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                    <text>FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
CONTACT:

ANGELA LIND

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1975
477-1540

JOSE JIMENEZ, 46th WARD ALDER.MANIC CANDIDATE, PUBLISHES COMPLETE LIST OF CAMPAIGN
INCOME AND EXPENSES: CALLS ON REGULARS TO DO SAME.
Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez, 46th Ward Aldermanic candidate, issued the following
statement this morning.
"In the last months of this campaign I have been viciously and slanderously
attacked by my opponent, the present alderman of the 46th ward.

Among other charges,

he has stated to voters and to reporters that the fi.nancing of my campaign came from
'suspicious' sources.

His campaign workers have even said that my campaign was

finance d by the sale of drugs.

I am here today to put an end to these vicious rumors

by making a complete disclosure of my campaign finances, as I promised when my

candidacy was announced, and to call upon my opponent to do the same.
"I have filed my financial statements with the Board of Elections, which according

to Illinois State law, all candidates must do.

At the same time, this law only

requires a disclosure of finances beginning January 1, 1975.

Candidates may have

gathered in many hidde n contributions before that date and not be required legally to
disclose them.

Therefore I am making a full disclosure of!.!! campaign contributions

and expenditures since the beginning of my campaign.
"I am proud of the spirit of sacrifice that has made this campaign possible.

When we announced in June and even months prior to that, ordinary people, factory
workers and residents of this community had pooled their salaries to live more cheaply,
- more -

�and put money away in savings for this campaign.
sold at up to Sl a button.

Thousands of buttons have been

Many small contribut1.ons have come from concerned people

throuohout the ward and the city.

Artists and printers have donated their skills

and many are alAo working in the precincts.

Commur1ity organi.zations have allowed

t he campaiqn te1 use their mimeographing equipment and typewriters.

It has been

and is a real community based campaign that through hard work and sacrifice has
become an effective and professionally run campaign.

All campaiqn staff are

volunteer; there are no paid staff nor public relations consultants.
"I am calling on my opponent to disclose

~

finances as fully as I have: to

open ~p the records of the 46th ward regular organization and disclose his backers
to the public,

I am calling also for an end to rumors and mudslinging on the part

of his campaign and a return to a campaign based on the issues that affect the people
of our ward.
"We are confident of victory, because of the support of the people and because

of the commitment and self-sacrifice of our campaign workers."

SEE ATTACJ~D FINANCIAL INFORMATION

�NEWS

FROM • • •

Citizens for Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez, 3500 N. Broadway,
Chicago, Ill. 60657

ADDITIONAL MATERIAIS,
SEE ACCOMPANYING RELEASE

FEBRUARY 11, 1975

For More Information, Please Contact:
Angela Lind
477-1540

FOR

IMMEDIATE

RELEASE

JOSE JIMENEZ, 46th WARD ALDERMANIC CANDIDATE, PUBLISHES COMPLETE LIST OF CAMPAIGN
INCOME AND EXPENSES;

1.

Following is a summary of income and expenditures of this campaign for the
period August, 1974 through February 8, 1975 by category.
A.

Income
1.

2.
3.
4.
TOTAL:

B.

5~

6.
7.

a.

9.

10.
11.
12.
TOTAL:

c.

$5,509.62
1,956.61
210.77
1,165.21
8,842.21

-

general contributions
through sale of campaign buttons
collections at parties &amp; meetings
loans

-

printing
paper &amp; other office materials
postage
rent (includes security deposit)
utilities (includes phone deposits)
buttons
rental of billboard space
radio time
lumber &amp; other conatruction supplies
typesetting &amp; art supplies

Expenditures
1.
2.
3.
4.

$2,916.75
360.89
1,025.00
1,125.00
824.46
255.00
648.00
120.00
66.22
132.87
234.52
35.88
7,744.59

food

miscellaneous

Balance

Total Income
Total Expenditures
BALANCE FORWARD
2.

CALLS ON REGULARS TO DO SAME.

8,842.21
7,744.59
1,097.62

On Deposit
cash On Hand
BALANCE FORWARD

+

1,000.00
97.62
1,097.62

Following is a list of income for the period August, 1974 through February 8, 1975
by month.
A.

August, 1974
Button Sales
John Miscunski
Pierre LeBreton
TOTAL

294.50
250.00
100.00
644.50
- MORE -

�p. 2 of
supplement

CITIZENS FOR JOSE CHA-CHA JIMBNEZ
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION (Continued)

February 11, 1975
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

JIMENEZ CAMPAIGN FINANCIAL INFORMATION (continued)
2.

List of income by month (continued)
B.

Septernber, 1974
NONE

c.

October, 1974
NON£

o.

November, 1974
Button Sales
Fat Kaplan
Robert Howard
Cesaro. Ballaftos
John Walsh
Elizabeth White
Sol Golden
Faith Schumaker
Susan Rosenbloom
Nick Norris
John Rossen
Steven Gold
Adeline Kashmere
Paul Siegel

James Ratner
Thomas Lindsey
TOTAL
E.

332 .11
224.00
20.00
30.00
10.00
10.00
10.00

s.oo

250.00
10.00
15.00
250.00
2.40

126.72
64.00
75.00
1,434.23

Decetllber, 1974
Collections
Button Sales
Catherine Archibald
Karen Richardson
Candy Espada
Gloria Perez
David Ballestas
Robin Kaufman
G. Marie Leaner
Manuel Barbosa
Joan Wallace
J. Hart
Marc Kaplan
c. M:::Millan
Faith Schumacker
Bob Gibson
John Sales

44. 77
487.00
250.00
20.00
2.00
10.00
10.00

s.oo

5.00
15.00
250.00
250.00
250.00
1.00

11.00
20.00
10.00
- MORE -

�p. !

~~BaUMY l l , 1975

c,~

supplement
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION (Continued)

for IMMEDIATE RELEASE

JIMENEZ CAMPAIGN FINANCIAL INFORMATION (continued)

2.

List of income by month (continued)
E.

December, 1974 (continued)
Chris Colon
Eugene Eulingberg
Barbara Lowenstein
Sidney Lens
Susan Avila
Paul Terkel
E. Cose
Leroi Jones
Zonzie
Lorraine Blue
Linda Turner
Frederick Spaulding
John Block
R. Bady
Ben Rodriguez

F.

