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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Kosovo War
Fidel Angel Vega
Length of interview (00:41:01)
(00:00:14) Introduction &amp; Civilian Life
 Fidel was born in the Bronx, New York on June 30, 1973 (00:00:32)
 His father worked in silk-screening, while his mother was a stay at home mom (00:00:41)
 Fidel worked numerous jobs before enlisting in the army (00:01:03)
o
Tinting windows on cars
o
In auto-parts stores
o
Worked as a plumber
 Enlisted because his cousin approached him about joining and he was dissatisfied with his
plumbing job (00:01:25)
 Wanted to join the Air force but the recruiter wasn’t available, so he decided to join the
Army that day instead (00:02:19)
 He was able to choose his job entering the army and he chose 12 bravo combat engineer
(00:02:40)
(03:35:00) Training
 Basic training was not a shock for him because family members who had served prepared
him for the experience (00:04:00)
 His AIT (Advanced Individual Training) was combined with basic training into OSUT
(One Station Unit Training) (00:04:57)
o
He had the same barracks and the same drill sergeants at the same location in
Ft. Leonard Wood, Missouri
o
He adapted rather quickly to military life
 After finishing OSUT he was assigned to the Bravo company, 326th Engineer Battalion of
the 101st Airborne Division at Fort Campbell, Kentucky (00:05:47)
o
When he arrived, Fidel had to go through air assault training
o
He was required to train climbing ropes and rappelling from them as if off from
a helicopter
o
He was able to climb a rope in 15 seconds, the limit being 30 seconds as he
remembers it
 He was asked to if he wanted to be the company’s platoon driver with a week or two of
arriving, an offer he accepted (00:07:19)
 Fidel remembers the men hazing a new lieutenant by walking passed him in a drawn out
line, obliging the lieutenant to individually salute roughly thirty different men (00:08:10)
 Air Assault School was one or two weeks long and helped him get over his fear of heights
(00:10:00)
(00:10:45) Active Service
 After two years with the 101st he received orders to go to 82nd Engineer Battalion
Bamberg, Germany (00:10:45)
o
He was assigned as the unit armorer, which he did for two years
o
Fidel’s job mostly required him to repair small arms weapons

� After completing armorer school, Fidel’s unit was sent to Kosovo (00:12:33)
o
He was at one point tasked out to be a body guard for the battalion commander,
a lieutenant colonel
o
During this mission he spent time in the cities of Kosovo where he interacted
with Russian soldiers
 Fidel arrived in Kosovo during December or January (00:15:38)
o
Fidel remembers a patrol where it was so cold that the hoses to their camelbak
canteens froze, prompting them to return back indoors
 The average day in Kosovo for Fidel entailed waking up, doing PT, having breakfast, and
performing guard duty in the arms room (00:17:00)
o
They didn’t initially have an arms room, they had a C hut that acted as a
barracks and arms room
o
The firearms needed to be guarded at all times, especially because the sea hut
was only a wooden structure and the weapons were not entirely secure there
 Fidel remembers a military police unit that was attacked by locals who threw rocks at the
men while they were on patrol in the city of Pristina (00:18:30)
 Fidel recalls that the primary job of the combat engineers in Kosovo was to plow the roads
(00:19:30)
o
If they came across mines or IEDs they marked them and called a bomb
disposal unit to dispose of them
 There were not any NATO soldiers at his post in Kosovo, Camp Bondsteel, but there were
some soldiers from Spain and Portugal (00:20:15)
 While in Kosovo, the only time Fidel and the men went out, it was on a mission, as
opposed to Germany where the men had free time on Saturday and Sunday (00:20:48)
(00:21:50) Service in Germany
 Fidel met some of his best friends through his unit in Germany, including his wife who was
a paralegal (00:22:40)
o
Her MOS was 71D
o
He met her in August 2001, two months before his enlistment was up
 Fidel recalls how he and a friend bought a broken down Volkswagen, which they repaired
and drove around Germany during their leisure time (00:23:57)
 It was difficult to keep in touch with family while in Kosovo, but in Germany it was
relatively easy using phone cards or cell phones to call home (00:25:30)
 He remembers some protests in Germany and the men were briefed where not to go
because of them (00:26:18)
(00:27:02) 9/11
 Fidel was still in the Army when the World Trade Center Towers were attacked on
September 11, 2001 (00:27:10)
o
He was walking into the med unit to collect his medical records when he saw
several people standing around a television there
o
Fidel thought the other men were watching a movie and when one of them, a
friend, told him it that the WTC towers had been hit, he thought they were joking
around
o
He went back to the barracks to find out if it was true and was shocked to find
his friend was telling the truth
 On base, he remembers there being confusion, a lot of the men were nervous, some were

�ready to go to war (00:28:17)
o
As he was about to leave the Army, Fidel remembers thinking that he may not
be able to go home
o
He remembers a female soldier whose mother worked at the towers, but was
sick that day and did not go to work
o
Fidel recalls another soldier whose cousin worked at the towers but was stuck
in traffic when the towers were attacked
(00:30:56) Return to Civilian life
 Although he wanted to leave the army, Fidel found it difficult leaving just after 9/11
because he was unable to communicate with his friends, some of them serving in Iraq and
Afghanistan (00:31:00)
 Fidel found it somewhat difficult to adjust to civilian life, as his training left him always on
the alert, aware of his surroundings and sometimes made him wary of others (00:32:50)
 He still keeps in contact with some of the men he served with, especially through social
media (00:33:40)
 Fidel currently works for a company that has a defense contract with the Department of
Defense and he works at the Army Reserve Center in Walker, MI (00:34:30)
 After leaving the army, Fidel started a family with his wife and began working his current
job as a security guard at the Army Reserve Center (00:35:09)
 From his experiences in the Army, Fidel feels that sometimes war is necessary and also
sometimes regrets leaving the Army when he did (00:36:17)
 If there was anything he could have changed, Fidel would have chosen a different MOS, as
his job as a combat engineer did not prepare him for any civilian careers as some army
jobs do (00:39:17)

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Boring, Frank</text>
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                <text>Fidel Angel Vega was born on June 30, 1973 in the Bronx, New York. During his adult life, Fidel worked a number of unsatisfying jobs that led him to enlist in the Army. In the army, Fidel served first as a combat engineer in the 326th Engineer Battalion of the 101st Airborne Division. Fidel was later transferred to the 82nd Engineer Battalion with whom he saw service in Germany as well as in Kosovo as a part of the peace keeping mission there following the Kosovo War. Leaving the army in October of 2001, Fidel's last month in the service was shaped by the 9/11 attack on the World Trade Center.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project
Francisco Vega Part 1
(59:46)
“We are talking today with Francisco Vega of Grand Rapids, Michigan. The interviewer
is James Smither of Grand Valley State University. Mr. Vega, can you begin by telling us
just a little bit about your personal background, for instance, where and when were you
born?”
I was born in San Antonio, Texas on February 28, 1922. Before we start talking I would like to
give you the title of what I am going to be talking about and that will be, “Snafu”, July 4th 2008
and “Snafu” simply means, “Situation normal, all fouled up”, and you will see from the very
beginning of my lifetime in the service that there were a number of experiences that fall into that
category. 00:56
“Can you tell me a little bit about your family? What did your parents do?”
My father was the regional manager for the National Life Insurance Company in San Antonio;
he had a large territory there. He also had his own business before that; a supermarket, and he
had businesses in Mexico. My mother’s family was from Mexico and I had two uncles there,
uncle Landino and uncle Francisco, he plays a part in my talking with you about this. They were
in the wholesale food business and they owned orchards. They owned a very large piece of land
and they were professionals. 1:41 Out of the six of us in my family, I am the oldest of the six.
All of us have had our own businesses. Here in Grand Rapids I had my-- the youngest of the
boys, Larry, he’s been in the business for forty-two years in financing, a family budget service.
Anyway, we do work for ourselves with the thinking that if you work for yourself you create
jobs for other people and all that.
“How long had your father’s family been in Texas?”

1

�My father’s family was in Texas since Texas was part of Mexico. On my mother’s side, again is
a tradition tied closely to service to country and community, and she is a descendent of General
Santaro Topia, my mother’s name was Sarlospa Topia Vega and she is a great granddaughter of
this general Topia who was a governor and military commander of Puebla during the battle of
Cinco de Mayo on May 5, 1862. 2:38 His father, General Antonio Topia, joined in the cry for
independence when they started the fight for independence from Mexico in September 16, 1810,
so we grew up with a written history seeing all these items as part of our family, but never trying
to reach that height or trying to imitate anyone. It was just there and I still have the two original
letters as part of my legacy. One from the president Benito Juarez of Mexico to my ancestor and
one from General Ignacia Zaragoza, who was in charge of the battle on them. 3:18
“In addition to having all that in family history too, your mother had some education too
didn’t she?”
Yes, as a teacher in a teachers college, Normal College in Saltillo.
“Let’s see now, you were born in 1921, when did you finish high school?”
In 1940.
“What kind of high school did you go to?”
I went to Central Catholic High School, it’s a military school—private—It is interesting that you
asked me that question now because that was the first time, it was 1938 when I started there, that
I could use my own name. All the time, and I have the records, that I was in elementary school
in San Antonio, junior high school, for junior high school I was at Washington Irving, still I
graduated from there by the name of Mike. They wouldn’t let me use my own name and this
was all part of what you—the redevelopment of our country, some of the racism and
discrimination. 4:19 It never bothered me because I thought, they don’t know what they’re

2

�doing, but if they want to call me Mike, fine. It wasn’t until I started Central that—I talked to
my father and I said, “Dad, this business of Mike has to go”, and he said, “You understand why
it happened”, and I said, “Sure”, but when we registered and were paying, it was—you paid, it
was not public, I used Francisco after that. 4:45
‘What proportion of the students at your high school were Mexican American rather than
Anglos? Were you kind of unusual there?”
Possibly when I was there maybe five or ten percent.
“OK, so there were some, but it was still a little bit unusual at that point?”
Yes, it required money and that limited a lot of people, just like today. You go to the
universities, sometimes you go to a junior college, which gives you more affordability
financially, or if you want to go to Harvard, Yale, Columbia or the U of M, you need the money
for that. 5:28
“Right, now, what did you do after you finished high school? What did you do next?”
Well, I had a scholarship to a business college because of my typing speed and it didn’t take long
before jobs were coming in and being offered to people there at the college and so I took a job as
a typist for an industrial company, AB Frain Company, and you would type invoices and that
again gave me a lot of experience. This is what I did all day long and the invoices were on a roll
and being fed into this typewriter. Then you had a comptometer, which is a paperless calculator
and so, we would figure out four and a half dozen at twelve dollars a dozen. You multiplied it
and put it in the statement or invoice. 6:22 I stayed with that until I went in the service, until
December 7th 1941.
“On December 7, 1941, how did you learn about the Pearl Harbor attack?”

3

�Every Sunday I would go out hunting, every Sunday morning at dawn with a friend of mine
named George Cabina and we would hunt for rabbits just south of San Antonio. It was all
country, it was no houses around and we always used .22 rifles and again we had been in military
school and we had rifle range so we were familiar with guns. We would shoot the rabbits, clean
them, come back and give them to some of the neighbors. Again we were very strong in the
depression, not too different from what we’re going through now in our country, but then we
went to mass at noon. 7:24 Having gotten up that early, I would come back and go back to bed
and this is December 7th. So, I remember that my father came and said, now keep in mind—
there is no television, no computers, just radio, and he comes in and said, “Would you get up
Pancho, this is some news coming”, and he spoke English, and he said, “They’re talking about
Japan”, and I said, “Dad, I’ll get up after while, we don’t have to, I don’t have to get up to go to
mass at noon until 11:30 or 11:00”. Well, he came back again and after a while he said,
“They’re talking about pearls”, and he said, “There’s a lot of excitement on that ant they’re just
giving pieces of information”. So, finally I got up and of course we never heard of Pearl Harbor,
we had not heard a number of things that were happening at that time and I would say within two
hours, I had this call from my mother’s older brother, more or less a senior member of the family
from Monterey, and he said, “You heard the news?” and I said, “Yes, uncle”, and he said, “Your
country is being attacked, don’t wait to be called, offer your services”. 8:37 Again, that
volunteering service to your country. This is Sunday, and Monday morning I went out—I went
to the coast guard, I went to the infantry, which we have—in San Antonio, Fort Sam Houston,
Kelly Field, Randolph Field, the military installations around, I went to every branch of the
service, the Marines, the Merchant Marines, all of them and the one thing they were telling me at
that time was, “We are not taking Mexicans at this time”. 9:03 Again this is—it did not surprise

4

�me too much because I would not—I always felt—I know who I am, so I don’t know what their
problem is and here we are being attacked and this is the answer you are getting. I tried every
branch of the service and now I did come back and said, “Dad, I did apply and I’m sure they will
be calling me”, I think he knew that I was not telling the truth and this came out after I came out
of the service, not before. But, I tried again and the same thing was on Tuesday so, I did register.
I did not want—I did want to have a serial number of 1 because that meant that I had
volunteered. 9:47 Number 3 meant that you were drafted. Nothing wrong with it except that
being in military school, we all talked about being prepared to serve. So, with that I came across
a newspaper, a full page ad, it was in the San Antonio Express and the San Antonio Light, that’s
the name of the newspapers, that if you enlisted, if you had military service and you enlisted now
you could remain within the Eighth
Service Command, which was the San Antonio region, for the duration of the war. In fact that’s
they way you were going in, being called for the duration of the war, not twelve months or
anything. So, I went in and I signed up—there was one other person that went in at the same
time and his name was Lica Lopez and he signed up, well he stayed in that region the entire war,
in the Quartermaster Corps. I went in and the next thing I know I’m at Fort Sam Houston,
Texas. I’m there a couple of days and I’m taken over to Dodd Field, which is part of Fort Sam
Houston, one of oldest air fields in the country, next to the one, I think in Ohio. 10:52 There I
am introduced to two sergeants in the regular army and they said, “We understand that you have
experience so, you need to get over here and we need to test you on compliance”, and I said,
“Fine”. There were a bunch of other soldiers; it was a close order drill, four by squads, and two
by squads at that time. So, with that he said, “Get packed, you’re going to Kelly” so, I went to
Kelly Field and I arrived there and he said—oh, while I was still at Fort Sam Houston, I was only

5

�there about four or five days, but I also had to do some work there and I remember this first
sergeant, who I saw again after I came out of the service, and he was a typical first sergeant that
you expect to see—big pot belly, a big guy and a big voice that didn’t need any assistance to be
heard, and he called me and he said, “Now you go over to that little building over there, it was no
bigger than a one stall garage, and he said, “You’ll find some brown bags in there, fill them up
with one pound of what’s in those barrels”. 12:03 So, that’s what I was doing and it was
Saltpeter so, Saltpeter in those bags was taken and mixed in with the food, with the mashed
potatoes, and that was to keep the sex drive down in the soldiers. I did not know this when I first
started hearing about it even before I left Fort Sam Houston and it got to be kind of a joke, and
they said, ‘Where did you end up?” And I said, “In that shack over there filling one pound
bags”, and they said, “Did you get into it yourself?” And I said, “No, they told me what it was
about”, but that was part of the army life at that time. 12:42 Well, from there I went to Kelly
Field and I arrived there with this other fellow and the first sergeant comes out and he said,
“Now you’re in the air corps”, there was no air force at the time, and he said, “You are a
squadron leader, each one of you” and he said, I think, “You have 20 men and they’re coming
in”, when he said, “coming in”, the draft was on, a nationwide draft, and it means that they were
arriving in trains, entire trains and you’re talking to people who don’t want to be there. So, with
that he said, “There’s a train coming in”, and he told me to go meet them and he said, “You have
four people here now that have been with us two weeks and each one is your flight leader,
platoon sergeant”. 13:36 So, I talked to them and they just kept telling me, “We don’t want to
be here” , and I said, “Well, I’m in charge and you’re going to do it the air corps way or you’ll
do it my way”. I learned this from ROTC and they didn’t know what I was talking about right
away, but they knew it was business now. So, with that, I divided 200 people arriving into fifty

6

�each and each one would get these guys. We were in charge of taking these new recruits to get
shots, haircuts, their clothing, teach tem how to march, take them out on the rifle range, and a
couple of incidents, and this is why the word I use “snafu”, you start seeing mix up. 14:25 We
did not have enough rifles and we were using two by fours in some cases to demonstrate how to
march and carry a rifle. There was a grenade range there at Kelly and it was simply an area that
was surrounded by some sandbags and on one side was like a deep pit, a ravine, and you had
four grenades and so, they gave me the four grenades and they said, “Do you know how to use
them?” I said, “Well, yes, you pull the pin and get rid of it”, and so with that I took the four
squad leaders and showed them how to do it—you have the guys watch you—we only had one
grenade, and then you throw it over. Well, one of the guys got sick and I took his place so, I’m
standing there, like we are here, and I said, “the rest of you just watch and you’re not going to do
this now, here’s the grenade, you pull the pin like this and you drop it”, and I gave it to the
fellow and I said, “Now you do the same thing like that”. 15:29 As I’m talking, the next thing I
hear from him is “Like this sarge?” and he’s pulled the pin, and we’re standing and the last thing
I wanted to do was get him excited or anything and he sensed right away that something was
very wrong and I grabbed his hand and he wouldn’t open it so, I kneed him pretty badly, I must
have raised him off the ground a good eight inches and I got it and threw it and it exploded.
15:58 then I went, that afternoon when I got through, I went to the headquarters and I talked to
the first sergeant and I said, “Sergeant, I have to report, we had a problem at the grenade range”
and he’s joking and he said, “with one grenade?” “Yeah, with one grenade”. He said, “What
happened?” Well, here comes the colonel from the office when he heard me saying we had a
problem and he said, “Why did you have a grenade?” And I said, “Well, I was given four of
them” and he turns to the first sergeant and said, “That was supposed to been stopped two weeks

7

�ago, no more grenades.” 16:28 That was another thing, the word just did not get down quick
enough. On the shots—you would just hear moans at night from all these guys that were getting
these shots and some day you can see my record of them for that time for yellow jaundice, for
yellow fever, for a number of them, but what they would do was they would take all these
soldiers and they had just a jacket, I was trying to think of the name of it, it was OD work clothes
and they would tie it around their waist and we would be marching, going to this building and
when we got close to the building it went down like a funnel and as you got inside this corridor
on either side were small windows and there were medics there I guess, I don’t think they were
doctors, but these guys would go in with their hands on their hips like this and as they went by,
they would get a shot in one arm and a shot in the other arm. 17:26 By the time they got to the
end of the hall, some of them were in pretty bad shape from the pain and swelling. The regular
army guys would be standing outside and they would start joking to these guys and say, ”Aw,
don’t worry about it, when you get to the end look out for the square needle” and the guys, some
of them would pass out. It was bad enough they were going through all of this, but these are the
experiences that I said are totally unexpected, some of them you can laugh at. 18:05 From there
I did go and finish my training of all these guys. We had a kitchen, we had a—it was a village
and we were between Kelly Field and at Kelly Field they also had the enlisted men’s barracks, it
was called and English name, Buckingham Palace. They told us to look at it and it was of course
very fancy that you had telephone booths with an easy chair and they told us right away, “That’s
not for you” so, they took us to this place where you had cots and drill grounds and that. 18:43
From there—we had people there from all walks of life. There was one fellow from Wisconsin
and he asked me, “Do you know a printing shop here in San Antonio where I can get something
printed?” I said, “Sure, I have an uncle that’s in that” so, I gave him the address and he sent

8

�somebody out because we couldn’t get off base, but he was very resourceful and he had a
sideways cross, now they were taking everybody, there was no discrimination in that. Well, he
had some cards printed and he sent them all to Milwaukee and saying, “Your son is in service,
remember him in your prayers and don’t forget to send him a little gift”, and he was getting mail
back of everything you could imagine on this so, he was getting candy, he was getting clothes, he
was getting gloves, money and he just kept it up as long as I knew him and he was in there.
19:45 These are developments of what was going on when they were bringing in the civilian
part, because this was civilian army.
“How long were you doing that drill instructor work?”
From October until January of 1943. This is about; I think it was January of 1943 when I arrived
at Baton Rouge, Louisiana for the JAG School.
Interviewer: “Tell us how you wound up going there.”
By working, we couldn’t get off the base and I think you had to wait two or three months before
we could get off, but on Sunday—my record of typing was recorded and I remember that this
officer came in, I think it was the officer of the day, and called my name and said, “We need
some help at headquarters”, and they wouldn’t ask you, you were told. 20:42 I said, “What is it
about?” He said, “Well, you can type”, and this is what was used. So, as I’m typing, here comes
this, it was like a Western Union teletype with all the information of schools that were available
and as I was looking at them and I asked the officer of the day, “Is this available for anyone?”
and he said, “Yes, did you see something you like?” I said, “Well, not yet”, I went to a military
institute and I didn’t want military. I wanted a different experience. Pretty soon here come the
Adjutant General and Louisiana State University in Baton Rouge and I had never been there, but
I asked him I said, “ Is that one available?” And he said, “Do you want to go there?” And I said,

9

�“Yes” and he said, “Go pack, you leave in the morning”. So, I left by bus and I went to Baton
Rouge and arrived there at night and they put us into the stadium, it was a very big stadium and I
remember we were just beginning to fall asleep, it was getting dark and we heard this growl, a
tremendous growl right outside the windows, at least it felt that way, and we started to wonder
what the heck was going on , if it was a joke or something. 22:00 It was a growl and it just
didn’t—it continued crying out so, we find out it’s a Bengal Tiger which is the mascot of LSU. I
was there and we went through quite a bit of training and I received my first promotion from
there, PFC.
“What kind of training were you getting?”
Army regulations. We went through everything that’s covered by it and it was there that I first
found out what provisional meant when it is assigned to a unit. When a designation is attached
to a unit it means that group is expendable. You’re going in there and chances are you are going
to die and you can be replaced by anyone regardless of rank on that so, It’s very important for the
higher echelons in command to know that they don’t have to look for another sergeant to replace
a sergeant, they can put in a warrant officer, they can put in anyone they want to get the job
done. 23:03 I finished there in January, I think it was a two or three month deal on that and
upon graduation form that they assigned me to Altus, Oklahoma and I was called in, with my
bags and everything, and they said, “Well, you’re leaving on the train and here are your tickets”.
No, on the bus and he said, “Here are your tickets and ten dollars” and he said, “You’ll get the
rest of your money and everything when you arrive”. Altus, I didn’t know where Altus was, but
it is across Texas and that is a long way. So, I get to Altus again about late afternoon and I
couldn’t find—I didn’t have a place to stay. They didn’t tell me where to report or anything and
I had to wait until the next day to leave by train to Altus from Wichita Falls, Texas so, I went to a

10

�military policeman and I told him I had these orders that said I as supposed to be in Altus and he
said, “The train doesn’t leave until tomorrow”, and he said, “Have you been to Altus before?” I
said, “No”, and he said, “You are going to want to get out of there as soon as you can, if you can,
if you can stay on the train, just stay on the train.” He was familiar with it and he said, “If you
need a place to stay, you can stay in jail here with us” so, I slept that night in the jail. The next
morning they take me to the station and there’s a coal burning engine and one car attached to it
and that car is divided in half with a curtain and It’s passengers and freight and the back of that
car is open and doesn’t have a door and this is wintertime. 24:53 So, I’m the only passenger—
we get on that and start going and it didn’t take long before the smoke and everything starts
getting inside and is just swirling inside and the cold. Finally we arrive at Altus and all that is
there is like a four-stall garage and no one is there. It’s raining and there’s mud all over the
place, but then a guy comes over from the engine, they didn’t have anybody else on that car, and
he says, “This is where you get off”. There’s a ladder to walk on from the train to this garage,
which is very close, it’s about ten or twelve feet away from the rail line, but nothing else, it’s allopen and mud. 25:42 So, I got out and waited there and finally a Jeep came up and I got on
there to go to the Altus air base. As we started getting there, I could see all these barracks, one
story, not two story, but they’re tied down with cable, cable goes over the roof of it and is
anchored down in the ground. I guess that gives you a clue that there was a lot of wind out there.
The outfit I joined there was UC 78 planes made of canvas, all silver, they had twin engines and
were used for training navigators. 26:11 I would say that within a week—one of the things,
there was “Lonesome George” that use to be on television, I don’t know if you remember him
from early television. He played the guitar and had a kind of deadpan face. Well, he was
stationed there, he was an officer in training there and the only reason I remember is because I

11

�would hear him play the guitar once in a while on that. One of the days that we woke up, we had
quite a storm and the next day we went out there and there were just shreds, all these planes had
been cut to shreds by hail. There were just pieces of it. 26:56
“Now what kind of work were you doing on that base?”
Well, being a—administration—in other word I had gone to school and I was in headquarters
again. And I usually ended up in headquarters because of that, which meant they put me at the
center of information. While I was there, I received two promotions, Corporal and then
Sergeant, but on the air base they sent a group of mechanics who repaired all the planes and
some of them, they just tore them down and put new canvas on them. Then there was another
opportunity to go to school, except I had to give up rank, which meant I had to give-up money.
So, I went to that, it was to engineering school at Oklahoma A&amp;M, today’s Oklahoma State.
Engineering, I really was not looking forward to it, engineering was not exactly my best grades
in school, but I signed up for it, actually I took anything to get out of Altus by then. 28:01 I was
there at Oklahoma A&amp;M and pretty soon they expanded the program, the person in charge of
that, his brother was in charge of the water works in San Antonio and he had seen my records
and one time he said “Hi” to me. One time when I was in the office there in the headquarters, he
said, “Do you want to leave Oklahoma?” And I said, “Where to?” He said, “We’re opening up
an expanded branch of this in Peoria, Illinois, at Bradley University, at that time it was Bradley
Polytechnic Institute, so I said, “Sure, what’s the change?” He said, “No, it’s engineering and it
will be accelerated”. Again, I signed up for that and I was in charge of the group. We arrived in
Peoria at the railroad station. We were the first soldiers there since World War 1, so the whole
town was out waiting to give us a welcome. 28:54 they have a brewery there, a beer and I
forget the name of it, maybe Pabst Blue Ribbon, the other one is Hiram Walker whiskey and of

12

�course they were greeting us with bottles of each all up and down the street. We were on the
streetcar coming out and the bands were playing and of course this was a surprise to us, we
didn’t expect anything like that. We get there and they are not prepared to receive us, they just
were putting everything together, their food, their cafeteria, the lodging, we didn’t have any
mattresses for about a week. That means that we had the springs and double-decker beds, but no
mattresses on them, but they greeted us nicely and the first thing they informed us he said, “This
program that you have here now is scheduled for you to finish four years of college in eighteen
months. 29:46 Outside of Sunday morning, we were going to school until eleven o’clock at
night right around the clock and I don’t know how many classes. The math, I was able to
memorize it and that got me through. I think there were two hundred or four hundred, I forget on
that, but half of them washed out at the end of sixty days. Ninety days another group washed out
and it wasn’t too long after that that they decided to close the program and I washed out about
that time in chemistry. 30:15 Even though I had taken the course three times, the exam three
times, the professor said, “Just keep with it and you’ll be able to do it”. Well, I had gone through
algebra, calculus, integral calculus, geometry, this was besides the history and everything else we
were taking, the physics and so on. 30:36 I said, “No, I think this is as much as I can go on this
thing”. They had just taken, about a month before, the entire group had been taken to a hospital
and they were all unconscious, they rushed us in ambulances and cars—food poisoning or
something. Also, I lost a lot of weight—some of the best bunch of people I ever met, were part
of that group—a lot of talent. 31:00 We had one fellow by the name of Jimmy Webb and on his
duffle bad he had his initials JEW, which was when we were fighting Hitler and they were
persecuting the Jews so, I remember him from that. The thing was—we had a professor of
physics, we called him “Rapid Rudy” and he liked nothing more than to really show you how

13

�much he knew, at least that’s the impression he gave us. Keep in mind, I am talking about
twenty year olds, but he would start at the upper corner of the blackboard and start writing
formulas right across and it seemed like the blackboard was twenty or thirty feet wide, and from
that he would then turn around and say, “Alright get the answer”, now, we did not use
computers, we used logarithm tables, we used slide rules and Jimmy Webb was a very quiet
individual and he would come up with the answer in less than five minutes. 32:03 We would
time the guy and we were all looking at our logarithm tables and the slide rule and so on and he
had the answer. It turns out that his family were army people, his father had been in artillery, his
grandfather had been in artillery and they worked with math all the time and I think he must have
had the logarithm tables memorized or something, but that was one of the individuals that I met
there that were very nice. 32:28 When they closed that program I ended up going to
Jeffersonburg, Missouri, one of the worst places I have ever been in, but before that, the group
that ended there was one of the last groups that washed out before I did. When they closed the
program, they ended up in California under special training. They ended up in two invasions in
the Pacific and I would say all of them were killed, just about all of them because there was a
reunion called at Bradley after the war and I was unable to go, but I think four showed up, and
they said they would not hold another one. 33:06 One was this person who came in and had
half of his face blown off and he had artificial work that had been done and they said it was just
too much on that. That was the group out of Bradley. From there I went to Jefferson Barracks,
again I’m a private now, the next thing I know I’m on KP, kitchen police, which means that you
work in the kitchen, but you get up, I think they wake you up at 3:00 AM in the morning and you
start going to the kitchen and peeling potatoes and getting everything done. Then you have
breakfast late, but then you go back to bed. 33:45 You will have to get up again to clean up

14

�everything about 10:00. Well, I did that for about a week or so and coming back to the barracks
one day, there’s a notice on there that they need firemen and anything is better than what I’m
doing so, I went and told them I would take the job and they didn’t ask you if you had gone to
school to learn that so, I took it and I was in charge of three two story barracks and the dental
clinic. It didn’t take long, I’m rushing around, I had never used a coal furnace at all and I didn’t
know how it burned or kept. So anyway, I’m putting coal into it and the dental clinic is about a
block away, so I go to the dental clinic and you have people sleeping in the three barracks, but
nothing in the dental clinic so, I figure I don’t have to come back to the dental clinic so, I will
just load this thing up, which I did. It was a separate building adjacent, tied into the clinic, but it
was the furnace, big doors and I just loaded it up and I remember it had a whistle on top, an
emergency whistle, and I just leaded it up and I started running back and forth from one barracks
to another and even carrying hot coals because they were going out on me. 35:07 finally my
turn ended and another guy came in and he started, he knew what to do. I went to my barracks
and went to sleep and they came and woke me up and this buck sergeant said, “You’re to report
to headquarters”, and I go over there and this major, he said, “You were in charge last night of
the—as the fireman?” I said, “Yes” and he said, “Would you go look at the dental clinic and
come back and report to me what happened?” Fine, I go out there and there are a lot of fire
engines around there and I go in and there’s steam coming out of the toilets and where the
furnace was, the windows had collapsed, they had just melted off, the whistle that was on top of
the thing was on the floor, the whole furnace, there was no structure to the furnace, it was all
melted down on the floor and where the whistle had been, you see a hole had been blown
through the concrete roof. 36:10 They were asking me, “What did you do?” I said, “I put coal
into the thing”, and they said, “How much coal did you put in?” and the guy s were there, the

15

�doctors and dentists and they said, “You got to come and look at this”, everything that was open
had steam coming out of it, the toilets, everything was steam coming out of it. 36:32
“Did you put coal into the furnace or just into the building?”
No, the furnace was a big box and it had doors and you could open them up and put in the coal,
and the shovels were about this wide so, I just loaded it up with coal and when I left it, it wasn’t
on fire, it wasn’t burning, but it was—the coals were underneath—I guess it was that pretty soon
everything got going on it and what was left was about this high on the floor, everything had
melted. 36:56 So, I go back to the major and he said, “I saw it, now tell me how did you do it?”
I explained to him and he said, “Have you ever used coal before?” I said, “No”, and he said,
“Why did you volunteer for the job?” I said, “To get out of KP”, and he said, “Where were you
rated?” and I said, “San Antonio”, and he said, “What did you use?” I said, “Natural Gas, we
would open up—light up the match and that’s it”, and he said, “Ah, you better go pack, you’re
leaving right away”. 37:27 So, he sent me to North Carolina and I was there for a while and I
was drilling when they asked me to do that again. Then I went to Miles Standish, Camp Miles
Standish outside of Boston. That was another experience, it was—they had a lot of big boulders
where I arrived there, two story barracks and this must have been the latter part of April or early
part of May, it’s part of my service record, but there were paratroopers and some of these
paratroopers, they had just a strip of hair going down the middle of their head like that, but they
would get up at the second story barracks level and you had stairs coming down and a little
platform, and they would jump from there and they would just roll, hit the ground, roll and get
up again and do it again. They were having a good time and I was very tempted to ask them to
let me do that, just out of curiosity to see how they were doing it, but that’s one group that I saw
there. 38:34 The other, we had a Blimp that almost came down on top of us there. There was a

16

�lot of fog and I remember it pulled up very quickly. It just got away and I think it almost came
down on top of some of the buildings there, but from there they took us to Boston and this is all
happening very rapidly, it fact my entire time in the service was very busy and we went to
Boston, it was at night or late evening, anyway it was dark and they got us onto this ship and
they said that it was the ship that the king and queen of England used for their vacation, we never
saw those quarters, I don’t know what they were like, but we started going down and down until
we got down to the metal, iron, and then they gave us some hammocks. They were all hanging
on a post and you would take it and hang it to the other post m but these hammocks were made
for people, I think, who were four feet tall and as we were going out the next day, I didn’t hear
them move or anything, but we could hear the water right below us. 39:54 So, we were down
pretty close to the outside of the ship I guess. The hammocks didn’t work at all, I felt like my
legs were being bent backwards so, I didn’t use that. Then of course, we had water on the floor
and it was moving around on that. Finally when we went out we were going, we could tell from
the sun, we were going –the sun was on out left so, we were going East, ya, we were going East,
coming out, it was on this side of us. 40:30 We were in a convoy and as far as we could see, it
was just ships on that, a lot of them.
“When was it? May of 1944, was that it?”
Yes, I arrived in Liverpool on May 15th of 1944.
“A couple of things before we get there. First of all, were you assigned to a unit at this
point or were you simply going over as an individual replacement?”
I think—as a private you were not told too much on that—we were just a group of soldiers that
were there, I don’t know if we were replacements or—

17

�“You were not with a particular company with its own officers, noncoms and regular
group?”
No, not at that time.
“Then when you were crossing the ocean, you were with a convoy etc. What was the
weather like?”
It was not as smooth as I would have liked to have seen, but it was not as bad as coming back.
That is another—and I’ll get into it. What we did see for example, was most of the convoy, the
number ships were to our right, we had some to the left, but we could see the end of it, maybe
four or five rows of ships. Then we had about four deaths on that and they took the soldiers and
they put a piece of metal between their legs, I don’t know what it was on that, and they put them
on a piece of wood on the side of the ship, there was an American flag, and they tipped that
board and the body just slid down into the ocean. 42:06 There were four that died.
“What did they die from?”
I don’t know, as a private, like I say, you don’t get to see too much, you just go there, but what
also was of interest was when we had a drill as were to go when you were out—if you were out
on top—I don’t think you could get everybody that was on that ship, or any of these ships, on the
top deck. All of a sudden we started hearing what sounded like wailing dogs, the destroyers, that
sound that they make, and the next thing we knew their was an explosion and it was quite a bit of
distance from us, but it was submarines. 42:52 they blew quite a few of the ships , all of a
sudden you would hear some explosion and you saw the smoke on that, and these destroyers
going in and out and dropping their depth charges. This one time, I’m on the deck because it
was my turn to get up there, and we had the Rabbi, we had a minister, we had a priest, they had
told us if you wanted to go the confession or council or anything and I remember all of a sudden

18

�somebody yelled, “A submarine”, and these ships were actually not that close together, but all of
a sudden here’s a periscope, right to our right on that and I thought, “My gosh, it’s going to crash
into us”, but you could see the periscope, you couldn’t miss it at all so, then they started yelling
for us to get to the—“Catholics over here”—and I’m catholic so, the others called the Jewish
people and everyone—so, were there and this priest tells me something I had never heard and I
wished I’d known about it—he said, “You’re getting general absolution”, which means you
don’t have to confess your sins or say anything, all your sins are forgiven type of thing. 44:12
I’m thinking, “Why didn’t they tell us before we get to confession and sweat blood sometimes
because you took somebody’s pencil or something”, but that was another experience I had. The
submarine went down, it disappeared, but the destroyers came right in and dropped depth bombs
and followed through and all that. We arrived in Liverpool, England on May 15th of 1944. If
you can keep in mind the date, and keep in mind that on June 6th, less than thirty days, at dawn,
I’m in Normandy at Omaha Beach. When we landed again, we went to, I think, Uxbridge,
England and went into this barracks, they assigned us to it—again, we nothing about the
invasion, we knew nothing that was going on and there were trucks and tanks all over the place if
you looked around the streets and I thought it was just the war. 45:12 A lot of buildings were
destroyed, you could tell that, but as we get to Uxbridge they take us to this barracks, it was a
very small room and they had a double cot in there and they said, “Well, you better go here”,
they were all English soldiers and they said, “Come over here and get your biscuits”, and I
thought we were going to eat. Ignorance is so nice until you find reality, but we go in and they
give us two cushions and they were canvas, and that was your mattress. You put them in these
beds that were made of scrap wood that was what they could afford to do it. Then they gave us
some coal in a bag, it wasn’t coal because the size of the stove was about—almost the size of a

