5, 7, 8
Pennell, John · 16
Pipp Family · 4
Powers Opera House · 9

Q
Quimby, Irving · 6, 11

K
Kelvinator plant · 3
Kleinhans, Jacob · 6
Knappen, Stuart · 6
Kusterer, Christopher · 16, 17

R
Reed, Ernie · 2, 13, 14
Roosevelt, Alice · 5
Roosevelt, Theodore (President) · 4
Royal, Selena · 10

L
Leonard Family · 3
Lynch Family · 1, 2, 3
Lynch, Jeremiah (Grandfather) · 2, 3
Lynch, Timothy (Uncle) · 1

M
Manardo, Cole · 14
Marshall, Vice President · 2, 12, 13
Massachusetts Institute of Technology (M.I.T) · 4
Maude, Louis P. · 17
Michigan Central Railroad · 2
Morrissey Family · 4
Morse, George · 6, 7
Murray Family · 13, 15
Musselman Grocery Company · 6

N
Nunamaker, Leslie · 4

S
Silver Foam beer · 18, 19
Smith, Senator · 7, 10, 11, 12, 13
Smith, William Alden · 5, 6, 10, 12, 13
St. Alphonsus Church · 3
St. Andrews School · 4, 5, 8, 14

T
Tracy, Spencer · 10

U
Union Brewery · 17
University of Michigan · 1, 11, 13, 14

W
Watson, Senator (Indiana) · 12
Williams, Carroll · 13

�19
Willkie, Wendell · 12
Worden Grocery Company · 6
Wurzburg‟s Department Store · 8

Y
Young, Charlie · 8, 9

Z
Zupke, Robert · 14

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            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="407399">
                <text>Text</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="407400">
                <text>Sound</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="42">
            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="407401">
                <text>application/pdf</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="407402">
                <text>audio/mp3</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="48">
            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="407404">
                <text>Grand Rapids oral history collection (RHC-23)</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="440392">
                <text>1971</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="1029711">
                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