25.00
25.00

s.oo

10.00
2.00

s.oo

.so

s.oo
10.00

TOTAL

15.00

s.oo
25 . 00

so .oo

25 .0C

s.oo

__
10 .00

2 ,4 18.27
650. 00
3,068 . 27

300.00
200.00
10.00
25.00

January, 1975

Collections
Benefits
Jeri Riddle
Frank Oliver
Ida Terkel
Rose Ratner
Sl!muel Betances
H.s. Morrison
Edwin Vagas
Alberto Mata
Margaret Schmidt
Richard Jackson
Toby Prinz
Henrietta Moore
Herman Gruber
Louise Chapman
G.

Carmello Rodr ig ue2
Nanette Rutherfor d
Pat Hughes
Sy lvia Ste ··art
Vera Lea f Pearl
Max Torres
Milton Certer
SUBTOTAL
Loan - Campaign for
Commun ity Contro l

10.00
10.00

Carl MacKi
Arnie O!-:an"':
Richard C,:fr1en
George Atk ins
Carol A. ~ola Hawk
Paul Moreno
Frank &amp; Vivian Archer
Jorge Betluchamp
Pe ul &amp; Heather B::,ct:
Miguel Chevere
Steve Romero
Randy Salt z
Cami lle Nash
SUBTOTAL
Loan - J ~mes Chaprran
TOTAL

22.00
93.00
20.00
25.00
75.00
15.00

75.00
1.00
20.00
20.00
10.00
10.00

5.00

rn.oo

10.00

20.00

1.00
5.00
20&lt;'

,v

250 . 00

·2 .co

.!

5 .oo

:.s .oo
10. 00
20 .00
1s.00
5 . U(

360.0C
1 20 . 00
1,519 .oo

515.21
2,0 34.21

February 1st through 8th, 1975
A. Kautt
James Chapman
Fred Walker
Ellis Lev in

Collections
51.00
Buttons
843.00
Higni thio Lucas
10.00
Shirley Clark
5.00
Carlos Delgado
s.oo
Joe Giola
25.00
Hilda Frontaney
2.00
w.H. Ferry &amp; Carol
Bernstein Ferry
500.00
Jack Spiegel
30.00
Laurie &amp; Pierre LeBretonlS.00
K. Hummer
5 . 00

Roger s ~.enkiew:i.e~

John Bleck
Melvin Thurman
Carmen Velez
Lambert King
Norman Palmer
Thomas Shefcik
Pat
- MORE -

&amp;

Tom Timm

s .oo
10.00

5.00
1 0 . 00

5 . 00
10 .C'}

s.oo

10.00

so.co
25.00
10.00
25.00
1, 6 0 1 . 00

�CITIZENS FOR JOSE CHA-CHA JIMENEZ

p. 4

of

FEBRUARY

11, 1975

supplement
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION (Continued)

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

JIMENEZ CAMPAIGN FINANCIAL INFORMATION (continued)
3.

Following is a list of expenditures for the period August, 1974 through February 8 ,
1975 by month.
A.

August, 1974
End of Month Balance:

644.50

120.00 - radio time
255.00 - buttons
7.06
End of Month Balance:
382.06

262.44

End of Month Balance:

262.44

NONE

B.

September, 1974
WEOC

Artesian Specialties
Bank Charges
'l'OTAL:

c.

$

October, 1974
NONE

D.

November, 1974
Kenny Paper Co.
Metro Media
Progress Press
Globe Posters
A &amp; E Rubber Stamp
Wagner Litho
Midwest Printing
Kenny Paper Co.
u.s. Post Office

224.00
648.00
110.00
557.50
2.40
196.00
64.00
126.72
75.00
2,003.62

-

paper
rental of 12 large billboards for 3 monthA •·
printing
printing
rubber stamp
printing
printing
paper
postage
End of Month Balance:
-306.95

Computype
50.00
Tony Karnezis
375.00
Tony Karnezis
375.00
Waqner Litho
227.00
Illinois Bell Telephone 78.25
Ill. Bell Tel.
200.00
Wagner Litho
92.00
u.s. Post Office
300.00
Bank Charges
2.30
W.gner Litho
29.50
.u.s. Post Office
650.00
TOTAL:
2,379 .OS

-

typesetting
security deposit
rent
printing
advance payment
phone deposit
printing
postage

TOTAL

E.

F.

December, 1974

- printing
- postage
End of Month Balance:

January, 1975
Computype
Miscellaneous

75.00
4.20
4.15
7.87

-

typesetting
office supplies
lumber
art supplies
- more -

382.27

�CITIZENS FOR JOSE CHA-CHA JIMENEZ

p. 5 of
supplement

FEBRUARY

SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION (continued)

Fl:&gt;R IMMEDIATE RELEASE

JIMENEZ CAMPAIGN FINANCIAL INFORMATION
3.

11, 1975

(continued)

List of expenditures by month (continued)
F.

January, 1975 (continued)

Tony Karnez i8
Bank Adjustment
Berland Printing
Ill. Bell Telephone
Berland Printing
TOTAL
G.

26 • 54
201.24
31.00
375.00
20.25
360.00
515.21
120.00
1,740.46

-

food for warkers ' part,,
for voter registrution day
phone
rent
bounced check
printing
phones
printing
End of Month Baliince:
676.02
:food

February 1st through 8th, 1975

so.co -

Office

L

SUBTOTAL
Cash carried
forward
Berland Printing
Bank Charges
Berland Printing
TOTAL

25.34
3.57
6.74
13.13
48.78

-

see breakdown below
lumber &amp; varnish
office supplies
food

lumber for signs

1.22 _/
870.75 - printing
6.27
290.00 - printing
23.60 - lumber for signs
1,239.40
End of Period Balance:

- 30 -

1,097.62

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                    <text>Tuesday January 14, 1975
Dear Friends and Neighbors,

Every four years, right around election time, politicians seem to produce a few services and more promises.
We, who live around Wilton and Grace, know how long we
have waited fo~ a stop sign on our corner.