19

�large corn flakes box , it wasn’t very big and this material they gave us looked like slag and we
never could get it started and I think it was a nice gesture to make us feel good. We never got
that started, but from there I was called in to work at headquarters again and I went in and I
started doing some typing and here I saw a message come through from the 392nd Signal
company, the company—and of course I could see the records and everything else was there and
they had just come across Africa and had gone into Sicily, Italy and now they were brought into
England. I couldn’t get, even in my wildest imagination, that I was that close to the invasion or
why they were there, but it was a communications company and there again, I had gone from the
infantry at Sam Houston, to Dodd Field, the air force, to Kelly Field, the Air force, then the air
corps., and now I’m getting into the signal corps. 47:06 Then I was with the JAG while I was in
school. I thought for a second, “Well they have to be experienced, they have to have training”
so, I asked the sergeant, the first sergeant, “Can I join this outfit?” and he said, “What do you
know about them?” and I said, “Nothing, I just started working here this morning” , and he said,
“How long have you been in England?” And I said, “I just arrived yesterday”, and he said, “Ok,
let me check on it”. It was very disarming and the next thing I know, he comes over and he
called me and he said, “Come with me”, and I went in and he was a one star general in there and
he said, “I need to ask you some questions”, “What do you know about that outfit and why do
you want to join it?” “Where are you from?” Everything you could imagine and finally I said,
“Look, all I’m doing here is typing”, and he said, “I hope you’re not competing with everyone
else that’s here getting the job done” and fortunately the sergeant spoke up and said, “He’s one
of the fastest typers we’ve had”, and the general said, “Ok, you can wait outside”. Well, I went
back and started working and pretty soon here comes the first sergeant and he said, “Pack your
bags, you’re leaving for the 392nd”, and I didn’t ask any questions so, I got my duffle bag and I

20

�went on a train to London and there I had to transfer to, I can’t remember, but I ended up in the
Windsor Castle area. 48:36 While I was there in London, I saw a fellow selling some stuff and
it looked like Tacos and anything of food, because we’re not getting enough food and the food
that was given to us on the ship coming across was lamb, boiled and that was not exactly what I
was used to coming out of Texas where you have a lot of meat you know. So, I bought these
Tacos and I don’t know what I paid him for it, and I took one bite into it, I don’t know what was
in it, but it was very dry, almost like sawdust and I didn’t say anything, I wrapped it up and put it
in my duffle bag, but that would give you an indication as to the conditions in England at that
time, they were in very dire straights from all this bombing they had gone through. 49:18 So,
they took me to the 392nd and the person I was sent to was Chuck Lyons from Lansing, he was
the teletype chief and he interviewed me and he said, “Ok, you can report and get your paper
work done and so on”, and the next day I’m reporting to him. Chuck Lyons, he is in a building
where—what’s the name of the Princess? She married a Prince—she’s been with Weight
Watchers advertising now-- 50:01
“Sarah Ferguson”.
Yes, Sarah Ferguson, where she’s been living—this was a castle, but we just went in the side
door and that room is where they had the teletypes, and by the way, at this point we were living
in perimital tents and there were cots all around and we’re in there, and the next morning was—
that evening I went and checked on there and I talked to some of the guys and they said, “You
are going to report to Chuck in the morning”, and the next morning I woke up and there’s barb
wire around each one of all these tents—again, part of the war and I didn’t think much about it—
So, the next morning this fellow says, “I’m your escort”, and it was an English Commando on
that and he had boots that had iron, like a horse shoe, on the heel and he was in his full uniform

21

�so, he escorted us to this house, this castle where they were, and Chuck said, “Ok, come over and
let me test you out” so, he sat me at this teletype and told me to take a little while and get
familiar with it. 51:26 He said, “have you ever used a teletype?” I said, “No”, and he said, “It’s
the same as a typewriter” so, I practiced for about twenty minutes or so and then he said, “Why
don’t you go ahead and start typing this” so, I started typing and it jammed and I didn’t think I
was nervous so, I tried it again and it jammed again and then he came over and he said, “Well,
leave that one alone, come over here”, and he put me on another teletype and I started typing on
that on and that one jammed and he comes over to me and he said, “Ok, what’s your typing
speed? What’s the highest you ever hit?” I said, “A hundred and seventeen words a minute” and
he was from Lansing and we never met afterwards and he said, “Let me tell you what’s
happened. The first one you used was the American Teletype and that can only type seventy-two
words a minute. The one you’re using now is English and that can only go to seventy-seven, you
have no problem, your with me in my outfit”. 52:25 This was the 392nd Signal Company
Aviation. So, with that we started getting ready. We were escorted back and forth for the short
time that I was there. This commando, at one point he said, “----------Espanol, Do you speak
Spanish?” I said, “Ya”, and he said, “I’ve been studying some”, and I am wondering if he has
family from Spain or something, and he said, “I’m looking forward to getting to Spain or Latin
America after the war” so, we hit it off pretty well. So, at one point we exchanged a gift. I don’t
know what I gave him, it was food or something and he gave me a book of his training, which I
still have and it is quite an unusual book, but he had two pages with a piece of paper in there and
he said, “Now, you remember these two items, One of them is, if you ever capture a person and
you don’t want to stay around, here’s what you do—just find a sapling and put one leg around it
and the other one underneath and have him sit down and he cannot get out of that”. 53:36 “The

22

�other is, if you are ever captured and you want to escape and it’s a matter of life and death, you
get a stick and make a point on it, you can use your teeth, make a point on it and you drive it
through their neck and up into their palate”. This all happened in a very short time, but he gave
me this book which has a number of things to help you. We’re talking about staying alive at that
time. The thinking and mentality and so on. 54:05 From there, about two days later, I woke up
with a tremendous problem breathing and they had intentionally thrown tear gas into our area,
testing us and of course with a drilling I had done, we all had our gas masks with us, and at one
point I smelled it and I just put it on and blew out and tightened the straps and these other guys
that were there from the 392nd that had come across Africa, they were choking, they were
running into the barbed wire and the barbed wire is the kind that they had for cutting. 54:47
“Razor wire”.
Ya, and they were grabbing it trying to get out and they were—out of a sound sleep, you’re being
gassed and not knowing what’s going on—the next day I started talking with them and I said,
“You guys didn’t put your gas masks on”, they were angry and they said, “We don’t know how
to do that”, and I said, “What do you mean you don’t know? Your coming out of Africa, Sicily,
Italy and you couldn’t put your gas mask on?” And I asked them, “Did you get any training?”
and they said, “Well, we’re from New Jersey Bell, Ma Bell, and our training was to put on
spikes, climb a telephone pole and they took us out to a point in New Jersey and sent us out to
Egypt, Cairo”. You would hear them talk Cairo, and all these places they had been, but they
knew nothing about gas masks and then I knew—I thought, “Oh, my gosh, what did I get myself
into?” 55:38 If they couldn’t use a gas mask, what’s going to happen when it’s time to shoot a
gun or something? Well, it didn’t take us long to find out. On the evening of—by the way we’re
a mobile outfit, and we had a teletype cryptographer’s radio, telephone, everything in

23

�communications, there were over thirteen hundred people as part of this battalion and many of
them had come in as a group, they had been together for so long that the Lieutenant Colonel,
which is the highest rank you could have in the battalion, I think he was a 2nd Lieutenant when
they got into Egypt, and they were technicians—just out of the ordinary, they were just—they
could build, they could do a lot of things with wiring and communications and radio and
everything else. 56:37 so, when we started getting ready I see they had like a pick-up truck and
a small box, almost the size of a camper that you see there that they loaded on the box and that
was the mobile office. That would carry some of the guys that had Morse code, the Teletype,
photographers, we had airplanes, we had Jeeps, we had motorcycles couriers, it was a pretty
complete outfit. 57:06 So, the evening of June 5th, that afternoon they told us we’re ready to go
and that means you just grab your equipment—we had a gas mask, we had ammunition, we had
carbines, we had our food, and we had a raincoat. I don’t know who let the contract to make that
thing, but we wore that more than anything else, it was just big heavy rubber. We get to
Southampton and we’re being loaded, this is late afternoon of the 5th and getting dark. There I
remember this one fellow, he had drumsticks and while we were waiting for quite a while for the
ships and everything else, the trucks, there were many ships for our outfit, I don’t know how
many there were. We didn’t get to see what some people write about a half a mile away—I
cannot tell you that, I can tell you what I saw right next to me. 58:16 This fellow, he had
drumsticks and he would sit there while we’re waiting and use his helmet and he would play
with the drumsticks. I guess he was a professional. He had a phonograph about this size and
there were some small records that he could play on that, but these small phonographs were the
ones that were dropped behind the lines with messages for the maquis, for the underground. I
learned that later, but there was one song they would play, “I’m going to move way out on the

24

�edges of town cause I don’t want anybody always foolin around—I wanna buy a refrigerator
cause I don’t want the ice man comin’ around—I don’t want anybody foolin’ around”, and he
would play that over and over—you can see that I can still remember it, and so then we started
getting on the ship. We got on the ship and started moving out, but we couldn’t see anything
because it was dark and then as we started getting out and could see more of a contrast than light
because this is very early in the morning—as far as you could see—ships—there’s no end to
them just like someone was actually painting them out there. 59:33 then all of a sudden we
heard the planes coming over with the white stripes on them, markings.
“Taking paratroopers over, yes”.
Well, this is what I found out later, we had some people from out outfit that landed there with the
paratroopers or before. They were the ones who guided—
“The pathfinders”.
Pathfinders, they come into play later too, how these guys joined us. So, we’re moving on the
thing and the next thing that we know is we stop and they start dropping netting over the side.
Now, I had gone through all this training of climbing on that at Kelly Field and everyplace, but
then those nets were held by two posts, telephone poles, and you go one side and down the other
and I remember that there was a fellow by the name of Pelletier in our outfit and he was from
Boston, quite a heavy guy and older than we were, maybe twenty nine or thirty, but quite heavy
and he didn’t want to go over the side because he was afraid so, they put him on the side for
awhile and then they asked us to go over. :54 Next we’re getting on these barges where the
front drops—
“LCVP’s, the little landing craft?”

25

�Ya, landing craft so, they put one of our trucks in there and they put a jeep in there and then they
want us to start getting in, getting over the side of the net. Just about then there was this terrible
explosion to my right and I think it was a battleship of some size that started firing because we’re
quite a distance away, I didn’t realize we were that far away from the beach. They start firing
and I remember turning around and saying, “What the heck’s wrong with ya?” They were firing
so close, like they would listen—it was just a reaction now of this. 1:44
“At this point did you know, any of you, what you were supposed to be doing and why you
were there? Had they told you anything yet?”
That is why I refer to this whole operation as “snafu”, July 4th, 2008. This is about as close as I
can tell you about what happened on that—no, we did not know. We did not know of example,
the biggest thing that happened right there is, as they dropped this net and we started going over,
was that it was too short.
“Oh… that is not good”.
It was too short by say eight feet short.
“So, you had to jump off the net down into the boat?”
The thing was, every training we had we went up and down a net that was fixed. This net for
example, the ship was rocking and it would go out and then slam into the ship, and your loaded
down with so much gear. 2:43 They started going down and some of the guys would get at the
end and there are more coming down and more coming down and loading and that was a real
slaughter of guys right there. Some were floating between the ship and being crushed and I
could see again, heads bobbing around there and all kinds of pieces of people. I started going
down and I remember this one guy who was next to me—I don’t know who was running those
things, the Navy or Coast Guard—I don’t know who they were—sailors, let’s put it that way.

26

�3:19 Anyway, I’m telling this one guys, jump, jump, and I was watching and this guy finally
jumped, but he ended up straddling the landing barge, it had a little divider type of thing and he
ended up straddling that and that was the end of him, he had to be put back on the ship. They
tied him with a big heavy rope and got him over the side and fortunately got him down. When
the fellow tells me to jump, jump and he starts yelling and he says jump, jump, and all this time
I’m waiting for the ships to come together and the net to be in the right spot and I turned around
and let him have about ten different swear words in a row and he was surprised when he heard
me swearing that much, but I finally managed to jump, but I was on the inside. 4:17 We started
moving out and we were getting shells and we were getting shrapnel very quickly because the
Germans were within firing—we couldn’t see the land yet clearly.
“Was it still dark?”
Yes, it was dark, it was still—you could see the flashes and hear the firing. The firing, once it
started, I don’t think it stopped day and night. Just like when you go down town to the 4th of July
and you hear the fireworks start, except it didn’t stop. 4:55 There were ships and planes going
over and all kinds of fighting going on, but as we started moving out, I remember thinking,
“Why didn’t somebody think of hanging mattresses or something on the sides of this thing”,
because it would ricochet, if someone was firing the shrapnel—you could hear it.
“Bounce around inside the landing craft?”
Guys would get hurt. I did not get hurt in any of the things like that, but as we got close to the
beaches, the Colonel was in the jeep with the first sergeant, with a British liaison, which again
goes back to—not a very tall fellow, and he was strictly “hot dog”, he would not wear a helmet.
He had a beret on and he had a pistol that hung to his side and tied down to his leg, very much of
a cowboy and the muzzle of the gun in the holster was down just to his knee and this is what was

27

�happening there. 6:00 All of our equipment by the way, had been prepared to run under water
for quite a distance. I’m trying to think of the material they used, it was like Vaseline.
“ An oil or grease kind of stuff, yes”.
Then they had the exhaust pipe and an extension on that and all the wires had cosmoline, all the
wires had this material because, you don’t see it today, but the rain we had yesterday. Most of
the cars would not have been running at that time because the wires—the water would get right
into the wires and stop any electricity from running properly. 6:44 As we get closer to the beach
head here’s this Jeep in front, then the one truck—communications, I don’t know what it was,
but I’m guessing it was a teletype, but we had more than one piece of equipment like that on
other landing barges from other ships that were also taking off, but we didn’t know who to
follow or anything. 7:11 There were no directions at all and I don’t think anybody knew—
there’s land, get on it, and this is about the way the thinking was. Most of the thinking, just
generalizing, was “We’re going over there, we’re going to kill Hitler, and we’re going to come
back”, and that is about the general thinking. Well, as we started moving out then we started
getting closer to the beach head and I found out later it was Omaha Beach on that, it’s part of my
record, but as we started getting in there were a lot of tripod obstacles with bombs on them and I
think a lot of them were being set off by the Germans firing. 7:57 We couldn’t see the
Germans—could not see the enemy at all, not at Omaha Beach. They were shooting from
fortification that they had—I’m trying to think of the name.
“Pillboxes and bunkers”.
Pillboxes, but they were just shooting out of those openings they had in them and they were just
raking the beachhead, plus all these mines. We started getting close, I mentioned to you before
that John Wayne was not there, none of the movie stars were there and I know they have done a

28

�good job on it and it was necessary, but we didn’t know where to go. 8:37 I remember as the
Jeep goes off, there was a plank with holes in it and they use those for making emergency
landing fields, which they built right there on top afterwards to land some planes, but as our
landing barge starts going on that thing, the front drops on there and the next thing as they start
to drive off it just goes like this and the Jeep goes underwater. 9:14 The only thing that was on
top was the exhaust and the beret of this English guy was spinning on top and even then with
everything that’s going on, the fighting, what you are seeing, humans all over the place, insides,
everything is all over, I remember things like that. I think it was partly to lighten up a little bit
because there was nobody there to hold your hand or anything. 9:46
“At the point where you’re landing, were there infantry already on the beach?”
The ones that were there, ya there was some infantry, but a lot of them were against the wall—
we couldn’t go anywhere.
“Do you have a sense of how far it was from the water line to the sea wall?”
Well, from the edge of the water to the sea wall, not over 100 feet.
“So it was pretty close?”
Then when we started coming in to try to find a place and we’re coming through for example
where there are a lot of bodies just floating all over the place, like they were asleep, a lot of them
together, they were just floating and pieces of people and so on. 10:30 then as we started
getting—I do not know to this day how I ended up on the beach because the next thing I know
this Jeep is on there and the truck drove off and the next thing I know is this tremendous
explosion, not one, but several and I’m in the sand. Now whether I jumped over the edge of that
thing or ended up thrown on the sand and as I’m getting ready to move I hear this guy in
Spanish, I don’t know who it was or anything, but it’s just like saying today “Cool manner” and

29

�they use an expression today “awesome” this was at that time and in Spanish, I don’t know who
it was, but I heard it right next to me on the sand and the next thing I heard him next to me and I
turn around and he’s got a hole in his helmet. 11:29 I heard the thump of the metal, but it was
close. I don’t know who he was, but he spoke Spanish and that’s how he ended up. It was about
this time again we were just getting strafed, the machine guns are coming, and we were strafed
by some German planes. There was one incident, I had another one later. The next thing is—
our logo was painted on our duffle bag and all of our equipment—the orange ace of spades, and I
remember at some point I looked up to my right and there’s a Jeep abandoned, it’s got nobody in
it and it’s got the orange ace of spades on it so, I yelled, “Hey, one of our equipment”, and I
don’t know who I’m yelling at, but these other two guys, I don’t know if they are from my outfit
or not, I said, “Lets take it and get out of here”, it was like we were the only ones there—this
tremendous fighting going on at this time, you tanks that were supposed to be on the beach
sinking before they even get to the beach. 12:33 You’re seeing ships that are coming on shore
with almost like a stairs on the side where the infantry would get off on those and they would get
in as far as they could and the next thing was this tremendous explosion and the side has been
blown off and there are all kinds of supplies being thrown all over the place, cigarettes, food,
now we’re on the move on that . 12:59 I didn’t look at it that way, here’s this Jeep and the other
guy, I don’t know who drove it, but we jumped into it and started going to the right. There were
no maps, nothing to tell us what to do or where to go. 13:17
“ So, you’re just driving along the beach looking for a way up?”
Ya, but it didn’t take us long to drive along the beach, we just found a spot that—I don’t know if
I yelled or who yelled, “There, there’s an opening”, and we put that four wheel drive Jeep up

30

�there and climbed to the top. We went to Carentan—these little towns, I remember the names—
Carentan, Ste Mère Eglise--we did not know where we were going.
“This is on D-Day, during the day and you’ve got a Jeep—“
At dawn—
“In the morning and the battle was still going on everywhere?”
Oh, yes that battle was going on.
“So, you just hop in a Jeep and take off across Normandy?”
Ya. 14:01
“OK”.
It was not across Normandy—it was to get the heck out of the beachhead.
Interviewer: “But do you get as far as Ste Mère Eglise in a single day? How far did you-?”
Ya, I had to reconstruct it myself a couple of times. So we came to Ste Mère Eglise and I
remember we got there and that parachute was still hanging from the church steeple, but I do not
remember if there was a body on it.
Interviewer: “He actually survived and they took him down”.
I was not there for that, but there were paratroopers on the ground there and we’re all in uniform
and we were ready to shoot anybody that was not one of us—at least that was our thinking, and
we did. So, we kept on driving and we get to Cherbourg. We did receive a message the short
time that I was out—a story of one of the Kennedy’s who had—he was going to bomb
Cherbourg because there were submarine pens there and I guess they had loaded this plane—it
was a bomb and just full of explosives, the oldest son of the Kennedy’s—
“Yes, Joseph”.

31

�He flew alone and I guess it exploded in the air and he was killed. So, I had that story in my
mind about Cherbourg, what it was or whether it was supposed to be there, and as we started
getting close we saw a little town, as far as I can recall where we were, I didn’t travel around.
15:40 One area we got to, there was a lot of fighting going on and we saw the, what do you call
them, guards, houses for the German guards and you walk in and this is where you start going
into where the submarine pens were and I got to see it, but the Germans, they were burned and
you could smell it, they were still there, the bodies were there—flame throwers. 16:03
“The American didn’t get into Cherbourg until a couple weeks after D-day. So
whereever—“
These were Special Forces.
“But still…”.
These were the ones that we met there and they were the ones who talked to us and said, “Who
are you with? Where did you come from?” We said, “Over there and pointed to the beach
head”. And he said, “Well, do not use the clicker, the Germans know about it, so don’t use it.
Tell the officers to put some mud on their helmets”. They had the rank painted, one bar for
Lieutenant or First Lieutenant. “Just tell them to put mud over it because the Germans are
picking them off”. I took mine and the other two I had thrown away, but they had given to us a
clicker, if we came to an area where we couldn’t see who it was—one click to identify ourselves
and you were supposed to answer with two clicks, but the Germans had picked that up so, I
threw mine away. 17:19 On the way back we saw the submarine pens, which was a
unbelievable place, like an underground city, the thing and the submarines were there on that.
17:32 I think there were one or two and I think they were caught by surprise or whatever, but
then trying to get back, one street where we came in and went out, we had left the Jeep and

32

�started walking and then this fellow said, “I think you want to see what’s over there”, and I said,
“We can see it from here”. We had to cross a little street and there was shooting coming out and
hitting on the cobblestone there and I said, “What do you want us to see?” “A statue”, and there
was a statue of somebody—I would like to go back, I have never been back—it could have been
Napoleon on horseback or something like that. It had a little fence around it. Just as we’re
getting ready—there’s a darn thump and a large bullet hit the horse of the statue and put a hole in
it, but anyway we just run across the street and there’s a little book store there and I—we didn’t
want to touch anything because we knew there was a lot of what do you call it—bombs? 18:39
“Booby-traps”.
Ya, booby-traps. We were very conscious of that, there were booby-traps and all kinds of stuff.
If you pick-up a bar of soap, as you are using it, if you wore it down, it would explode on you.
So, I walked in and there’s a book on the floor and it has a stamp of the Nazi’s on it and I said, “I
don’t think there’s anything on this” so, I just took and tore out the pages and put them in my
pocket, which I have kept. We then started back again, back across the street and got back in the
Jeep and drove back. 19:13 We drove as far as where we could see where the beach head was
and we left the Jeep and we started walking. By now, most of the Germans have been pushed
back from the beachhead and then you start to figure out how long did it take? Was it fifty
miles? I’m trying to reconstruct that myself, but as we came back these pill boxes were
connected by trenches that you walk through and at one point this fellow, we were still together,
the three of us, and the one fellow is ahead of me and we start going and there’s a pillbox and we
see a pillbox and the entrance to it and a turn there—it’s a trench, and as we started getting
closer, we heard something and we all stopped and the guy ahead of me said, “What is it?” So,
the next thing we heard from them was one click coming to us and we didn’t have anything to

33

�answer with and I told him to ask him where the Yankees play and he did. He said, “Where do
the Yankees play?” The answer came back and it was something way off and we just looked at
each other and the grenades just went right in, each one threw one and there were two German
soldiers in there and by time we got there, they were dead. 20:49 Again, what was going on and
continued almost all the entire eighteen months I was in—it was a sniper—you were meeting
people that were not on our side. From there we started walking and then we started seeing some
of our people and I said, “Where do we join? Where are we at?” So, now we are going from
where we landed to the left and we had to go up—climb up and that, and we start climbing we
see that they have put some ribbon, a white ribbon, and we have to stay within the white ribbon
and it goes up and then it stakes and it turns and it goes up again, and they told me not to get out
of that ribbon. The mines are all over the place. We started walking and we had to make a turn
and this fellow is no farther away than that wall over there and as he makes a turn there is a
terrific explosion and he stops back of that ribbon and his foot is gone. 21:46 He stepped on a
mine. We joined our outfit and they had us in an area that was a big area where the hedgerows
were around it and this was hedgerow country, and there were irrigation ditches almost made for
fighting and people could use those right away. We were in there, and we were with our own
outfit and I remember some tanks started coming through and it may have been Patton’s.
“Patton wasn’t there yet”.
They were tanks and I remember we were yelling at them as they were coming through “Go
back, it’s over, you’re too late”, but again we were twenty-two year old guys looking for
something different than what we had to face. 22:31 The next day or so we started to move out
and as we’re going, I’m in the first vehicle next to the first sergeant, Chuck Lyons, and as we’re
moving very slowly, all of a sudden this guy starts yelling at us and there again maybe twenty or

34

�thirty feet away at the most, and it was the guys who had landed there, the Pathfinders, and they
were very happy to see us and they had been inside this house that was all bombed out and the
door was hanging on the side and these guys come out and they say, “were happy we found
you”, and they start coming over. 23:15 the last guy that was coming our, for some reason he
closed the door, he pulls it and there’s this tremendous explosion and again, a bomb was there or
something happened and he was slightly injured. We kept on moving and we get to Laval, I
think it’s Laval, France, no, not Laval yet, from there they moved us to Grandcamp-les Bains,
it’s on the channel, I would say, we landed here at the beachhead and it’s to the right quite a
distance.
“West of there, between Ohaha Beach and Utah Beach”. 23:50
There we started communications. Now, we had people who were—because of the size of the
battalion, we had people who were from England, we had small groups that went with—we were
the communications for SHAEF, for the Ninth Air Force and the ground forces under the
soldier’s soldier, what’s his name?
“Bradley”.
Bradley, and when some of the soldiers would come across something that was stopping the,
some of the ground troops, then are people who were with them, would contact us and say, “We
run across this”. 24:25 We had the war room right next to us as close as this cabinet is there and
give them the tape and they would decide what kind of ordnance to use. We would send it back
and if—usually for example, a lot of your—we call them the dot, dot guys—Morse code—
because that was more portable, that went out and pretty soon there comes a plane, a P-47 as a
rule, flying tanks and they would get rid of that problem. 25:19 This is what our role was.
When we were getting ready to move out from—when they got us together there at that

35

�hedgerow country, we were instructed right there—they said, “You are to take any top secret,
any secret, and confidential or restricted—no messages except red line from red line, we don’t
care who it’s coming from because we have to keep the lines open for the war that is going on”.
25:50 We saw a number of messages coming through from Generals, from a number of people
pretty high up. They were interfering and we wouldn’t even answer it and you could hear them
talking about it. I landed there as a Private and we had that much authority—get that and get rid
of it. We started moving when we were at Grandcamp-les-Bains, when they put us there; I really
wanted to set aside some points. I saw for example that they brought in for the Teletype. The
brought in a cable--there were some people in white suits and they connected our cable from our
Teletype to England. 26:40
“They ran communication cables through the channel”.
That was the safest. Everything else that we used was by air and could be intercepted. I was just
fascinated by seeing that. We had an incident there that—we were working four hours and
resting four hours right around the clock so, you were pretty well beat and I remember at one
time we got a weapons carrier, it’s a small truck with seats on there, and they would take two of
us or four of us in and then pick-up the other guys and bring them back, but in order to get to this
Grandcamp-les-Bains, they had very narrow alley and that was guarded to the hilt on that and I
remember these two Lieutenants and we called them—what was the name of the soap box that
had twins on it? Anyway, we called them that name because they always carried comic books.
27:43 I couldn’t understand a person with that rank being attracted to comic books during was
time. They always had them folded into their hip pocket. One of them was a guard that
accompanied us, an officer, to get to this at night where we worked. As we were coming to this
alley, and he had a word, a code word, a password, but on either side you had, I guess they were

36

�MP’s, and they would not hesitate at all because you had other people try to get through. Their
equipment had been dragged right out of there and had been shot up pretty badly. 28:26 I don’t
know if they were soldiers or not, but we get through, we get in there, they picked us up at night
and the first thing he does it he takes this out and he’s looking at this and he tries to read and I
said, “Oh my gosh what’s the matter with these people?” Anyway, we get there and he cannot
remember the word and all of us start swearing at this guy and all we could hear out there were
the bolts moving already—the MP’s. 28:59 He finally remembered so, we got through and I
don’t know who hit the guy afterward, but he was an enlisted man and nobody said a word.
Those were very close calls that sometimes we refer to as friendly fire, that’s the way these
things had come about. I remember, while there, we sent the message for the----- breakthrough
because we couldn’t get off the beachhead. We ere getting eighty eights, I think they called
them, it was a very good gun that the Germans had, they put it on a tank or artillery or whatever,
and they were reaching us. 29:32 I remember one time while we were there a message comes
through and I tore the thing off and gave it to Chuck and said, “What the heck’s happening?”
They sent the message that the Germans were using gas. That they had experience, whoever the
guy was so, I gave it to Chuck and within a couple of minutes here comes another message from
the Germans saying, “No, it’s a mistake, a mistake” so, those things happened at that moment
right then and there. We did not retaliate, we gave it to the war room right there and then the
message went out that we were going to retaliate, but they didn’t. Another time I was called, I
had just gone to bed and was sleeping there and in our tents and we have a trench for us to get in
because the—at night no one was supposed to get in there, no planes or ours or anything and
they had tracers and that thing would go almost like fingers and bring anything down that was
there, friend or foe. 30:45 Next to us, about a block away, there were fifty-five gallon drums

37

�stored as high as you could see them and it wouldn’t take—you do a thirty, thirty and blow up
the whole place, but it was under camouflage, but this one night I remember that I was just
getting ready to go to bed and this searchlight started coming on and firing, firing is going on all
the time, but all of a sudden these tracers start coming in from far off where we would be—
Omaha Beach is over here and it’s coming from the North to South and we heard the plane and I
saw the plane zoom up and try to make a maneuver to get out. 31:31 I started yelling,
That’s one of our, that’s one of ours, a P-38” and the guy said, “No, that’s a German”, and I said,
“No, a German is more square”, that’s the way we talked, and all this time this plane started
blinking it’s light and trying to get out of there—somehow it got in there by mistake. It didn’t
take long and all these tracers just came through and he came down. The next morning as we
were going to work, the plane was there and pieces of what was left of it and the pilot and again,
they were not supposed to get in there. 32:01 They had a number of balloons.
“Barrage balloons?”
Yes, they were on the ships that were coming in for the landing and we had them there also, but
there was another incident that shouldn’t happen, but we got this one message of a General
Roosevelt who was killed—that was on the“Well, General Roosevelt didn’t—he died of—there was a General Roosevelt who was with
the 4th division, he died of natural causes, but he was out of the army. There was another
General who was hit by American bombers.”
He was hit by friendly fire. Coming through the----breakthrough, I had just gone to bed and they
came over and said, “Chuck wants ya, he needs ya” and I said, “To heck with him”. I’m just—
we’re working four hours and resting four hours right around the clock I mean you just have time
to get a bite to eat and we didn’t take our shoes off for over a month. 33:03 You were busy on

38

�that so, started swearing and told them I needed to get something to eat and to get somebody else
and he said, “No, he wants you”. Well, pretty soon here comes an MP and he said, “Get up,
you’re needed”, and I said, “Ok”. I go in and Chuck said, “Pancho, we have to send this
message, there are two messages eight feet long and I need you on this one”. We had to send it
out quick and there were a lot of numbers and coded and so on, but we could read it, we knew
what it was. So, he took one and I took the other one and we started sending it out. 33: 49 This
was the entire battle plan for the St. Lo breakthrough. It started out, and we saw this, where they
would drop—the very first planes that came out, I think they were P-38’s, they dropped a flare of
a color over there and another one over here, it was in a square. The next thing is—you started
getting planes coming over and they didn’t stop. You had the English, you had B-17’s, B-24’s,
all kinds of bombers coming through and they were just getting over the area and they started
dropping the bombs in that square. 34:25 We got the message very quickly, “friendly fire”,
and—
“General McNair was the General that got killed. He was a very high ranking--”
No, I’m talking one of the Roosevelt’s--wait a minute, wait a minute.
“There was only one Roosevelt in the area and he wasn’t there by then, but there was a
very famous General, high ranking General, named McNair, who was the head of the
infantry. He was there inspecting things behind the lines and he got killed.”
No, this—
“There were some others, but not a Roosevelt, at least then.”
I’ll double check on that thing. It was relayed to the Presidency and I’m thinking it was part of
the Theodore Roosevelt family on that, but I’ll check it for you to be correct, but that’s what I
can recall. 35:09 Then we started getting the bombs were dropped and then a lot of smoke

39

�started going up, a lot of black smoke and you could feel the trembling and you could see in the
distance from the beachhead to St. Lo, you could feel it. This great big cloud started going up
and then it started to rain. And then there was--the soldiers were being brought back, the
prisoners, they were coming back and they had blood from their nose, from their ears from
concussions. They were really in bad shape and they had really gotten a beating and they were
just piled in the trucks, the prisoners. 35:56 When we got to the point of moving out of there,
we really couldn’t believe they were finally getting on the beachhead. They were moving in and
moving in, but they were not making the progress that we had hoped—being blocked there.
With the opening of the St. Lo breakthrough, we moved out of there and we stopped at Laval,
Laval, France, look at the map where it is. There was joined by Patton, by Bradley,
Montgomery, I forget some of the other people who were there, Eisenhower was not there, but I
remember that Chuck, we set up the mobile outfit and Chuck comes over and he taps me on the
shoulder and said, “Send this message out” so, if you were sending out a message, whoever you
are sending it to, you want to get their attention so they get the message, you hit the letter “K”
repeatedly— that means I got high priority. 37:00 So, when this happened, I started—he told
me this was for the—not the 3rd Army—anyway what happened was, I looked down and saw
shinny boots and they were riding boots and we were not in a place where anyone has shinny
anything there and I thought, “Oh my, I wonder who it is?” I wasn’t looking up at him and as I
turned around he gave me haute to call on that. So, I kept hitting the “K” and then I put it on the
Teletype. I said, “General Patton here, I have a message for you”. And he comes back and he
was right in back of me and you could read what’s going on and when he comes back he said,
“No shit”. 37:54 So, I hit the “K” again I tell them again, “Message here from General Patton”,
and he comes back with the same thing, “No shit”. I looked around and you could see hi ivory

40

�pistols and he was dressed like he was going to be in a parade, but he always was immaculate for
his role as head of the army, 3rd Army, right? 38:27
“Right”.
So, he said it and his words were so soft, that’s what I remember, very much in control. He
knew what he was doing, he was strong, very strong like the person was practiced speaking and
sucking in his stomach and all this stuff, just soft he said, “Let me try it” so, I stepped out and I
didn’t know he could type, really, he starts typing and I don’t know what he said and I wish I
should have kept it, but what came back was, “Yes sir”. 39:00 I knew he could swear like no
one so, that was—I had that Teletype copy for a long time, but it had “yes sir”, that’s the way it
came back. He knew who it was then. Then from there we had—when we moved in there
before it was a joining of this group, with different people in command and so on, we had
camouflage, we were under a lot of trees, and just as were coming in there, we’re just starting to
park, and we had the trucks, I think four by four’s or something like that, with canvas covers and
were a little larger, but where the driver is, it was open and they had a ring, they had fifty
calibers mounted on those things so, coming in we park in there and the next thing you heard
was just a very soft ffffftttt and somebody yelled, “I’m hit”. It was a sniper. 40:08 We’re like
in a forest.
“And this is in an area far away from where there was supposed to be a front line, too.
You should be some ways away from where there should have been Germans.”
We were not expecting them—we had moved in, we had a lot of troops there, we had all the U.S.
soldiers, we had taken the area, we had come through the St. Lo breakthrough, we’re stopping
now and we’re not expecting anything like that. The moment we heard that—somebody yelled,
“I’m hit”, it was a sniper and these guys on their trucks with those fifty calibers and anybody

41

�else—I think I had a Thompson with me and we just started shooting into the trees. We had
more damage from the big branches that we were knocking down than the bullets. This guy was
hit, I think in the shoulder. I think they were trying to kill him or mistook him for somebody
else, but that was another incident where it was constant all through Europe, the sniper fire.
41:08
“At this point I’m going to give us a break, it’s almost twelve o’clock and were not done.”
I’m surprised I’m around—on the landing—so many thousands and not many got out.
“Now we’ve gotten you to the point where you’ve made it to Laval France. It’s August of
1944 at this point, they’ve broken out of Normandy, you’ve had your sniper incident, what
do you do from there?” 44:50
We started moving towards Paris. I’m still in the Teletype work and when we start getting close
to Paris the sniper fire was very strong, even within the city. We didn’t get too close to the city;
in fact we didn’t even get to the city. We got to Versailles and I didn’t know too much about it, I
had not read enough history, I wish I had become familiar with it before I was there. I know
there were a lot of mirrors on that. We slept in the stables, which were pretty fancy. Then we
went too, because of sniper fire and the fighting, there was fighting going on. Keep in mind that
there were a lot of French supporting the Germans and they were losing their positions too.
45:54
“And Versailles actually was a place where the Germans had done a lot of business and
there were probably quite a few right around there.”
Before leaving the beachhead another incident I wanted to share with you, but anyway we get to
Versailles—we went south from there and around Paris and we got to Chantilly on that, but then
at some point we did—I’ll get back to that—I don’t want to forget this other incident that

42

�happened on the beachhead when we were at this town, Laval, and at one break, it was late
afternoon or early evening, and I’m eating something, I think before I start my turn, and I hear
this fellow over here speaking Spanish 46:56 and I couldn’t understand him too well, a
civilian, and there were a lot of civilians dead all over the place too, they were hit pretty badly. I
turned to him and asked him, “Do you speak Spanish?” He said yes, you do too? I would say he
was possibly five feet tall, maybe not even that and I said, “Where are you from?” He said,
“Spain, I’m trying to get back to Spain”, and he said, “I was a jockey for Goring, for his stables,
but I’m anxious to get away and I’m trying to get back to Spain, but we haven’t eaten, do you
have anything?” I gave him some of my rations. 47:38 Well then he said, “Will you be here
tomorrow with a little more food so then I can leave for Spain?” I said, “Sure”, and the next day
he is there, but he has about six other people and I didn’t have that much food, but I gave him
what I had, but four of the other people were girls and they had bandanas tied on their head and I
knew what had happened because we were also very much in touch with the maquis, with our
communications, they were bringing prisoners in for interrogation and we were talking with
them, we traded chocolate for epaulets, and the Germans are like that, but sitting there I knew the
reason they had on bandanas was because their hair had been cut by the French underground
because they had German boyfriends—they were good looking girls on that, but anyway again,
keep in mind the age, twenty some years old, I told this fellow in Spanish, “I do not understand
why these girls or anyone would be friendly with the Germans”, and this one girl spoke up in
Spanish and she said, “I’ll say it in English, I just want to tell you that my heart is French,
everything else about me is international”. 49:06 That was another big lesson to learn, but they
were surviving on that. Going to Laval, going around Paris and Chantilly, we had been using a
communication system called “type 10”, developed by the British, it was a dish, but you could