It is our

children who have had to dodge cars, and our seniors who
have had to hope some kind driver will stop and le~ them
cross.

It is unjust for us to only receive city services

around election time.

We have had to suffer due to this

type of politician for too long.
from a full-time Alderman.

We need full-tJme service

For this reason, we feel that

we want to share with you some points of information regarding our neighborhood and the stop sign.
We would first like to inform you about our organizational work.

Since June our campaign staffs have

assisted over 1,000 people with problems of public aid
and social security; over 600 with legal assistance often providing lawyers at little or no cost; over 1,400
with emergency food orders; over 600 with transportation;
advocacy and follow-up around medical problems; over 150
with various complaints to city agencies; over 400 with
housing problems of which 100 have been relocated in this
ward.
In early June, before Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez announced
his candidacy, we went to the Alderman's office to inquire
about putting stop signs on the corner of Wilton and Grace.
There had already been numerous accidents;

and after our

requisition was brushed aside, the accidents continued.

�You may remember the lady who was hit while riding a
bicycle, or the car that spun around and hit a

pedestrian,

or possibly you can remember other'incidents.
Actually,

obtaining a stop sign is not difficult,

es-

pecially if your Alderman happens to be on the Traf1ic Committee as our opponent is.
the Traffic Committee.
veying team.

The process is one of contacting

The committee then sends out a sur-

After they report back,

the Traffic Committee

then decides if that corner needs a stop sign or not.
The present Alderman did sign his name authorizing
a stop sign, but it actually has been the community
fighting for four years that gave us the stop sign on Wilton
and Grace.

Our opponent has always proven to us that only

when it is in his interest does he pay any attention at all
to our community.

(Such as a kite flying ordinance he tried

to pass, only because the kites had his name on it. )

And

now the st.op sign finally arrives close to election time.

We believe that the community will decide the future
of our neighborhood on February 25th.

If by chance you

have not had the opportunity to get to know us yet or our
candidate,

perhaps we will be seeing you at one of the

many coffees your neighbors are having for Cha-Cha.

For Further Information Feel
Free to

Contact Us

Citizens for

549-9457

Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez

�</text>
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FOR MORE INFORMATION CONTAC'l's
AMGELA LiltD

,n. 1540

SUNDAY, JANUAl\Y 5, 197S

549-9457

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

JOSE CHA-CHA JIMENEZ RECEIVES 46th WARD

t.P.o. ALDERMAMIC BNDORSEME'N'l'

Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez, 46th Ward Aldersnanie candidate, was endoraed today
by the 46th Ward I.P.o. (Independent Precinct ~anization}.

Jimenez received

all votes east., the two opposing candidates who also sought the endoremnent
received none.
Jimenez addreeeed a crowd of 200 at t.he open

House 4520 N. Beacon Street.

I.P.o.

ffleeting held at Hull

In hie presentation Jimenet: said, •.ey stabilizing

this ccmmunity, we can give the people political pc,Miltr, stop the rise in crime
and organiEe the youth -- our future here -- 110 that they beCOllle preductive

citizens in our society.•
Jimenez pledged to be a full-time Aldenaan with a full-ti.Me Aldermanic service

office.

-City services are a right no matter how you vote.•

He

stresa~d that since

June his campaign service staff had taken action on over 4,000 Comlllllflity requests for
assistance including public aid, social security, legal, emergency food, medical and
housing problems.
Other issues that Jimenez stressed and said he would fight for are:
l.

Monies available through the new Housing and Camnunity Developnent kt

should be used, according to federal guidelines, primarily for low and moderate
inc~ housing.
2.

He outlined programs to protect existing low and moderate income housing

including a Landlord Security Deposit ordinance to help assure a quick repair of
-

MORE -

�- 2 -

health and safety hazards in apartments.
3.
by

He emphasized the protection of neighborhoods against monopolization

developers like Bill Thompson and Rubloff through such measures as Community

Zoning Boards and all out efforts to stop redlining in the Ward.
4.

Jimenez called for protection of small landlords, owners of moderate and

low incane housing, who are often unduly harassed out of existance by city inspectors
and courts while slumlords go virtually untouched, Jimenez• program included
special assistance to these small landlor.ds with special assistance in taking
advantage of rent subsidy and other programs.

s.

Jimenez called for a witness protection and immunity program to get to

the bottcm of the arson in the area.
6.

JimeneE emphasized the fight for programs to keep existing jobs!!!, the

city and reattract lost industry.
7.

On

education:

special concern for education in the Ward with stress on

hiring more teachers' aides from the communityr closer unity between the Teachers'
Union and the community; the establishment of a multi-cultural library in the Ward;
and decentralization of the School Board providing more community control.

a.

Four 111ajor prografflS for senior citizens were outlined, including a Senior

Citizens Protection program which is badly needed in the Ward.
9.

Programs for police accountability to the camnunity to provide better

relations and the develop!llent of programs of employment, community participation
and job training for our ycuth were explained.

Jimenez, analyzing the incumbent•s weak Mrgin in the last election, noted that
he had lost the East side of the Ward (along Lake Shore Drive) and that "his strongholds are now our strongholds.

In this COllling election I know for a faet that the

machine will not win in the poor white, Black and Latino sections of tbe Ward.
with your help -

they will not win at all."
- MOM! -

And

�This is a winning carapaign.

we•ve registered

.' 2,

.-00 people to vote, and by

January 28th we plan to reach our goal of registering 5,000 people.•

described his extensive volunteer precinct structure:

Jimenez

"We have 951 of our

precincts covered, and s01ne with as nia.ny as 10 t~ 12 workers.•
After the I.P.o. endorsement was announced, the session ended with a standing
ovation and the crowd broke into Jimenez• campaign song, The D!lwning of a

- 30 -

BACJCGROUNt&gt; INPORMATI01' ATTACHBD

New

Day.

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                <text>1975-01-05</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
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                <text>Press Release: Aldermanic Endorsment</text>
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          <element elementId="41">
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Press release from Citizens for Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez about his endorsement for alderman by the 46th Ward I.P.O. (Independent Precinct Organization).</text>
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                <text>Young Lords (Organization)</text>
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                <text>Young Lords (Organization) History</text>
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                <text>Puerto Rican Civil rights</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="973463">
                <text> Chicago (Ill.)</text>
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                <text>Civil rights movements</text>
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                <text>Community activists</text>
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                <text>Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection (RHC-65)</text>
              </elementText>
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                <text>1970s</text>
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                    <text>THE DAWNING OP A HB1C mY

-

Jm

0Lta D 1111 UR NUBVO DIA

People have vo11 heara the news?
City hall has got the Blues
Uptown dancing in the street
Cha-cha to a mighty beat.
And together we can change it
turn it around and re~rrange it,
hand in hand and hand in hand
New Day Dawning in our land.
Families and neighborhoods
working for the common good,
People stay machines must go
Ni.ghtly yes, but Q!iley no.
CHORUS

We the people like the sun
shining out on everyone .
United we are here to stay
The Dawning of a brand new day.
CHORUS

They're always taking, never giving
tearing down the homes we live in
In the shadows in the dimness
building profits for their business.
CHORUS

Vendri un Nueva o!a
No more roaches en casa fria
Politicians don't you know
estamos aqui and you gotta go.
CHORUS
We won't move and we won't go
City Hall we tell you so
if you don't or won't believe us
we will show you we mean business.
CHORUS

(CHORUS)

�</text>
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&#13;
The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="447058">
                  <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections &amp; University Archives</text>
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                  <text>2017-04-25</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="447060">
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                <text>The Dawning of a New Day</text>
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                <text>Song lyrics for an anthem for José "Cha-Cha" Jiménez's aldermanic campaign in 46th Ward, Chicago.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="49">
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                <text>Young Lords (Organization)</text>
              </elementText>
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                <text>Young Lords (Organization) History</text>
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                    <text>Jimenez Hace un Llamado
para Accion en Cuanto
a Vivienda
Jose Jimenez hace recomendaciones
para seguridad, viviendas habitables
y la participacion de los ciudadanos
en cuanto a deciciones a llevarse a cabo.
Jose Cha Cha Jimenez testifico y presento recomendaciones especificas a la Comision de Estudio de la
Gente de .Habla Hispana del Estado, este sabado,
noviembre 16 en el auditorio de el Hospital Masonico de
Illinois.
El Sr. Jimenez pidi6 un cmdados de los millones de
dolares que otorgaran a la ciudad por medio del Acto
Federal de Viviendad y Desarrollo Comunal. Sefial6 a la
practica del pasado en que la ciudad realocaba los
arrabales en lugar of rehabilitarlos ; y asf recomend6
energicamente las plena participacion del ciudadano en
el planeamiento de! gasto de dichos fondos.
El candidato a Consejal de! Ward 46 tambien delini6
una nueva ley municipal la cual requirfra que todo duefio
de grandes edificios hiciera un deposito de seguridad con
la· ciudad para usarse como fondo de emergencia para
reparar fallas de seguridad y salud en sus propios
edificios si no actuan por si solos. Bajo dicha le)'
municipal cada duefio de grandes edificios depositana
$100 por cada unidad con un lfmite maximo de $20,000 por
duefio. "Esto-agreg6 Jimenez-ayudarfa a eliminar los
peligros de seguridad y salud en los edificios de apartamientos en los que la ciudad no puede actuar para
corregir." Jimenez ins to a la Comision a desarrollar
legislacion parecida al nivel estatal... "Necesitamos y
queremos deseperadamente comunidades estables"
concluy6 Jose Jimenez.

i Inform ante!

jloma Accion !

1. $43,800,000 provenientes de la Ley Federal de
Habitaci6n y Desarrollo de la Communidad seran
otorgados a la ciudad de Chicago en 1975. i,Como se
utilizaran estos fondos?
2. Posiblemente se utilizaran para fortalecer nuestra
comunidades, construir habitaciones nuevas al alcance
de nuestros sueldos, y mejorar las viviendas existentes.
3. Posiblemente la ciudadania tendra una voz en las
decisiones que se tomaran para gastar este dinero.
PERO EST AS POSIBILIDADES SERAN REALIDAD
UNICAMENTE SI: La ciudadania esta adecuadamente
informada acerca de este programa, demanda y ejerce
control popular, y elige representantes al Consejo
Municipal que informaran al electorado y lucharan para
que estos fondos sean utilizados para la gente, y no para
los intereses do los especuladores y las conpaftias de
bienes raices que construyen rascacielos de lujo junto al
Iago.

�El Modo en que Vivimos.

• •

919-21 I 925-27 W. Buena
4153-55/ 4157-59 N. Sheridan
4032-34 Kenmore

En marzo 14 de 1974 se encontraron 50 violaciones en
estos edificios. En septiembre del mismo afi.o un juez
orden6 la demolici6n de los edificios. Los inquilinos nb
recibieron notificacion formal. A la vez, entre abril y
noviembre, los edificios se dilapidaba a cause del
descuido del duefio, quien fue ordenado por la corte
que mantubiera los servicios y cuidado hasta que
fuera desocupado. Varias personas de la comunidad
pidieron que se iniciara el pr,oceso criminal por medio
de la oficina de procurados del Estado acusando a Sr.
Schwartz de negligencia y criminalidad por su
comp·ortamiento en cuanto de estos edificios. Los
cargos fueron retirados silenciosamente despties que
pudo probar que habfa gastado grandes cantidades de
dinero para mejorar y mantener los edificios. tQuien ·
es responsable de que los inquilinos vivan en estos
edificios con 50 yiolaciones por casi un afio?

La seguridad y salud en este edificio no existen. Los
inquilinos permanecieron sin gas desde septiembre 30
a octubre 10; sin electricidad por 2 dfas y el duefio
continu6 cobrando renta. A pesar que los inquilinos
fueron forzados a vivir en condiciones infra humanas,
se les demando que pagaran su alquilar total para
noviembre 14, y ademas el dfa siguiente recibieron
orden de de3alojar el edificio.
Este edificio esta casitodo vacio. lA donde se fue la
gente? De acuerdo a Cha Cha Jimenez "Solo el afio
pasado, 1973, el numero de casas destruidas fue el
doble de los que se edificaron en la ciudad de Chicago.
Y muchas de estas unidades fueron apartamientos de
lujo. 1,p6nde estan las viviendas para familias de
bajos y moderados recursos?