43

�only send a signal from on e high point to another high point so, one of the things we did, we to
the Eiffel Tower. By then I’m asked to work at headquarters instead of Teletype, again the
typing, I made a lot of records so, the next thing I started seeing where we got a group that is
attached to us, to be sure they kept the Eiffel Tower intact and so they did. 50:03 Then we had a
person living in a very small box at the Eiffel Tower at the very top of the thing, and we had one
of these discs like a satellite that you see today on towers, and it was called “type 10”, that’s the
way we referred to it, but it was a British invention and it was highly protected and I don’t think
you could get close to the Eiffel Tower maybe for a half a mile. 50:36 Sill the statuary [?], all
the guards were there and you couldn’t get through. They had the river pretty well protected
with guards and everything, but then I was in headquarters and I did go to pay the guy in the
Eiffel Tower, and it was an excuse for me to get up there. I thought I was going to go up there in
an elevator—well, at that time—no elevators, you could go up to the second level or something,
but the elevator ran with water and this is wintertime, but what they did, they had a ballast that
they filled with water and this thing pulled the elevator up. 51:14 It was wintertime, but I had
the gear, fleece lined jacket and so on so, I went up there with the fellow that’s up there and he
said, “Do you want to see this new equipment how it works?” Now we are crowded together in
this little room and this whole darn tower moved, I guess part of the structure, the engineering of
it, and I said, “Sure”, and he said, “Do you want to talk to headquarters?” I said, “Ya”, well this
was about as far fetched from what we had started with, when we saw guys in a truck along the
beachhead yet, throwing wire out to give us communication that could not be intercepted, and
these were telephones and I think you could yell and I think they could hear you better, but the
wire was on the side of the road and here comes a truck and they just chop it up—they put more.
52:06 He said, “Do you want to talk to Chantilly?” I said, “Sure” so, he said, “Watch this

44

�screen”, well pretty soon it was all like snow and then he started turning some knobs and pretty
soon a line went right across that screen and a voice just as clear as today’s telephones. I told
him—I think I’m a sergeant by then, and I said, “Sergeant Vega reporting and I’m delivering the
payroll, I want to make it official”, all these orders that had to be cut for me to get there. I told
this fellow, “Look, we have to make a record of this, I’ll bring a rope next time and a camera. I
want a picture, I want to see the Trocadero and all the statues and so on—proof that we were
here so, the next time I go with a rope and in order to do that we wrap the rope, we walk the rope
around the base of the flagpole and I’m on one side like this, and he’s on the other side and I start
pulling him up so he can come over with a camera—twenty year olds, that’s how I have that
picture [part of Mr. Vega’s file at this site], I took one of him too. 53:21 I never went back up,
one time was enough. To get there you had a lot of military police with dogs and they would not
let that dog at you, it was a dog that would grab your arm because these were communications
that were very important on that. Then I went back to Chantilly, we started getting some of the
guys from the ground forces with problems, we had one fellow we called “Ak Ak”, there was a
machine gun that was developed for the paratroopers that was just a wire on it, what do they call
it? 54:08
“A grease gun?”
Ya, a grease gun, but we would call him, we had a name for him—the problem he had was
stammering, and he would talk to you, ak,ak ak, and we called him Ak Ak.
“Burp guns were—“
Burp guns, yes—so, there was another fellow that—he would walk around the yard, I mean the
area there and he would go like this in the air (pointing up with his index finger) and we knew
they were sick, that there was something wrong with him, and one fellow said, “do you know

45

�why he is doing that?” I said, “No” and he said, “If I tell you, you wouldn’t believe me, why
don’t we go ask him?” So, I went up to this guy and I said, “what are you doing going like this?”
And he said, “I’m goosing butterflies”, and you could see some of the guys had been really hit by
some of the fighting that was going on. 55:03 From there I went into a—in Chantilly we
captured a—when we moved in, it was already vacant, where we lived there, we had a chalet, a
big place, and had communications of the Germans, they had it for developing photography, and
I had been an amateur photographer with this friend of mine in San Antonio and we had the
camera and I would develop the film and so on, but we would stretch it out on that. Well, the
Germans had left these containers that you would take and put the film in there all rolled with a
solution in there and you develop it without any lights going down or anything like that so, I sent
that back to this friend of mine, but that was a place, we lived there, we had a small barracks,
small houses, we then were there when we suddenly started getting—this is not where out
teletype equipment was, it was just the living quarters. 56:13 Across the street from them, we
had the generators and the antennas and everything else , but then we had the teletype equipment
elsewhere for safety purposes. We had five soldiers that joined us there, they were constantly
under guard, a special guard unit, and what they would do was listen all day long to intercept
code, intercept messages, and they were intercepting message to Africa, to Germany, to all over,
and break it down. Their record, because then I was in personnel, their records of education
were just unbelievable, they were young guys, but they had been to MIT, to Harvard, to two
universities in England, FBI, Scotland Yard, and these were guys that were so—they’d get lost in
a crowd until you hear them talk. 57:12 They had such a depth of knowledge of a number of
things and this is what they were doing. Well, they would come to work, they had a special
place for them, and they would put on these earphones, but all this time, going back to where we

46

�lived, there is Chantilly, surrounded by barbed wire day and night, twenty-four seven guard on
that for food and everything else. 57:35 That’s one big change that came about. Across the
street we had an area with the generators, we were all self-contained, we carried our own
generators and everything, and we had guards on that. We were so short handed by then because
the war was spreading, guys were running messages on motorcycles and Jeeps and airplanes, we
had some small planes and those guys could land them just about anywhere. They looked like
grasshoppers on that. When we started to move from one place to another, remember that we
had them jumping, as I’m recalling this, on this one convoy they were moving, and they had
twenty or thirty trucks that were moving and motorcycles up ahead of us, and these motorcycle
guys had special helmets and the motorcycles had like protecting shields for their legs. 58:42
what they would be practicing all the time, was to running almost full speed, throw the
motorcycle on it’s side and just skid with it, and I remember we were on this convoy and this guy
was ahead of us and he was swinging from side to side on a gravel road and the next thing was a
big cloud of dust—he hit a mine, but nothing happened to him, I think the saddle bags he had,
which were leather, were just pieces in the air and everything else. We threw the motorcycle to
the side, there was nobody wasted any time repairing those things, but I remember that this plane
came over and flew over twice and he had a message to hand deliver to the Colonel, but first he
dropped a tube on a ribbon and then we stopped and pretty soon here comes this plane and the
field where he landed had something growing on it, I don’t know if it was alfalfa, but it has
something growing on it, some grass and it had to be at least three feet high, and he comes and
lands on that and he is throwing it like he’s a lawn mower. 59:46 He gets close to us, he gets
out and hands us this message that is sealed in an envelope to the Colonel, whatever it was—
information—he goes back, gets in the plane , turns that thing around and gets up and gets out of

47

�the field. I don’t think anyone checked to see if it was a proper landing field, but this is what you
were seeing. Were into Chantilly and we get a message that we need to get some guys, our
people, our mobile outfit and equipment, to get them out of Ardennes. Now I had been to Reims
once before, I don’t remember the reason for it, but I had been there once, I have a record of it.

48

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                <text>Francisco Vega was born in San Antonio, Texas.  He tried to enlist in the military immediately after Pearl Harbor, but was initially rejected because of his Mexican ancestry.  He eventually did enlist in the Army Air Corps, and began a long process in which he used his talents and persuasive skills to find increasingly interesting assignments, eventually training as a teletype operator with a signals unit that landed on Omaha Beach on D-Day and was eventually part of Eisenhower's headquarters.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veteran History Project
Francisco Vega Part 2
(46:44)
Interviewer: “We had gotten in your story up to the period of the Battle of the Bulge and
we want to talk about that. You mentioned to me of an incident that took place when you
were first in Normandy.”
Yes, I was very much impressed and sometimes I think, how can I be that impressed with all the
activity that was going on, the firing, the shooting, the people dying, you could see them just
dropping wounded and others asking you for help, but I was very much impressed by some of
the things that we did as young guys. One of the things that stayed with me—we were getting
into a lot of mines and all of a sudden I saw this tank coming about and it’s got chains in front
and they are flailing and just exploding mines and everybody is running in back of the tank to get
through the hedgerow country and those are the things that have stayed with me, that whoever
came about doing those things.
Another thing I remember—it did not take too long to realize that whatever our work was, when
we landed we had weapons in our hands and it was almost the rule that if somebody is facing
you, they shouldn’t be, they should be going the other way so, you were very careful in a way,
but I remember our carbines, they had a cartridge clip that you stuck on the bottom and once it
was fired you were supposed to get another one and it didn’t take us long and we got two
cartridges and used tape and tied them together. 1:53 When one cartridge was used up, you just
turned it over and put it back in there, and a number of things like that. We had a—shortly after
we got into Chantilly the word got around that we were going to have “Brooklyn chicken” and
here we had been getting rations, C rations and K rations and all of that was like cardboard, but

1

�what is was, our cook had taken Spam and deep fat fried it and powdered eggs and we just
thought it was a good big banquet, but nobody was telling any of these things, things we were
putting together on equipment and things like that. 2:43 I do not know how this was done, one
of the reasons we wanted to get to the Eiffel Tower is we understood the Germans had
crystallized a number of communication cables and then we had two guys working on this, all
Bell Telephone people, that repaired it and made it usable again so, naturally you had to be
impressed. These guys were very unassuming, they were tinkerers, but they would get things
done and constantly I heard they say, “All I want is to get back and get my little green truck”, I
guess they would use a green truck when they would go and do repairs in homes etc., but I just
thought I would mention that to you. 3:22 We started then at Chantilly we started getting some
word that there was some activity behind the German lines and we would get this again because
we were working right with the war room, which was Eisenhower’s right hand and he has to be
informed. This is the reason I make the ----------before the breakthrough in the Ardennes, the
Battle of the Bulge and the next thing I hear was, “ we have to get our guy out of there”, he’s in
the Ardennes, and I heard them talking, I heard the adjutant, we’re all in the same room as
Sergeant Major and I was in charge of administration stuff and I heard them talking and saying
they needed to find someone and I said, “what is he going to do?” And they said he needed to
drive the mechanics jeep, there were two trucks and we didn’t know what we were going to find
out there , but we had to get that guy out. 4:22 They said to bring out the equipment or destroy
it so, I said I would drive it, but then the Colonel was coming down the stairs and said, “what’s
this I hear you’re volunteering for what?” And I said, “I want to drive the jeep, Colonel”, and he
said, “we only have you and one helper now in administration”, and he would see me type at
times and I would get that stuff out quick because I didn’t have to hunt and peck because I had

2

�worked with numbers so long so he said, “I don’t think so sergeant”, and I said, “I am insisting
you let me go”, and he said, “why do you want to go?” 5:03 I said, “you and your guys have
come across Africa and you’ve got all this experience and you’re going to deny me this one
chance?” I did go and I drove the jeep and it was loaded down and I was the only one in the jeep
and there were tool boxes in there that they thought they might need. I had hand grenades on
me, I had a Thompson submachine gun mounted on the side, I had a carbine in there, I forgot
what else as far as weapons that were there, but I, we started driving and it was getting dark, we
were driving at night, and the only thing we had for lights, I was following the second truck, all
they had for light was a little square of light that you could see—there were no big lights or
anything. 6:00 We’re moving on that—when we would get to a corner to turn and it was at
night and what happens is the jeep has a short wheel base and anytime you hit gravel you lose
traction and start spinning and that happened to me twice. The guy in front could see that I was
not behind him, my headlights were little tiny slits in the cover of the headlights and they came
back and wanted to know what was the matter, did I know how to drive the thing. There was
fighting going on around us so, we get to Reims and we are going to Ardennes where the
fighting was going on and I remember as we get to the river, it is a very high bridge and it had
been bombed so they are not using it. 7:19 They said they were going to cross it and as we get
close to the river the engineers had put together what looked like a children’s--Interviewer: “Tinker toy bridge?”
Well, like rubber boats. Like what you would have in the back yard for a child and they had
joined them and on top of that they had planking. This thing is across this river and I would say
this river was about twice as wide as the Grand River downtown. We had to cross this thing with
branches coming down, if I were the Germans I would be a mile up the river and put a big tree in

3

�there or something, this was going through my mind. First the trucks went and got through and
I’m following, but I could just feel this thing moving, but we got through on that and we started
going through some villages. 8:20 We get to one village, this is daytime, we slept in Reims, I
remember I slept under the jeep with air force wool stuff on and we get to this town and there’s
a—it’s pretty bombed out, the streets are pretty bad so we are going very slow, but the German
people are very close to us with their houses and stuff and I was expecting a grenade anytime on
that thing because they could just flip it from a window or something, but as we get close to the
center part of town, they had a little plaza and you couldn’t go straight and you would go around
the side and here’s this fellow standing in the middle of this little plaza with a tuxedo and a top
hat on. 9:15 I thought it was the mayor saying hello or something and we didn’t stop and we
kept on going and we came to another location where there were a lot of displaced persons and
prisoners of war and I thought it was some kind of a concentration camp because they had them
in a group, but along the street there was a ditch and the people I saw were well fed, they were
fat and big and they were guards and the people were there with there arms crossed on there
stomachs and what they did is they cut the stomachs of the prisoners to give them a slow death
and these guys were sitting there with their intestines in their hands just dying. 10:17 The
guards of the camps were doing that.
Interviewer: “That’s got to be stuff that’s happening later on in the war, not the Battle of
the Bulge phase.”
We’re going to the Battle of the Bulge.
Interviewer: “In the battle of the bulge you’re still in Belgium and France, not where the
camps were.”

4

�This I can—I mentioned to you that we’re in Germany—we’re in some country that is not France
when we crossed the Rhine.
Interviewer: “It sounds like you’re crossing the Rhine, but I t sounds to me like you got
some parts of the going into Germany story mixed up with the Battle of the Bulge story
because in the bulge story, you were still in an area that was friendly to you and in the
camps story the camps were all in Germany. 10:54
We got to Montigny [Malmédy?] and I saw guys that had been shot there, it was snow. The
worst thing we started seeing was many of these soldiers were frozen. This is past where the
prisoners were, there was no snow there that I can recall, but it was cold. As we started moving,
we saw the GI’s, they had trench rolls, but they were frozen on them. We saw some of the
wounded and as we started getting through we found our man and he was not where any of the
troops were or anything like that, and he comes out and he is very happy to see us. I don’t know
who had the map or compass or anything out and as we started getting through we finally found
our man he was not where any of the troops were or anything like that. We got there and he
comes out very happy to see us. I don’t know who had the map or the compass or anything
out—before this happened, this one night before we got to where he is, I kept wondering that is
these guys are spread out again and they don’t come back where do I go? I have no road map,
nothing. 12:01 That’s the way things were going so, when we got to—it was dark and I don’t
know just what location, but there was firing going on and I got myself away from the truck and
the next thing, I heard somebody yell and it was English help or something and I slowed down
and it was dark and I couldn’t see anything except I could tell there was somebody out there
maybe 100 feet away from the road and by then the guys started coming back, one of them came
back walking and again he said, “you’ve got to keep up with us”, and there was fighting going on

5

�all around there and I said, “I know”, and he said, “why did you stop?” I said, “Because
somebody needs help”, and we had to stop because this guys yelling out there. 12:59 And he
said, “you’re hearing things”, so it took a little while and we went out there and here’s a truck,
Red Ball Express loaded. A small truck with five gallon cans on it and the gasoline is spilling all
over the place and we’re getting fired at and I don’t know where it’s coming from or anything
and we got him out, this guy is caught, but the guys got him out and put him in the jeep and
dropped him off where some American soldiers were and we asked them if they had a field
hospital or a medic or something. I don’t know what happened to him. That was one incident
and we kept on going and we got to where this fellow with a truck with a piece of equipment was
and he said, “let’s get out of here, let’s get out, let’s get out”, There’s a lot of shooting going on
now and I said, “we cannot take the equipment.” 13:57 We had long silver tubes like pipe, it
was an explosive, Magnesium, I think it was Magnesium and so he had all the Magnesium set
up, we got some more and put it on everything we could. 14:20 When we left England, they
made us get rid of everything, any correspondence, anything that could identify you and it was
the same thing at that moment, we didn’t want the Germans to capture it or whatever happened.
Any Identification—fingerprints or whatever they would use. Everything melted, those
magnesium bombs—just white stuff and got back and got back to Chantilly, but there was an
experience there—we ran into quite a few American soldiers—I don’t think that—I did not get
into Bastogne, I did not see that. As far as the incident for example, the gasoline for Patton, we
were getting messages even before that Patton was going to stop at a certain point and Patton
wasn’t answering. 15:07 He was out there and not answering us so then we sent a message out
saying “no more gasoline” and that’s the way we stopped him to the best of my recollection
because there were messages going out, but I don’t know if he was going to Berlin or Bastogne,

6

�but he ended up in Bastogne and we saw some of that for him to get there and coordinate this
thing—this is not an expressway or highway with maps and there were a number of places we
got to, especially on the way back, where leaving we burned the stuff and the people were just
screaming at us, they were angry because things had come through and they had gone over their
equipment, they had carts and animals. 15:56
Interviewer: “You had refugees trying to get out of the way and our equipment is going
back and forth with Americans retreating and advancing and it was pretty confusing.”
There was another town where we were and I found out later was the Netherlands, on the strip, I
don’t know where, I have it written down somewhere on that, but that was our experience in
Ardennes. We got back and it didn’t take long before we started to back up right away. We had
a ceremony there; I think it was before I went to Ardennes, where they presented, I think, fifty
bronze stars to this outfit and decorations for the colonel, but these were all guys that were in
Africa together. 16:42 I remember the incident there, another thing that’s unusual—we had one
fella who came in from Africa and they had all been together, I think he was from New Jersey
and he didn’t give a darn about anything and he now became a sergeant major and I think he had
about forty promotions from pfc and back and they would promote him and he doesn’t care, but
he was the one, when we got to Chantilly, he took one of the little buildings that we had and set
it up as a barber shop and you would walk in there and he had all kinds of bottle that he put water
in and colored it like you would always see in a barber shop. 17:26 It was nice to see that you
could get a haircut, but we would get a haircut over in Chantilly from the French and what they
would do was they would just pull your shirt back and blow the hair, but with this fella, he would
give you the feeling that it was a little bit better and more like what you would get at home. He
was one of the persons who received the bronze star and it was wintertime and they had us all in

7

�formation in the street and in two rows. I forget who the officer was that came to present the
bronze stars and he would pin them on them. Well I’m in the second row and the sergeant tells
the colonel that he, I don’t know what his name was, doesn’t want to come out and he tells the
sergeant to get him out here. Now here is a guy with a long history like I mentioned and the
colonel said to get him and bring him out here and he comes back and stands there and I think it
is the general who is presenting the stars and he’s giving a talk and he’s pinning them on and so
this guy comes out and he stands right next to me and all he is wearing are shoes. 18:40 Nothing
else and it’s so cold all his hair is just standing out and I thought, “oh no, what’s going to happen
here and the colonel saw it and he didn’t say a word and the general comes along and finishes
that row and stands back and of course he stands right there and he has the medal to give him and
he looks and I’m standing right next to him, I ‘m not getting a medal, and nobody says a word,
but the word has gotten around that this guy is naked so, the colonel puts it on the guys shoulder
and says,” you’ve earned it”, and he moves on. 19:23 You run into these incidents that are so
far removed from what you see on the reporting on TV there. Things are going on there a lot of
things like that took place. 19:34 I came back and I was transferred, I prepared all the reports,
and I think you have to have seventy five or seventy four points to come back and I think my
army discharge shows I missed it by two points and I had done all that work for thirteen hundred
people over there and the colonel comes over and talks to me and he said, “I feel badly you know
that”. And I said, “Yes, I know that”.
Interviewer: “So basically the rest of the company was getting to go home, but you were
staying.”
Yes, I had to go to another company, long lines, I can’t think of their name right now or the
number and they were in Bagustadt [Ingolstadt?].

8

�Interviewer “In Germany, yes.”
These long lines were going to be moving also very quickly and he said, “I can’t thank you
enough”, and I said “fine” .for getting all the records, everything was—and suddenly we found
out where we had been, we didn’t know the name of Omaha Beach, we knew the names of all
the other battles because they had to be put in the records and they had to be done individually
so, this is what I did.

20:43 Then he said, “you’ll be going home soon, your going to long

lines and they are moving also”, and I said, “ok, thank you”, I had also gone on a furlough To
Nice, from there they gave us a chance for a week so, we went on that and came back again. It
was quite an experience, I think it took us—but Kissingen—we had gone past Chantilly, past
Kissingen, we were in Germany, I went to the Black Forest. Another incident on that—we had
been on the rations and I know that when we went to the black forest there were beautiful
streams there and somebody saw there were trout in there and it wasn’t long before the grenades
went in and they got the trout and we had fresh fish on that. 21:37 I had an incident there when
were getting to Lechstadt and I started getting there with an early group and that and I started
getting a toothache and I end up with a toothache—wisdom teeth and it was really bad so, I had
to do something and I said not to send me back that it would go away, but they said it wouldn’t
and that there was a dentist there and they told me to go see him. I went in to the dentist and the
first thing he saw me he started talking and he said, “my name is Sullivan and I’m Jewish and he
was nervous and he put me in his chair and his chair is run by a fellow who speaks Spanish, but I
think he was Pilipino and the chair looked like a sewing machine that turned the drill. 22:43 He
said, “take the chair, but I don’t have any anesthetic, it’s coming in from somewhere”, and I said,
“I can’t wait Dr. it is really bad”, and he said, “you have two of them, not just one”, and I said, “I
want you to take them out”, and he said, “without anesthetic”? I said, “do whatever you have to

9

�do and take them out”, so he said, “let me get some volunteers”. He goes out and they strap me
in this chair like you see, my arms and everything and these guys are holding my head and he
said, “ok now, I’m going to have to cut around the gum” he explained to them, these guys that
are holding me and he cut around the gum and it’s just like hearing things break, like pencils
cracking and he said to the guy, “let me have an elevator”, and it’s like a long screw driver and
he puts it under the tooth and snaps it out. 23:43 Then he does the same thing with the other
one and then it hit me, just like somebody hit me in my head, on the front of my head, just like a
blow. So then he said, “OK, now were going to do something to stop the bleeding”, it was a
powder—what did they call it? It is used when you get cut—anyway he put the powder in to
stop the bleeding, but he said, “you are going to go to bed and don’t walk because you can
hemorrhage and really bleed”, and they gave me more powder and they stopped bleeding. I went
to the place where I was staying that we had taken over, I guess it was a spa deal so, I went in
and they knew what had happened and they were all talking about it and they said, “you’re crazy
to have done that”, and I said, “It was that I can’t do anything, it was just getting worse” so, they
took me up to this room where I was staying, we had just gotten there, I put my duffle bag in
there and I get in bed and they put this great big pillow, it was like a big pillow that is made of
feathers on there. 25:10
Interviewer: “A featherbed”.
I had never seen one of those and they put me on that and then he comes over and says, “The
colonel heard about it and he sent you something for you to drink”, and it was whiskey, which
the officers had—we didn’t have it. I took a glass and I wanted to knock myself out and I woke
up at some point and I started to bleed and I put some more of that powder on it, I can’t think of
the name, but I was just fascinated how that powder just stopped the bleeding. That was over

10

�with and we started getting the people back and from that I went to Nice and they took us to
Frankfort, or some large city, where there were planes and we got into a C-47 and the fella said,
“don’t use the first two seats on this side and what had happened was shrapnel had come in and
you had metal. The seats were like trays that you have in a cafeteria, but they’re all just stamped
in there, the seat were stamped with no cushion or anything so, we sat on that and the sergeant
with the plane, an enlisted man, said to me and the guy on the other side, the right side, “I want
you to watch and if you see a bolt shaking like it’s going to come loose, let me know and we’ll
stop the plane. It was what you call it, a covered engine”? 26:37
Interviewer: “Yeah”.
So we take off and of course you get this whistling coming in through the holes in the seats and
the pilot says, “I’m going to fly low enough so you can see over Switzerland, the Alps and Lake
Geneva. I didn’t care where I was because I was concerned about the darn plane and the bolt.
We went to Marseilles and we landed and this bolt pops out and I told the crew chief and he said
he would take care of it and I said, “were in Marseilles now”, and he said, “your getting off, we
just have to wait until a plane lands”, well, another plane came in, a B-17, and it came in and
never stopped, it went right into the water. 27:30 They were having problems with shot up
planes, but I don’t think the guys drown or anything. We got off the plane and they took us to
Nice from there. We got good food and rest, they took us back and I finished preparing the
papers for the outfit to leave and I went to Bonnstadt and there again they had displaced persons
and many of them had broken bones and they had not been set and I don’t know if it was from
beatings or what, but their legs were bent between the knee and the ankle, they were just
completely bent. Their arms—they had been really mistreated and others had been hit and had
their teeth knocked out, but this was all on my getting ready to leave. From there they took us to

11

�a train, forty and eight, box cars, and I forget how many of us were in there and again, it didn’t
take us long to get a fire going and something that I ended up using later on at Willow Run. At
the University of Michigan when I was living at Willow Run, we took a can of sand and
somebody had some gasoline and we poured the gasoline on the sand and light that because there
were no seats. It was a cattle car. 29:02 We left there and got to La Havre and left on a brand
new ship, the Wilson Victory, it was one of those that was made in a week or so and it was brand
new, it did not have a ballast on it. We ran into a—it was very good because it was all clean and
as we went down, we had some kind of dividers for the hammocks which were for sleeping and
we had our duffle bags, but we started leaving on that and we started getting some food. They
wouldn’t give us any milk, I wanted some, but they didn’t give us milk. It was a brand new ship
so, we started out and this first thing you know we ran into one whale of a storm. I mean the
front of that ship was going out of the water and slamming down, the propeller was whirling in
the wind and it just went from bad to worse. 30:06 I don’t know what happened to the ships
that may have been with us, but at one time a big beam got loose on the fore and it chopped a
number of the posts with the hammocks and that’s another incidence where somebody yelled,
“get the duffle bags” and we all got our duffle bags and just went after that beam and covered it
and got on top of it just like it were a human being. That is another incident I can remember on
that trip, there were no delays, no submarines or anything.
Interviewer: “Do you remember when it was that you were sailing out? Was it after the
war was over now?”
No, I was discharged December 15th of 1944, no 1945.
Interviewer: “The war was over then.”
It was just over because it was just ending at that time, the “Battle of the Bulge” just took place.

12

�Interviewer: “The bulge is December of 1944 into 1945 and Germany surrenders in May
of 1945.”
I was discharged in December of 1945 so, that took place before this. All the time I was there, I
was in a combat zone so were the other guys. There were snipers, land mines and we could not
talk to the population, and in fact we were prohibited from doing it. 31:30 We learned four
words in German very early that they taught us, even before we got to the beach head—
rausmitten(get out of here), tun(halt), and I forget what the other two were, but those four words
were what we would use. We would not do anything with the German people because we didn’t
know if they were friend or foe, even in civilian clothes. 31:56 So the moment it ended I was
on my way back. I was discharged in December, whatever time it took to get from Bonnstadt to
La Havre and coming across.
Interviewer: “Well your discharge has your services coming in the middle of 1945.”
My discharge came in December of 1945 at Fort Sam Houston.
Interviewer: “Yes, but that’s still seven months after the war is over basically, but you got
far enough to be in Germany which means you’re there in 1945 when the Germans are
surrendering and all of that. You’re saying while you were there, you didn’t really have
contact with the Germans.”
I didn’t have anything to do with the surrender, I had no details on that and by then we were—
our outfit was ready to get back, some of the fellows did go to the pacific, they signed up for
that, I didn’t consider that, I had met this girl in Peoria, which I married in 1946. 32:52 I had
my own business before I went in the service and I wanted to get back to work. I had people
working for me before I came out of high school, but that wasn’t unusual in our family, we were

13

�working and studying, but I wanted to get back to do something else. I wanted more studies, I
had been to Oklahoma A&amp;M, Bradley, LSU etc., and I was fascinated and we always had
encyclopedias at the house too, but no sooner than it was over I thought I was fortunate to get
through all this stuff and I saw a number of guys that were hit. We had a fellow by the name of
Garcia, I can’t remember his first name, but he drove a, he was a courier in a jeep and he was not
very tall, but he would go from Chantilly to a number of towns along the boarder where the army
was and their messages, they didn’t want to send anyway but by currier so, he would get into his
jeep and he would scoot down and he had some metal stuff that he had put on the jeep on the
side and he would drive that way. 33:55 Well, he ended up with a broken back. I remember
they brought him back and he was hit by something on the jeep and was knocked off the
highway and got a broken back so, they brought him back to, we were in Chantilly then, and they
returned him to the states. Just a number of incidents like that and I’ve been keeping track of
some of these things as I remember them, but it is unusual because some of these people who
have written and to be honest with you, they have taken somebody else’s word without proof on
that, they just want to sell some books and we have to address a recent situation, he wrote the
WWII—it was on television—The War—
Interviewer: “Ken Burns.”
Ken Burns, and he had done this before and because of the communications we have now with
the computer it is instant across the country you know, but he had written book where he did not
recognize any countries that spoke Spanish. Jazz, some of the greatest jazz musicians, Latin
America even today, that’s well known, and you have many of the black jazz musician and
Latinos, he didn’t recognize them. He wrote about baseball and sports and he didn’t recognize
any of the Hispanic players. Reggie Jackson, his middle name is Martinez, and today how many

14

�do we have in each one of the leagues and they have been around for a long time. When he
wrote about the war, he didn’t recognize the Latinos and many won the Medal of Honor and by
ethnic breakdown it’s the largest group. 35:41 That is one of the reasons when I saw what you
were doing and not that I was going to mention it-- it is not recorded. Now you are doing it.
Interviewer: “Yeah, there is a group at the University of Texas that have conducted a lot of
these. They aren’t run by historians and there are some issues with the quality of what
they are doing, but they at least have made a fairly substantial collection. That was
available to Burns at the time, but he just didn’t know about it or think about it and that
was pretty embarrassing when that happened because there was no good reason for it.”
36:17
In addition, he is doing it with tax money and I work for myself and you pay taxes, you want to
see that money go to doing some good for us and not to eliminate people who have made a
contribution fighting for this country, which is the highest thing that you can do. When people
don’t want to go to war somebody has to and there comes a time I think when we have a Bush
right now and anybody that wants to run for president better have a tremendous confidence in
them, any political office, to want the job because you’re going to get people who you don’t do
anything right. I remember when at Pearl Harbor they came over and attacked us and all we
were asked in most of these cases we don’t stay there as the colonials did years ago. All we have
asked is a small piece of ground to bury our dead in the National Cemeteries and they are there.
The same thing for example when we had the towers bombed in New York, they came over for
whatever reason, but within hours there wasn’t a plane in the sky. The president sent out—and
he was not in Washington you know—

15

�Interviewer: “He was down in Florida.”
Within hours every plane was on the ground so, this took a lot of support and a lot of
determination to do it just like Truman coming to drop the atomic bomb. 37:41 If we stop to
think what was going on in the South Pacific, all the people who were dying there and again
because of the attack on Pearl Harbor. Somebody makes the decisions and they’re tough so, I
have to say we have had some pretty darn good people as head of our government and when they
are there they become what the demand are of the time and at that point. Like we talk about ken
Burns, now he has additional funding to write some more, but he’s getting now caught because
the people are writing to the sponsors. This is our system of government—free enterprise—fine
you make money and you spend it on something, but you want your return on that. 38:26
Interviewer: “Let’s try turn it back here to your own story. Back at the time you spent in
the army, how do you think that affected you as a person?”
Oh my gosh, it’s—you’ve been recording for an hour and a half or two hours and it will take me
about three hours to give you examples of the change.
Interviewer: “Well then, give me one good one.”
When I said I worked for myself, before I came out of high school I had two cars. I went to a
private school, OK? I had no credit cards, but if I didn’t have $200.00 in my pocket to me it was
almost like a mortal sin. In other words it gave me the freedom of buying things and I had
people working for me, but I wasn’t the only one in my family. All six of us, boys and girls all
have had their own business, but then to get exposed to the nation that was using by force to train
to fight to the point of dropping the atomic bomb that is a tremendous dedication of a group of
people, I don’t care who they are—short, tall, catholic, protestant, but it came and we joined
together on that and we had the people who brought us together. When you take Roosevelt for

16

�one, Patton, Arnold who flew the first bombing mission in B25’s and taking off from a carrier to
bomb Tokyo to let them know we’re hear and we’ll get back with you. All of these things are
people who are unbelievable and you go through any of our city blocks and I would say you have
twenty houses in a block or fifteen every on e of these people is possibly a different religion and
somehow we get along. You go to countries where the religion is the same—even dictators
where they have the same government, they can’t get along. So, what is it that we have here?
Well, if you read the constitution it tells you a little bit about it. I take my hat, for example when
you take the change; it is almost a change that I would say that I have gone through when
Roosevelt died. 40:40 I was in Chantilly and I was on the Teletype and the message comes
through in code. We have cryptographers right next to us and the guy comes over before he
gives it to the war room and says, “look what came in, the president died”, for Roosevelt to die—
he had brought this country out of a depression –during the depression, I worked for ten cents a
week for two weeks. We were in very, very bad shape and all of a sudden Roosevelt died and he
is the one that took us out of the Pearl Harbor and we’re winning the war—my first thought was
that we lost the war, but we didn’t know of any other president—it was Roosevelt and the
Democrats, we heard of Hoover—well he made a mistake and it was bad, but we didn’t hear—
now who is going to follow up? 42:37 My gosh we saw a picture of the guy Truman and he’s
coming out of Texas and he’s got a Stetson hat on and there was no big smile, no charm,
Roosevelt was like Kennedy, they didn’t have to talk, they projected themselves and all of a
sudden you see this guy who had not finished college, who had been in bankruptcy, Truman, and
we had a war going on, this is not over and look at what he lived up to—the GI Bill, he did away
with the racism and discrimination in the armed forces, he brought them together so, these are
the changes that I see, but almost—I’m not even a part of it, it’s just too big on that and it’s still

17

�going on. I think one thing we should publicize is, any of these people who are thinking of
invading us, Iraq or for a time it was Russia and let them know that just that part of the
constitution that we had before the Supreme Court that we’re entitled to a gun so, they should
think if they are going to invade America, every time they walk on our blocks, these people have
guns in their houses, they don’t have to put an army together and they have done this since the
colonial times. 42:58
Interviewer: “I remember Humphrey Bogart pointing that out in a movie during the
Second World War. The Germans should be careful about going to—it was Casablanca—
certain parts of New York you didn’t want to go. Well you have told a remarkable story
here and I would just like to thank you for coming in and doing this.
I’m still active in the community and the same with my children, I have three daughters and one
is Margaret Vega, she is with Kendall, she’s a professor of art and our oldest, Sue, is a housewife
and her son is graduating from the University of Hawaii, he got a scholarship there and our
youngest one Liz, she use to be an anchor here at channel 8 so, I’m familiar with some of the
work that you do, but she here and went to New York to get a station on it’s feet. She was
constantly being offered private secretary jobs and she took one with Turner Television and I
remember when she mentioned that I asked her what she was going to do and she said they
wanted her to train some of their people when they appear on television before congress and the
public etc. They wanted her to get more training so, she was sent to—she had a masters already
out of Michigan State University, but she had worked at Aquinas and Michigan State and also in
Rochester at the university there, so schooling was very big part. They sent her to Denver for
some schooling there in finance and they sent her to England, Turner did, for economics and she
starts going across the country, she’s married and has two children, her husband runs like our

18

�VanAndel Arena here, in Rochester New York, good tax payers. They started sending her across
the country doing film and training people—Garner and some of the movie people making
commercials, she’s in charge of that and the first thing you know she wants to make a change
and is going to the west coast and I ask her where she is going to go from what she has now and
she said she was going to Xerox because they were in trouble. They had offered her quite a job
and she was leaving for Mexico in two weeks. They have a big mess down there and she had a
whole staff to put together to straighten it out. Being able to communicate is great. She lives in
Rochester and they closed the whole operation in Mexico and in the last year she has developed
a system using the Xerox equipment they make and that she was recognized for by all the other
companies—IBM and all of them, they gave her a big reception in Boston and from there she
was given a big reception at the white house for this equipment. She just got back from England
about a month ago putting the equipment in operation and right now she is in Tokyo, Hong Kong
and Singapore for the same thing. So that when I mention to you that I have been involved in a
number of things, this is the younger generation and you have the hope of doing anything you
want to do and if anybody tells you that you can’t do it say good by to them. 46:34 there are a
lot of opportunities all the time.
Interviewer: “I think that makes a good concluding point here. Thank you for coming
on.”
Thanks for the invitation and thanks for the work you’re doing. 46:44

19

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                <text>Vega, Francisco M. (Interview transcript, video, and papers, 2 of 3), 2008</text>
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                <text>Vega, Francisco M.</text>
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                <text>Francisco Vega was born in San Antonio, Texas.  He tried to enlist in the military immediately after Pearl Harbor, but was initially rejected because of his Mexican ancestry.  He eventually did enlist in the Army Air Corps, and began a long process in which he used his talents and persuasive skills to find increasingly interesting assignments, eventually training as a teletype operator with a signals unit that landed on Omaha Beach on D-Day and was eventually part of Eisenhower's headquarters.</text>
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                <text>Smither, James (Interviewer)</text>
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                <text>2008-03-07</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/455"&gt;Veterans History Project Collection, (RHC-27)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project
Francisco Vega Part 3
(36:14)
Interviewer: “We are talking again with Francisco Vega. We are going to pick up with the
end of WWII and go on from there. Mr. Vega, in the first interview we had basically
covered your early life and your military career pretty much up to the end of the Second
World War. You had further experiences after that, both in Europe at the end of WWII
and then in the period of the Korean conflict, and so we would like to pick up the story
basically, where were you when the war in Europe ended? Were you in France at that
point still?”
No, I was in Germany, we had been in France at Chantilly, and we had just moved to Kissingen
in Germany and on the way there of course, we saw quite a bit of the country of France and
Belgium and different things that had taken place such as the bombardment of the cities. The
thing about Kissingen—I ended up going to the Ardennes. I volunteered to get one of our people
out of there, we had special equipment and it was type ten equipment, which today we call
satellites and it has to be from high point to high point. We were a mobile outfit. 1:30
Interviewer: “You talked about doing that in our first interview. That was during the war
still during the Ardennes offensive because we had to get that out of there ahead of the
Germans.
From there just let me take it to the end of the war. That’s when we found out changes were
being made. I was busy putting together the records. Our battalion had over 1300 people and we
had myself and one other person. That’s all to take care of all the personnel records for the
company, Headquarters Company, so we were very busy. Other than that, we thought it was, but

1

�we had not seen the end of the war itself and some of the people volunteered to go to the Pacific
so, there were more records to get ready. Then I found out that you need a certain number of
points—I had all these records of people who had been in Africa, who had been across northern
Africa, and then into the landings in Europe. 2:30 We had been in five campaigns, all this
coming together as the records are being put together. We realized—I think at one point
someone said, “Do you realize how long we have been in a combat zone?” They said,
“Eighteen months from the time we landed in Normandy until after the Ardennes and now we
were getting ready to leave”. So, I found out I do not have—I miss returning with my outfit by
two points.
Interviewer: “Because your unit had already been in existence and you joined it as a
replacement so, those guys had been in Africa etc., and they had more points than you and
they could all be discharged, but you’re still there.”
Right, and even with the five campaigns I was in, I still was missing a couple of points. I
remember the colonel came over and he said, “I’ll arrange it so you go from here to Neustadt, it’s
a long lines company, communications lines, and you won’t be there long. I feel badly that
you’re not returning with us, but just get ready to leave.” That was it, I went to Neustadt and
joined this outfit and while I was there I was able to see a great number of DP’s, displaced
persons, many had broken limbs that had mended crooked and had not been set or anything.
3:51 I was there not more than two weeks and then I was asked to get ready to leave. They took
us to the railroad station and there were “forty and eight” boxcars open and I joined with another
bunch of guys and we started on the train back to Le Havre. So, you can see—from Germany all
the way to the port of Le Havre. Remember, we had no seats and we had no toilets, we had
nothing—

2

�Interviewer: “What was the weather like?”
Very cold at that time. What we did, and of course there were a number of things, the people,
the American soldier was so resourceful and we picked up five gallon cans of gasoline and other
guys picked up containers and put sand in them and we would put the gasoline into the sand and
light it, we were very careful because it was just an open flame, but that’s the way we came all
the way to the port. 4:49 We get to the port and the different groups, they call them Chesterfield
Camp and they have different names.
Interviewer: “Yes they had a whole bunch of different camps and they were all named
after different cigarette brands for some reason.”
And from there they took us to the ship and we came on the Wilson Victory, now these were the
new victory ships and this one was brand new, it had just come from the states and I don’t
believe it had been used for anything yet. 5:20 Not a load of anything so, they put us on that
and we left Le Havre, we left France. With that, we had a very, very rough trip. This ship would
go down and I’m not a navy person, but it would go way up and come down and the motor
would be whirling up in the air grinding away. We had on the area we were in, there was a beam
that come loose and it just came right across the floor and we had a post with hammocks on the
entire floor and it just cut them like they were butter and again using resourcefulness, we
immediately grabbed our duffle bags are we went after that beam and threw ourselves and all our
stuff on top to stop it. 6:12 We made it through and like I say, the storm was a very bad one, but
we got through and landed at Camp Kilmer New Jersey, that’s the next place I can recall. I
started making phone calls and one of the things that I was concerned about in Europe, a great
deal, was I wanted to get back and marry this girl I had met and I was more afraid of not
accomplishing that part of my life than I was of getting killed there, but this is the person I

3

�married in 1946 and we are still married. I finally went from there to the railroad station and
when we got to Camp Kilmer, at the dock, I remember stepping out and possibly ten feet high
there were boxes of small milk bottles in cartons and we hadn’t had any milk and we started
drinking it and it got many of us sick. From there we went again to the railroad station and they
took us down to—well, I went down to Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio and things started—
events were getting into place and I remember getting into the railroad station in San Antonio
and there was one fellow that came by and said, “well, I’m playing golf over the week end, are
you going to be caddying?” It was a very quick reaction, but his lip was cut and they had to take
him and get him some stitches, but again I did not fell racism or anything, but it just felt that this
was not something that I wanted and I reacted to it. 7:58 Again, these were the changes that had
come about, none of us had to put up with anything, we had volunteered many of us, and from
there I remember calling home and my dad asked if I was ready to leave and he would pick me
up, but I said I would take the bus and I’ll get home just fine. I will have a couple of days and
they were processing us and we were at Dodd Field, part of Fort Sam Houston, and I remember
we were in this four car garage, open, and I heard the sound of a plane and this young soldier
processing us yelled, “the plane is strafing” or something like that and we hit the floor and then
they started laughing, but anyway, we picked him up and put him in the shower, clothes and all.
That was an experience of the changes that were coming about and we were still reacting on that.
9:08 From there, I remember that one of the persons that was there—he kept looking at me for
a while, he was a big first sergeant, the kind you would like to see in a movie, he had a big pot
belly, he had medals on and everything else, and he said, “Hi” to me, he said, “You made it”, and
I said, “Yes”, and he had a purple heart on and I said, “I wasn’t dumb enough to get one of
those”. We were joking and I said, “What the heck did you do?” I only have my staff sergeant

4

�chevrons on, I had received a promotion to sergeant major, but he said, “I didn’t keep my butt
down” and I said, “You were hit there? Are you joking?” We were just joking talking about that.
10:05 Then I said, “You know, I remember you for another reason , you were the guy that had
me pack those one pound bags of saltpeter”, and he said, “oh, we do that all the time”. That was
just another incident from there. I left there in the morning, I was discharged and I took my
discharge and went to the bus and went home and I arrived home and of course the family was
waiting, I had called them, and I remember my mother was crying and I thought—she’s crying,
she’s happy, but she kept on crying for a while and I said, “mother, I’m going to be here now”.
When I was talking with the first sergeant, he asked me what I was going to do and he said, “are
you staying in the reserve?” I said, “you know I have been wanting to get a commission, maybe
I should do that”, so I signed up for the reserve—that was the beginning of it. 10:57 The final
deal. I get home and we sit down and we talked an my mother said, “I do have something for
you”, and this by the way—I’m a little bit ahead of the story because this is after I’d been in
Grand Rapids. When I was there I met with the family, I made a trip to Mexico, my aunt
Simona, a grandmother, an uncle, aunts and cousins were there and my aunt said, “You know I
made a promise while you were in the service, that if you come back we will keep this promise”,
in Spanish it is called amunda, like an order that you agree to do something. 11:42 We went to
the church, to the sanctuary of Our Lady of Guadalupe, and the promise she had made was that if
I came back alive that she and I would walk from, on our knees, from the door of the church to
the altar, which we kept on that, we did that. Again these are just part of the cultural side and I
respected their wishes and I was very happy that’s what got me back. I returned to San Antonio
and had a job right away with the Veterans Administration Communications Division because of
my typing and this is in January or February of 1946. My wife and I, the girl I was going to

5

�marry, we agree to get married in May of 1946. 12:35 We were married, we returned to San
Antonio—we were married in St. Louis, Missouri, and one of the fellows that landed with me in
Normandy, he was our best man. We returned to San Antonio and we left for Grand Rapids—
we found a school out there, the University of Michigan, for what reason I still don’t know, I
liked the name and I had been to three other schools before in the army, universities, so when we
could not get into the U of M because every state university was giving preferences to their state
veterans. My wife had met Jean Adrianse, a Grand Rapids family here, while she was in
Chicago, my wife was working for the Social Security Administration and living at the YWCA
and this is where Jean also lived so, she mentioned Aquinas that was just getting started so, we
came up and it was September of 1946. When I left the Veterans Administration I believe from
the time I worked for them, in a few months I received about four promotions, paid promotions,
because what I was doing was typing records and of course my typing speed was there. 13:57
Interviewer: “You were fast and you had a lot of experience with records by this time too.”
And with numbers, that I was something I had done before I went in the service. I had about two
years working as a billing clerk and that was just all numbers. We came up here in September of
1946 and in 1948 I went to the University of Michigan School of Business Administration and
while I was there I met George Heartwell, the father of our present mayor, and he was just out of
the navy and I was just out of the army and we lived next to each other at Willow Run Village in
Ypsilanti. 14:39 We returned to San Antonio in January of 1951 and my wife was working at
the Grand Rapids Press at the time, in the old building across from the veterans park, and there
was an ad in the paper and I called my wife and she asked me why I wanted to apply for a job if
we were leaving for San Antonio? I said, “we are”, and she said, “Were leaving in January?” I
said, “yes, and this was October. During that last year, 1950, we were living on Norwood St. and

6

�I saw a job opening at the Eastown theater, they had a sign out there and I went in and talked to
the owner at that time, Allen Johnson, and he said, “do you want that job”? And I said, “Yes”,
and he was surprised, and he said, “No, that’s a woman’s job”, and I said, “Do you pay for this”?
He said, “Yes”, and I said, “I’ll take it, I live right around the corner here”, so I took that and it
was a big joke for a while because people were not used to that, but it was a good experience and
I ended up managing the Wealthy Theater, the Four Star, the Family and the Eastown and that
was a chain owned by Allen Johnson and the film was supplied by a Detroit organization. 16:03
In October of that year, that’s when I called my wife and said, “There’s a box ad in the paper and
I would like to know who it is”, and she asked again if we were leaving for San Antonio and I
told her yes. She told me the job was with Resurrection Cemetery, the Catholic Diocese, they
were down on lower Monroe where those new buildings are now and I went over there and they
said, “Look, there’s a fellow, Harry, he’s from Kansas City, he was up here to get Resurrection
Cemetery started, it being the second Catholic Cemetery in the nation with no upright
monuments. 16:50 I knew nothing about the cemetery business, but he talked to me, Harry
Graff, and he said it was commission and here is what you do. You take this book; these pages
and you study them. I said, “I have a couple of questions”, and he said, “Don’t worry about the
questions, the people will have all the answers for you”, and he had come from Kansas City.
The thing was, he didn’t know much about the business himself, but I believed him, he was in
charge. 17:18 From October to January, I started calling and just telling people who I was and
explained the facility of Resurrection Cemetery and could I have an appointment. Well, once I
was there I would tell them that I was only going to be there a short time and did they have any
questions well, I will finish in about fifteen minutes, but I lucked out all the way through because
people did not want to talk about this, that they were going to die and be put here—that fact that

7

�they knew how long I was going to be there encouraged them to listen a little bit. 17:53 We left
in January by then, the first week in January of 1951, I set a national sales record, I was told it
was a national sales record, I sold seventeen contracts in one week. Yes, I made some money,
we had a brand new 1951 Buick Special, custom made furniture and so, we left for San Antonio.
When I was leaving I got a phone call from Mr. James Harrington who was helping the Catholic
Church develop Resurrection Cemetery and the other one was in Kansas City Missouri, and he
wanted to know why I was leaving and what was it that I didn’t like. I said, “No”, and he said,
“Have you ever made this kind of money before that you are making?” I said, “not with a piece
of paper and a pen”, and he said, “Well, you’re going back to San Antonio now?” I said, “yes”,
I’m stopping in Peoria to see my in-laws”, and he said, “Could you stop by Kansas City?” I said,
“sure”, and we stopped by there on the way down, he took us to the country club, we had wild
game, it was just a beautiful place and he kept asking me “do you know what you’re going to do
when you get to San Antonio?” I said “no”, and he said, “Why did you leave this when you were
making this money?” I said, “I have made more money than this, I had my own business before
I came out of high school, but never with just a pen and a contract”. He said, “If there is
anything that you need, please give me a call, I enjoyed talking with you”, I went to his home—I
was just there a couple of days and so, we left on that basis and as we were leaving he said,
“There is one thing you can do for me, will you please check on these demographics for Corpus
Christi, the church has called and they also want one of these cemeteries”. And I said, “Fine, I
will be happy to do it”. I get back to San Antonio and this—I’m back to my early comment that
I was ahead of my changes in life, and when I arrived in San Antonio my mother is crying, my
dad is there, everybody is happy, but at the same time mother finally said, “I have something for
you”, and I said, “What is it?” It was this envelope and I said, “ I do not know what it is, why

8

�are you crying?” He said, “If you look at the address, it’s the army”. 20:20 It was thick and I
opened it up. I’m being recalled from the Air Force Reserve to be in the Korean War. I thought
“oh my gosh”, I was just planning my life, starting a family etc., and I think I had to report the
next day. We got there on a weekend and on Monday I’m at Brooks Field. When I walked in
there I said, “Look, possibly could I get an extension?” They said, “no, walk over here”, and
they swore me in and they said, “we are going to save time, we are going to issue you your
clothing”, so, I came home with my duffle bag again. 21:06 In the meantime, I said, “I’ll get the
work for Mr. Harrington”, and I did get to the library to look up the diocese and population etc.
I called him back and gave him the information and he said, “Well, have you made up your mind
what you’re going to do?” I said, “Yes Mr. Harrington”, and he said, “So quickly?” I said, “Oh
yeah”, and he said, “What are you going to do?” I said, “I’m going back in the army”, and there
was just silence. 21:33 He had never been able to go into the army because he had a problem
with his feet and he said, “Would you repeat that?” I said, “I’m going back in the army, I’ve
been called back”. He said, “Do you want to go back?” And I said, “No, not really”, and he
said, “Francisco, with the record that you have, and what you did in the military, why are you
being called back?” I said, “Mr. Harrington, I don’t know, but I have my clothing and
everything and I am supposed to get back there”. He would speak like Missouri—slow, with talk
measured, and he said, “What are you doing tomorrow?” I said, “Well, I think I have three days
to put things together”. And he said, “Would you meet me at the airport?” He said, “I’ll let you
know what time, what flight I’m arriving” so, he flew in. 22:23 He go into Brooks Field and it
was either a full colonel or a one star general we ended up talking to and Mr. Harrington starts
talking to him. He said, “I’m Bud Harrington from Kansas city, Missouri”, I can almost hear
him talking this way, and he said, “I understand that Mr. Vega is being called back to Korea”,

9

�and this fellow was straight backed and he said, “That is correct” and Harrington said, “Well,
I’m here to ask if you can give him an extension”, and he said, “No, we cannot do that”, and
Harrington said, “Well, how about some time so he can straighten out his personal affairs?”
“Sir, we cannot do that”, and Mr. Harrington said, “May I use your phone?” He picks up the
phone and I’m trying to keep from smiling and laughing only because of what then followed.
He called and said, “This is Bud Harrington”, and I think he said, “Is Harry there?” And then he
started talking and he said, “Oh fine, fine”. The Muhlbach Hotel was part of Harrington’s family
and a well-known name for a brewery and wealth etc. Well, pretty soon this officer who was in
charge, he got the drift of what might be the person at the end of the line and it took me a little
while longer, but then this officer, he kept telling Mr. Harrington, “It’s fine, It’s fine”, he didn’t
want any part of it and then Mr. Harrington said something and he said, “Do you want to talk to
him?” 24:14 This really got this officer quite concerned and Mr. Harrington said, “No, we’ve
got it taken care of,” and that was the end of it. To this day, all I know is whoever was at the end
of the line was important to the moment there. When I got the extension of thirty days, I did
some more work for Mr. Harrington and he told them—“This is what this man has made and he
is still working for me, he just got these demographics” so, he was telling the truth so, I get the
extension—I still had only a certain number of days and all the furniture we had bought, by the
way, had still not arrived in San Antonio and we found out the truck had gone into a ditch and it
was all ruined. It had been in the water for some time. We went from there, the last week-end—
I had to report on Monday, and I told my wife—“Look, I just want some time by myself, I’m
going fishing” so, I went to the outskirts of the San Antonio River or one of the rivers and I
remember I had a fly rod which I had not used in years and I didn’t even have bait on it, I just
have a knot on it to get it out there and while I’m sitting out there this fellow comes along the

10

�river and it’s not populated and he’s in work clothes and he stops and he walks a little bit closer
to me, he was about a half a block away when I saw him, and he finally gets close enough and he
said, “Sir”, and I didn’t say anything because I had my own self pity or anger that I let myself get
into situations like that. 26:00 Finally he said, “You got a cigarette?” I didn’t want to talk to
anybody and I said, “Yes”, I was smoking at the time and I gave him a cigarette and he moves
away and he asked for a match so, I gave him a match and I said, “Look, would you mind
leaving me alone? I don’t want to be rude, but I’m out here going over something that I have to
go over in my own mind”. 26:24 He lit the cigarette and smoked and as he was leaving he said,
“When you get there tomorrow, you ask for this person”, and I let out a stream of profanity and I
said, “Leave me alone you bum, just mind your own business”. Anyway, he left and when I go
there to report the next morning the first sergeant said, “Please go into the office with the officer
there”, and I walked in and this fellow from the river was sitting there. 27:02 Now, how this
came about—I have had experience with even less explanation at Omaha Beach and I got
through a lot of stuff, but here’s another one that came—he said, “This is for you—the orders—
you do not have to report, you were called up by mistake”. I said, “How many people are you
calling up by mistake?” He said, “If I were you I would get out of here” so, I walked out and I
stayed I stayed there just long enough for that term to end and I didn’t sign up again, but I did
want to get the commission and that’s why I stayed in there and that was the end of my time in
the service. 27:54
Interviewer: “Who do you think was the person on the other end of that telephone Mr.
Harrington was calling?”
I think it was Harry Truman, they knew each other and Harry Truman had offices and a suite at
the Muhlbach Hotel, so this is why—I never asked Mr. Harrington because later on I went back

11

�to work with him, but it was such an unusual thing, I wouldn’t ask. I respected the guy and
that’s whom I thought he was calling and that’s whom the officers thought he was calling and it
took me a little while to catch on. 28:39 Very unusual things, very unusual things that I
experienced, like this fellow coming along the river and how did he know—I must have said
something to him for him to tell me. He said, “ When you go in there, you ask for this person”,
and I didn’t ask for anyone, I just went in because I didn’t believe him, that there was anyone
that could help me anyway. 29:03
Interviewer “Kind of a strange business so, once you had that sorted out, did you go to
work for Mr. Harrington then? Was that the upshot of that since you didn’t have to stay in
the army?”
No, I gave Mr. Harrington the information and my sister and I started talking about doing
something in business and she said, “Let me show you something”, she had been making these
sandals, they were flat and made of toweling cloth—what do they call it?
Interviewer: “Terry cloth?”
Yes, terry cloth, they were made from that and you just slipped into them. She had the machine
there at the house and she was doing that and I said, “How long have you been doing this?” and
she said, “Anytime I want to, I just do some work on this, but I want to tell you something I
believe we can do, do you remember the Rizik brothers?” We grew up with them and they were
Syrian or Lebanese, I don’t recall, they were Middle Eastern people, and I said, “Sure, Mike and
Theresa”, we had been in elementary school, and she said, “I think we can get some work from
them”, and I said, “How much work?” 30:17 She said, “Why don’t you go talk to them?” So, I
went down town to the Juvenile Manufacturing Co. and they owned the building that took up the
entire block and was about four or five stories high. Inside it was all embroidery and equipment

12

�for the manufacturing of clothing etc. I walked in with Mike and he asked how my mother was
and the family and I told him they were fine. I said, “My sister is doing some machine
embroidery and I thought I might be able to get some work from you for her, for us and he said,
“What do you have? What kind of work?” So, I took out some samples and he said, “You can
do this here?” And I said, “Yes”. He said, “Were sending all this stuff out to Dallas because we
cannot get somebody here that can do this”. And it was just simply—well, it could be a number
of things-- the samples I took were just a little piece of cloth with the face of a cat—one line
drawn, almost like a cartoon deal and it could be done in a matter of seconds with a chain stitch
like the machine that is putting a name on something. 31:28 So, he said, “I can give you quite a
bit of business with us”, and I said, “Ok, please put it in writing”. Fine, he put it in writing and I
go back home and I said, “I’ve got a letter here that will give us about as much work as we can
handle”, and I asked my sister what we will need and she said, “Well, we better get two more
machines or get one more machine”, and we took a room that was adjacent to the garage and
started working on that. 32:00 I go back to Mike and he said, “I have an order, I’ll have it
delivered for you”, and he sends out the beginning of a hundred forty thousand dozen. I think we
finished forty thousand at $1.00 a dozen. Then my sister started training other people that had
graduated with her from a technical school in San Antonio, Texas and we started getting a lot,
we were just given flat pieces and it just developed into—we were doing anything that was
printed we could put into embroidering. I had people that had a new breed of cattle that was
developed and they wanted for shows. We would take a piece of felt, blue or white and
embroider the photograph on there and of course there was very good money in that. These
people treated these cattle like children, it was their pride and joy and the breeding and
everything that went with it. 33:04 We got into working with furniture manufacturers, for the

13

�inside of caskets, we got into volume. By then we had three shifts working and Mr. Harrington
called me and he said, “Could you break away and come up for a week-end?” I said, “Sure”, and
my wife stayed in Peoria and by then we had our first child and I went to Kansas City and Mr.
Harrington said, “Look, I’m in Albany and Troy and I’m not getting results, I have to have
Grand Rapids—I have Kansas City”. Mr. Harrington had owned banks and automobile
distributorships, Kaiser, Frazier, and he was a businessperson. He said, “Would you be
interested in checking out to seeing if you can tell these guys how you made your sales?” I said,
“Mr. Harrington, I just asked the people if I could explain the services we have.” So, I started
there in Kansas City and the first thing I had to do—when I went into the first meeting there was
a fellow who puts his feet up on the table and he has a small knife and he is cleaning his
fingernails the first thing I did was ask him to wait until after the meeting if he wanted to talk to
me. I said, “You have been fired”. So, the rest of them got the drift too. 34:29 They started
listening and we started getting sales. Mr. Harrington said, “How would you like to handle the
sales contracts?” I said, “Mr. Harrington, I’ve got an infant company there in embroidery, let me
talk to my sister”. My sister and I talked and she said, “If you want to stay it will be fine”, and I
said, “Ok, why don’t you take my share of the company for $1.00”. We had all kinds of
equipment and machines, we had power-cutting tools—we had many things going.
Interviewer: “That was all in San Antonio right?”
That was in San Antonio.
Interviewer: “Why were you up in Peoria at this point?”
At this point I had come back to Peoria to be with my wife. She was also in agreement and so I
just went back to Kansas City and whatever I had in San Antonio stayed there for quite a while,
but I started then hiring and training the people for Albany connected to Detroit cemeteries and

14

�Grand Rapids. Then there was a change; Harry Graff wanted to return to Kansas city and Mr.
Harrington asked me if I had any suggestion about who we put in there and I said, “Mr.
Harrington, how about me?” 35:43 He said, “Why do you want to go there?” It was a big
operation and I said, “I like the fishing and I like the hunting, I don’t like the cloudy days, but I
think my wife will like it, she was born in Idaho and raised in Peoria, Illinois and like the
changes in climate.” 36:03
Interviewer: “The seasons.”
We came back to Grand Rapids again, George Heartwell had just moved to Grand Rapids from
Detroit and he was heading Citizens Mortgage, he was a graduate attorney, but he went into the
mortgage business and again we were like lost brothers. We had enjoyed many fishing trips,
many hunting trips, the family came along and it’s been a very nice experience here and that
about brings me up to working with you in the great job that you are doing. 36:40
Interviewer: “Well thank you very much for coming in and finishing the story for us.”
Thank you very much again.

15

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'1. 1ST LT ROBERT
T. CARTON,0580604, AC. Co "en. l709th 816
Serv Bn (A~),
1s .placed on TDY. for a period of one. (1) day, eft
o/a 4 Sep :+945, wP Hq. USFET and Wiesbaden M1litary. Germany. tor
dy in conn~ation w!5Ignal Activities •. Upon compl ot TOI, he wlll
ret to pror~~ orgn and ata. TDNby 1vlT. i- . .

2. Tec 4 samuel S. Mekler, 32498716. Hq Det. 1709th S1g Serv
an (Avn), is~laced
on TDY, for a period of five (5) days. eff o/a
5 Sep 19~5~ WP Complegne. Franae. for dy In connectlon wjSlgna1
Supply Act~vlties.
Upon compl or TDY. ~e will rat. to proper orgn
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1ST LT (92Q) JOSEPH;BREOHER
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                <text>Francisco Vega was born in San Antonio, Texas.  He tried to enlist in the military immediately after Pearl Harbor, but was initially rejected because of his Mexican ancestry.  He eventually did enlist in the Army Air Corps, and began a long process in which he used his talents and persuasive skills to find increasingly interesting assignments, eventually training as a teletype operator with a signals unit that landed on Omaha Beach on D-Day and was eventually part of Eisenhower's headquarters.</text>
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                    <text>Velez-Cruz, Miguel
Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Name of War: Vietnam War
Interviewee’s Name: Miguel Velez-Cruz
Length of Interview: (56:21)
Interviewed by: Harry Vo
Transcribed by: Lyndsay Curatolo
Interviewer: “Hi. This is Harry Vo interviewing for the Veterans History Project. Here we
have a veteran in the recording studio with us. Please introduce us with your name, your
unit, your position in the Army, and what wars have you served in?”
My name is Miguel Angel Velez-Cruz. I served in the United States Army. When I left the Army
my rank was Specialist 5 E-5–– basically Sergeant. I was trained as a medical records clerk, at
the beginning. When I served–– the only war that I ever served was in Vietnam. I was there from
June ‘68 to June ‘69, and I had two different jobs; as a medical records clerk in a missile
battalion, but then in a service battalion I worked in grave registration–– which was considered a
service battalion in quartermasters for the first logistical command. Basically, after I left
Vietnam I finished my military career in Germany. (1:26)
Interviewer: “Please tell us about yourself. What are important things that we might like to
know?”
I was born in Puerto Rico in 1949. I was raised and developed in the 1950s and 1960s, and that
was the worst part of the Cold War mentality and Puerto Ricans, as U.S. citizens–– Puerto Rico
is a colony of the United States–– they gave us citizenship in order to be capable of drafting us to
the Army for whatever wars. My grandparents were drafted for World War I, my biological
father and his brothers were drafted for World War II, and my stepfather and his brother served
in the Korean War because it was all based on age and the different generations in my family. I
was surrounded by a family where men joined the service or didn’t object to being drafted to the
service because Puerto Rico was a very, very poor place to be in those days. It was basically a
third-world country within the jurisdiction of the United States. It was very poor, so joining the
Army and getting a check every month instead of cutting sugar cane was a way out of extreme
poverty. That was the experience in my family. (3:08). By the time I was 16/17 the war in
Vietnam was already getting hot. In 1966/1967 I was already feeling the allure of the adventure
of getting out of my hometown–– a small little town on a small island–– and I just wanted to
leave and see the world, and I look at the Army as one way of doing it. Also, while I was in high

�school–– you know, you’re starting to shape your political views and things–– I was exposed to
the anti-communist propaganda of the 1960s. They told us all the time that the Russians are
coming, the Chinese are eating babies, and communism is the worst thing in the world–– which
I’ve always agreed that it’s a horrible political system, but it created a mentality in me that
anything that the government was asking me to do in order to fight communism, it was okay
because it was like a new “crusade,” you know, we were going to save the world. You never
questioned what was happening and you never questioned if the government was telling you the
truth or not because that was very important. It was unforgivable. Your country was always right,
and that made me not [want] to wait. Instead of being drafted, I joined. I volunteered. (5:05). In
December I talked to my mother–– I was an only child, something happened–– and I wanted to
fly helicopters. That was the coolest thing in the 1960s, helicopters in combat. They were the
latest and greatest machine. I didn’t know that they were very slow, very prone to dropping from
the sky, very easy to shut down, but they didn’t show you that on the ads on TV to join the
Army. They show those beautiful things moving at high speed and dropping soldiers and
everybody wins the war. I wanted to be a helicopter pilot and I joined with the idea that I was
going to go to helicopter school in Fort Rucker, Alabama, but my mother had other ideas. For
whatever reasons my family had some political connections in Puerto Rico with the
Commissioner in Washington. We don’t have a Congressman, we have something called a
Commissioner. He doesn’t vote but he has about the same privileges that any other house
member has, and he was a friend of my family’s. They managed, through him, to keep me away
from something called combat arms. Combat arms in the Army are infantry, tanks–– anything
that is shooting–– artillery. Anything that is shooting with something. So, they kept me away
from that and being a helicopter pilot was considered dangerous and being an only child and all
those reasons, my mother managed to keep me away from the helicopter pilot school. Suddenly I
was sent to a clerk school and I asked, “Why? I had a contract. I was supposed to go to
helicopter pilot school.” They say, “No, the class has already started. You’re going to go later.”
Because in the Army you never got an answer for anything. You were told what to do and you
did it and that’s it. So, I started my military training in what they call basic training–– what all
soldiers do just in case because every soldier there has to be a rifleman, you have to know how to
use a rifle–– and that’s what they do in basic training. That was done first in Fort Jackson and
then in Fort Gordon, Georgia. Fort Jackson is in South Carolina. From there I went to Advanced
Individual Training and they sent me to this clerk school and they made me a medical records
clerk in Fort Leonard Wood in Missouri. (8:10). Places that I’ve never been in my life because I
only lived in New York City with my parents–– my stepfather and my mother–– for about three
or four years when I was a child, between five and nine years old. That was my exposure to
English, but they went back to Puerto Rico and the rest of my life I lived on the island with
everything in Spanish. After Fort Leonard Wood, I received orders to go to Vietnam and I asked,
“When am I going [to helicopter school]?” “Oh. Probably when the next class of helicopter
school starts. They’ll pluck you out of Vietnam and send you to Fort Rucker.” “Okay.” So I went
to Vietnam and the very first unit I went there [with] was a missile air defense unit. Something

�called HAWK missiles. These systems were designed to shoot down aircraft in case North
Vietnamese or Russian or Chinese aircraft would come down south–– which never ever
happened in their ten years of involvement in Vietnam. There was never an aircraft coming from
the North to the South. We sent thousands of aircraft from the South to the North. Our unit was
there for a few years, but by the time–– I was there about six-months to eight-months in this unit,
which was the first unit that I was headquartered in because it’s considered air defense artillery,
the missiles [and] the rockets. Headquarter battery [and] I think it was 6th Battalion, 71st
artillery and air defense. They decided to send that unit to Germany because there was no use for
it in Vietnam, but anybody who was six-months or less in the country was going to stay in
Vietnam. So what are [they] going to do with Mickey Velez? (10:30). I was the battalion aid
station medical records clerk and I was learning things about what they do in aid stations, but
suddenly they sent me to a place called the 38th Base Post Office because I was a clerk, I was
not a shooter. That is the place where–– it was a huge room under a wooden building where they
had 500,000 cards printed by computers, IBM computers. Before you guys–– you never heard of
these because you were not even born when they already changed–– computers were
programmed using cards. You would type code on a card, the computer would read the card,
maybe like a zip drive, and you have to imagine it’s like a piece of paper with a bunch of holes,
it would read that information. Every single soldier, airman, and sailor in the Vietnam area had a
card like that. We controlled, that way, the movement of their mail. Packages sent from home,
letters, and whatever. That unit was there for the exclusive reason of every time that somebody
was wounded, got sick, or died in combat the parent unit–– the infantry unit or whatever,
wherever–– would produce a piece of paper and that piece of paper would become another
printed card. And I would receive one of those cards–– I would receive packages everyday––
[when] there were thousands of people getting sick or wounded in Vietnam every single day.
(12:46). We were all divided by last names and I would take one, look in my files for the card of
the individual that said, “Keep on sending the mail wherever he is,” and substitute it with one
that said, “Search.” Search means we’re looking for you, but in reality that something happened
to you. Sometimes it said, “Search KIA.” That was the very first time in my life that I heard that
acronym because not even in training [did] we [hear] of that acronym. It means “Killed in
action” and those we already knew that they were dead, so we started a process of holding their
mail and all their packages, and making sure that it wasn’t any stuff–– because all of that stuff
was going home–– but [seeing] if there were any pornographic magazines that he might get,
photos that his wife was not supposed to see, we took them out. There was a unit that just
cleansed all their belongings to make sure there were no drugs, nothing going back home that
would make the family feel uncomfortable because that person instantly became a hero, and we
had to protect [their] image. So that’s what was done there. (14:18). I spent about five months in
that unit and the Captain of the unit called me and he said, “Velez-Cruz we need you for a
special mission.” I was still going to be with the 38th BPO, but I was going to go TDY, which
means temporary duty. You still belong to your unit, but they are lending you to a unit that needs
your hands. “You’re going to go TDY to this unit.” It deals with casualties and making casualty

�reports and dealing with casualties, so I thought it was going to be like a hospital but I didn’t
know anything about grave registration–– which was the service unit. They’re called service
units which also belong to the First Logistical Command that took care of all services in Vietnam
for the guys in the field. Grave registration was, in reality, commanded by a quartermaster
battalion. Quartermasters are the people who move things in the Army–– boxes of bullets, boxes
of food, boxes of clothing, and boxes of people. When people die in the service, they are not
patients anymore and they’re treated like a commodity, like a “thing.” And they’re moved
around, I think, with respect. We were always very concerned about those–– we call them men,
but they were all boys. I was 18, I wanted to be called a man not a boy, but now that I'm 71 I see
them as children because they were 18/19 mostly. They moved them around as “things.” (16:52).
We used forklifts because sometimes we had to put 10, 20, 50 in an aircraft because it was
wholesale slaughter. In Vietnam there were weeks or months where there was a lot of activity
happening, a lot of combat, or a lot of attacks or a lot of issues [of] why people would die. I
knew people who committed suicide. I knew people who were so terrified of going to the field––
draftees–– that, for some crazy reason, they would harm themselves and sometimes they would
die. Which is illogical because you’re afraid of going to the field because you’re afraid of being
hurt, but then you hurt yourself with a rifle or a grenade and you end up dead. We received all
kinds of people, even civilians, nurses, doctors, people who died in accidents. There were traffic
accidents. People who were shot down in helicopters, you know, so we had to process all kinds
of individuals that were exposed to harm. The first week that I was there, it was scary. I have
seen bodies before, in Puerto Rico. Funerals would happen in the house if somebody died–– one
of my uncles or grandpa, whatever–– the viewing, because we were Catholics, would happen in
the house where that person lived. It usually was an older person–– we usually live with [our]
son or daughter–– so it would happen in the house that they lived in. When my grandmother
died, she was viewed in her living room. So, I was used to seeing dead bodies because they took
me to–– in the Hispanic Catholic tradition they don’t keep you away from funerals–– they want
you to see [and] be exposed to that probably because it’s a part of life. I had seen bodies, but
never had I seen somebody exposed to what I call a “traumatic event.” (19:16). Like a traumatic
amputation, when something is blown up away from you–– an arm, a leg, a head–– and we had
to deal with that. When I saw the first nasty ones, I was apprehensive, you know. I’m doing my
job but after a couple of weeks your brain becomes like–– you have some kind of processing
system that allows you to get used to it. Somehow you protect yourself–– not going crazy–– of
seeing such horror, and I kept doing my job. I was not an embalmer, you know, but I did have to
help because the people who actually did work on the bodies were overwhelmed. We worked
seven days a week, they just had enough crews to give us a break. Actually, they sent me there so
people could take a break–– especially with the paperwork because we got to make sure we sent
the body to the right place. We had to identify them properly and what I did is I made sure when
we took all the clothes off, everything. Socks, shoes, everything. In the Army they teach you
your belt, your pants, your shirt, your boots, every piece of uniform–– your hats–– every piece of
uniform they give you, you write your name, rank, and serial number. We would look at these

�things because the dog tags, sometimes they were there and sometimes they were not. A lot of
guys threw them away in the field because they were afraid of the noise they make, they jingle,
and if you want to be quiet at night and you’re moving in the middle of an operation, they would
throw away their dog tags or put them in a pocket and then if something happens the dog tags are
lost. (21:18). But, the medic in the unit would tie a–– usually in a hand or in a thumb–– a tag
explaining that this is so-and-so, but I have to confirm that this is so-and-so so I start all the
paperwork that’s required to file as a casualty report. The morticians sometimes would take
fingerprints–– most of the time they did, unless it was very clear [like] they had their wallet with
them and I saw the ID card and it was very easy. We would say, “Yeah. He’s him.” and it was
clear. No facial injuries and the guy was not badly decomposed. But most of the time we got
people that didn’t look nice. Their faces were contorted or wounded or a bullet hit them in the
face and it makes a mess of it–– your bone structure gets all messed up. If it’s an explosive it’s
even worse, so we did fingerprinting and I saw things that were crazy. ( There was a helicopter
pilot that was burned, so we couldn't see anything and the skin was coming off of his hands. So
one of the guys–– the morticians–– took the skin of the fingers off and put it in his own hand so
he could take the fingerprints. Imagine that. You see that and you say, “That’s horrible,” but
when you start seeing things like that everyday, you start saying, “Well, that’s it. That’s how it
is” That was my experience in Vietnam until June ‘69. I spent like five months there, every
single day, seeing dead people and helping shift them home. (23:32). They sent me back to the
United States because I still had over a year left in the Army, and went back home for my life.
When you left Vietnam they would give you a 30-day leave. I decided to get married to my
girlfriend. We got married and when I went back to Texas–– for some reason they sent me back
to that 71st artillery unit, the air defense unit–– in Fort Bliss, probably because it was in my
record. When I arrived they told me, “You’re leaving for Germany.” So, they sent me to
Germany with my wife and I ended my military career living in Stuttgart as a paymaster paying
the troops because I was a clerk. I was not an airborne ranger or anything like that. And
immediately I left the army with the GI Bill and I joined the University of Puerto Rico [where] I
wanted to study medicine. My family was poor, I couldn’t go to med school but I managed to get
a degree in Biochemistry with two majors. I was a pretty good student, did pretty well, and right
after college I got a job in the pharmaceutical industry. First in a company that was making
devices and then with Johnson and Johnson. I worked 27 years for them. That was my major job,
working for the same company making all kinds of drugs. Prescription drugs, over-the-counter,
different divisions, and I did all kinds of jobs. Even in engineering–– I’m not an engineer but
they made me an engineer. [But] I had a very good career, a very busy career, and a joyful
career. They gave me all the toys that I wanted every time there was a new project. So, my
memory of the war during those days was basically if someone asked, “Are you a Vietnam vet?”
I would say, “Yes. Sure.” “What did you do?” “I was a clerk.” But, I never talked to anybody
about my experience in Vietnam. (26:05). There were very good memories of Vietnam because
remember, they would give us a break–– once in a while–– and I would go to Saigon–– I was in
Saigon–– [but] I would go around downtown. I remember I used to go to the same place always–