Jose Jimenez Introduce una Nueva Ley de Vivienda
JOSE JIMENEZ PRESENT ARA NUEV A LEY PARA
PROTEGER INQUILINOS

razonable, la ciudad hara las reparaciones necessarias, '
pagandolas con el deposito de seguridad del propietario.

MODO DE OPERACION DE EST A LEY:
EFECTOS DE ESTA LEY:

)

, 1. Cada propietario de edificios
1

de apartamientos
depositara $100. con la cuidad por cada apartamiento
alquilado (sin incluir su propio apartamiento). Lfmite de
S20,000 por propietario. Esta dinero serfa un dep6sito de
seguridad del propietario.
2. La cuidad colocara este dinero en bancos donde
recibiria interes. Cada afio, el interes sera devuelto al
propietario (menos costos de administraci6n).
3. Donde existan condiciones peligrosas o insalubres,
inspectores de la ciudad verificaran las condiciones y
notificaran al propietario.
4. En caso que el propietario no pueda ser localizado, o
se niege a corregir la situaci6n dentro de un plazo

1. Violaciones del codigo de salubridad y construcci6n

serfan corregidas rapidamente, asf protegiendo a
inquilinos y el publico en general.
2. Las viviendas existentes serfan proservadas mas
eficazmente. Hoy en dfa muchos edificios, por falta de
mantenimiento o negligencia del propietario, se
deterioran tan rapidamente que tienen que ser tumbados.
PROGRAMAS Y LEYES COMO ESTA SON
NECESARIOS
PARA
FORTALECER
Y
DESARROLLAR NUESTRA COMUNIDAD .
. 2.

�Arson Continua -Dos Persona de Edad Avanzada Muertos
Los siniestros incendios continuan en nuestras
comunidades. El incendio en el Hotel Sheridan Plaza
cobr6 la vida de dos ancianas y dejo seriamente herido a
otro. Los trabajadores de la Campana presentes durante
el fuego reportaron que el incendio comenz6 en el decimo
piso en donde se encontraron los cadaveres de las dos
ancianas. Sin embargo se cree que el fuego fue
ocasionado por manos criminales ya que a la vez se
descubrieron fuegos simultaneos en el cuarto y septimo
pisos.
Se dice que el Hotel esta en el proceso de ser entregado
a una agencia responsable para su mantenimiento ya los
inquilinos se les habfa pedido que desocuparan sus
apartamientos para noviembre 30.
En una breve entrevista a Jose Cha Cha Jimenez
amargadamente se expreso diciendo "Este es un claro
ejemplo de la destruccion sistematica de nuestros
barrios. Y es tambien un ejemplo de la necesidad de
responsabilizar a los duefios de grandes edificios de la
seguridad y la salud de todo inquilino por medio de un
deposito de seguridad con la ciudad, que se usarfa para el
mantenimiento de sus propios edificios." Cuando se
registro el incendio 40 de 400 unidades estaban ocupadas.
"Bajo el propuesto deposito de seguridad, dijo
Jimenez, el dueiio del Sheridan Plaza debio haber tenido
$20,000 en fondo para haber evitado la perdida de dos
vidas". El pidio que este caso tambien se anada a los
otros casos que el equipo legal de la Campafia ya investiga.

~atos"de C~mp":iiia..

~

~

~
~
~

~
~

""

- - - - - - -r,

••

Cha y pueda discutir con el. Vendemos botones a
todo el mundo (se venden tan rapido que amenudo
hay carestias.) Trabajamos en la oficina
(preparando anuncios y folletos para el correo,
hablando por telefono, contestando preguntas ... ).
En fin, un sin mimero de tareas.
2Que necesitamos? La participaci6n activa de
todo ciudadano responsable de la comunidad. Tus
ideas, habilidades y tiempo pueden contribufr a
determinar el futuro de este barrio. La campafia
necesita de ti, en cualquier forma que ayude a
organizar e informar a la gente de esta comunidad
para elegir a Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez representante
municipal del distrito 46.

i. Quienes somos? La campafia para elegir a Jose
Cha-Cha Jimenez representante · municipal del
distrito 46 esta compuesta totalmente de voluntarios. Vivimos en todas partes del distrito; somos
j6venes y ancianos; hombres y mujeres; Latinos,
Negros y Americanos. Algunos somos nuevos al
proveso electoral, otros somos veteranos de
muchas campafias y ·1uchas electorales. Nos
hemos comprometido a esta campafia porque
queremos ver nuestra comunidad florecer, y
queremos como representante a una persona
honesta, fntegra e independiente que trabajara y
servira con todas las agrupaciones de la
comunidad. Necesitamos un representante que
desempefie un papel decisivo en el Consejo
Municipal. Nuestros m1meros crecen diariamente,
y mas y mas voluntarios se ban metido en la
campafia.

---

935 W. Grace St.

549-9457

1056 W. Lawrence Ave.

275-4778

1046 W. Wilson Ave.

334-3545

. J.

---

Esperamos verlo pronto.

trabajo
fue
-

--

--

~

~

~

~
~
d~

Pongase en contacto con el Centro de lnformacion
de Campai'la, para ayudar o para recibir mas informacion.

lQue hacemos? Todos los dfas vamos de puerta
en puerta, discutiendo los temas de la campafia y
escuchando a la gente, sus opiniones sobre los
problemas de la comunidad y sus sugestiones para
mejorarla. Distribuimos nuestro periodico
semanal con noticias e informaci6n. Muy
frecuentemente nos reunimos en hogares en
pequefios grupos para que la gente conozca a Cha-

~

-,c--:::)1,c--:::)I

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                    <text>Jimenez Calls For
Housing Action!
"Jose Jimenez puts forth

recommendations for safer,
healthier housing and citizen
participation in decision making."

Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez testified and presented specific
recommendations to the State's Spanish Speaking
Peoples Study Commission, Saturday, November 16, at
the Illinois Masonic Hospital auditorium .

~

Mr. Jimenez called for careful monitoring of millions
of dollars coming into the city under the new Federal
Housing and Community Development Act. He pointed
out the city 's past practice of relocating slums instead of
rehabilitating them and strongly · recommended full
citizen participation in the planning of how the money
will be spent.
The candidate for alderman of the 46th Ward also
outlined a new City Council ordinance which would
require that landlords place security deposits with the
city to be used for emergency repairs of serious health
and safety hazards in their own buildings if the landlord
fails to make the repairs on his own. Under this ordinance a landlord would deposit $100.00 per unit with the
city with a maximum limit of $20,000 per owner. Landlorgs would receive interest on their deposits. "This,"
Jimenez said, "will help eliminate health and safety
hazards in apartment buildings which the city is all too
often powerless to correct. " Jimenez urged the Commission to devise comparable legislation at the state
level. .. " We desperately need and want stable communities ," concluded Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez.

Be Informed! Take Action!
43.8 Million Dollars in Federal Housing and Community Development Act funds are coming into Chicago
in 1975. How will the city spend this money'?

1.

2. These funds can be used for stabilizing our neighborhoods, providing more low and moderate income
housing, and improving existing housing.
3. Citizens can have a real voice in deciding how these
funds are spent. BUT THIS WILL HAPPEN ONLY if
citizens are well informed about this program, demand
real citizen control, and elect representatives to the City
Council who will keep them informed and take action to
see that this and other money is used for people not for
big real estate interests.

�The Way We Live.

• •

919-21/ 925-27 W. Buena
4153-55/ 4157-59 N. Sheridan

Concern for the health and safety of tenants in this
building is non-existent. Tenants remained without
gas from Sept. 30 to Oct. 30, without electricity for 2
days; and the landlord continued to collect rent.
Although tenants were forced to live in inhuman
conditions, tenants received a letter demanding
payment of rent in full on Nov. 14, and the following
day were served eviction notices.
This ·building is nearly empty now. Where did the
people go? According to Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez, "Just
last year, in 1973, twice as many housing units were
destroyed as were built here in the city of Chicago.
And many of those new units were luxury apartments.
Where is the low and moderate income housing?"

On March 14, 1974, 50 housing code violations were
cited on these buildings. In Sept. 1974, a judge ordered
demolition. Tenants were not given formal notice. In
the mean time the buildings deteriorated from April to
November due to the negligence of the landlord who
was ordered by the court lo maintain utilities and
upkeep of the buildings until they were vacated. At the
request of several people, criminal housing
prosecution was initialed by the Stales Attorney's
Office citing the gross neglect and criminality of Mr.
Schwartz in regards to the
property
at
Buena Sheridan. Charges were quietly dropped
because he was able to prove he had spent a great deal
of money to improve and maintain the buildings in the
past. Who is responsible for the fact that the tenants
lived in a complex of buildings with 50 serious code
violations for nearly a year?

~Jose Jimenez to Introduce New Housing Law
.JOSE JIMENEZ TO INTRODUCE NEW LAW TO
PROTECT TENANTS

4. If the landlord could not be found or if the landlord did
not quickly correct the safely hazard, the city would use
the landlord's security deposit to fix it.

How this law would work:
What this law would accomplish:

Each landlord would deposit with the city $100 for
every apartment to be rented out-not including his own
apartment. Top limit for any rme owner would be $20,000.
This money is a landlord security deposit.
2. The city would put the money in a bank so it would
. draw interest. At the end of the year this interest would
be given to the owner&lt; less a small handling fee).
:1. If an emergency health or safety hazard existed in a
building, a special city team would inspect it quickly and
notify the landlord.
1.

I. Serious safety and health violations could be corrected
quickly to protect tenants and the general public. Now
the city can not see that this is done in many cases.
2. This is a way to help preserve housing. Many buildings 1,
could be kept from deteriorating so badly that they have
to be condemned and torn down.
~

We need this and many more creative programs to help"
stabilize and develop our communities.

�Arson Continues -- 2 Seniors Killed
SHERIDAN PLAZA HOTEL FIRE
Arson cases continue in our communities. The lives of
two senior citizens were taken by the fire in the Sheridan
Plaza Hotel early Sunday, November 17, and another
elderly man was reported seriously injured in the blaze.
Campaign workers on the scene reported that the fire
had started on the 10th floor where the two women were
found burned to death. However, arson is suspected since
two other fires started at about the same time on the 7th
and 4th floors.
The Sheridan Plaza is said to be in receivership and
even before the fire tenants were asked to vacate the
building by November 30.
In a brief interview with Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez, he
bitterly said "This is a clear example of the systematic
destruction of our neighborhoods. It is also an example of
the need to hold landlords responsible for the safety and
health of the tenants through a security deposit they
would place with the city to be used for the maintenance
of their buildings." At the time of the fire 40 units out of
400 were reported occupied.
Under the proposed security deposit, Jimenez said, the
owner of the Sheridan Plaza would have had $20,000 on
deposit with the city which could have been used to make
many repairs and possibly avoided the needless loss of
two lives. He asked that this case be added to the other
arson investigations by the campaign legal team.

Campaign Notes
Who we are ... The campaign to elect Jose Cha-Cha

We need each other ... This campaign needs the

Jimenez alderman of the 46th ward is a campaign
of volunteers. We are from all parts of our ward.
We're young, older (and in between); Black, white,
and Latino; some who have never participated in
an election and some who are experienced campaign workers. We are committed because we want
to see our community thrive, and we want a principled, independent person who will serve and work
with all parts of our community and provide active
leadership as our representative on the City
Council. We're happy to report that the number of
volunteers is growing by leaps and bounds.

active participation of every concerned citizen in
our ward. Your ideas, skills and time can make a
significant difference in the future of our area. In a
word, this community needs commitment to do
whatever you can to organize and inform the people
of this ward and to elect Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez
alderman of the 46th on February 25th.

What we're doing ... We're busy going door-to-door
talking about the issues of this campaign and
getting people's views on community problems and
suggestions for solutions ... We're distributing this
regular newsletter to provide news and information ... We're holding lots of home meetings
so people can meet Cha-Cha and discuss issues of
concern with him and with each other ... We're
selling campaign buttons at a fast clip ... We're
stuffing envelopes, making calls, listening,
talking .. . working hard at a hundrt!d tasks.