�– they had a nice zoo on the outskirts of Saigon. My favorite place to go–– because I did it as
much as I could–– there is an area at the outskirts of Saigon, like suburbia we call it today, which
is called Cho Lon, which was the Chinese neighborhood of all the Chinese refugees that came
from the nationalist groups in China. They went first to North Vietnam and then when North
Vietnam was taken by the communists, they moved to Saigon. So, Cho Lon was the Chinese
neighborhood and they had the very best restaurants. I was always looking at the girls, of course,
like any other 18/19-year-old boy would do. I was trying to keep myself for my–– and I have to
confess–– I was always trying to keep myself for my girlfriend. I was terrified of getting sick or
anything like that. I worked in a medical unit so I knew what venereal diseases were, but I
always found Vietnamese girls so delicate and so beautiful–– very thin. The–– I forgot the name
of the dresses that they use–– (27:47).
Interviewer: “Áo dài.”
Exactly. Áo dài. I found that so elegant and so beautiful because the Vietnamese–– men and
females–– they’re very thin. They’re usually very thin and elongated people, even their faces are.
I found them attractive and I found their culture interesting because I was interested in them.
[Like] “What am I doing here?” So, I needed to learn about them and I found Saigon a very
beautiful, quasi-French town. Great bars and good music. That’s when I first got introduced to
rock because I came from Puerto Rico and in 1968 it was not a big thing on the island. The
music that we heard there was different. So those were the positive memories I had of Vietnam.
Those were the ones that I talked about most. (28:56). I never mentioned to my wife or my
family–– and I had five children–– I never ever mentioned to them my experience–– the nasty
part of the war; the things that I saw and the things that I had to do. I lived my life, forgot about
it until I retired when I was 60-years-old. I had a heart attack because of other conditions. I was
exposed to a lot of junk–– like almost everybody was in Vietnam, agent orange and all that stuff.
One of the components is dioxin, which is a horrible poison. They think it affected my heart
because when I was in my 30s I started having problems with my heart. I retired when I got my
heart attack. My wife said, “No. You worked enough.” I had done pretty well in the industry and
by 62 I could have taken my pension as the fullest so why stay longer? Katherine, my wife, said,
“You should retire” and she’s younger than me so [said] “I’ll work until I can retire.” We already
had part of the kids in college–– the first three–– and everything was okay. Now I find–– with
nothing else to do–– because I didn’t want to do work, I didn’t want to consult with friends who
came to my house. I have the money I need, I wasn’t ambitious in that sense. I started trying to
do some arts and crafts. Took up painting, took up writing, making little airplanes and little
canons and things from kits. I became involved in the artsy part of my brain that I had never
developed because I was a techie. Especially with painting–– I really got hooked onto that–– and
drawing because I could never even draw a circle, so I took night classes for drawing and then
for oil painting, and I’ve been doing that for the last seven/eight years. (31:27). But, when I was
about 65 I started having these memories of the war–– nightmares. They first started as dreams

�and then as nightmares. The typical nightmare was in my room, I’m sitting–– I have a little
sitting area in our master bedroom–– and somebody comes through the door of my bedroom and
it’s five, six, seven, eight kids. Some of them have uniforms–– torn uniforms–– some of them
have hospital gowns, just how I received them in the mortuary and they start talking to me. I
cannot remember a single name, but I remember the faces. I remember the faces like it was
yesterday–– and I still remember the faces, and they’re talking to me, “Hey Mickey,” because
everybody calls me Mickey–– my friends. In the Army also everybody knew that I was Mickey
because that’s the nickname that my mother gave me. “Hey Mickey, why don’t you come with
us? Come with us.” I interpreted that as–– I knew because those were the guys that were dead,
that I processed–– I knew that they were on the other side of the fence, and I thought they were
calling me to be with them. I started getting scared saying, “Am I going to do something to
myself to go with those guys?” Because they [were] inviting me to go and play ball with them,
you know, “Let’s play ball. Let’s do something together.” It got really, really scary and I
couldn’t sleep because I was terrified of closing my eyes because if I went to sleep, they would
come. (33:30). So I was becoming depressed and horrendously tired all of the time and I couldn’t
do anything so I went to my doctor and he told me, “I think you might have PTSD.” I said, “But
how come? It's been 50 years since the war.” They said, “Well we’re discovering that your brain
keeps that stuff hidden because you’re busy, while you’re living a life and it protects you like
that. Now that you’re retired, your brain is not as busy as it used to be, those file cabinets start
opening and you start remembering things.” As a grandfather, the value I have for life and for
harm to young men is very different than I had when I was there. We were all airborne chairs,
you know, they used to call us “chairborne rangers,” but we all wanted to be looked at as men.
Rough, tough guys even though we were all boys. But, that’s not how I saw myself then. That’s
how I see them now. When I see those bodies, I see boys. I don’t see men, I see children and it
got really, really bad. So, this physician recommended that I start doing psychotherapy and a
psychiatrist. My private psychologist sent me to the VA and they diagnosed me at the VA again
[and] confirmed that I have suffered from Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome–– I think it’s called.
I’ve been in treatment for the last four or five years at the VA Hospital here in Philadelphia in
their program for PTSD. I’ve been told that is forever. You cannot cure a memory. The horrors
that I saw of dismembered bodies, beautiful people destroyed–– Vietnamese and Americans––
you cannot forget something like that. That’s why it’s called a trauma. (36:00). What I do is,
every two-to-three weeks I talk to a psychologist and I keep an eye on myself using different
techniques that they showed me on how to deal with that–– how to accept it, how to embrace it.
Embrace those memories as a part of my service. There are, you know, some things that I don’t
want to remember, but will always be there. There are some things of the service–– of the Army–
– that I loved. I loved the camaraderie. I would have–– if it wasn’t because I went to college and
I studied science–– I would have stayed in the Army because to me it was a nice career. It was a
good thing to do, it was something noble. It was like being a priest or being a teacher. Being a
soldier was something noble that was in my brain, because you did something that nobody else
wanted to do–– but somebody had to do it. But, thank God I didn’t stay because I would have

�gone again to Vietnam and who knows what would have happened. I might’ve ended up in that
stupid helicopter school and might end up being dead because you don’t know what life keeps
for you. After that I had a decent life and the only negative things about that is the memories of
those five months. (37:50).
Interviewer: “I guess the next question would be, what does war mean to you now?”
Well, like I told you, as my brain was being formed as a teenager–– during the Cold War–– this
anti-communist propaganda was pouring in high school, on TV, all of the time. So, I became a
believer. I was brought up as a believer in this anti-communism doctrine that we had in the
1960s–– 50s and 60s. I always believed that every word that every word that came from my
government was the truth. My government would never, ever lie–– especially a President or a
Congressman. These were our leaders, these were decent people that we elected to take care of
us. After the Vietnam War–- after the Fall of Saigon in ‘75–– a lot of books started coming out. I
started reading about the origins of the conflict in Southeast Asia, including the French
Indochina Wars. Street Without Joy, A Bright Shining Light, all the novels that came out. In the
history book, The Pentagon Papers, that came out–– even though it was still going on in the
latter part in the 1970s. Information started coming out that our government knew that we could
never, ever win that conflict. (39:45). The objectives that the United States government had tried
to achieve in Vietnam were unachievable, and they knew that early. Some people say by 1965,
most of the people that died–– Americans–– that died in Vietnam died in 1968, 69, and the 70s––
tens of thousands. Even though Richard Nixon knew–– and Lyndon Johnson actually decided not
to even run for President because he knew that he had made a mistake–– they kept sending
people there, and they kept blowing the place up. It’s not only the people that we lost, you can’t
imagine killing in such a short period of time over–– they think it’s between one and three
million people who died in Southeast Asia because of our intervention there–– because we
bombed the place to hell. Somebody would shoot a round and we would call in artillery and blow
up a whole mountain–– because we had that power. Not only North Vietnamese and Viet Cong
combatants were killed, but a lot of civilians died. By the end of the decade of the 1970s, I had
lost all confidence in my government. I never thought that the government would ever be truthful
again. I don’t believe that anything that comes from Washington is the truth. I lost faith. I do not
lose faith in my country, because I don’t think that Washington is my country. I am one of those
believers of “we the people” and you are “we the people.” I am one of those “we the people.” I
still believe in my country, but I don’t trust any leader of any country of any part of the world
because I think they lie. (42:06). Politicians have a tendency to believe more in themselves than
in their own people, and they can send young boys to do lots of harm in places–– not because the
United States is in danger–– but because their next political election might be in danger. They
can send young boys to get hurt, and hurt themselves [but] because we are so powerful we hurt
other people more than we get hurt ourselves–– by the thousands, by an exponential factor. So

�that’s my wound–– the loss of that innocence. The loss of that belief in the people in
Washington. I just–– I lost a lot. (43:02).
Interviewer: “Is this something that you would go back in time and tell your 19-year-old
self?”
In 2000 there was the Gulf War. My oldest son, Michael–– he is Miguel Angel also–– he was of
age and they were talking, “Oh my god, we’re going to have to put 500,000 people in the Middle
East” for the first Gulf War. I [thought] they might start drafting because we don’t have enough
people in the Army for that–– because they took every National Guard unit, they took every
Reserve unit. I thought if they start drafting I’m going to send my boy to Spain. I have relatives
and friends in Spain because my ancestry is Spanish, and I told my wife he will get on a plane,
and I don’t care how much money I have to pay lawyers, but he’s not going to any military
service for what I thought–– because now I [had] started digging into what politicians are doing
that we now have to go to the Gulf War for: to protect oil interests. I question every single
military action that the U.S. government gets involved with. I always question it now and that’s
one of the lessons of that experience. (44:30).
Interviewer: “Would you say that this part you had in the war, do you let it define you or do
you move on from that?”
It never goes away, so it does define you. Every experience that you have–– I’m talking now as a
72-year-old guy–– every experience that you have in life will define you. War or no war. Peace
or no. It doesn’t matter. Every experience you have in life will define you. That made a big
imprint because it was very traumatic, so it left a very big imprint in life. For example, I always
wanted to work in the healthcare industry. I always wanted to–– I always wanted to be a
physician. I couldn’t because you needed a lot of money to go to medical school, I come from a
poor family, so the next best thing when I got an opportunity I stayed, and always enjoyed,
working in the healthcare industry in medical devices. I was working in the development of
kidney coils for dialysis, IV sets, and stuff like that. Then, in drugs that were helping people. So,
that defined me. (45:53). When I saw so many people hurt I said, “I would like to do something
better than hurt people or make money.” Even though I’m pretty smart, I could’ve been a banker
or a salesman in a corporate system and probably made millions, I said, “I’ll make enough to
raise a family.” And I did pretty well, but I wanted to always be in a place where I could help. I
love the Army because of the sacrifice those boys make. Those men make a sacrifice for all of us
and I love them and I always hope for the best for them because they do things to protect us.
They’re there for us to be protected–– every country needs an army, unfortunately, in this
modern world. I keep an eye on what the government uses their resources [for], because
sometimes they might be used for–– it’s needed to get them involved–– but sometimes it’s just

�for political bull, and I’m very concerned on how that precious resource is used. That could be a
lesson learned from my experience. (47:22).
Interviewer: “In your journey, defining your PTSD with your own psychologist, are there
any important pieces or particular pieces that you would like to share with us?”
Sharing. I never, ever told anybody about the bad things that I saw. I should have started talking
about that when I was younger. It doesn’t mean that it would have gone away–– or maybe the
PTSD would have manifested in a different way, because I’m not an expert in that field, I don't
know–– but when I spend time with other veterans that take the same therapies that I take at the
VA hospital here, the sharing of the experience, the talking about it, saying what you want to say
about how you feel about it. There’s a group here in the VA that uses a concept called the
modern moral injury process. That moral injury process–– first–– it parts from the premise that
war is bad. Most people believe that–– even though men have been doing it for thousands of
years, tens of thousands of years, we’ve been deprecating each other, you know, killing/doing
harm to each other to take the woman, to take the land–– they say that our brain is not designed
to be exposed to that kind of stuff. We don’t like it, it’s not good for you, it’s not good for your
mental health. (49:30). It wasn’t good 2,000 years ago when you read about hermetic tales of
The Iliad, The Odyssey. You feel the same stories that modern soldiers with PTSD tell you come
from those stories in the past–– and those are thousands of years old. It looks like soldiers were
condemned to that horrible nightmare of watching or seeing or doing things to other human
beings that are not good for you. They are not good for your mental health, and you will suffer
for it. The latest data says that it’s not good. Any kind of trauma that you see of harm to be done
from one human being to another, it’s not good for your mental health. You’re not designed for
that. That is something that through the moral injury group I learned, and that I have the right to
demand from my government–– when they’re going to send young men to combat for whatever
interest; to protect our country [or] whatever interests they are–– I have the right to demand of all
the United States citizens to be involved in that process. In other words, with the war in
Afghanistan and Iraq nobody cares, nobody knows. Everybody says they remember, [but]
everybody says, “There’s a bunch of soldiers in a place, doing some things.” But they aren’t
really involved. It doesn’t touch them because we have a volunteer army now–– nobody joins,
you know. Very few people join. Less than a fraction of one percent are the families in America
that are involved–– that are paying the price for the protection of all our interests. That is not
right, in my perspective, because we’re harming all those boys by exposing them to those horrors
because when they come back. (52:05). I’m telling you–– they are not supposed to be seeing
people blowing up, babies being blown up, little children dying sometimes of their own weapons
because you don’t know, in the middle of a mess, all kinds of stuff happens. Then when you
come up, you come up with that baggage and nobody cares. Through the moral injury process I
learned that everybody should care. It is our responsibility–– it’s not that we have to do it
because we’re supposed to be nice, no–– it is our responsibility to care where we send those

�boys, what they’re doing–– because they’re doing it for us. They’re not doing it for themselves,
they’re doing it for us. [So] it’s our responsibility of what they do. When they come back it’s our
responsibility to make sure that they have all the tools to process all that mess that’s in their
brain. That’s another lesson to learn. (53:10).
Interviewer: “Do you have any concluding pieces of––”
I am Puerto Rican with a Latin background, like you know that from Latin America. I’m a
romantic at heart–– even though I’m a techie. So, once in a while when I want to say something
to myself or to my wife or to my children, I say it in writing and sometimes I say it in verse. I
wrote something, because I can never remember their names, I can only remember their faces. I
wrote something for these kids that visit me at night:
“Old nights of soft, pale armor,
Why are you so still and quiet?
Do you come to me for companionship?
Do you want me to play on your game?
Your game is past.
Stay on your side of the field.
I feel your countenance.
The way you stand reminds me of my resolute pose.
I am fearful.
Go to your house of fire.
I want to touch you,
I want to clean your wounds.
Will you forgive my fear?
Please stay on your side of the field.
Your face is familiar
But all your faces were the same.
Young, soft, pale,
Like children with no sun.
Please stay on your side,
I won’t forget you.”
Interviewer: “Thank you, Mickey. I want to thank you for participating in the Veterans
History Project. It’s really important that we capture your story and we have it just
somewhere for future reference.”
I’m sorry I got a little emotional there at the end.
Interviewer: “You’re good. No, it’s perfect.”

�Because it–– they were kids and we were all kids.
Interviewer: “It’s important Mickey. It’s important. It’s very important.”
Thank you, sir. (56:21).

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project
Oral history interview transcript
Erwin Veneklase
Born: February 24,1920
WWII Veteran
United States Army, 1939 to 1943
2nd Battalion, 126th Infantry Regiment, 32nd (Red Arrow) Division
Transcribed: by Joan Raymer, May 29, 2007
Everyone Calls me Irv, so feel free to.
Interviewer: “To begin, I want to know what your experience was in Grand Rapids
before the war.”
Before the war, I had a couple of jobs. I worked in the furniture factory and the idea of
going into the service was pretty good because the money looked larger so going into the
service would up the alley, so I went in. 1:50
Interviewer: “What would you say the atmosphere of Grand Rapids was before the
war?”
Before the war, Grand Rapids was a very knit community. You had sections of Grand
Rapids that were Polish you were in one section. Lithuanians or Dutch it was pretty well
segregated like that. Other than that, things were great.
Interviewer: “So when the government called up troops what made you join?”
I was in when they called us up. Why I joined? Just like any other young guys, I didn’t
want to have my mother and dad tell me when to get in etc. I learned the hard way. I
went into the service and I had some guy tell me when to get up and when to go to bed.
3:08
Interviewer: “What did your family think about your joining the military?”
They didn’t have any feelings what so ever. I just went in and went down to Louisiana
with the rest of them. It was just another experience, that’s all.
Interviewer: “When you joined the 32nd, did you have any idea what the history of it
was?”
No, I had no idea. All I know is we met down there nights at Michigan Street at the old
Armory and spend 2 hours down there and get paid for it.
Interviewer: “What did you do in those 2 hours?”
Oh, they would lecture or they would read books. Just kind of goof off for 2 hours really.
Interviewer: “How did you feel when you found out there was a war happening or there
was a war coming?”

1

�Do you want to rephrase that? 4:38
Interviewer: “How did you feel personally that there was a war and you are going to be
called into service or going to fight?”
See we were down in Louisiana when they hit the harbor, so we had already been in
better than a year, so we were more or less expecting something. We were going in
October and we were supposed to be released in October, but they didn’t and down there
it was “over the hill in October”. Then they hit the harbor and after the harbor you expect
anything and everything. They got us out to Frisco as best they could. 5:45
Interviewer: “So when Pearl Harbor was bombed, what were your first thoughts?”
Go over there and kick the sh-- out of them. I mean go over there and do our job. Sorry,
my language isn’t the best.
Interviewer: “So explain please your daily routine in Australia, I mean in the boot camp
in Louisiana.”
Get up in the morning, make up your bunk, go through the line, get something to eat, go
through the line again to get a jelly and peanut butter sandwich, get together and go out to
the “boondocks”. There were a lot of swamps. 7:00
Interviewer: “What did you think about the peacetime maneuver, the fake army and the
battle they had?”
Well it’s just one of those things. Your following the lead that’s all, your part of the unit
and you do what they tell you to do.
Interviewer: “Do you feel that it helped you later on, that it helped you training?”
Now that I’m older and think back, yes because first of all you got to know the guys
you’re with and they become like family and secondly, you learn to take orders and
follow orders. I guess that’s about it. 8:11
Interviewer: “Was that hard, learning how to take orders, or did that just come natural
being in the military?”
All I can tell you is, if you go into the service and they tell you to do something, you had
better do it.
Interviewer: “What was your first reaction when they told you that you were going to
head to Ireland, which is where I believe your division was first heading, but they
changed course and headed to the South Pacific?”
Well, like I say, you wonder who is directing the show. “Lets get the show on the road
and on the right track”. 9:00 You know this war is going on so why go through all the
motions and then end up in Frisco to get out into the Pacific, but orders are orders and
they aught to know what they are doing.
Interviewer: “Did that upset your mindset at all? Your expecting to go into Europe and
fight the Germans and it got changed.”
No, it didn’t for me because I knew we were going over to do a job, but didn’t know
where. After we got on the boat we realized we were going.

2

�Interviewer: “How was your first travel across the Pacific? I’m assuming it is your first
time across the ocean. What was you experience like?”
Going out of the harbor, was like riding an elevator and I was on the back deck and this
was a luxury liner and it was just up and down. I don’t think there were too many guys
that weren’t sick. It was a rough night, but hey, you get through it.
Interviewer: “Did they pack you on there pretty good?”
Well, they didn’t leave too many spots open, I’ll say that.
Interviewer: “Did you have any particular experience with the King Neptune Ceremony
going across the equator?”
Not really. I can’t say I did, no.
Interviewer: “What was you first impression of Australia? You came off the boat and
what was the first thing that struck you?”
They are very, very pleasant people and I always thought I would like to go back, but of
course I never did. I never had the money to go back, but they are great people. 11:32
They had the highest respect for the U.S. In fact, at that time they were part of England
and what they thought of England wasn’t to put in the books.
Interviewer: “Did you feel like you were acting like a savior to the Australians?”
No, they accepted us as part of them. They were very, very cordial. We couldn’t ask for
better. The Australians had already sacrificed a lot, which we found out after being there.
I was making more money in the service than a guy working in an ammo factory seven
days a week. Back then, they had to pay such a large amount of money from their wages
to England and of course since then it has changed. 12:46 They are on their own, but
back then, that’s the way it was.
Interviewer: “Did your relationship with the Australians change after you were in
combat with them?”
My relationship with the Australians, in combat, was nothing but the best. In fact, I
probably learned more from the Australians about actual combat than the army ever
taught me. I’ll never forget, we got into New Guinea and I was assigned to be behind the
natives, the “Gooks”, the carriers and they gave me a Thompson and we had the big 50gallon drum and he said, “yank, why don’t you put a sign on your head?” He said, “It’s
short burst and its rattle, rattle. It’s probably one of the first, the most important things I
ever learned from them, the Australians. 14:13 They were tremendous fighters.
Interviewer: “ Did you feel you had to work your way up to what they became? Did
you look up to them as a roll model?”
When I went on patrol under one of their leaders, yes. After we got up over the hump, up
over the mountain, yes. It was very good. Their Sergeant was like our Captains and it
was very, very, I mean he knew his job. If you ask, I will tell you later on and explain
what I meant by that remark. After you lose a lot of guys, my job was changed so I was,
from watching the natives carrying, after all your stuff runs out, plus the fact, the natives

3

�are only going to go so far, they’re not going into the real combat zone. 15:40 That’s
when I was assigned to the headquarters and I had communications experience so
Interviewer: “What was involved in being part of the Headquarter Company?”
Making sure if we could possibly run lines to the forward lines of the lines company back
so the battalion commander could have communications with the front lines. 16:25 It
wasn’t always possible, but we did as much as we could. There again, I mean you guys
are probably thinking about high frequency radios and that, we didn’t have them. While
we were going up over the hump a plane come over and pushed it out the door and that
was it. Do you have any idea how they found us? I’ll tell ya, we put a white panel on the
ground and that’s what signaled where we were. Obviously it took the Japs about ten
days until they realized the same signal. That was about the end of the natives. They got
out of there. 17:30
Interviewer: “Now before you said that you learned a lot from the Australians. How
did you feel about your overall training that the military gave you?”
Like you said, you got a job to do and they tell you what to do and you do it. That’s
about the way I can explain it. Obviously if you get into close combat, then it’s head to
head. Sure you’re told to protect a certain portion, but it’s head to head. There again you
got to remember that the Japanese were just like the people in Iraq right now, they
sacrificed themselves. It was an honor for them to die for the country, so we had to be
watching out for that. The Australians taught me that you don’t take prisoners because
there is no place to keep them and if you did you’d have to feed them and we were
getting hungry anyway. 19:02 That’s why these people right now are saying about the
atrocities, well, they don’t know what war is like because you r whole feeling, I was
brought up and raised Catholic and you don’t kill, but hey, when the first one whistles by
your ear, the second one you don’t take a chance. 19:39 I mean this is the way it goes.
In a split second, your whole instinct changes so you become a member of the group.
The guys in the unit are like brothers. They fight for each other.
Interviewer: “How important was that brotherhood?”
Extremely important, because when one went down, you tried to get them back so they
could be taken care of. The medics, they were with us, they were walking with us. The
army is supposed to have the Red Cross, the Australian, you don’t do it, you don’t
advertise what you are because you’re the first one their going to get. 21:12
Interviewer: “How did new recruits take to them? Did it take a while before you finally
trusted them and before you considered them equals?”
New recruits, you had to have enough members to be a combat unit, so when they draft,
they took the draftees and put them in there. They had very little training really, so a lot
of them, their experiences had to be the hard way. 22:03
Interviewer: “Now Mr. Veneklase, I want to go back a little bit and I want to
understand what was your very first impression when you landed on Buna, landed on
New Guinea?”

4

�It is the most useless feeling because you are on the landing craft and they drop that gate
and you’re in water chest high, you have the gun over your head and your dead meat if
somebody’s there because they have your chest and head to shoot at. 22:54 It was “get
out of that water and take cover”. This is what happened. It’s an eerie feeling to be the
target and not be able to shoot back.
Interviewer: “Did you understand what your mission was when you landed or were you
clueless as to what you were supposed to do?”
If you study far enough, you find out the communications weren’t that great. Just like
today, you got the problems in Washington and we had it the same way, the left hand
didn’t know what the right hand was going to do. For us, we weren’t told what we were
going to do or how or why. All we knew was to follow orders and the orders were to hit
the trail and go up over the hump. 24:07 We were supposed to protect one side of
Australia, so we had already been there and that’s what we did.
Interviewer: “What was your most striking experience crossing the hump?”
Striking experience, I guess being bombed and strafed. Like I said, the Japanese took
that white sign and used it to their advantage and they did a pretty good job.
Interviewer: “What was it like living day and night with an enemy so close and being
bombed nightly?”
They didn’t bomb during the night. They would bomb and strafe during the day. It was
just take cover and hope and pray for the best. At night, well you don’t sleep. You rest,
but you don’t sleep, because you’re always waiting to hear some noise or some
movement because in the jungle there, when you take a position in the dark, you don’t
move because one of your own guys could shoot you. 25:59 It’s just one of those things,
you rest, but you don’t sleep, you don’t fight the mosquitoes and that. By that time you
get so used to being bit by mosquitoes and things, so what. Sure you try to get
comfortable, but it was impossible because you walk through the rivers and your boots
are wet. You can’t take you boots off so about the only time they came off is when they
rotted off. 26:46 There again, the supplies wasn’t there.
Interviewer: “So what does it mean to sleep with one eye open?” Explain that if you
can.
Well, you get rest, but you can’t sleep. In other words your body rests, but you don’t get
any sleep because of the fact that you know the enemy is out there and any movement is
your just waiting to defend yourself.
Interviewer: “What was the weather like?”
Hot, rainy, we went through rain forests. You could almost set your watch by it. Rain,
but there again you dry out. I remember that they dropped supplies to us because the
guys going through, some of their pants were ripped etc. and the first drop they gave us
was blue jeans. 28:39
Interviewer: “What did it feel like in the jungle? How did the jungle feel and smell?”

5

�After being down in Louisiana you got used to that kind of a smell. That kind of smell is
a moldy type smell and I guess we got used to it in Louisiana.
Interviewer: “What type of diseases and illness was there that you and everybody
experienced in the South Pacific?”
I can’t speak about everybody; I can only speak about myself. Malaria and dingy fever,
jungle rot, now that I think about it, I must have laid about 5 days before being found. I
picked up a worm that gives the natives big puffed bellies; well I picked up one of those
worms. Nervousness, I still refuse to watch a war movie. 30:25 Taps still gives me
chills.
Interviewer: “You mentioned that you laid 5 days.”
I had to and the reason I say that is because we cut the cable between Buna village and
Buna Mission and Sergeant Botcher, who is trying to get his citizenship back, and by that
time “stuttering Smith” was our battalion commander and if you would talk to him like
you and I are talking now, he would stutter something fierce, but when he got mad, he
didn’t stutter. You knew what he meant. I don’t know, I guess I can’t say too much. In
my opinion, Botcher was the guy that did more for the 32nd division in New Guinea than
any of the officers ever did because after that night he gave the orders and Botcher said
“sir with your permission I’ll take my squad out on the beach. Were going to have a
counter attack”, because he had gone through the war in Spain and this is where he got
the experience. He was dead right. He wasn’t promoted from a Sergeant to a Captain I
believe, but he deserved that plus. He was killed later on from what I understand.
Interviewer: “What did it take to be a good leader in the situations you were in?” 33:14
To be a good leader? To have as much knowledge of the situation as possible and have a
lot of “be dumb and go after em”. Like I said, before we captured Buna village and
Buna Mission, I was sent on patrol with this Australian and I was one of the patrols and
made a sharp right on the trail and he picked up a stick and threw it and they had machine
guns right around the corner and had we tried to go around there we would have all been
wiped out. I didn’t realize there was that much brass up there, Eicherberger came up
there and he asked this Australian, “what’s the matter” and or course the Australian’s
click there heels and throw the highball and he said “twin machine guns right around the
bend sir”. Eicherberger said, “Get around there and wipe them out” and the Australian
clicked his heels, threw another highball and said ‘yes sir, were right behind ya”.
Eicherberger never said word one; he just turned and got out of there. 34:53 You asked
me what I thought about the Australians, well, that’s what.
Interviewer: “ What was your mind set of the Japanese before you went into combat?”
They were just another person, but once you get into combat they’re an enemy and it’s
either you or them and you make sure it’s them and not you. Like I said, they tied
themselves in trees, snipers, in the jungle you try to move forward in a single line and
they just picked out the guy they wanted and “bam” and they’d have him. Obviously
they just gave their position away, so they just get hit and dangle like a tire from a tree.
Just dangle. Sure they screamed and sure, if they had a squad they’d try to come forward
with their hands up to try to surrender. You don’t take the enemy; I mean you can’t take

6

�a prisoner. This is what the Australians told me,” You let them go by and then you hit
them in the back of the head with the but of a gun and then cut their throat, but be sure
you cut it deep enough so they can’t scream”. 37:03 If it was today, they would say it’s
atrocities. That’s part of combat, and never, never be taken a prisoner because the Japs
were tremendous on torture before they killed you. They would try to get as much
information as they could.
Interviewer: “ Mr. Veneklase, what was your reaction when you saw the Japanese for
the first time?”
First time? The first Japanese I saw was, we landed at, it was at Townsby or something
like that. We tried to stay away from Port Moresby because it was the base of the attack
unit. 38:22 They tried to get us to skirt it on our way so we could support the
Australians on their right hand side. The first Japanese I saw was there and they were,
I’d rather not say what they were doing, but they had been down there and the
Australians had them. 38:57
Interviewer: “What was your first experience with the Japanese in combat?”
First experience, real experience is when Neal Tambor, who was from the north end, the
two of us were supposed to be pulling up, making sure the natives didn’t run off with the
supplies and to this day I can’t tell you how or why the natives could sense, they could
sense a Japanese plane long before we could and when they started to run, you took
cover. 39:58 Well, Neal and I were standing there and he dove one way and I dove the
other and we found part of his foot. So it must have landed right between his legs. I took
a little of the shrapnel and that was about the first real bad experience I had in combat.
40:25 To see somebody, just like you and I are sitting here talking and “pst “ he’s gone
that’s all. He was from the north end and I was from the north end and we probably
lived a mile apart, went to the same school. There’s a fine line between love and hate and
about that time is when the line changes from love to hate. From then on it’s “get
everyone of them people you can”. 41:29
Interviewer: “If you had to say, what was your greatest fear when you were out in the
jungle?” “Was it the Japs themselves?”
That and going upstairs to have the good lord pass judgment I guess. That was the
biggest fear. You don’t think of, I guess, fear, you got a job to do and you find one and
you hit em. You get em, that’s all. I remember we got closer to the village in Mission
and they got set up a couple of cocoanut trees and dug a bunker behind it. Cocoanut
trees, you could shoot a canon at them and I don’t think it would penetrate, anyway, this
guy volunteered, we would give them all the fire we could and he was going to go up
there an drop a couple of grenades, at least one grenade behind them and he did, we gave
him all the fire power to keep their heads down. They just had enough room between the
trees to shoot from. He went up, pulled the pin, threw it in the bunker and they picked it
up and threw it back and it blew part of him away. He is laying there moaning and
groaning and hollering for help. There is nothing you can do, if you stood up you would
be dead meat. 43:46 That was another experience that I can recall very, very vividly.
To this day I believe we had WWI ammunition because it was early and the fact that
everything they had was going over to Europe. So all we were doing was a holding

7

�power really now that you think of it to keep the Japanese out of Australia. 44:24 If
they ever got to Australia, God help us, I don’t think we would ever have stopped them,
but that’s the way things go.
Interviewer: “did your hatred for the enemy drive you?”
Definitely. In fact, I would say that I was discharged from the hospital and got back to
Grand Rapids, if I had run into a Jap in the street, I’d have cut his throat and I wouldn’t
have even blinked an eye. 45:15 I would just cut his throat period. That’s how much
you get to hate them. Sure, you mellow over time, but it takes time to mellow too. Some
of the things you went through and saw, it’s absolutely hate.
Interviewer: “How do you feel about the Japanese now that you’ve grown older?”
How do I feel towards them? Their fine, their a human being and they should be treated
as such. I have very strong thoughts about why we went over and kicked the “living hell
out of them” and then turn around and buy all of their automobiles, but I’m not very
happy about that, but that’s the way the country went so there is nothing I can do about it.
46:34
Interviewer: “You mentioned that you were Catholic. How much of a roll did your
religion play?”
Very, very, very much, in fact I had my knife and my rosary and that’s the two things I
brought back with me. They didn’t want me to keep the knife I had, but it wasn’t listed
as something the government had given me so they let me have it.
Interviewer: “Did your view on your religious life change at all when you were in the
heat of battle?”
My view, I don’t know what you mean by my view of my religious life.
Interviewer: “Let me re phrase that. Your personal religion, your catholic religion, did
that change at all during battle?”
If it did, it got greater because of the fact that you didn’t know if you were going to here
today or tomorrow, so you trusted everything into the hands of the lord. There is no such
thing as an atheist in combat. They can say what they want, but hey, when you get them
down to the “nitty gritty “ they know somebody’s calling the shots so their ideas change.
48:50
Interviewer: “ Mr. Veneklase, I want to get back to Buna and the Kakoda Trail. What
was the Kakoda Trail and can you describe what it was like?”
It’s a dirt trail with stone that you could walk on. I mean it’s through the country, a way
of getting from one point to another. It wasn’t direct; it went by the country’s side.
Obviously you come through a valley, you walk through the river, and there were no
bridges so you just hit from one to another and get through as fast as you can. It’s open
water and a dead area if there is anybody there so you get through as fast as possible.
50:14

8

�Interviewer: “Supply factor was very crucial on the kakoda Trail. How did that affect
you and moral and the army in general?”
They couldn’t find us for three days to drop to us so and I don’t know why. They never
told us, probably because the Japanese had come over and bombed Moresby, I don’t
know. All I know is we went three days without supplies before they could drop to us.
I’m sure that’s exactly the way that I picked up that worm, because we came through the
village and it looked like a chicken, it’s head went off and raw chicken doesn’t taste that
bad if your hungry, but I’m sure that’s the way I got that worm. In my own mind I’m
sure of it. 51:42
Interviewer: “What were those 3 days like?”
Have you ever gone without food for a day? Well, I would suggest that you try it
sometime. You’ll appreciate a hamburger or a peanut butter sandwich. You’ll think you
lived like a king. 52:20
Interviewer: “Did the experience you had during the great depression growing up, did
that help you adjust to these circumstances?”
It helped me because my father of course was very, very strict with us and at a meal he
said, “It’s on your plate, you eat it”. He didn’t care if you liked it or not, if it was on your
plate he didn’t care how long it took, but you ate it. My mother took hamburg, which
was about all we could afford, and she could make a meal out of hamburg so many
different ways and thank god that she could and I was in a big family. 53:21
Interviewer: “What was the food like in the army?”
Better than nothing, but you get used to it. After all, the guys are cooks, but their not
chefs so whatever they have, enjoy it. 54:00
Interviewer: “ I understand Mr. Veneklase that you were wounded in battle. Would you
please describe that?”
I got hit with shrapnel from that bomb that killed Neal or Bud Tambor. The medic pulled
it out and put a patch on it and the following day, he was killed. When I got back to the
hospital they said, I showed them the scar and they said that I would have to prove that it
was from enemy fire. So how are you going to prove it when the two guys are dead?
There is no way of proving it. At that point I said “well keep the damn medal”. 55:18
Interviewer: “Was that your ticket home?”
No, no, the worm was, they couldn’t treat me overseas. They had to bring me back to the
states and the treatment for it. They told me they got rid of it and a couple three years
ago a doctor told me, “you still got it, they got it under control, but you still got it”, but
I’m alive. That was the reason they had to bring me back. Back, stop to think, they
didn’t have hospital ships back then. I came back on an old Dutch freighter. 56:17 They
took me down to a hospital in Temple, Texas. Probably by this time it’s probably closed.
Klosky General. 56:33
Interviewer: “Now did you, when you were away from your fellow comrades and being
wounded, how does that feel?” 56:54

9

�I was conscious, but when they came over after they captured the Buna Village and Buna
Mission, I must of got real close to one of them because I was out and when I came to the
seaplane was there and they obviously wouldn’t have a seaplane in the bay there if the
Japs were that close. 57:28 It had to be at least 5 days and when I came to, I was on the
backboard and the guy said “how would you like a dry cigarette?” It was like a stick of
gold. It was a guy from the Salvation Army. So you can figure out the time that was
spent between the time they struck and the time that I came to I don’t know what
happened. I don’t know how many, what happened or how long it took for sure. I only
know is that they got me out of there. 58:07
Interviewer: “You mentioned, Mr. Veneklase, a cigarette. How much of a factor were
cigarettes and even beer?”
I never drank and I never smoked until I went in the service. My dad, like I say, was
very strict and I played a lot of baseball so he was death on it. He asked, “Do you want
to smoke or play ball?” I wouldn’t give up ball. You ask about his being strict, yes he,
the kids in the neighborhood went to Berean Baptist Church and you got to remember
this is back when you walked into a different church, it’s a no, no. Today it’s nothing,
but I went up there and I got to go to their picnic and I came home with a brand new
glove and a ball, a baseball, and I couldn’t wait to show my dad. Showed it to him.
“Where did you get it”? Told him, he never said a word, just put his shoes on and said
“come on were going back up to that requiem and give them back that ball and glove.
That’s just like stealing it, it doesn’t belong to you”. That was probably one of the best
lessons I ever learned. 00:29
Interviewer: “How was coming home after the war was over?”
I was home long before the war was over. I got out in 1943 and the war ended in 1945. I
was married in 1944. A lot of celebration and I had a wife and a son. We didn’t have a
car; we didn’t have money for a car. :53 Wherever we went , we walked. There again,
like I say, I could talk to you like a father, these kids today, your spoiled.
Interviewer: “When was the first car you got?”
16.
Interviewer: “Did your dad give it to you? You had to have some way of getting it”.
No, I worked on a farm when I was younger. Generally speaking kids get cars today
given to them. 1:37 Back then it was a luxury.

10

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Boring, Frank</text>
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                <text>Erwin Veneklase served in the 2nd Battalion, 126th Infantry Regiment, 32nd (Red Arrow) Division between 1939 and 1945.  He enlisted in the National Guard in Grand Rapids, Michigan, and trained with his unit in Louisiana before beign shipped first to the East Coast and then back across country to Australia and New Guinea, where they were the first American troops to reinforce the Australians.  His battalion crossed the Owen Stanley mountains on foot without adequate supplies or ligistical support, and then fought at Buna from Novl 1942 to Jan. 1943.  He became seriously ill at the end of that campaign and was eventually shipped back to the U.S.  His account is one of the interviews featured in  the documentary Nightmare in New Guinea produced by Grand Valley State University.</text>
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                    <text>VERGENNES TOWNSHIP·
MASTER

PLAN

1989

I

*

MILLER ASSOCIATES-·- - - ·- - -

�I

•

VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
MASTER PLAN
TABLE OF CONTENTS
For\P-1ard .•••••••.••..••.•.••.....•............•....•.••••.
Introduction ................................... .

.iV
••V

Chapter I - Description of Vergennes Township ...•.••.••..•..•..•.•.......•.•. I-1
Regional Setting...................................................
..I-1
Natural Features ........................................................ I-1
Topography and Drainage ............................................... _.. I-2

Water Resources ..••••••..•.......•••..•..••••••

................ I -2

Soils ................................................................... 1-2

Developmental Limitations of Soils •.•....•••••••••••••.•..........•••.•• I-5
Chapter II - Cormnunity Profile...
. ••.••.•.•.•.••••••..••••.••....•.•.•. II-1
Existing Land Use Inventory ............................................ 11-1

Agricultural Lands ••••......•.•••••.••..•.••••.•••••.....•..•••.....••• II-1
Residential Land Use •••..•.••.•.••••••..•••••.••••••..•..•••....•..•••• II-3
Industrial Land Use •••.•••••••.....••.•••.•••••••.•••.••••••••.•••••••. II-4
Commercial Land Use .•.........•..•...•.....•....•••.....•..•••...•••.•• 11-4

Public/Semi-Public Land Use .•••••••••••.•••..••••••..•.•.•.•••.•..•.••• II-4
Population &amp; Housing ••.••.•.••.•••••..•••••.•••••••••.•....•.••..•...•• II-7
Community Services and Facilities ..................................... II-12
Chapter III
Planning Dimensions •.••..•.•.•••••••••••••.•.••.•.••..••••••• III-1
General Gro\v-th Policy...........

. ................................... III-1

Goals &amp; Policies •••••.•..••••••••••••••••.•••••••••.••.•••.....•.••• 111-2
Growth Trends ........ ................................................. I I I-5

Chapter IV - General Development Plan ...••.••••.....•...•••.•••..•.•.•...... IV-1
Residential Land Use Plan •••••••••••••.••••••••.••••.•.•..•••.•.•..•..• IV-1
Rural Conservation Plan •••••••••.••••...•.•.••••••••.•••....•.•••.•••.. IV-4
Commercial Land Use Pl an .••.•.....•.•.
.IV-5
Industrial Land Use Plan ............................................... IV-7
Historical Preservation .•...••.•...•.•..
•••• I V-8
Natural Features Preservation Plan .••..•.••.•••..•.•
. •. IV-10
Community Facilities Plan ..... .
. ...•...... IV-13
Transportation Plan .•••.•.•..•.
. .......... IV-16
Chapter V - Implementation ••••..•.•..•...•...•.•..•.•...•.•.•..•...•......... V-1
Appendix A
Appendix B
Appendix C

Historical and Projected Traffic Counts ...••.......•..•........• A-1
Resident Questionai re - Summary ......•..•.•.......•..•.....••..• B-1
Correspondance ....•.....•••.•...•..•••••.••.•........••....••.•. C-1

�TABLE OF CONTENTS - CONT
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1 - Regional Location
2 - Genera 1 Soils
3 - Environmental Limitations
4 - Important Farmlands
5 - Street Function
6 - Genera 1 Service Areas
7 - Residential Land Use Plan
8 - Rura 1 Conservation Pl an
9 - Commerci a 1 Land Use Plan
10 - Industrial Land Use Plan
11 - Historic Preservation Plan
A-1 - Traffic Count Locations

List of Tables
Table
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Table
Table
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Table
Table

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9

:..
-

Existing Land Use •••••••••••••.••••••••••••••••.•.•••••••••.••..•. II-2
Parcel Sizes-1988 •••.•••••••••.••••••••••••••••••.•••••••••..••••• II-5
Property Ownership-1988 •••••••••••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••.••••• II-6
Population 1960 to 1988 •••••••••••..••••••••••••••••••••••••.•••.. II-7
Age Group Comparison ••••••••••••••••.••••••••.••••••••••••.•..••.• 11-8
t1igration Characteristics By Age Group (1970 to 1980) ••••••••.•••• II-9
Housing Stock 1980-1988 •••••••••••••.••••••••••••.••••••••••.•••• II-10
Construction Activity 1980-1988 .••••••••••••••.••..•••••••••••••• II-11
Recreational Facility Needs .••••.••••••••••••••••••.••••••••••••• 111-7

�VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
t1ASTER PLAN
1989 -2000

FORWARD
t1ichigan law enables the Vergennes Township Planning Commission to adopt and periodically update a basic plan for the development of the Township.
The Plan
must contain the Planning Commission's recommendations for the physical development of the Township. This Plan is therefore, designed to provide direction for
future growth and development in accordance with Township goals and objectives.
Future development is intended to be in accordance with these goals and plans.
Although the Plan is enabled by f1ichigan law, it does not have the force of
statutory law or ordinance. It is an official advisory policy statement for encouraging orderly and efficient use of the land for residences, business,
industry, community facilities, parks and recreation areas, and for coordinating
these uses with each other and with the development and use of streets,
utilities and other public facilities and services.
Once adopted, it is the Township's intent to implement the Plan's recommendations until such time that specific modifications or deviations are deemed appropriate and the Plan is amended as a result of the Township's on-going long
range planning program.

iv

�INTRODUCTION

Attractive and d~sirable communities are difficult to achieve and even harder to
maintain. Conscientious and deliberate long range planning is required.
It is
this basic premise \'lhich has prompted the Vergennes Township Planning Commission
to update its 1978 t1aster Pl an.
Vergennes Township has many attributes and opportunities \·1hi ch wi 11 continue to
make the community an attractive and desirable place to live.
Howe •,er, due to
continued growth, the Township is also faced with numerous problems. The
responsibility of making various policies and decisions regarding grm'lth and
development is therefore an important one. Future needs for such things as improved streets, parks and recreational areas,
community facilities and
eventually, public utilities must be recognized. This Plan attempts to set the
groundwork for making future commitments relative to these needs.
More central to this Plan are the decisions made regarding the various spatial
relationships of the major land use types - agriculturial, residential,
commercial, industrial, and public.
These are important in providing a harmonious pattern of land use and in the economics of providing community
services.
The Planning Process
The planning process can most basically be divided into four major phases,
described below.
1.

as

Understanding the Contnunity - Basic Studies
The purpose of this phase is to obtain knowledge of the existing situation,
of changes that have occurred, trends that gave rise to the present situation and trends that are likely to persist.

2.

Planning Dimensions

With a clear understanding of existing conditions and trends, planning
dimensions setting forth the basic parameters for development of the 11aster
Plan are enunciated.
3.

The General Development Plan
Various elements of the Plan are formulated which are designed to guide the
community towards its long range goals.

4.

Plan Implementation and Maintenance
This phase outlines the various controls and programs necessary to implement and maintain the Plan in recognition of the fact that the Plan is not
an end in itself.
V

�The plan components or elements include a wide range of subject areas, all
of which have a significant bearing on community growth and development.
Included in this report are discussions and recommendations regarding the
following individual plan components:
-

Demographics
Land Use
Community Facilities
Utilities
Transportation
Parks and Recreation

Each of the above elements was studied and the resultant assumptions and
recommendations have been incorporated into the overall General Development
Plan.

vi

�CHAPTER I
DESCRIPTION OF VERGENNES TOWNSHIP

Any plan for the future must in part be based on existing conditions and the influences that shaped the community.
This chapter examines the natural influences that have shaped the community, including its location and natural features such as topography and soils.

REGIONAL SETTING
Vergennes Township is located in Eastern Kent County, just beyond the easterly
fringe of the rapidly expanding Grand Rapids r1etropolitan Area. The Township is
bounded on the north by Grattan Township; on the west by Ada Township; on the
south by Lowell Township and the City of Lowell; and on the east by Ionia
County's Keene Township.
t1ajor access to the To\'mship is via Lincoln Lake Avenue which traverses the community from north to south and intersects with r1-21 just south of the Township
in the City of Lowell.
Interstate I-96 lies approximately four and one half
miles further south.

NATURAL FEATURES
Based on a survey of community attitudes, residents of Vergennes consider the
Township's natural features among its greatest assets.
In the survey, 96 percent of residents responding indicated that the Township's "rural environment"
was either important or very important as a reason for selecting the Township as
their place of residence.
In the survey the preservation of "rural areas" was
cited by 98 percent of respondents as being important or very important to them.
In Vergennes Township the "rural environment" is comprised of a variety of
natural features in a relatively unspoiled setting. These include rolling
hills, dense forest, winding rivers and streams, deep ravines and major expanses
of farmland and orchards.
These features, combined with relatively close
proximity to a major metropolitan area, also make Vergennes increasingly attractive to many individuals and families seeking a high quality rural living
environment.
It is, however, ironic that the qualities considered most important for preservation are those which continue to attract new residents. As a result, each ne\',
resident contributes to some extent the demise of these assets. Striking an appropriate balance which attempts to maintain the rural qualities enjoyed most by
existing residents, while accommodating an influx of new residents seeking the
same qualities is a major task of this plan and a challenge which will become
increasingly difficult as growth pressures increase.
Understanding the area's natural features and the implications that they have
with respect to mans activities is therefore fundamental if the community is to
institute appropriate policies of land use.
1-1

�TOPOGRAPHY AND DRAINAGE
The topography of Vergennes Township is ~idely varied and comprised_o_f hil~s,
ravines, floodplains and generally undulating lan?·
T~e to~ographic relief
provides visual interest and privacy and by itself is an important natural
feature, and resource. It is the gently rolling nature of the northern sections
of the Township that promotes the air drainage necessary to support the numerous
orchards found in the Township.
The most prominent collective feature of the Township is the natural drainage
network.
The Flat River Valley is primarily wooded and contained by bluffs
that, in many areas, exceed 50 feet in height.
In some cases these bluffs border directly on the banks of the river, while in other areas the bluffs and
banks are separated by a wide floodplain.
The tributaries of the Flat River and the Grand River which are located south of
the Township have created numerous ravines characterized by steep slopes, and
narrow valleys. Several of these contain numerous wetland depressions. As a
system, these rivers and streams serve to accommodate storm water runoff, maintain safe flood conditions by retaining and absorbing large volumes of water
during storm periods and to recharge surface water as well as sub-surface water
tables.
Disruption of this natural drainage network on even a minor scale can
prove costly in terms of public health and safety and aesthetics.
WATER RESOURCES
In addition to the Flat River and numerous smaller streams there are several
lakes, small ponds and wetlands located in the Township. The most significant
includes the Flat River impoundment located in Sections 25 and 26.
This impoundment is seeing increased residential development pressure because of the
stunning views it offers for home sites and its largely untapped recreational
opportunities.
f1urray Lake, located in the extreme north, is now virtually
ringed by residential development and, as a result, has experienced water
quality problems such as severe eutrophication.
It is heavily used by boaters.
Bailey Lake, located in Section 19, is ringed by wetlands and has yet to see
significant development or recreational pressure.
Numerous smaller lakes and wetland areas are scattered throughout the Township.
t1ost are associated with the major drainage courses.
Each of these water
resources, in addition to their value for drainage purposes, serve as important
habitat for many forms of wildlife.
SOILS
The General Soils Map {t1ap 2) illustrates the major soil associations within
Vergennes Township. An overview of these soil associations is useful in identifying the general suitability of soils for certain types of land use and
provide further insight into the topography and drainage of the Township. It is
important to note that in Vergennes Township, existing land use has been largely
determined by the suitability of soils.
In any rural community having as its
goal the preservation of its rural qualities, attention to the natural
suitabilities and limitations of the soil is paramount.
!-2

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REGIONAL LOCATION MAP

VERGENNES
TOWNSHIP

MAP 1

�l

L

VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN

GENERAL SOILS MAP

T 7 N, R 9 W

b trtm= I OAKVILLE

- THETFORD - G_RAunv Assoc1Anou

t;~~~3 PLAINFIELD
V'i.v[rf;J SPINKS

I

- OSHTEMO - SPINKS ASSOCIATION

- TEKEIHNK - OSHTEl10 ASSOCIATIOll

I rtARLETTE

- CAPAC - 11ETAl10RA AssocIATIOtl

{::;:::;:::::::::::I !\ARLETTE - CHELSEA - BOYER ASSOC! ATI ON
[: ::::: : !CHELSEA - PLAINFIELD - BOYER ASSOCIATION
k\\~~~KIBBIE - DIXBO~O - THETFORD ASSOCIATIOtl
HOUGHTON - COHOCTAH - CERESCO ASSOCIATION

MAP 2

�1.

OAKVILLE - THETFORD - GRANBY ASSOCIATION
This association consists of a narrow, two mile long band, located in the
south centrill portion of the Township. The topography in this area is
level to gently rolling and poorly drained.
Soils are dark in color, consisting of fine sands and loamy sands which are, in general, poorly suited
for building development because of wetness and poor filtering capacity for
septic tank absorption fields.
Most of the area is presently wood or idle
and only -a relatively small portion is considered well suited for cultivated crops.
association comprises approximately 3 percent of the Township's land
area.
Because of Lincoln Lake Avenue and its location in proximity to the
City of Lowell, considerable residential development and most of the
To~1nship's commercial and industrial development has occurred in this area.
Due to the soils general inability to naturally support intensive
development, the provision of public sewer and water utilities should be
considered a prerequisite to any additional major developments occurring in
this area.

The

2.

PLAINFIELD - OSHTEl10 - SPHIKS ASSOCIATION
This association is located throughout much of the eastern portion of the
Township and generally encompasses the areas directly drained by the Flat
River. Another similar area is found in the southcentral portion of the
Township.
The topography is flat to gently rolling and the areas are
generally well drained. Along the drainage ways, ravines with slopes of
over 18 percent are common.
Soils consist of grayish brown sands, sand loams and loamy sands which are
generally well suited for development. However, because of a poor filtering capacity in association with high water tables, ground water pollution
from septic tank absorption fields is a hazard in the areas nearest to surface water features.
Because of this area's location with respect to the Flat River and the City
of Lowell and the apparent ability to naturally support a certain level of
development, some areas within this association have witnessed considerable
residential development. Host of the remaining portions are wooded or idle
and are not considered well suited for agricultural purposes. It comprises
roughly 25 percent of the Township's land area.

3.

SPINKS - TEKENINK - OSHTEMO ASSOCIATION
This association is found in the extreme northeast and southeast corners of
the Township.
The areas are level to gently rolling and consist of well
drained sand loam and loamy sands. The soils are well suited for building
purposes and septic tank absorption fields in most areas except along
drainage courses where a high water table in association with rapid filtration could result in ground water pollution.

I-3

�These soils are also fairly well to well suited for farming and are
presently extensively used for that purpose. This association comprises
approximately 7 percent of the Township.
4.

t1ARLETTE - CHELSEA - BOYER ASSOCIATION
Found in a wide band in the northcentral and central portions of the
Township, as well as in the westcentral area, this association of soils
varies fro~· mainly level to gently rolling topography.
Soils range from
poor to well drained surface loams and sands. Clays, loams and clay loams
are found in the sub surface.
This association supports significant amounts of agriculture including orchards and row crops. Soils are considered well suited for these purposes.
Because of the existence of many poorly drained, lessor soil . types, many
areas within the association are poorly suited for development. Such areas
are generally found in association with low topography and drainage ways.
The major upland soils are however, generally suited for building site
development and have supported the majority of the Township's recent large
lot single-family residential growth.
It comprises approximately 25 percent of the Township.

5.

t1ARLETTE - CAPAC - t1ETAt10RA ASSOCIATION
This association extends from north to south in the western one-third to
one-half of the Township and covers nearly 30 percent of the total land
area. Topography is gently rolling to steep and the soils are generally
well drained.
Soils consist of loams and loamy sands underlined by
gravelly sand clay loams, loamy fine sand or gravelly coarse sand.
Throughout much of this association are soil conditions considered well
suited for farming and the vast majority of the area is presently
cultivated. In the northern portions of the Township characterized by this
association, is a large expanse of poorly drained soil which is subject to
ponding. For this reason, this area is generally not considered suitable
for non-farm purposes.

6.

CHELSEA - PL~INFIELD - BOYER ASSOCIATION
This association makes up less than six percent of the Township and is
found in four separate locations in the southeast and southwest. The
topography is gently rolling to very steep, resulting in well drained to
excessively well drained soils.
Soils consist of loamy sands and sand underlined by gravelly sand and gravelly sandy clay loam. These areas are
generally wooded or idle and are not considered quality farm soils due to
droughtiness and erodability.
less sloping sites are fairly well suited
for site development if they are not associated with a high water table.
Because of excessive permeability, ground water within 6 to 8 feet of the
surface could be contaminated by septic tank effluents.

I-4

�7.

KIBBIE - DIXBORO - THETFORD ASSOCIATION
This association comprises less than one percent of the Township's area and
is found in• the Township's extreme northwest corner. The topography is
only slightly undulating, resulting in poorly drained soils. These sandy
and loamy soils are generally unsuited for development. The area is well
suited for farming and most of the area is used for that purpose.

8.

HOUGHTON~ COHOCTAH - CERESCO ASSOCIATION
This association consists of poorly drained organic and mucky soils formed
in alluvial (river) deposits. The topography is nearly level. Soils are
not well suited for development due to wetness and potential flooding.
The association is located in the southeast corner of the Township and represents less than two percent of the Tmmship's total land area. ttost of
the area is presently being farmed with the remainder being left idle.
Suitable uses include agriculture, recreation or open space.

DEVELOPr1ENTAL LIMITATIONS OF SOILS

In Vergennes Township public sewer and water facilities are, for the most part,
unavailable and the prospects for their future provision on a large scale does
not appear feasible.
Therefore, one of the most significant constraints to
development is the ability for soils to accommodate private septic tank systems.
Due to poor percolation and wetness, and in the other extreme, the inability of
permeable soils to adequately filter effluent before it reaches the ground water
supply, many areas in Vergennes Township must be considered unsuitable for intensive development.
As a result, the location and character of development
must in large part, be determined by the ability of soils to accomodate private
septic systems.
r1ap 3, illustrates those areas of the Township which exhibit characteristics of
soil and topography which are considered to have the most severe limitations for
the development and proper operation of septic systems. Slopes in excess of 18
percent and soils with poor percolation properties, severe wetness, and poor
filtration properties, in association with a permanent or seasonally high \'later
table, have been mapped and shown as composite areas being unsuitable for intensive development (Map 3).

I-5

�L

VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN

T 7 N, R 9 W

-

ENVIRONMENTAL LIMITATIONS
AREAS WITH SLOPES IN EXCESS 18% OR SOIL CHARACTERISTICS
CONSIDERED UNSUITABLE FOR SEPTIC SYSTEMS

MAP 3

�CHAPTER II

COMMUNITY PROFILE

At the present time large expanses of Vergennes Township remain undeveloped or
are used for agric111tural purposes. This being the case, the Tm·mship still has
the opportunity to direct future development in a manner that will be both
desirable and econo~ical to serve with p11blic services and facilities. However,
in order to develop a realistic plan for future development, decision makers
must have a clear picture of the community as it is nm..,.

EXISTING LAND USE INVENTORY
As previously noted, Vergennes Township is at the easterly li111its of the rapidly
expanding Grand Rapids t1etropolitan Area.
In addition, the City of Lowell is,
in its own right, an economic and community focal point i,,1hich will continue to
have significant implications on adjacent lands located within Vergennes.
Av,areness of these implications ,rnd the types and pattern of existing 1and use
is therefore a key factor in assessing the comr.,unity's character, in identifying
problems and opportunities and in establishing future goals and objectives. The
follo•,..,ing is an inventory of existing land uses in Vergennes Township.
Altogether, approximately 9,000 acres
area is in active agricultural use.

or 40 percent of the Township's total

The second most significant land use are forested lands \'lhich occupy roughly
6,500 acres or 28 percent of the Township. Open lands or land left in an uncommitted or idle state of grass or shrubs comprise about 4,100 acres or 18 percent
of the Township.
Approximately 2,158 acres of land is committed to a permanent non-farm use. The
largest single use within this group are streets and highways which occupy approximately 700 acres, followed by recreational lands (685 acres) and residential lands (610 acres). Table 1 illustrates the complete breakdown.

AGRICULTURAL LANDS
Approximately 9,000 acres are presently devoted to agricultural use.
Of this
acreage 89 percent is devoted to field crops, and 4 percent to fruit orchards.
The remainder is devoted to the confined feeding or pasturing of livestock.
As can be seen from the existing Land Use t1ap (!tap 4 ) , only the southeast one
quarter of the Township can be characterized as not being primarily devoted to
agricultural use.
It is in this general area that the majority of the
Township's development has occurred.
Approximately 35 percent of the Tov,nship's land area can be classified a prime
farmland or land which, as defined by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, is
"best suited to food, feed, fiber and oilseed crops, and has soil qualities,

II-1

�Vergennes Township
Existing Land Use
TABLE 1

Acres
Single Family Residential
Agricultural - Total
Cropland
Orchards
Confined Feeding
Pasture
Public/Semi-Public - Total
Streets e, Highways
Railroads
t1unicipal Buildings
Airport
Churches
Cemeteries
Historical
Recreation
Industrial
Commercial
Forested
Open (Grass &amp; Shrubs)
Lakes &amp; Rivers
Wetlands
Total

%

610

9,180
8,216
367
21
576
1,524
700
76
3.5
50.7
14.0
14.0
1.0
685.0
18.0
6.0
6,504
4,150
330
646

22,996

* Figures may not add up due to rounding
Source:

t1i chi gan Resource Information System, t1DNR, 1988
Kent County Property Desc. .~ 11appi ng, 1988

II-2

2.6
40.0
35.7
1.6
.1
2.5
6.6
3.0
.33
.01
0.2
0.06
0.06
3.0
0.08
0.02
28.3
18.0
1.5
2.8
100

*

(09. 5)
(4.0)
(0.2)
( 6. 2)
(45.9)
(4.9)
(0.2)
(J.2)
(0.9)
(0.9)
0.06
(44.9)

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L

VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN

T 7 N, R 9 W

IMPORT ANT FARMLANDS
E:.}~i~:~

P R I M E A G R I C U LT U R A L S O I L S

~ ENROLLED P.A. 116 LANDS
MAP 4

�growing season anrl moisture supply to produce sustainecf, high-yielrl crops with
minimal input of energy anrl economic resources and, 11hen cultivated, it results
in the least rlamage to the environment. 11
In Vergennes Township the vast
majority of the aci:eage classified as 11 prime 11 is presently being farmer.
Hhile
"prime 11 farr1lands are scattered throughout the Tol-'mship, the largest amounts are
located in the western half of the community.
There are
25 to 30 major farm operations t'lithin the Township and the majority
of these operations have enrolled some or all of their acreage in the Farmland
and Open Space Preservation Program (PA116).
Under this program, property
owners agree to relinquish their non-farm development rights for periods in
excess of ten years in exchange for tax credits.
At the present ti~e there are
over 6,000 acres of land in Vergennes Township enrolled in this program.
It is
estimated that nearly 50 percent of the Tmmship 's "prime farmland" is enrol led
and protected from non-farm development under P.A.116.

RESIDENTIAL LAND USE
With the exception of only a few duplex and mobile home units, the housing stock
in Vergennes is virtually all single-family in nature.
It is estimated that
there are now roughly 760 single-family homes, compared to 609 in 1980.
The
construction of 151 new homes since 1980 represents a nearly 25 percent
increase.
The largest and most intensive area of residential development is found in the
southeastern portion of the Township near Lowell. The pattern of cfevelopment in
this area is seen as a logical extension of development northward from Lowell.
While much of this development occurred during the 1960's and 1970's, several
newer plats have been constructed in more recent years.
Platted lot sizes are
in the 13,000 to 20,000 square feet range for older plats and 17,000 to 30,000
square feet for the newer plats.
Another area of intensive development is found around t1urray Lake.
Because of
pollution problems, sanitary sewers have been provided to this area..
Hm'lever,
because of the limitations of the system, expansions in support of additional
new development is not foreseen.
Lot sizes around the lake are generally in
excess of 15,000 square feet.
Many of these homesites are the result of the
consolidation of smaller lots that were platted many years earlier.
The third significant concentration of residential development is located in the
Fallasburg area.
This settlement has significant historical roots but has not
seen considerable growth pressure in recent years.
The smallest lot sizes in
this area generally range bet1'leen one-half and three acres.
A large number of homesites occur on scattered large lots throughout the
Township.
However, general concentrations of this type of development have
occurred. Such concentrations are found adjacent to Ada Township in Sections 18
and 19, adjacent to Lowell Township in Section 32 and 33 and in the eastcentral
areas near the Lincoln Lake Avenue/Fallasburg Park Drive intersection.
This
type of development is seen as the manifestation of suburban fringe pressure
being felt within the Township.
II-3

�The splitting of large contiguous parcels into 2 to 20 acre parcels for residential use is a significant aspect of this pressure.
It is estimated that the~e
are currently over 600 parcels within the size range of 2 to 20 acres.
It 1s
estimated that approximately one half of these are presently committed.
This trend has had and will continue to have a significant effect on the overall
character of the To\'mship as well as the land use policies necessary to address
the problems that it can create.

INDUSTRIAL LAND USE
The few small industries located in Vergennes Tmmship collectively occupy less
than 18 acres of land.
Most are located near Lowell, west of Lincoln Lake
Avenue in Section 35.
These facilities consist of relatively sr.iall tool &amp; die
and fabrication shops, contractors yards, and warehousing and distribution.

COMUERCIAL LAND USE
The relatively fe\·1 cormnercial land uses are located along Lincoln Lake Avenue,
within one mile of the City of Lowell. They collectively occupy approximately 6
acres of land.
Several small offices are located in front of the industrial
site adjacent to Lowell and feH heavy commercial uses are located near the intersection of Vergennes Street and Lincoln Lake Avenue.
As of this tine, very
1 ittl e if any of this development can be termed strip development. HoHever, because of the Lincoln Lake corridor which extends northward fron LoHell, such a
trend could develop if allowed to occur.
The only bonafide conmercial development located else\'1here is the r.iarina on
f1urray Lake. Several scattered home occupations are also carried out \'1ithin the
Township.

PUBLIC/SEt1I-PUBLIC LANO USE
This category of land use encompasses public facilities such as roads, government buildings, airports, schools, cemeteries and semi-public facilities such as
churches, utilities, and public or private recreation lands.
Collectively,
these uses occupy nearly 1,500 acres of land.
Excluding the land areas devoted to streets and highways, recreation lands comprise the most significant category of public and semi-public lands.
The
largest area is the Lowell State Game Area.
It contains over 800 acres of mature woodland and has extensive Flat River frontage.
F~llasburg Park, a
regional county park, is also located on the Flat River.
It offers a wide
variety of recreational opportunities and drav,s thousands of users each year
from throughout the metropolitan area and region. It contains over 530 acres.
The other major recreational use located in the Township is Arrowhead Golf
Course.
This public golf course encompasses 18 holes on 143 acres in Section
10. Collectively, these three major outdoor recreation assets offer residents
and visitors
alike
relatively abundant outdoor oriented recreational
opportunities.
II-4

�Other significant public and SP.mi-public land uses include the Lm,ell City Airport and several church sites and cemeteries scattered throughout the community.
A breakdown of the acreages devoted to the various pL1blic and serai-public uses
is found in Table~-

Vergennes Township
Parcel Sizes
1988
TABLE 2

Parcel

Size

Number

% of Total

Parcels
Less than 2 Acres
2 to 5.9 Acres
6 to 10. 9 Acres
11 to 15.9 Acres
16 to 20.9 Acres
21 Acres &amp; Over
Total
Under
Under
Under
Under

361
270
220
109
52
264
1,273

6 Acres
11 Acres
16 Acres
21 Acres

631
851
960

1,012

28.3
21. 2
17.3
8.5
4.0
20.7

-100
49.5
66.8
75.4
79.5

Est. Total
Acres*
540
1,100
1,850
1,500
960
15,932
21,882**
1,640
3,490
4,990
5,950

% of Total

Acres
2.5
5.0
8.4
6.8
4.4
72.8
100
7.5
15.9
22.8
27.2

* Est. Acres based on Estimated average lot size within each category.
** Total Acres excludes major Hater bodies and street R.O.W. and
railroad properties.

Source:

Kent County Property Desc. and 11appi ng, 1988

�Vergennes Township
Property Ownership
1988
TABLE 3

Acres
PUBLIC
Kent County
Streets &amp; Highways
Park Land
Historical
Other
State Of t1ichi gan
State Game Area
Railroad
Other
City Of Lowell
Airport Proper
Airport Environs
Cemetery
Other
Vergennes Township
Cemetery
Town Hall
Other

3,056.74

894.15

3.6
818

76
0.15
128.5

0.57

50. 72
37.95
4.95
34.85
10.24

241.8

143
350
18,867.2
22,658

0.04

3.53
1.5
4.15

734.8

Religious Organizations
Church sites
Cemetery
Other
Recreation
Golf Course
Utilities
Consumers Pm'ler

Total *

8.9

700
535
1.06
784

SEMI-PUBLIC

PRIVATE

13.5

2,024

25.03
5.35
211.0
143
350

3.2
1.07

0.06
0.06
1.9
1.9
83.J
100

* Excludes lakes and rivers.
Source:

Kent County Property Desc. &amp; rlappi ng, 1988
II-6

-----iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii_________

�POPULATION &amp;HOUSING
Population Growth Trends
From 1940 to 1980 the population of Vergennes Township increased from 741 persons to 1,819. Current estimates of grov,th indicate the Tmmship's 1988 population to be approximately 2,160 persons. The most significant periods of population growth have been in the decades since 1960.
Between 1960 and 1970 the
population grev, by 48 percent.
Between 1970 and 1980 the increase 'das 30
percent.
For the 1980's the relative increase is expected to be approximately
20 percent.
Each decade has resulted in a population increase of roughly 400
persons.
Table 4 compares the current and historical populations of Vergennes Township
with adjacent communities and Kent County.
It shows that Vergennes Tovmship
trails only Lowell Township in the current rate of growth being experienced in
Eastern Kent County. In terms of numerical increases, Cascade, Ada and LoHell
townships continue to see the largest gains.
In perspective, it can be said
that population growth in Vergennes ToHnship has remained relatively constant.

Vergennes Township
Population 1960 To 1988
TABLE 4
'.t Increase

Vergennes Tv1p.
Lowell Twp.
Ada Twp.
Cascade Twp.
Lowell City
Kent County
Source:

1960

1970

1980

1988

1980-1988

945
1,567
2,887
3,333
2,545
363,187

1,400
2,160
4,479
5,243
3,068
411,044

1,319
3,972
6,472
10,120
3,707
444,506

2,160
4,742
7,616
11,920
4,125
488,498

18.7
19.4
17.6
17.8
11.3
9.8

1960, 1970 &amp; 1980 US Census
.
.
1988 Vergennes Tmmship est. based on an assumption of 697 occupied
housing units at 3.1 persons/househ~ld.
. ~
Other estimates based on interpolation of 1986 est1ma . . es
provided by US Bureau of Census.

II-7

# Inc.

341
8'&gt; (
&lt;.. '

l, ll'I/

1,80(
4F
43,99 ~

�Age Composition
As in most areas of tile country, the population of Vergennes Township is grm,i:ig
older.
During the 1970's, the median age rose from 23.6 years to 28.9. Table
5, illustrates this point and shows that while the overall 1980 population was
still comprised of a high percentage of adults in the family rearing years, t~e
percentage of pre-school and school age children (Oto 19 years) declined considerably (4.8 percent) and the percentage of young adults and middle aged persons (20 to 59 years) rose considerably (8.7 percent).
Although reliable current data estimates of the age mix are not available, it is
assu □ed that given the high percentage of persons that were in the family
forming years in 1980, the Township is nm-1 in the midst of a mini baby boom that
will serve to te~per the increase in the median age through the next 10 to 20
years.
Vergennes Township
Age Group Comparison
TABLE 5

1980
Age Group

Persons

Under 5
5 - 9
10 - 14
15 - 19
20 - 24
25 - 29
30 - 34
35 - 44
45 - 54
55 - 59
60 - 64
65 - 74
75 - Over

143
172
186
187
119
133
186
256
171
73
49
84
55

7.8
9.4
10.2

1,819
11medi an Age
Source:

1970
%

10.2

143
180
146
135

6.5
7.3
10.2
14.1
9.4
4.3
2.7
4.6
3.0

62
93
184
157
56
27
86
66

100

28.9

1970 &amp; 1900 U.S. Census
II-8

Persons

%

9.6
12.8
10.4
9.6
3.8
4.4
6.6
13.1
11.2
4.0
1.9
6.1
4.7

53

1,400

100
23.6

�Migration Patterns

General migration rates can be determined by taking the 1970 age groups and
shifting them ten years.
For example, a person in the 20-24 age group in 1970
would be in the 30-40 age group in 1980 if they stayed in Vergennes Tm·mshi p.
The total for each age group shifted ten years can then be compared with the actual numbers for 1980.
The differ2nce in these numbers generally represent
either a net in-migration or net out-migration as illustrated in Table 6.
The
results pi npoi rit the 1980' s trend of young fami 1i es moving into the To1-mshi p by
showing sharp increases in the number of children under 9 years of age as well
as for adults in the family forming age bracket of between 30 and 44.
As seen from Table 6, births and in-migration far outv,eighed population losses
due to deaths and out-migration for a total population increase of 419 persons.
It is estimated that in-migration accounteCT for 67 percent of this increase, or
282 residents.
The recent attitude survey supports the conclusion that in-migration continues
to be the single nost important influence in the growth of Vergennes Township.
Of those responding to the survey, 57 percent of households reported to having
moved within that last ten years and JO percent within the last tv,o years. Over
83 percent of those responding to the survey reported having 1i ved at an address
outside of Vergennes Township prior to living at their present address.
The
responses indicate that in-migration from elsewhere in Kent County is very high
and the percentage of the population having previous ''roots" in Vergennes
Township is becoming less significant.
Vergennes Township
Migration Characteristics
By Age Group
. 1970 To 1980
TABLE 6

Age Group
Under 5
5 - 9

10
15
20
25
30
35
45
55
65
75

-

14
19
24
29
34
44

54
64
74
&amp; Over

Total
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)

1980

1970
Population Shifted
10 Years

143
172
186
187
119
133
186
256
171
127
84
55

134
180
146
135
53
155
184
157
83
152

1,819

1,379

Net Change
+ 143 (1)
+ 172 (1)
+ 52 (2)
+ 7 ( 2)

- 27 (3)

2 ( 3)

+ 123 (2)
+ 101 (2)

--

13 ( 3)
30 (3)
+ 1 (2)
97 (3)
+ 419 (4)

Net increases due to births &amp;in-migration.
Net increases due to in-migration.
Net decrease due to deaths and out-migration.
Based on average rates of 16.67 births and 8.18 deaths per 1000 people in
Kent County during the period, the expected natural population increase for
Vergennes was 136 persons. With a net increase of ~l? persons ft is therefore estimated the in-migration resulted in an add1t1onal 282 residents or
67 percent of the total increase in population.

Source:

1970 &amp; 1980 US Census

�Housing
As illustrated in Table 7, 1~80 sa11 a total of 500 housing units. Of these, 550
were occupied, 24 were vacant and 26 were considered seasonal.
Based on building permit information it is estimated there are presently 760 housing units.
This is an increase of 25 percent in 8 years.
The vast majority of housing units are conventional si ngl e-fami ly homes.
There
are also a small number of rluplex units, mobile homes, and migratory farm labor
units.

Vergennes Township
Housing Stock
1980 - 1988
TABLE 7

Total
Occupied
Vacant
Seasonal
Source:

1980

Est. 1988

Est. Increase

609
559

760
697
30
33

151
138
6
7

24
26

1980 - US Census
1988 - Total based on 1980 thru 1987 building permits.
- Occupied units based on residential mailing addresses
within Township.
- Vacant and seasonal units based on 1980 percentages of
unoccupied m,elling units.

Fifty-one percent of all housing units have been constructed since 1970 and over
two-thirds of the total have been built since 1960. Only 20 percent were constructed prior to 1940. Because of their age, the majority of homes in the
Township are in good condition and are well maintained.
The median value of housing in the Tm·mship is reflective of the relative age of
the units.
In 1980 the median value of homes was $44,500. This compares to a
figure of $38,900 for Kent County as a v,hole.
It is estimated that there is presently an average of 3.08 persons per
household. This figure compares to 3.25 in 1980, 3.57 in 1970 and 3.65 persons
II-10

-

�per household in 1960. This trend for reduced family size is indicative of a
national trend and in large part explains why the growth rate in housing units
exceeds the rate of population gr01--1th.
Table 8 shows the construction activity that has occurred in the Tm·mship in
recent years.
It i 11 ustrates that home construction far exceeds other types of
construction in terms of quantity and the value of construction.

Vergennes Township
Construction Activity
1980 - 1988

TABLE 8

Type Of Construction

Permits Issued

Value

Single Family Homes

151

$ 6,415,130

Res. Garages

53

Residential Additions

64

502,600

Commercial Bldgs.

3

53,600

Industrial Bldgs.