935 W. Grace St.

549-9457

1056 W. Lawrence Ave.

275-4778

1046 W. Wilson Ave.-Suite 202

334-3545

I

---

Contact the Campaign Information Centers to help
or for more information:

:

---

We look forward to seeing you soon.
labor donated

. 3.

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                    <text>0.

1

ENEZ POR ALDERMA

iResultado del Boycott
2 Ninos Muertos,

de Le Moyne!

3 Heridos
en la Broadway y la Buena
El Sabado, Noviembre 2, dos mucbacbos fueron
muertos en un accidente tragico que dejo a otros tres
nifios seriamente beridos. Los nii'ios muertos fueron
Adrian Espada, 13 ai'ios, y Miguel Jimenes 12, ambos de
Gordon Terrace. Varios jovenes estaba sentados sobre
las gradas de la esquina del edificio en la Broadway y la
Buena cerca a las 7: 30 en la nocbe cuando un taxi Yellow
Cab cboco contra otro auto, y perdiendo el control cboc6
contra la curba y subio sobre las gradas de! edificio
basta la misma entrada . Pilares sueltos cayeron del
edificio sobre los mucbacbos que y estaban beridos,
matando a dos. Los corazones de la comunidad se ban
unido para crear un fondo para ayudar a los familiares
de los mucbacbos, la mayoria de los cuales es tan bajo el
welfare y no estan capacitados para pagar los grandes
gastos como resultado de! accidente .
Estos no son los primeros ninos que ban sido victimas
de carros que corren muy rapido sobre la Broadway y
Buena . Como un becbo la comunidad entera esta
disgutada con los politicos y las agencias de la cuidad
quines ban constantemente recbazado los ruegos y las
solicitudes de cienes de padres de familia , por lugares de
recreacion que esten protegidos en esta area. Reuniones
publicas, peticiones, viajes al centro y a las oficinas de!
Alderman ban caido en o{dos sordos o encontrado atrasos
sin fin mientras los intereses de las companias de real
estate (bienes raices) y los planificadores del centro de
la ciudad ban bloqueado los desarrollos de un lugar
acceptable para juegos protegidos en el area para la
juventud.
La seguridad de nuestros bijos es el go! mas importante por la que esta comunidad debe trabajar .

Vea el articulo en la pagina 3

�Otro lncendio
en la Kenmore
y Leland
Jimenez llamo para investigaciones
Los incendios en nuestras comunidades estan siendo
mas frecuentes, dejando mas familias sin SUS pertenencias y sin un lugar estable para vivir.
El pasado 29 de Octubre a la 1 :20 de la madrugada se
registro un incendio en el edificio de 15 unidades en 4645
Norte de la Kenmore. A la hora del incendio solo habia 8
unidades ocupados. Residentes del barrio le
comunicaron a los trabajadores de la campana que todo
el tercer piso se habia desocupado, salvo una unidad, con
el proposito de remodelar los apartamientos ; aunque el
trabajo nunca fue comenzado.

William Rodriguez

Balacera en la

"L'

Sheridan

Crea Preguntas

Personas de la comunidad insisten que el fuego fue
causado a proposito. Ellos han visto el mismo patron
antes y ademas han oido que se les ofrecio dinero a
algunas personas para que quemaran el edificio.

El Miercoles, 23 de Octubre, entre las 4: 30 y 5: 00 de la
tarde, , William "Jugo" Rodriguez de 19 aiios, fuJ
criticamente herido de balazos por un polida sin
tiniforme al frente de la estaci6n del "elevado" en la
calle Sheridan.

El Programa de Alcalda Daley &lt;Renovacion Urbana)
en nuestra comunidad ha hecho posible que los grandes
duenos de edificios obtengan ganancias al quemar sus
edificios. Por un lado reciben el dinero de la
aceguaranza, por el otro pueden vender sus lotes a las
grandes agencias de Biences y Raices. Bienes y Raices,
edificos grandes, apartamientos con rentas demasiado
altas, todos ganan menos la gente que se tiene que
mudarse de un edificio malo a un edificio peor; de una
comunidad inestable a otra comunidad inestable.

William Rodriquez es un joven del area de la Wilton y
Grace. Su estendimiento del ingl~s es mfnimo y le ha
traido problemas con la policfa al no entender sus ordenes. De acuerdo a la informaci&amp;n dada a los lisenseados, la polida acudi&amp; a la estaci6n para investigar
una pelea; la polida, sin identificarse y sin sobreaviso
dispar&amp; hiriendo de esa forma a William. Adem.1s de la
herida de bala, William fu~ arrastrado dentro de la
estaci6n y golpeado.

En su llamado para apoyar los consejos de
Planeamiento Comunitarios, el Senor Jimenez ha dicho
que para "terminar con los arrabales" la gente se le
debe "permitir planificar sus propias comunidades." El
pide una comunidad con instituciones es tables ; una
comunidad libre de fuegos provocados que ponen en
peligro a nuestros familias.

El Equipo Legal de La Campana se ha movilizado para
asegurarse que se hace justicia en el case de William
Rodriguez. Jos~ Cha-Cha JimJnez ha enfatizado la
necesidad de controlar el crimen en nuestro barrio y ha
dicho "el crimen se puede controlar cuando las
relaciones de la comunidad y la policfa mejoren. La
comunidad necesita policias que nos respeten y que a la
vez podamos respetar."

El Senor Jimenez ha pedido una investigacion del los
fuegos provocados por los grandes duenos de edificias.