3

500,263

tJ/A

Other Non Res. Bldgs. (farm, public etc.)

59

NIA

Structures Other Than Bldgs. (pools etc.)

14

N/A

347

Figures not totally accurate due to incomplete information for
and 1985.
Source:

$13,561,863

the years

1984

Vergennes Tmmship Bldg. Permit information, Wf1RPC &amp; Bldg. Inspector.

II-11

�Income

The income of households in the Township is relatively high as compared to many
communities within Kent County.
In 1980 the median household incor:ie for the
Township \'1as $22,435.
For Kent County as a \/hole this figure was $18,554.
In
1980 less than one percent of households had income belo'r't the poverty level.
Based on the re.$ponses to the Resident Property Ovrner Survey, it is estimated
that the combined average income of households is presently well over $25,000
since 70 percent of the respondents (203) reported household incomes of over
that amount.
Occupation &amp;Place of Employment
The results of the resident survey also indicate that approximately 70 percent
of households have at least two wage earners.
Roughly 49 percent of the principal wage earners are employed in '\.,hite collar" occupations and 35 percent in
"blue co 11 ar" occupations. Approximately 16 percent a re retired.
Because of the lack of local employment opportunities, Vergennes Tmmship can be
considered a bedroom comr.iunity in that the majority of its residents \\IOrk outside of the Tovmship.
In 1980 the average travel time to work for individuals
who did not work at home vrns over 20 minutes.
Sixty-two percent had to travel
between 15 and 50 minutes to reach their place of employment and only 38 percent
could reach their jobs within 15 minutes.
Based on the 1980 U.S. Census, approximately 20 percent of employed persons work l'lithi n the City of Grand Rapids,
and approximately 3 percent \'IOrk outside of Kent County. While more &lt;ietailed
information is not available, it can be expected that, based on recent
metropolitan area employment patterns and reported travel times, the majority of
employed persons work in the southeast portion of the Grand Rapids i1etropolitan
Area 1-1hich includes Kentwood, Cascade and Ada Townships.
Education Levels
The general citizenry of the Township in 1980 was fairly 1-.,ell educated with over
60 percent of persons over 25 years of age having completed at least 4 years of
high school, 30 percent having attended college and 15 percent having completed
4 or more years of college.

COMMUNITY SERVICES AND FACILITIES
A certain paradox often exists as residents who move into a rural area to escape
the congestion and problems of "city life" increase in number and then begin to
seek the services and conveniences often taken for granted in urban areas. As a
result, Vergennes Township is likely to see increased demands of its new residents for a variety of public services and facilities.

II-12

►

�While the resident survey indicates that the large ~ajority of residents are
presently satisfied with the basic services being providerj, it is expected that
as development continues to occur, dissatisfaction in the areas of police and
fire protection, emergency services, roarl conditions and other basic services is
lik~l~ _to increas~.
The followi~~ is a brief discussion of the existing
fac1l1ties and services presently provided to Vergennes Township residents.

Township Offices
Administrative functions of the Tm·mship are conducted in the Tovmsh -i p Hall
,,,hi ch is a 1eased faci 1ity 1ocated at the intersection of Bai 1ey Ori ve and
Parnell Avenue.
The offices occupy the first floor of a t\'rn story 1·rnod frar.ie
structure that was once a local grange hall.
The second floor provides approximately 1,000 square feet of meeting room.
Indications are that the structure is relatively sound and capable of adequately handling expected administrative space needs for the foreseeable future.
However, space for expanded administrative functions, pub 1 i c meetings and community gatherings are severely
limited.
As a result, as the need for services expands there is likely to be a
need for the 1ong range consideration of a new multi -purpose Community
building/Township administration facility.

Libraries
Vergennes To1·mshi p does not have its own 1 i brary.
The nearest 1i brary is 1ocated in the City of Lowell and it is in need of expansion. There are presently
no plans to provide a library facility in the Tmmship. Coordination and assistance to the Lowell Library would appear to be the most feasible approach to improving library services to Vergennes residents.

Schools
Vergennes Township is uithin the Lm'lell Public School District. · All school
facilities, with the exception of one elementary school in Alto, are presently
located in the City of L01·1el1. There are presently no plans for the location of
school facilities within the Township.

Police and Fire Protection
The Township does not have its mm police or fire departments and must rely on
the Kent County Sheriffs Department and the Lowell Fire Department for these
emergency services.

Parks and Recreation
As previously noted, Fall as burg County Park nnd the Lowell State Game Area are
located in Vergennes Towns~ip.
Fallasburg Park offers a variety of opportunities which include picnicking, hiking, playground equipment and ball fields.
In addition, the park offers public access to the Flat River for canoeing and
fishing.
The State Game Area is used primarily for hunting and fishing. Other
facilities such as tennis courts, ball fields, picnic areas and playground
equipment are located at two public parks v-lithin the City of L~well. A~ditional
playground and athletic facilities are provided at the various public school
facilities in Lowell.
II-13

�Lowell City Airport
This facility ovmcd by the City of Lm.,iell is located on approximately 50 acres
just north of the City. It is presently seeing limited use. The City of LmJell
is however, in the process of assessing its future utility and the need and
feasi bi 1 i ty for improving and expanding its faci 1iti es .

Historical Features
Eighty-six percent of the households responding to the resident survey listed
the preservation of historic buildings as being important or very important.
Of particular historical significance to the Tovmship, is the Fallasburg area..
It consists of a settlement with several existing structures uhich predate the
Civil vJar.
The 11 Fallasburg Covered Bridge" is listed on the National Register
of Historical Sites.
In addition, the Fallasburg tlill site/Fallasburg School/
Fallasburg Pioneer Village area on Covered Bridge Road is listed on the State
Register of Historic Sites. The local Historical Society presently operates the
school building as a museum.
This organization is very active in promoting the
preservation and enhancement of this area and has purchased at least one other
structure for preservation purposes.
Their goal is to i~prove the area as a
tourist attraction and they have approached the Tol'mship for support.

Public Utilities
Only the homes located adjacent to t1urray Lake are presently provided with
public sewer and the system used is not designed to allow expansion into other
areas.
Public water is not provided any~·, here in the Township. As a result the
vast majority of residents must rely on private Hells and septic systems.
The City of LO\tell operates systems for both public utilities; however, because
of economic considerations the Township has not chosen to be included in future
services area agreements necessary to allm·1 expansion of these systems into adjacent Township areas.

Transportation Facilities
Because of its nature as an agricultural and rural bedroom community, Vergennes
is dependent upon roacl links \•lith Lov,ell and the Grand Rnpids t1etropolitan Area.
Convenient, safe and efficient access both internally Hithin the Township and to
other commuter destinations is therefore very important.
The Township's natural features pose a significant impediment to convenient
traffic movement.
Hilly terrain, wetlands, ravines and, of course, the Flat
River have dictated the locations of several roads and, in some cases, have
resulted in the disruption of roads that would otherwise have been constructed
in a complete grid pattern.
Nonetheless, the Township is generally well served by its system of roadways and
they operate at high levels of service.
Map 5 illustrates the TO\rnship road
network and cl ass ifi es the various roads by function.

II-14

►

�I 't
I

,..J

r-1 ----------

(

1

"\

I .

J :,

.'---.

L"

. :::. i

-\ -~,
' -, .

~

....

••"'--.&amp;----....a---1W1JJ:.•-----fi=,___11-__
__·.·::.,.- - ~ - - ~

{

~

·,:- -{-\~.~-..-.J----,.:.:."~"'~"----1

l(r,
I .

,o. ·..

A• •

~

'\"

~,
STIU(T

--

--~

(

~"{_ __
- ____

IUN

T.

L

VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN

STREET FUNCTION

T 7 N, R 9 W
MAJOR RURAL ARTERIAL
MINOR RURAL ARTERIAL
... ·-·-·-• PAVED RURAL COLLECTOR
GRAVEL RURAL COLLECTOR

MAP 5

�The major and r.iinor arterials illust.ratecf are classified by the Kent County Road
Commission as County prir.iary roads.
The Road Commission has total responsibility in maintaining and making improvements to these roads.
The . rural collectors are classifi~d as local ro~ds by the County and the responsibility for
making any improvenents to these streets is shared bet,1een the County and the
Towns~ip.
In such cases the Township is required to provide 55 percent of the
necessary funding for maintenance anc1 improvements and the Road Commission 45
percent. The Road Commission's equipment and personnel are relied upon to carry
out these task-s .
As growth in the rural areas continues,
ments is likely to arise.

the need to make costly road improve-

At the present time there are over 30 miles of unpaved streets in the Township.
These types of roads are not designed to efficiently handle traffic 1olumes that
exceed 50 to 75 cars per day.
Based on traffic counts provided by the Kent
County Road Commission, there are presently up to 8 miles of gravel road with
volumes that exceed the desirable maximum.
They include all or portions of the
following roads: Foreman Avenue, Cumberland Avenue, Bennett Road, 11cPherson
Street, Fero Avenue, Biggs Avenue and portions of 3 mile road.
On several of
these roadways, daily volumes are approaching 200 vehicles per day.
1

As in most rural communities that are experiencing growth pressures, demands to
improve these roads will increase.
As a result, the ability of the Township to
program and finance such improvements is expected to be a major issue of the
future.
Based on the resident survey, over 80 percent of the respondents taken
as a whole were satisfied with road conditions.
However, in the central and
southwest areas which are not well served by paved roads, the percentage of
respondents being unsatisfied with road conditions approached nearly 40 percent.
Those streets that are paved have been maintained in good to excellent
condition. While traffic volumes on almost all of these streets have increased,
it is expected that the levels of service on most road segments will remain well
within the design limitations.
Where problems do arise, relatively minor improvements such as left turn lanes, and deceleration lanes at major intersections can be expected to adequately address deficiencies (see appendix).

II-15

�CHAPTER III
PLANNING Dlt1DJSIONS

Planning dimensions are guidelines which become the basic frame~ork for the
development of the Comprehensive Plan.
For plans to be meaningful and valuable
in guiding future growth and development, they must first represent the needs
and aspirations of the community's citizenry and, second, they must be realistic
and within the community's financial capability.
This is assured by the use of
planning dimensions which set forth both the qualitative and quantitative
requirements of the community for the planning period.
Planning dimensions include a General Gro\'1th Policy, Goals, Population Projections and an estimate of Future Land Needs.
In preparing these planning
dimensions, the Vergennes Township Planning Commission has relied on several
types of information.
The Commission has undertaken a number of basic studies
which, together, provide a factual background relating to the past and present
development of the Township. These studies also are of value in determining the
physical limits and opportunities of future development.
In addition, as mentioned in the previous chapter, the Planning Commission has conducted a resident
property owner survey in the attempt to gain insights into the thoughts and
feelings of residents on a wicfe range of development related issues. The survey
\'/aS mailed to every resident property O\'tner in the Township
and the response
rate was over 45 percent. The results of the survey are very useful and they
have been used extensively in formulating the following planning goals and
policies contained in this chapter. A summary of the survey is found in the
appendix.

GENERAL GROWTH POLICY
It is recognized that in some ways Vergennes Township has become inextricably
linked to Lowell and the Grand Rapids f1etropolitan Area. f1any interrelationships exist which include land use, recreation, shopping and employment centers.
Past and future development of the Township has been and will continue to be
greatly influenced by these various relationships. The Township, therefore,
realizes that it cannot plan for its future development in complete isolation of
the needs and growth trends of the balance of the metropolitan area.
Within
this general framework, hm·,ever, the Township also realizes that it is a
separate community and is obligated to plan for its future in accordance with
the needs and desires of its residents. The following brief statements form the
overall growth policy and are based on recognition of both the Township's
areawide responsibilities as well as responsibilities to the residents and land0\'lners within the Township.

*

While the Township recognizes the need to accommodate future growth and
development, it is not the desire or goal of the Township to encourage
development for the sake of development alone.
III-1

�*

All development should consider the natural capabilities of the land to
support the d~velopment and the available services and facilities necessary
to assure the continual protection of the public health, safety andwelfare
of all To~nship residents.

*

Vergennes Tmmshi p is blessed v-1i th bountiful natura 1 resources and
amenities which combine to give it a desirable and sought after rural
character.
The Township recognizes that the loss of such attributes, such
as prime fa~mlands, is an irreversible loss to not only local residents but
the region, state and nation as a whole and to future generations.
It is
therefore the intent of Vergennes Township to promote the preservation of
farmland by directing groV✓th and land uses considered
incompatible with
agricultural practices to those areas of the Township considered to have a
higher suitability for such uses.

I

I

GOALS &amp; POLICIES
Planning goals and policies are statements that express the community's long
range desires and needs.
They are intended to provide overall direction for
planning activity. In the preparation of the Comprehensive Plan, existing goals
and policies were reviewed as well as the effectiveness of existing zoning
regulations in achieving those goals. The desired goals for Vergennes Township
include the following and form the basis for the establishment of more specific
land use and development related policies.
General

*

To preserve the general rural character and qualities of the Tovmship

*

To preserve the agricultural economic base of the Township and to promote
the preservation of farmland, especially prime farmland for agricultural
uses.

*

To establish a pattern of land uses which will promote the highest degree
of health, safety, and general welfare for all segments of the community.

*

To establish a pattern of land
future development into areas
and where the future extension
and cost effectively provided,

*

To e~sure that waterfront development densities are not over capacitated in
ways that \•lill jeopardize the public health, safety, and general welfare of
all people ..•• and that waterfronts be preserved where possible as scenic
and natural resources.

*

To promote, develop and maintain a transportation network which
for the safe and convenient movenent of people and goods.

*

To promote a wide range of safe and rlecent housing in the Township.

use \'lhich directs the highest intensity of
where existing urban densities are prevalent
of public utilities can be most efficiently
if required.

III-2

provides

�*

To discourage sprawl development especially in areas where residential
development is not considered the highest and best use of the land.

*

To protect the natµral environment in order to reduce inefficient consunption of land resources, and to preserve the existence of such resources for
the enjoyment of Vergennes people no111 and in the future.

*

To maintain and enforce restrictions necessary to insure proper maintenance
of property values.

*

To assess the environmental impact of all development based on the physical
characteristics of the area.

*

To accommodate appropriate commercial and industrial land uses in order to
better serve the shopping and enployment needs of the community and to
promote a more diverse tax base.

*

To maintain the natural beauty of the area by preventing over development
and by preserving existing v1oodland areas to the fullest extent possible.
Further, while the economic benefits of mineral resources within the
Township must be recognized, it is equally important that these areas be
properly contoured and readied for a desirable ultimate use once the
minerals have been extracted.

*

To provide an adequate level of public services and facilities to protect
the public health, safety and \telfare.

*

To acquire public facility sites in advance of actual need to assure that
sites will be available when the need for additional facilities arise, and
to minimize public expenditures.

*

To promote the preservation of historical resources located within the
Township in the attempt to safeguard the Township's heritage, stabilize and
improve local property values, strengthen the local econony, foster civic
beauty and broaden the educational base of citizens.

Land Use Policies
In addition to the above general goals, a number of specific land use policies
have been enumerated 11hich are intended to be official statements on land use
planning. Several relate specifically to the major functional conponents of the
corrrnunity.
1.

It is the policy to accommodate limited commercial development in a planned
fashion in logical areas best suited to serve the residents of the nearby
area.
It is specifically not the goal of the Tmmship to encourage
regionally oriented shopping facilities which would over burden the
transportation network and create other public service burdens.
III-3

�II

I

2.

It is the policy of the Tmmship to discourage cor:nnercial strip development
along the streets within the Township.

3.

It is the policy of the Tovmship to provide separation betv,een commercial
uses and single-family residential uses by encouraging transitional uses
such as offices and/or higher density residential uses.

4.

It is the policy of Vergennes Tovmship to accommodate additional industrial
development only in those areas in which the provision of appropriate
utilities and highyay access can be made available and vhere potential conflicts with other uses can be avoided or minimized.

5.

It is the policy of Vergennes Tmmship to ensure that future residential
development consider the natural limitations imposed by existing topography
and soils and that filling, grading and erosion are minimized.

6.

It is the policy of Vergennes T01-mshi p to ensure the capacity and

function
of existing arterials and collector streets and to minimize the conflicts
between their functions, by regulating 1and uses, bui 1ding setbacks and
driveway openings and, vthere appropriate, by encouraging the development of
front or rear access service drives.

7.

It is the · policy of Vergennes Township to promote enrollment into the
Farmland and Open Space Preservation Act (Michigan Public Act 116).

O.

It is the policy of Vergennes Township to discourage large
ment on prime agricultural land.

9.

It is the policy of Vergennes Township to discourage grov1th and development

sc,1le

develop-

in environmentally sensitive areas such as wetlands, areas of steep slopes,
floodplains, and prime agricultural soils.

I

is the policy of Vergennes Township to ensure that new housing types
preserve the character of the land and ~ei ghborhood \~here they are located.

10.

It

11.

It is the policy of Vergennes Township to support the spirit and philosophy
of the Natural Rivers Act of 1970 (t1ichigan Public Act 231).

12.

It is the policy of Vergennes Township to promote the preservation
structures in the Fallasburg area which are of historical significance.

13.

It is the policy of Vergennes Tm·mship to periodically review its land
development related ordinances such as zoning, subdivision and building
regulations in order to ensure fulfillment of the land use plan and its
goals.

III-4

of

�Service Area Policies
The proposed Rural Conservation Area includes about 30% of the total land area
of Vergennes Township.
Proposed land uses in this area primarily include
farming, forestry and single family homes on large estate type sites (3 to 10
acres). Families building homes in this area most desire the privacy and seclusion of large, scenic sites in a natural and more rural setting.
Because of the low overall density of development, feH urbar types of services
are required and this is consistent with the desire to preserve the rural
character of the area. These lands are shown on the Generalized Service Area
f1ap as being within the "Rural Service Area".
The Plan also recognizes that it is important to provide an area for urban types
of land uses such as commercial, industrial and higher density residential.
These lands are designated as being v1ithin the "Urban Service Area," \lhich includes about six square miles in the southeast portion of the Tmms!lip and
generally adjacent to the City of Lowell.
This area will require a full range of urban services such as a public water
system, sanitary sei·1er system, storm drainage improvements, major street improvements and police and fire protection. Very few of these services are
presently available and, as a result, only limited development can occur at the
present time.
For these services to be provided in an orderly and economic manner, arrangements must be made for their provision before development occurs.
If, for
example, the Township contracts with the City of Lowell for water and sel'1er
services, those contracts should be in place so that the necessary extensions
can be made at the time development occurs.
In the meantime, the Township should discourage the premature development of
large projects within the Urban Service Area which would utilize private wells
or sanitary se\·1er facilities.
The use of private systems 1•1ould result in a
duplication of services at the time public facilities are constructed and would
greatly reduce the potenti a1 number of customers and thereby increase the indi vi dual customer costs. This effect could delay or even prohibit the construction of the necessary public i nfrastructurE'.

III-5

�GROWTH TRENDS
Population and Housing
Determination of reasonable future population growth is important in a planning
program since expected population growth provides a general basis for determining future 1and needs as \'te 11 as future community service and facility needs.
Population projections for Vergennes Township have been made 1ising three methods
which have resulted in a reasonable forecast of growth.

II

The first method involves relying on recent d1•1elling unit construction to gag~
future growth.
In 1980 the census of population reported 609 housing units in
the Township.
From 1980 to 1988, 151 new units were constructed for a total of
760 units. This Has an increase of nearly 25 percent. The vacancy rate in 1980
was 4 percent.
Projecting this recent trend of 3.1 percent residential growth
per year with a current estimated figure of 3.0~ persons per unit and a vacancy
rate of 4 percent, the estimated population by the year 2000 is approximately
3080 persons. Under this method there would be a total of 1,040 housing units.
The second method involves using the same figures except that, rather than
making the projections using yearly percentage increases, it is assumed that a
straight line increase of 19 new homes per year will be built.
Under this
method it is estimated that the population in the year 2000 will be approximately 2,920 persons. This projection would result in a total of 989 housing units.
The third methorl is based on the population growth trend from 1970 to 1980.
During these years, the change from 1,400 persons in 1970 to 1,819 persons in
1980 equated to a 29.9 percent increase.
Assuming that this overall trend has
continued and will continue over the next 10 years, the population for the year
2000 will be 2,906 persons, anrl 981 housing units.
Based on these alternative methods, it is reasonable to project Vergennes
Township's population for the year 2000 to be bet1•1een 2,900 and 3,100 persons.
For planning purposes, the population projection for the year 2000 is estimated
as an average of the three methods, or 2,968 persons, and 1,002 housing units.
Land Needs

Residential
It is presently estimated that there are 760 housing units, occupying 610 acres
of land. This equates to an average of 0.3 acres of land for each housing unit.
However, it is also recognized that many homesites are on parcel sizes of 1 to
20 acres, and that the Township presently has minimum lot size requirements that
range from 17,000 square feet to 3 acres. Assuming that the expected new grouth
of 240 units will be fairly evenly mixed with roughly 50 percent of the growth
occurring on an average parc~ls size of one acre and 50 percent occurring on an
average parcel size of 5 acres, it can be estimated that on the average each new
housing unit will consume 3 acres of land, for a total of 720 acres.
III-6

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VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN

T 7 N, R 9 W

GENERAL SERVICE AREAS

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RURAL SERVICE AREA
URBAN SERVICE AREA

MAP 6

�~~1ever, based ?n past trends, it could b~ expected that roughly 30 percent of
l..,1e ne1·1 gro1,,1th 1,1111 occur on parcels of less than 2 acres and 70 percent on parcel sizes th~t range between 3 and 20 acres.
If ve assu~e an average of one
acre for , the first category and 5 acres for the second over 900 acres of land
1'lill be needed to satisfy the nev, residential grm,,th. '
In

both instances the amount of land consumed is excessive when compared to the

160 acres that would be required if all new units were constructed on more
reasonable. suburban densities of 1.5 units per acre.
Nonetheless, it is impor-

~ant to note,,that there are ~n estimated 300 ex~sting pa,rcels of. lanrl that are
1n }he 2 to ... o acre range wh1ch are not nm-1 occupied by d\·1ell1ng units ..,

.

• To avoid the inefficient and unnecessary consu~ption of adrlitional ran~~
development must therefore be encouraged to locate in those areas already com-:,.
mitted to residential use, and discouraged from locating in areas better suited
·•
to
agricultural
activity
in
accordance
vlith
the
previously
stated
goals
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Based on a commercial land use inventory contained in the City of Lm,ell 's comprehensive plan, there are presently about 75 acres of developed commercial land
within the City.
Developed commercial land in neighboring L0\·1ell To\lmship and
Vergennes total approximately 35 acres.
With populations on the rise in all three communities as well as the other
nearby communities of Boston and Keene Townships, it can be expected that
demands for additional commercial development in the area 1-1ill also increase.
Since the City of Lowell is presently the market area's center, it is also expected that additional demands will be focused 1ttithin and irrnnediately adjacent
to the City.
The growth characteristics of the Lowell market area are such that by the year
2000, it is estimated that the market area population will be nearly 30,000
people. Based on past trends, the retail and service demands of this population
would translate into 5 to 6 acres of commercial development for each 1000
persons, or 150 to 180 acres of total land. By comparing these figures 1·lith the
~xisting amount of commercial development located in the area (110 acres), it is
estimated that there 1·/ill be an additional demand for between 40 and 70 acres of
commercial development.
Review of land use plans of the City of Lowell and
Lowell Township reveals that the total amount of vacant, commercial land that is
planned and zoned in these cor.mlunities totals approximately 35 acres.
-

This tota 1 represents an ability to accommodate bet\'leen 50 and 90% of the tota 1
market area's future demand through the year 2000. Subtracting this amount from
the projected future demand of 40 to 70 acres leaves a deficit of between 5 and
35 acres.
This deficit represents a demand for land that could potentially be
felt in Vergennes Tmmship.

III-7

�Industrial

Recreational
Adequate recreational opportunities are
general health and well being of persons in
that recreation and leisure facilities
therefore an important aspect of long range
sibility of the community.

recognized as being essential to the
almost every age group.
Assurances
are made available in a community is
planning and an important respon-

Utilizing recreation standards adopted by the State of !·1ichigan, facilities
required to adequately serve the community, irrespective of those provided by
Kent County parks and facilities located in the City of Lowell, have been
identified. Table 9 represents these findings.
Table 9
Recreational Facility Needs
Facility

Local park land (acres)
Ball fields
Outdoor basketball courts
Bicycle trails (miles)
Picnic areas (tables)
Playgrounds
Outdoor tennis courts
X-country ski trails (miles)
Horseback riding trails (miles)
Snowmobile trails

t1.R.O.S. Standard

10/1000
1/3000
1/5000
1/40,00(l
1/200
1/3000
1/4000
1/10,000
1/20,000
1/3000
111-8

persons
persons
persons
persons
persons
persons
persons
persons
persons
persons

Facilities required:
2000 projected
Population of 29n8
~()

1
0
0

15
1
0
0
0

,.

�/\s a r.,~~ns. of att~r.ipti ng t~ focus in on the types of recreational opportuni ti PS
that 1:x1 st, ng res, dents enJoy t1nd to further identify recreation needs, thr 2.ttitude survey of residents asked several pntinent questions.
A sumriary of the
results pf this survey is as follows:
Types of recreation participated in on a frequent basis:
Type

~

of respondents
36
28

Picnicking
Softball
Hiking and x-country skiing
Lawn games
Off-road vehicles
Other

/1,4.

30
11
46

Types of additional facilities that members
developed in or closer to the Township:
Type

of household would like to see

% of respondents
28

Ballfields
Playgrounds
Swimming areas
Hiking and ski trails
Off-roarl vehicle trails
Horseback riding trails

32
47
4P
9
1

The results indicate that of the 319 households responding to the survey, 298 or
93% would like to see some sort of additional recreational facility developed in
or near the Township. The highest demands are for swimming beaches and hiking
trails, followed by ballfields and playgrounds.
Analysis of the results of the survey by sub-area indicate that a Iii gher percentage of respondents residing in the southern portion of the Township desire
the development of additional facilities such as ballfields and playgrounds than
the responses taken for the Township as a whole. This would indicate a need for
facilities more in line with the findings indicated by the application of the
f1ichigan Recreation Opportunity Standards in the more densely populated areas of
the Township.
Overall, 50% of responcients felt that the prov1s1on of additional public recreational facilities is important.
Nonethel~ss, 85~ of the respondents are
satisfied with current facilities, 11'1ich at this time are provided entirely by
Kent County, the City of Lowell, public s,:hools and private organizations.

111-9

�Communit_y faci1 iti es
As has been previously discussed, grm,th in the To1trnship 's population can be expected to result in increased public services in the area of administrative
services and police anrl fire protection.
At the present time the Township does
not own land that would be suitable for the eventual construction of neu
Township offices or fire protection facilities.
If such facilities are to be
developed in the future, a centrally located site comprising 3 to 5 acres woulrl
adequatPly serve . both types of facilities.
School facilities
I

II

l

l

At the present time the Lowell School District is in the process of a strategic
planning program that will identify classroom and land space requirements
through the P.arly 1990's. One option under consideration that would be intenrled
to satisfy a need for up to 20 new classrooMs, is the purchase of additional
lanrl for the development of a ne\'I school facility.
Such a facility would
require between 15 and 20 acres of land.
llo decisions have been made as to the
location of such a facility, if such an option :-,ere to be pursued.

I 11-10

- - --

-

-

-

�CHAPTER IV
GENERAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN

RESIDENTIAL LAND USE PLAN
Vergennes Township is presently witnessing and has witnessed in the past a
healthy rate · of residential growth.
Based on studies of the local and
metropolitan area, there is no reason to believe that future growth will be
diminished.
As Vergennes continues to grow, the greater portion of the developed land will
be taken up by residential uses. In itself, this fact is an important planning
consideration.
However, the primary concern must be the realization that the
living environment is the real heart of the community; and, therefore, a major
basis upon which to formulate major land use decisions.
The Residential Land Use Plan is a set of guidelines which, if implemented, is
capable of producing safe, convenient, and pleasant neighborhoods for the mutual
benefit of all Township residents.
The Plan is based on the following objectives and influence factors.
Objectives

1.

To offer a broad range of choice among the living areas;

2.

To utilize natural features to create attractive residential areas;

3.

To allow the development of a broad range of housing types to accor.imodate
varying lifestyles.

4.

To assure traffic safety and privacy of residential areas through the
design of streets that discourage through traffic.

5.

To locate residential areas in such relation to other land use types and
community facilities as will best contribute to the overall desirability of
the community.

6.

To stabilize property values by protecting residential areas from the
encroachment of incompatible land use types.

7.

Assure public health and safety by permitting the more intensive residential growth patterns in only those areas which can be adequately served by
the future extension of public utilities.

8.

Provide a variety of lot sizes and shapes to meet the varying desires of
all persons in the community.

IV-1

�Influence Factors

In every community there are various factors that influence and, 1n some
instances, dictate how land can be developed. In Vergennes Township, these most
importantly include the following:
Public Utility Systems. Because provision of public utilities such as sewer and
water ,snot foreseen ,n the immediate future, one of the largest limitations to
development will be the lack of public utility systems.
As a result, soil
characteristics are extremely important when considering residential
development. Soils must be capable of supporting urban structures, and in areas
where public utilities are not available, they must be conducive to the safe and
efficient operation of private septic systems. High density residential uses
should not be allowed until public utilities are available.
Relief. r1uch of the land area in Vergennes is ma.de up of steep hills and deep
river valleys which provide many extremely attractive homesites.
Because of
these factors, however, the density of development in much of the Township will
be very 1ow.
Vergennes Township is blessed with large quantities of
Important Farmlands.
These areas
valuable farmland that contributes greatly to the local economy.
should be protected from encroachment by residential and other types of
development.
Low Density Residential
The Low Density Residential Planning Area is applied to several areas of the
Township that have soils generally amenable to single family residential
development at densities of approximately one unit per acre, without the provision of public utilities. Most of these areas have experienced some development
pressure, as witnessed by the large number of parcels of less than 10 acres that
have been created.
The primary intent of this area is to promote development that is virtually exclusively residential in nature while still preserving the area's rural and
unique environmental qualities.
It is also intended to serve as a transitional
area between rural densities of development and the higher urban concentration
nearer the City of Lowell. The recommended minimum lot size is one acre.
Implementation Measures
The following mechanisms are intended for use in achieving the objectives of the
Low Density Residential District.
1.

Maintain the restrictive zoning regulations
Residential District.

2.

r1uch of the land area included in this planning area is presently included
in the existing Low Density Residential Zoning District.
However, additional land areas are proposed for ultimate inclusion.
It is recommended
that necessary rezonings be done incrementally based on the demand for home
sites of the size permitted in the district.

IV-2

of the

"R-1" Low Density

�3.

The Low Density Residential Planning Area also includes some areas that are
presently zoned for medium density residential development.
It is recom~ended that the zoning map be amended early on in the planning period to
incot-porate these areas ,..,ithin the Low Density Residential District.

Medium Density Single-Family Residential
T~e med!um dens!ty residential development areas are intended to promote additional s1ngle-fam1ly homes on platted lots of less than one acre in size. Soils
in these areas are generally capable of supporting the higher densities, but the
need for the eventual extension of public sewer and water should be taken into
account.
As a result, only those areas south of the Flat River in Section 26
and north of the City of Lowell in Sections 35 and 36 are included. These areas
are presently zoned R-2. A maximum density of 3 units per acre is recommended
in this Planning District.
Implementation l~asures
It is recommended that the zoning map and text be amended to create an exclusive
medium density single-family residential district. Provisions similar to the
existing R-2 p~ovisions should be maintained but uses such as mobile home parks,
two-family dwellings, and other uses now viewed as incompatible with the existing conventional single-family residential development, excluded.
Medium Density Special Residential
Similar in intent to the medium density designation outlined in the previous
land use plan and the current R-2 zoning district provisions, these areas are
envisioned to accommodate the logical extensions of residential growth northward
from the City of Lowell. Through mechanisms already contained in the zoning ordinance or planned unit development provisions, a wide variety of housing types
could be permitted including single-family homes, mobile home parks, duplexes,
multi-family apartments and condominiums and senior citizen housing. The areas
designated are inclusive of soils that, for the most part, appear capable of
supporting two to three units per acre with septic tanks.
However, as a means
to assure long-range public health, only those areas that appear to be the most
cost effective to serve with future public utilities extended northward from
Lowell have been designated for ultimate inclusion. The maximum density of 6
dwelling units per acre is recommended for developments in this area.

t//11~•

-Jiu-)

Implementation Measures
rJe/ift"
tiJ
1.
Amend the zoning map "'line11emeR-tal+y,-ttpon ;t;he a·,a-tta-bM I t:r, as outlined on
the Land Use Plan to reduce the amount of area included in the existing R2, Medium Density Residential District.
2.

Develop and implement Planned Unit Development Zoning Provisions that would
allow flexibility in the design of higher density developments and mixed
uses.

3.

Developments that would exceed a density of three units per acre should be
delayed until such time that the public sewers are extended and made
available.

IV-3

~

�RURAL CONSERVATION PLAN.
\-Jithout a doubt the greatest concerns expressed by Township residents iri the attitude survey relate to the preservation of the Township's rural character and
its important farmlands.
As a means of promoting the protection of these
qualities, the plan proposes the designation of a Rural Conservation District
encompassing over 80% of the Township's land area.
Within this planning area,
extensive development would be discouraged and rural land uses such as farming
would be promoted.
The Rural Conservation Planning Area provides invaluable benefits in terms of
natural drainage, aesthetics and natural wildlife habitat. Several areas are
typified by steep slopes, wetlands and/or soils ill suited for intensive
development.
The western and northeastern portions of the area is by in large
actively farmed and contains the majority of soil classified a "prime" for
agricultural purposes. r1any of these farms are presently enrolled in the P.A.
116 "Farmland and Open Space Preservation Program".
The primary objectives of this planning area are twofold:
1.

To promote farming activity as the priority land use in the areas
·Township best suited for such use and;

of the

2.

To promote the existence of forestry operations and the conservation of
rural qualities such as woodlots, wetlands and meadows while at the same
time providing low density country living opportunities in those areas
having soils capable of supporting private septic systems.

Implementation t1easures
Recommended mechanisms and guidelines for use in achieving the objectives of the
Rural Conservation Planning Area include:
1.

Maintenance of zoning regulations such as the existing rural-agricultural
zoning requirements relative to permitted and special uses as well as the
minimum lot area requirement of three acres for single family homes.

2.

Encourage the enrollment of farmlands in the Farmland and Open Space
Preservation Program and the dedication of conservation easements to land
... trusts .

3.

• ~ \,-1 ~..,,. ;

implement~t,onp .,~--~~~~-e~!~_&lt;!..~~I~t~~ ·--~OIJ.1:gjned in
Preservation 1an.

IV-4

the Natural

Features

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VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN

•

T 7 N, R 9 W

RESIDENTIAL LAND USE PLAN
(::.;_:_;,:,_._;_:_:~:.:.:. ,);.,_; ;_:.] LO W D E N S IT Y S IN G LE FAM IL Y

f:;:;:1:1:l:l:1:l:1:l:1:j M e o I u M o e N s I T v - s I N G L e

FA M I L v

MEDIUM DENSITY-SPECIAL RESIDENTIA

MAP 7

�VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN

T 7 N, R 9 W

RURAL CONSERVATION PLAN
(:f\:j::::i@;::r:= i ] R U RA L C O N S E R VAT I O N A R E A

IBij

FLAT RIVER

MANAGEMENT AREA

•MAP

8

�COMMERCIAL LAND USE PLAN
Typically, . commercial establishments seek out major streets with high traffic
volumes to maximize their visibility and encourage drive-in trade.
However
when a major street begins to develop commercially, traffic congestion too ofte~
occurs and conflicts result between through traffic and vehicles entering and
exiting driveways.
This plan recog.nizes that the demands for commercial development in Vergennes
Township are likely to increase within the planning period as more and more
residents move into the area. These demands are most likely to be greatest
along Lincoln Lake Avenue, near the City of Lowell where traffic volumes are
greatest and where commercial establishments can take advantage of a more concentrated consumer market.
It will be important to direct this type of development in a manner which avoids
the generally undesirable effects that commercial strip development could bring
along Lincoln Lake Avenue. Therefore, retail and office types of commercial
development should be directed toward the triangular area lying north of Lowell,
between Lincoln Lake Avenue and Flat River Drive. This area encompasses approximately 45 acres and would potentially offer retail establishment access
from both streets, thus minimizing traffic conflicts. In addition, this area is
nearest to existing sewer and water utilities within the Lowell area.
Therefore, from an engineering standpoint, this appears to have the highest
potential for being served by public utilities.
Heavier commercial uses such as lumber yards, implement dealers, automotive
repair shops etc. would be directed to the area near the intersection of Lincoln
Lake Avenue and Vergennes Street.
The objectives of the Commercial Land Use Plan are to:
- Accommodate limited yet appealing shopping facilities that provide a sufficient amount of goods and services to meet the daily needs of a growing township
population, while not duplicating the services provided by establishments located in Lowell.
- Promote physical clustering of commercial establishments rather than strip
development thereby providing for joint use of parking facilities, more convenient shopping,
pleasant pedestrian spaces and minimized extension of
utilities.
- Discourage over-concentration of similar businesses to prevent vacancies and
market saturation.
- Blend the commercial areas with surrounding uses to minimize land use traffic
and environmental conflicts.
- Provide adequate parking to create an inviting shopping environment convenient
for all to use.

IV-5

�- Provide for
conflict.

efficient

accessibility to

retail

uses

to minimize traffic

Implementation f1easures:
Unless careful site planning and access controls are instituted, conflicts bet1-.,een uses can occur, opportunities for integrated uses 1ost and the capacity of
streets can be greatly reduced.
It is therefore recommended that the rezoning
of lands designated by the Land Use Plan for commercial purposes be done incrementally to help assure that development is not done prematurely or
haphazardly, with disregard for the lack of utilities . and the uses that are in
existence or could develop on adjoining sites. Implementation of the Commercial
Land Use Plan should therefore involve the following recommendations:
1.

Development of flexible planned unit development zoning provisions that
would allow the review and approval of proposals incorporating integrated
mixed uses, joint access and alternative access characteristics.

2.

Institution of zoning standards and a site plan review process which
promote desirable objectives and the careful scrutinization of such site
plan features as:
- Water, Sewer and Drainage: Until public or collective -systems for these
utilities are provided, it is recommended that major developments not be
permitted unless careful consideration is given to the ability of individual methods to handle expected water usage, waste water generation and
runoff.
- Driveway Location and Spacing: Driveways should be located as far from
street intersections as possible to avoid left turn conflicts and
businesses should be encouraged to _share driveways whenever possible.
Driveways should be at least 200 feet apart to reduce conflicts and provide
gaps in traffic for safer ingress and egress.
It is recommended that commercial parcels have a minimum of 300 feet of street frontage to promote
adequate driveway spacing.
·
- Landscaping: Commercial development should provide landscaping along the
street edge to enhance aesthetics and screen the parking areas.
Specific
landscaping requirements should be incorporated into the Zoning Ordinance
to ensure adequate and uniform landscape treatment among all businesses.
- Alternate Access: A secondary means of ingress and/or egress should be
provided if possible. Such alternate access could take the form of access
to an intersecting street for corner parcels, access across adjacent parking lots, access to another street to the rear of the property, a frontage
road or service drive paralleling the major street,
or a similar
alternative.
- Signs: The number, size and location of signs should be controlled and
kept to a reasonable minimu~ to avoid motorist confusion and insure individual business identity.

IV-6

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VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN
T 7 N, R 9 W

COMMERCIAL LAND USE PLAN
%:::iIIf::::::~ii:LI::: R E T A I L A N D O F F I C E A R'E A

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HEAVY COMMERCIAL AREA
MAP

9

�6.

Encourage the landscaping of industrial sites through site plan review.

7.

Discou irage the development of "heavy" industries which, because of their
scale or type of operation, could have severe environmental implications,
or overburden public services.

8.

Incorporate access control mechanisms similar to those recommended for the
commercial ~reas into zoning provisions relative to the industrial zone.

HISTORICAL PRESERVATION
The Land Use Plan designates many of the properties in the Fallasburg area as a
"Historical Preservation Planning District". Within this district are several
historical structures included on State and Federal Registers of important historical sites.
Through
tent of
certed
develop

the designation of the Historical Preservation District, it is the inthis plan to promote and lay the ground work for possible future conefforts designed to preserve and restore existing structures as well as
new structures in accordance with the heritage of the area.

The objectives of the district are as follows:
- To preserve and promote the heritage of the Township by increasing public
awareness of the area most reflective of the Township's cultural, social,
economic and architectural history.
- To promote the stabilization and improvement of property values within the
district.
- To strengthen the local economy.
- To promote the use of historic sites for the education and pleasure of residents within the community and state.
Implementation measures
In order to fully achieve the objectives of the district, there are many
financial
physical and political factors that must be addressed in detail. In
addition ' several alternative approaches and levels of public involvement must
be considered. These efforts are well beyond the scope of this General Development Plan.
It is therefore reconnnended that subsequent to the.adoption of this
plan, the Township should undertake a program for the preparation of a detailed
Historic Preservation Plan for the Fallasburg area. Such a program should incorporate the following:
1.

Create a Historical Commission pursuant to the provisions of Public Act 169
of 1970.

2.

Prepare a detailed Historical Preservation Plan under which detailed
studies and recommendations can be made relative to the following:
IV-8

•·

�- Pedestrian Access: Where appropriate, sidewalks or paths should be
provided to link businesses with each other and residential areas.

INDUSTRIAL LAND USE PLAN
The "Industrial'' planning area as depicted on the Land Use Plan is intended to
provide and reserve adequate land for future industrial development.
In so
doing it is recognized that industrial development wi 11 be important to the
economy and tax base of the community. The areas designated are located to
provide easy access and to minimize potential conflicts with residential uses.
They would also form a buffer between the airport and nearby residential uses.
Intensive industrial development within the areas shown would require the provision of public sewer and water. Another important influence on the Industrial
Plan is that much of the land around the airport is owned by the City of Lm·1ell.
As a result, a great deal of cooperation with the City would be required if that
portion of the Township is to be made available for eventual industrial use.
The objectives of the Industrial Land Use Plan are as follow:
- To encourage industries to locate in an industrial park setting.
- To p'.omote diversification of the local tax base.
- To provide additional nearby entrepreneurial and employment opportunities for
Township residents.
Implementation Measures
The following recommendations are intended for
dustrial Land Use Plan:

use

in

implementing the

In-

1.

Explore with the City of Lowell the feasibility of creating an industrial
park on city owned property adjacent to the airport.

2.

Incrementally expand the availability of industrially zoned properties
within the planning area based on needs over the planning period, keeping
in mind that development without public utilities should be carefully
monitored.

3.

Improve site plan review standards relative to industrial uses to ensure
building and site design quality and that those industries being proposed
without public sewer and water facilities will not jeopardize environmental
quality.

4.

Encourage the creation of industrial subdivisions rather than piecemeal
development to help ensure development and collective use of necessary
access roads, drainage and other improvements.

5.

Incorporate provisions in the zoning ordinance that would discourage extensive outdoor storage and activity areas that would detract from the character of the Township.

IV-7

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VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN
T 7 N, R 9 W

INDUSTRIAL LAND USE PLAN
INDUSTRIAL AREA
MAP10

�- The determination of the actual physical extent of the Historical
trict and the lands and structures to be included.
- The identification of a central architectural theme,
promoted in the District.

if any,

Disto be

- The identification of any additional properties that should be publicly
acquired • .
- The formulation of architectural and land use controls necessary to stabilize and improve property values in the District.
- The identification of the role and extent to which the Township, by Ordinance should become actively involved in promoting the recommendation for
the District.
- The targeting and securing of finances capable of carrying out the plan
for the district.
- The potential extent to which the area could be actively promoted as a
tourist attraction.
- The desirability and feasibility of limited commercial uses, such as
craft and gift shops and home occupations within the District being utilized to help capture the tourist potential and create revenues for carrying
out District improvements.
3.

The incorporation of the Historic Preservation Plan into the General
Development Plan.

4.

The implementation of necessary ordinances and controls
mechanisms recommended by the plan.

IV-9

and

other

�NATURAL FEATURES PRESERVATION PLAN
As previously discussed, the preservation of the rural character of the Tmmship
is a high priority among residents.
One important aspect of the community's
rural character are the natural features found in the Township. These include
hills, woodlands, water resources and soils. The importance of these features
however, go well beyond natural beauty. Taken collectively, these features form
an interrelated, high quality and well-balanced environment that should be
protected from potentially disruptive development practices and land uses.
The following objectives and quidelines should be applied throughout the
Township and, coupled with recommended land uses and densities outlined in the
previous sections, are intended to provide a balance between the desire to accommodate continued development and to protect the natural environment.
Objectives:

- To preserve woodlands,
quality

hillsides,

wetlands and wildlife habitat and water

- To promote proper site planning and design of developments so as to preserve
natural vegetation, steep slopes and prevent erosion, excess runoff and siltation
- To discourage development in flood prone or flood hazard areas
Implementation r1easures:
1.

t1aintain and enforce the Flat River Overlay Zoning District and its provisions to restrict development along the banks of this designated "natural
river".

2.

Through site plan review,
program:

subdivision regulations and a public education

- Encourage the construction of roads that follow contours rather than running against them.
- Encourage minimum grading and cut fill activities on steep slopes.
- Encourage the concealment of buildings located on prominent hillsides.
- Discourage the filling of wetlands.
- Evaluate soil suitability for the proposed use.
Discourage the over improvement of building sites in rural areas that
would replace natural vegetation with large manicured lawns, and other
forms of urban landscaping.

IV-10

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VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN

T 7 N, R 9 W

HISTORIC PRESERVATION PLAN
-HISTORIC PRESERVATION AREA
MAP

11

�r
- Encourage the use of natural drainageways vs.
ground drains.
3.

channelization or under-

t

Cooperate with the Kent County Road Commission to ensure strict enforcement
of the Soil Erosion and Sedimentation Control Act. If necessary, adopt and
enforce a local ordinance.

4.

Inform residents and farmers of the problems of over fertilization of lawns
and fields near water bodies and drainage ways.

5.

Inform residents of measures that should be taken for proper septic tank
and drain field maintenance and operation.

6.

Inform residents with livestock and other domesticated animals of the
hazards of locating feeding areas and animal runs where nutrients from
animal waste can readily enter surface waters in the form of runoff.

7.

Support State and County laws and administrative programs which help to
protect natural resources.
The following list of State and County approvals is directed toward the major environmental protection needs of the
areas.

Feature of Concern

Agency or Approval Requirement

Wetlands

State wetlands permits are required for
alteration of any wetland contiguous to
lakes, streams, and other water bodies,
and for wetlands which are five acres or
more in size.

Proper septic system location
and installation for surface
water and groundwater quality
protection

Permit required from the Kent County
Health Department.

Erosion control during
construction

An earth change which is within 100 feet
of a lake or stream or is one or more
acres in size requires a permit from the
Kent County Road Cormnission.
This
agency presently administers the provisions of the Michigan Soil Erosion and
Sedimentation Control Act w1th1n Vergennes Township.

Adequate drainage facilities
minimize flooding

The Kent County Drain Commissioner
reviews all subdivision plats to assure
adequate drainage facilities. Proposals
for developments with stor11Mater outlets
to county drains, as well as mobile home
park proposals, are also subject to approval by the Drain Commissioner's
office. On-site retention of storrmtater
is often required.
IV-11

�Feature of Concern (Cont.)

Agency or Approval Requirements (Cont.)

Roadside drainage

The Kent County Road Commission reviews
all subdivisions for conformance v1ith
Road Commission standards.
For large
lot developments, surface drainage to
roadside ditches is a11 owed.
If the development is not a subdivision,
but results in a drainage discharge to a
roadside ditch, approval from the County
Road Commission is required.
Runoff
must be restricted and retained on-site
to assure an agricultural
rate of
runoff.

Spill prevention plans at
industrial sites

The Michigan Department of Natural
Resources reviews and approves Pollution
Incident Prevention Plans submitted by
businesses. Businesses are required to
submit such a plan if they store or use
critical materials on the "Critical
f1ateri a1s Register," sa 1t,
or 1arge
quantities of fuel.

Wastewater treatment systems
with discharges of more than
10,000 gallons/day of
sanitary sewage

The Michigan Department of Natural
Resources issues groundwater discharge
permits when discharges of more than
10,000 gallons/day of sanitary sewage
(or other discharges) are proposed.
The provisions apply to large-scale septic systems, and other types of wastewater facilities. Proposed discharges
must meet requirements of the Part 22
Rules of the Water Resources Commission
Act.
Wastewater treatment systems which discharge into lakes and streams require a
Federal tJPDES permit nlational Pollutant
Discharge Elimination System permit),
which is issued by the Michigan Department of Natural Resources.

8.

Developers should be encouraged to contact state and county agencies at the
earliest possible point in the site plan preparation process, and to incorporate state and county agency requirements for resource protection into
site plans, presented to the Township.

IV-12

�COMMUNITY FACILITIES PLAN

Recreation ,
Analys~s of ~ocal recreational opportunities within the Township shows that
Township res, dents presently must rely on, and at times compete with others for
the use of facilities located at Fallasburg County Park and with the City of
Lowell. · While these facilities are adequate for their intended use, it must
also be recognized that as the area population increases, Ver~ennes Township
must become increasingly responsible for providing additional opportunities for
i~s residents. This conclusion is justified by the results of the resident att,.tude survey which shows significant desire among residents for additional
facilities.
It is therefore this plan's recommendation that the To~mship begin an ongoing
program intended to satisfy basic recreational needs of residents. The recommended objectives of this effort are as follows:
- To identify and acquire approximately 30 to 40 acres of land capable of supporting the outdoor recreational facilities needed to satisfy the identified
basic needs of . all age groups within the Township beyond the year 2000.
- To work closely with the Kent County Parks and Recreation Department in an effort to identify potential areas in which local needs can be addressed by existing or expanded County facilities until such time that Township facilities can
be made available to augment the County facilities.
- To pursue a wide variety of potential funding sources that can be used for the
acquisition, development and maintenance of local park land and facilities.
Implementation r1easures:
While it does not appear that the needs identified in the preceding chapter are
critical at the present time, it is important that planning and decision making
for the ultimate provision of additional recreational facilities begin at an
· early stage. This is especially important in terms of land acquisition, where
early acquisition can greatly reduce overall costs and better assure the ability
to acquire land in the most desirable location.
It is therefore recommended that the Tounshi p take the following measures in establishing a parks and recreation program, in fulfillment of the above
objectives.
1.

Appoint a "Park Commission" under the provisions of P.A. 271 of 1921, or an
ad hoc citizen's committee to:
- Identify potential future park sites.
- Prepare a Parks and Recreation plan capable of qualifying the Township
for the receipt of Land and Water Conservation Funds {LWCF) and rtichigan
Natural Resources Trust Fund {f1NRTF) grants from the Nichigan Department of
Natural Resources.
IV-13

�-Identify and pursue potential funding sources such as private
and other local, state and federal programs.

foundations

- Work with the Kent County Parks and Recreation Department and LoHell
School District to ensure a coordinated approach to providing facilities
with organized recreational activities.
- Monitor citizen needs and concerns.
- f1ake necessary recommendations to the Township Board with respect to ongoing parks and recreation needs in the areas of administrative, budgeting
and operation and maintenance.
Administrative Offices, Library and Fire Protection
As has been previously discussed, the Township. Administration Offices are located on leased property with very little room for expansion, fire protection is
contracted through the City of Lowell and the nearest library in Lowell is in
need of expansion. While existing conditions in these three critical areas of
public service appear satisfactory, it must be recognized that continued growth
will almost certainly bring increased needs and public demands for improvements
in all three areas.
It is therefore important that the Township periodically assess its position
with respect to these facilities and services as well as available options for
improvement.
One of these options is, of course, the acquisition of land and
the ultimate crinstruction of one or more of these three facilities.
If during the remainder of the ten year planning period, it becomes apparent
that land acquisition for one or more of these facilities is necessary to ultimately address long range needs, it is recommended that the following siting
factors be taken into consideration.
1.

Fire stations should be located near but not directly on the intersection
of two major streets. This will enhance accessibility to all areas of the
Township, but reduce the number of potentially hazardous conflicts directly
on the intersection.

2.

The Flat River forms a barrier that will have a direct influence on site
selection for a fire station.

3.

Economies of scale and the applicability of fire station locational
criteria to other types of community facilities tend to indicate that a
single site capable of ultimately supporting the collective needs of a fire
station, township hall, library and community park should be considered.
Such a site would allow the Township greater decision making flexibility
and the opportunity to minimize overall acquisition and development cost.
Such a site would also allow most administrative, operation and maintenance
functions to be carried out in a more cost effective, centralized fashion.

IV-14

�School Facilities
It is recommended that the Township work closely with the Lowell School District
in the district's efforts to assure that the necessary educational facilities
are provided.
Such cooperation will be necessary since the district is
presently exploring options that could lead to a decision to acquire a new
school site within the district.
Should sites in Vergennes Township be considered, it will be important that the
Township have adequate lead time to consider possible land use and development
related implications.

IY-15

�TRANSPORTATION PLAN
The street system forms the framevrnrk for grm•1th and deve 1opment of the
community.
By providing a means for internal and external circulation, it
serves the community by helping shape the intensity of land use.
Thus, this
costly and long-lasting element becomes one of the most dynamic forces of the
community.
Street classification

The street system serving Vergennes Township can be classified as follows:
t1ajor Arterials
This class of street serves major movements of traffic within or through the
area.
t1ainly designed to move traffic, the secondary function is to provide
land service.
Minor Rural Arterials
This class of street serves primarily local or shorter distance traffic and
provides a limited degree of continuity. Their principal function is providing
local land access in connection with major arterials.
Paved Rural Collector Streets
These streets serve the internal traffic movement within specific areas and connect those areas with the major and minor arterial system. Generally, they are
not continuous for any great length.
The collector street is intended to supply abutting property with the same
degree of access as a local street, while at the same time serving local traffic
movement. Traffic control devices may be installed to protect and facilitate
movement of traffic; however, these devices would not be as elaborate as those
on arterial streets.
Unpaved Rural Collectors and Local Streets
The sole function of these streets is to provide access to immediately adjacent
property. They make up a major percentage of the streets in the community, but
carry a small proportion of the vehicle-miles of travel.
Objective

The primary objective of the Transportation Plan of Vergennes Township is to
provide a street network which will encourage the most logical development of
the area while providing for the safe and efficient movement of people and
goods.

IV-16

--

�Problems

The major pPoblem with the street system is increased traffic volume on unpaved
rural collectors. Other factors that will become increasingly significant as
growth continues include the need for better traffic and access controls to
reduce traffic conflicts, and the incomplete grid pattern of the street system.
Reconmendations

The following transportation related recommendations are intended to address existing problems and to avoid problems in the future:
- Within zoning and subdivision regulations institute assess controls intended
to reduce traffic conflicts along the major and minor arterials thereby preserving their volume and function.
- Establish road improvement priorities. Through cooperation with the Kent
County Road Commission, monitor traffic volumes and road conditions as part of a
program to establish road improvement priorities. In this way, the Township can
objectively allocate its limited resources to those areas already having the
greatest need.
- Consider the ability of existing roadway conditions to handle projected traffic volumes resulting from new development when reviewing site plans and rezoning requests.
- Implement the Land Use Plan. This document contains specific land use recommendations which reflect the adequacy of the existing roadway system.
Taken
collectively, the implementation of the various land use proposals will minimize
the need for long range road improvements.
- It is recommended that zoning and subdivision controls officially recognize
the hierarchy of the road network by taking into consideration the traffic
volume, noise, speed and clear vision requirements of each roadway 7la~s. Such
requirements should translate in larger minimum lot frontages and bu1ld1ng setbacks along major streets than those along local platted streets.

IV-17

�CHAPTER V
IMPLEMENTATION
Updat!ng of the f1ast 7r Plan pr~vides a direction for future gro\'1th and development in accordance with Township goals and objectives. However accommodation of
the anticipated population growth over the next ten years wiil require investment from both the public and private sectors. It is important that this investment be made wisely and that the results are consistent with Township goals.
The recommendations in this Plan are advisory, and are intended to form an acceptable framework for decision making. While the Township Planning Commission
does not have the total responsibility for plan implementation, it must assume a
leadership role to assure the plan's success.
Implementation
components:

of this

Plan will

require a combination of three

basic

1.

Acceptance and use of the Plan by the Planning Cormnission and Township
Board as a decision making tool.

2.

Commitment of resources in accordance with Plan proposals.

3.

Community understanding and acceptance.

The Master Plan cannot serve its intended purpose unless it is implemented as
part of an overall action plan. The following action plan elements are listed
as the primary means of plan implementation.
A vital step toward implementing the Plan is official recognition of the Plan
and its proposals by the Township Board, Planning Commission, and general
citizenry. Plan implementation will require community understanding and support
and thus, should be given wide exposure and continuing public and governmental
review and evaluation.
Zoning Controls
By contrast to the general policies of a land use plan, a zoning ordinance and
map are specific, and offer an important means of guiding land development.
Subsequent to the adoption of this Plan, the Township Planning Commission and
Township Board should review and make any necessary revisions to the zoning
regulations to ensure that recommendations of the Plan are instituted.
Flat River Natural River Plan and Zoning Controls
Vergennes Township participated in the development of the Flat River N~tu~al
River Plan.
At its November 9, 1979 meeting, the Natural Resources Commission
formally adopted this plan and designated the Flat River as a Country Scenic
River under authority of Act 231 of the Public Acts of 1970.
V-1

�The Township has al so developed and adopted zoning regulations for controlling
development 1•1ithin 300 feet from the ordinary high water mark on each side of
and paralleling the Flat River. The Flat River District is established as an
overlay zoning district as a secondary district to the conventional zoning districts which are adjacent to the Flat River. The requirements of the Flat River
District should be reviewed every five years and any necessary changes made to
keep the ordinance current with changing patterns of land use development.
Marine Safety Act
The f1ari ne Safety Act (Act 303 of 1967, as amended) sets forth genera 1 regulations for the use of vessels in waters of the state. The Department of Natural
resources may, via hearings and adoption of rules by local governments, further
regulate the use of such waters by special regulation.
The Planning Commission and Township Board should give consideration to the
adoption of special rules to regulate the use of the backwaters of Burroughs
Dam.
Such rules might regulate such things as permissible hours of operation
for speed boats, no-wake zones etc ••
Under this act, the Township would hold a public hearing to determine if regulation is necessary.
If deemed necessary, the Township would then request the
t1ichigan Department of Natural Resources to undertake an investigative study of
the site and hold a public hearing.
Following this hearing, and with DNR
approval, the Township could adopt rules by ordinance.
Once adopted, the
Township, County or State could enforce the rules, although they are generally
enforced by the Watercraft Division of the Kent County Sheriffs Department.
Subdivision Controls
New subdivisions should be contained primarily within areas designated for low
and medium density development by this Plan.
It is recommended that the Township establish as a high priority the development
and adoption of subdivision regulations that are tailored specifically to the
needs of the Township.

Subdivision regulations should include
requirements, and performance standards.

design

criteria,

development

Building and Housing Codes
Codes regulating the construction and maintenance of housing units are important
to the preservation of an attractive community. The Township building codes
should reflect the continuing advances in building technology and maintain high
standards for building design and construction.

V-2

�Community Facilities
The_M~ster Pl~n is not i~tended !o provide the level of detailed planning and
dec1s1on making that 1s required to locate and implement future community
facilities.
Instead, it is intended to provide general direction as to how
these improvements should be made in an orderly and cost-effective manner,
taking into consideration the projected long-range needs of the community.
It is recommended that early on in the planning period, the Township should
develop the necessary facilities plans to determine detailed needs and the
timing of their development. Through these early decision making processes, all
available options should be discussed and, if needed, land should be identified
and, to reduce cost, acquired in advance of actual construction. Early decisions will also allow funds to be allocated over time and help to ensure that
when actual development is needed, the resources will be available.
The list of community facilities that have been identified as being in need of
serious discussion and decision making within the planning period include; parks
and recreation facilities, administrative offices, fire protection and library
facilities.
Historic Preservation
The Plan makes specific recommendations relative to historic preservation in the
Fallasburg area. It is recommended that these steps be carried out early in the
planning process period.
Economic Development
The commercial and industrial components of the Plan make specific recommendations relative to land for commercial and industrial development near the City
of Lowell.
However, without the adequate provisions of public sewer and water
facilities, extensive development will not be desirable and it is doubtful that
these areas will experience a great deal of development activity.
For this reason, it is recommended that the Township explore the many options
available for the ultimate provision of public utilities in these areas.
To provide necessary utilities within the 10 year planning period, it is recommended that discussions with the City of Lowell begin at an early stage. Potential areas of discussion should focus on the following:
1.

Inclusion of areas immediately adjacent to Lowell in an ultimate sewer
and water service area of Lowell utilities.

2.

Development of sewer and water plans to determine those sewer and
water capacity improvements necessary to serve portions of Vergennes.

3.

Discussion of alternative financing for improvements and extensions
including special assessments, additional millage and possi~ly the
conditional transfer of property by contract between the two units of
government.
V-3

�Funding
On-going planning and selective components of the Plan by necessity will require
financial assistance if they are to be realized. Such funds may be generated
locally through the general fund or special millages or may be made available
from several state and federal sources. Among the state and federal sources
are:
- Community Development Block Grant Program - As an entitlement community, Kent
County receives yearly allocations from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban
Development (HUD). A portion of these funds are allocated to the 33 local units
of government in the County.
Vergennes Township receives a share of these
moneys which can be utilized for on-going planning projects and certain capital
improvements if they will directly benefit low-income or minority groups in the
Township.
Examples of local projects that are typically funded wholly or in
part through this program include:

* Public facilities including libraries, firestations, cor.,munity centers,
fire equipment, historical structures, etc.

* Planning studies including rtaster Plans, Recreation Plans, Housing
Studies, Drainage and Utility Plans, etc.

- Land and Water Conservation Fund and Michigan Natural Resources Trust Fund Assistance under these programs is available for planning, acquiring and
developing a wide range of outdoor recreation areas and facilities.
The
programs are administered by the ttichigan Department of Natural Resources and
are financed by funds appropriated by the Federal Government and State
legislature.
Under the LWCF Program, grants of up to 50% of the cost of a
project are available. Under the t1NRTF Program, 100% funding may be obtained.
- Tax Financing Authorities - Townships such as Vergennes are enabled under
state statue to raise funds through various tax authorities. These include the
Downtown Development Authority (ODA). Through establishment of a ODA, tax
increment financing can be used. This would allow the capturing of moneys generated from increased assessed values within the defined district. Captured
funds can be devoted to specific public improvements such as utilities, parks
and street improvements.
Capital Improvements Program
Capital Improvements Programming is the first step in a comprehensive management
system designed to relate priorities and programs to community goals and
objectives.
It is a means of planning ahead for the funding and implementation
of major construction and land acquisition activities. The typical CIP is 6
years in length and updated yearly. The first year in each CIP contains the
capital improvement budget.
The program generally includes a survey of the
long-range needs of the entire governmental unit covering major planned projects
along with their expected cost and priority. The Township Board then analyses
the projects, financing options and the interrelationship between projects.
Finally, a project schedule in developed. Priority projects are included in the
V-4

�Capita 1 Improvement Program. Low priority projects may be retained in a Capita 1
Improvement Schedule which may cover as long as 20 years .

•

The CIP is useful to the Township, private utilities, citizens and investors
since it allows coordination in activities and provides the general public with
a view of future expectations.
Continuing Planning
In order to ensure continual implementation of the t1aster Plan, a continuing
planning process should be maintained. The elements of such a process should
provide for the following:
1.

Monitoring: The maintenance of basic socioeconomic planning data on a
current basis.

2.

Re-evaluation: Periodic review, rea.ppraisal, and modification of the
plan to make 1t fully reflective of changes in the community and the
surrounding area.

3.

Assistance: The provision of planning data and technical services to
community policy-makers, developers, and lay citizens.

The preparation of a Plan is only a corner-stone in a continuous process and not
an end result.
Public Information
Public understanding and discussion of major policy questions and proposals is
essential so that the Plan may receive maximum public acceptance. because the
Planning Commission and the Plan are advisory in their approach to community
development, education of the public regarding planning is required. This
education must be based on a flow of information and dialogue on major issues.
In order to increase public acceptance of the Plan and in turn,
put into the planning process, several methods may be employed:

gain public in-

1.

To establish and maintain contact with the general public and with
civic and service organizations in the Township.

2.

To utilize the mass media to advance the Township's planning and
development objectives.

Plan Review
It is important to remember that this Plan is not a static document. It should
be continually utilized to guide the Township's growth. The Planning Commission
should monitor changes in conditions or advances in planning technology and periodically review and update the Plan to take advantage of these factors.

V-5

�It is recommended that five year updates be undertaken but that, as a minimum,
they be timed to coincide with the release of decennial U.S. Census data. This
will allow the utilization of highly detailed and up-to-date demographic information as accurate benchmarks in monitoring and projecting community growth and
change.

V-6

�APPENDIX A
Historical and Projected Traffic Counts
Table A-1 _presents the available historical traffic counts on street segments
located within Vergennes Township. Location have been identified by the letters
A through S and correspond to their locations found on 11ap A-1. For example:
Location A on Table A-1 refers to location A on t1ap A-1, or the intersection
of Vergennes Street and Lincoln Lake Ave. Where available, traffic counts are
provided for each road\'lay segment north, south, east and \·lest of the
intersection. Numbers refer to total two way traffic counts taken over 24-hour
time periods.
11

11

11

11

Table A-2 presents traffic volume and level of service projections for selected
street segments within the Township.
The table presents two alternative
projections:
- The first projections are based on historical rates of increase extrapolated from available traffic counts during the 1980 s. Since the projections are based on relative increases that have occurred in the past, maintenance of the same rates of growth are not seen as being realistic.
1

- The second set of projections utilizes the standard rate of increase as
utilized by the t1i chi gan Department of Transportation and assumes a normal
rate of development and population growth.
It can be expected that traffic increases for the selected road segments
will more closely correspond to the projections derived from the standard
rate.
Projections based on the historical increases should therefore be
considered worse case scenarios.

�APPENDIX A

•

TABLE A-1
HISTORICAL TRAFFIC COUNTS
Selected Locations (Two-way Counts)

Location

1982

1987

A - North
South
East
West

3,151
3,753
599
1,435

4,714
5,184
662
2,078

1981

1986

3,335
3,288
714

3,835
4,488
804

1982

1986

2,386
3,135
731

3,398
4,797
1,711

1981

1985

2,168
2,269
N/A
58

2,772
2,403
260
160

1981

1985

N/A
1,409
161
247

N/A
2,515
228
574

1981

1985

B - North
South
West

C - North
South
East

D - Uorth
South
East
West

E - North
South
East
West

F - IJorth
South
East
West

286
403
86
110

445
401
94
115

t Incr./Decr.
50%
38
4
45

15
37
13

42

53
134

28
30
N/A
176

N/A
78
42
132

56
0
9
5

l

�APPENIX A
TABLE A-1 CONT.
Location

1982

1986

G - North
South
East
West

483
483
1,402
1,317

749
595
1,725
1,769

1980

1986

907
898
744
998

804
573
696
1,043

1981

1985

H - North
South
East
West

I - North

South
East
West

444
670
338
264
1981

J - North

South
East
West

423
520
74
19
1984

K - North

224
275
457
1982

M - North
South
West

55
23
23
34

-11%

-36
- 6
5

28
12
33
19

1985
574
N/A
78
32

36
5
68

Recent Data Not Available

655
1981

L - North
South
East

567
749
451
314

% Incr./Decr.

370
440
385

1986
616
509
N/A

175
85

Recent Data Not Available

�APPENDIX A

•

TABLE A-1 CONT.
Location

1982

N - North
South
East
West

613
677

136
103
1981

0 - North
South
East
West

477

63
676
504

1982
P - North

South
East

South
East

East
West

Source:

690
77

862
619

25
0

-21

45

22
27.5
23

Recent Data Not Available

1986
107

54

83
69

46

% Incr./Decr.
-11
54
43

Recent Data Not Available

144
369
424

1980
S - North

20

1985

120

1980
R - South

733
844
132
81

% Incr./Decr.

188
400
214
1982

Q - North

1986

N/A

Kent County Road Commission

1988 Historical Data Not Available
1598

I

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AREA

L

VERGENNES TOWNSHIP
KENT COUNTY, MICHIGAN

T 7 N, R 9 W

TRAFFIC COUNT LOCATIONS
MAP A-1

�APPENDIX A
TABLE A-2
Traffic Volume And
Level of Service Projections
For Selected Street Segments
L.0.S.

1995

L.0.S.

2000

L.0.S.

5,580
5,470

IIAII
IIAII

8,550
6,570

llcll

10,300
7,500

"Ell

5,740
4,552

"All

9,225
5,485

"C"

13,433
6,266

"E"

4,100
3,583

"All

5,895
4,093

"All

8,036
4,577

11B11
"A"

2,265
2,134

"All

3,488
2,503

IIAII

4,500
2,860

"B"

1988

Street
Lincoln Lake Ave.
South of Vergennes
Hist. Rate
Stand. Rate

"A"

"B"

Lincoln Lake Ave.
Between Bailey and
Fallasburg Park Dr.
Hist. Rate
Stand. Rate

IIAII

IIAII

IIAII

Lincoln Lake Ave.
North of Fallasburg
Park Dr.
Hist. Rate
Stand. Rate

IIAII

IIAII

Vergennes St. East
of Lincoln Lake
Hist. Rate
Stand. Rate

IIAII

"All

IIAII

Notes:
1.

A short qualitative description of each level of Service is as follows:
Level of Service
"All

"Bu

ucu

"D"
IIEII

Traffic Flow Description
Free Flow
Stable Flow
Within design operations
Congested but acceptable for short periods
Subject to operations breakdovm and severe congestion

2.

All projections relate to 24 hr. two way volumes, assuming 5% truck traffic

3.

Projections based on historical rates of increase are projected from 1986 &amp;
1987 Kent County Road CoITlllission Traffic Counts.

4.

The standard rate of increase is 2.7% per year,
Department of Transportation.

as used by the t1ichigan

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                    <text>GVSU Veteran’s History Project
Korean War
Norman Vermerris
Total Time: 27:54
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(00:12) Birthday is February 22nd, 1931
(00:27) Worked in the Air Force; highest rank was a Staff Sergeant
(00:43) Enlisted in Grand Rapids, Michigan with seven of his friends
o They decided to join the Air Force
(1:04) Korean War started in June of 1953 [1950]
o Instead of being drafted into the Army, he and his friends wanted to join the Air
Force
o October or November when they enlisted
o Physicals were in Lansing
(1:44) January 7th, 1951 when they went into the service
o Wet by train to Lackland Air Force Base in San Antonio, Texas
(2:15) Most of the guys that were with him were from Michigan, but one was from
Texas
(2:27) After Basic Training, Mr. Vermerris was sent to Biloxi, Mississippi to go to Radio
School
o Afterwards, they had to choose between Airborne, Ground Radio, or be an
instructor
o He ended up in the Airborne, was pleased with this
(3:07) Sent to an Air Force Base in Tacoma, Washington
o There was a C-124 Operation as well as a school for pilots and co-pilots
o Flew over the Pacific and the Atlantic
o They flew to most of the islands in the Pacific
(5:10) They also flew over to the East Coast; made shuttles from Maine into Greenland,
as well as Iceland
(5:54) They helped move B-29 outfit from England to the United States
o Strategic Air Force [Command] at the time; England also had cargo planes
(6:52) They also flew to Alaska
(7:00) Remembers flying from Greenland to the Washington Air Force Base – McCord
(7:36) Also flew into Japan with cargo
(7:47) Eventually in Tacoma they moved his outfit to Florida
o After this was when he went overseas and was stationed in Japan
o Flew from Japan to Korea
o Was on a Troop Carrier; 6th Squadron Combat Cargo

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(9:40) Flew over food, ammunition, etc.
(9:49) Originally was going to be a part of the combat crew for a year, but then a truce
was signed in 1953
(10:18) Later, in the 315 group, there was a C-46 that was going to be flown back to the
US
o Mr. Vermerris was sent to Brady Air Force Base in the southern islands of Japan
o Was going to put in extra tanks in the planes so they could go to the US
o Eventually decided against this, so Mr. Vermerris couldn’t be rotated back to the
US
o Stayed until 1954
(12:15) Often flew from Pusan to places in Japan as well
(13:03) Brady Air Force Base was on the coast of Japan, 7 feet above sea level
(13:24) When he was still in a Japanese city, there was a Korea pilot who flew a plane
into the base; deflected from North Korea; was given a large sum of money
o He was also supposed to go to the United States
o Airplane was flown to Okinawa
o They later picked up the airplane
o Eventually flew it to Dayton, Ohio
(17:47) Once Mr. Vermerris was in Patterson Field, he hitchhiked home
(20:18) While he was in school training, he also learned how to navigate
(21:00) Mentioned that he used to meet one of the guys he signed up for the Air Force
with
o This friend was a photographer
o Met most of the guys he signed up with in various places during the service
(22:11) Was in the service from January of 1951 until December of 1954
(23:17) Remembers bringing POW’s from Korea into Japan
(23:35) Mr. Vermerris worked mostly in supplies
(23:44) He also went to Indochina and supplied the French with things
o Also flew into the northern capitol of Vietnam
(26:55) Remembers snow-steps in Greenland
(27:37) Was in Japan when the [Korean] war officially ended

�</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Vermont. Loyal to the Union</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Design shows female with state coat of arms and "Loyal to the Union. State of Vermont." Design in red and blue on a white envelope. For sale by Wm. Ridenburgh, 132 &amp; 134 Nassau St., N.Y.</text>
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            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/?language=en"&gt;No Copyright - United States&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>United States--History--Civil War, 1861-1865</text>
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                <text>Postal service--United States--History</text>
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                <text>Covers (Philatety)--United States--History</text>
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                <text>Patriotic envelopes</text>
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            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/476"&gt;Civil War patriotic envelopes, (RHC-49)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="1026472">
                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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                  <text>Civil War and Slavery Collection</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/472"&gt;Civil War and Slavery Collection (RHC-45)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/470"&gt;John Bennitt Diaries and Correspondence (RHC-43)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/471"&gt;Nathan Sargent Papers (RHC-44)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/478"&gt;Theodore Peticolas Diary (RHC-51)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/476"&gt;Civil War Patriotic Envelopes Collection (RHC-51)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/479"&gt;Whitely Read Diary (RHC-52)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <name>Publisher</name>
              <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                  <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections &amp; University Archives</text>
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              <name>Date</name>
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                  <text>1804-1897</text>
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              <name>Rights</name>
              <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="86594">
                  <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/?language=en"&gt;No Copyright - United States&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              </elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="42">
              <name>Format</name>
              <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="86595">
                  <text>image/jpg; application/pdf&#13;
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              <name>Language</name>
              <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                  <text>eng</text>
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              <name>Type</name>
              <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
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                  <text>Image; Text</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
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              <name>Coverage</name>
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                  <text>1804-1897</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
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          </elementContainer>
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      </elementSetContainer>
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      <name>Text</name>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Vermont. The Loyal States, Union</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="41">
            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="248460">
                <text>Design shows female with flag and state coat of arms and "Vermont, The Loyal States, Union." Design in blue on a white envelope. Designed and manufactured by Reagles &amp; Co., 1 Chambers Street, N.Y.</text>
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            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="248462">
                <text>RHC-49_PE103</text>
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            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="248464">
                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/?language=en"&gt;No Copyright - United States&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>United States--History--Civil War, 1861-1865</text>
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                <text>Covers (Philatety)--United States--History</text>
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                <text>Patriotic envelopes</text>
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            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/476"&gt;Civil War patriotic envelopes, (RHC-49)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <text>image/jpeg</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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