2000 Atendieron Reunion de Unidad
Cerca a 2,000 personas asistieron a la REUNION DE UNIDAD en Oct. 5 en el Teatro Palacio, 4040 N. Sheridan
para dar su apoyo al Community Zoning Board, una ordenanza que esta ahora frente al Consejo de la Ciudad el
cual va decidir sobre que tipo de edificios seran puestos in nuestra area, en las manos de los residentes de la
comunidad. La muchedumbre alentada tambien comprometi6 todo su apoyo a los trabajadores del United Farm
Workers en el boycoteo de la lechuga, uvas y vinos Gallo. Los parlamentarios fueron JosJ Cha-Cha Jim~nez.
Marcos Muf'ioz, Aid. Dick Simpson, el ex-Aid. Sammy Rayner y Slim Coleman. Despues de la reuni6n ellos
dirigieron una marcha alentadora que se extendfa de la cuadras del supermercado National demandando que ellos
tomen las uvas y las lechugas fuera de sus estantes de venta. Felicitaciones a los cientos de personas de la
comunidad que trabajaron entre muchos por largas y pesadas horas para organizar esta demostraci&amp;n de gran
Jxito de unidad en nuestra comunidad.

-2-

�Boycoteo de Padres de Le Moyne
Como resultado de! ceze de maestros v el corte de
programas especiales en las escuelas · pJblicas de
Chicago, un gran numero de padres y organizaciones
comunales comenzar6n a organizar para protestar en
contra de las acciones tomadas por la Junto de
Educaci6n.

primer dia de! boycot solo 75 alumnos asistieron a la
escuela regular de un total de 1,200 estudiantes.
El exito de! boycot forz6 a la Junta a preparar una
reunion con representantes de la Junta y miembros de!
Concilio de Le Moyne y se llevaro a cabo el dfa Lunes 4 de
Noviembre de 1974.

La escuela elemental Le Moyne fue una de las muchas
afectadas ; CUatro personas fueron reJevadas de SUS
cargos. El Concilio de Padres en Le Moyne quiere que la
Asistente a Directora , una maestra , una ayudante de
maestra y una afanadora sean vueltas a sus trabajos . El
grupo de padres pidi6 una reuni6n con el Superintendente
Redmond el Miercoles 9 de Octubre, pero fuer6n atendidos por uno de sus asistentes quien no pudo satisfacer
al grupo con sus respuestas .

Durante la protesta frente a la escuela hizo acto de
presencia Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez quien apoyaba a los
padres en su lucha. Mientras los padres protestaban sus
hijos atendier6n la Escuela de Emergencia Alternativa
de los Young Lords, en sus propias oficinas, alli tubier6n
maestros certificados que ahora es tan trabajando con la
Campana .

En una reuni6n atendia por 300 padres, se decidio a
boycotear las clases hasta que se recibiera una respuesta
positiva de el centro. El boycot fue organizado para el 14
de Octubre y se continu6 hasta el fin de semana . El

La comunidad quiere a las cuatro personas en sus
trabajos permanentes. La educaci6n debe ser una prioridad en nuestros barrios . La lucha del Concilio en Le
ivroyne es para mantener y traer los recursos necesitados
a nuestras escuelas, pero non para perderlos.

Caso de Brutalidad en la Sunnyside y Magnolia
Los trabajadores en nuestra Campafia recibieron
quejas y se hacieron cargos legales en contra de William
Strickland, duei'io del edificio localizado en el 1251 Oeste
de Sunnyside, acusandosele de "asalto con intensi6n de
hacer dai'ros corporales ." La vfctima de este asalto fue
Freddy Stone Jr. de 11 afios de edad, quien recibi6
heridas en un brazo y espalda, y reside en ese direccion
con su familia.
El incidente ocurrio el domingo 20 de Octubre, entre
las 5: 30 y 6: 00 de la tarde, mientras el padre de Freddie,
Freddie Stone Sr. mudaba sus pertenencias al 4438 Norte
Racine. Donna, hermana mayor de Freddie, fue testigo
de la entrada agresiva de cuatro hombres al apartamiento; entre ellos estaba William Strickland, su hijo y
dos individios m~s. Ella vi6 como Strickland sacudi6 a su
hermano menor y como le torcia su brazo a la vez que lo
sacaba del dormitorio a empujones . Donna pudo ob-

servar un revolver· bajo el brazo de Strickland, quien
amenazo de balear al padre si lo veja en la calle.
Freddy Jr. fue llevado al hospital cuando empez6 a
quejarse de fuertes dolores de espalda y de no poder
caminar libremente. El Hospital Weiss le recet6 pastillas
para el dolor, masajes y descanso en cama pero no hubo
ningun resultado. El padre le llevo en seguida al hospital
Colombus donde fu~ admitido y permanecio hasta el
viernes siguiente.
Una orden de arresto foi expedida en contra de
William Strickland. A la vez Cha-Cha Jimenez le ha
pedido al Equipo Legal de la Campana que se comunique
con el procurador especial del Estado para que investigara el caso de la brutalidad de los grandes dueYios
de edificios en contra de los inquilinos.

•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
I
•

I
I
II
•

•.

I
•

:

El proposito de esta carta de noticias es el de
ayudar a informar a la comunidad sobre sucesos y
problemas que nos afectan.1 a todos. Le pedimos q:;e
contribuya con informacion e ideas . La campa11a
para elegir Jose Cha-Cha Jim~nez como Alderman
del 46th Ward ha estado creciendo rapidamente y
moviendo hacia adelante. A cada uno en la
comunidad se le solicita a ofrecerse como voluntarios, dar su tiempo, energfa, ideas y su habilidad
para esta clase de campa?'la de las bases. Pongase
en contacto con el Centro de lnformacion de
Campana, para ayudar o para recibir mas intormacion.

935 W. Grace St.

549-9457

'.••

1056 W. Lawrence Ave.

275-4778

;••

1046 W. Wilson Ave.

334-9556

trabajo fue donado

•.

I

I
•

Esperamos verlo pronto.

I

I•

•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••

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                    <text>2 Children Killed,

Le Moyne Boycott
Successful-I

3 lniured
at Broadway &amp; Buena
On Saturday, November 2nd, two young boys were
killed in a tragic accident that left three other young
people seriously injured. The boys killed were Adrian
Espada, 13, and Michael Jimenez, 12, both of Gordon
Terrace.
Several youths had been sitting on the steps of the
corner building at Broadway and Buena about 7 :30 in the
evening when a Yellow cab, hit by another car, crashed
uncontrollably over the curb, onto the steps of the
building, and into the doorway. Loose pillars fell from the
building onto the already injured children, killing two.
The hearts of the community united to set up a fund to
assist the children's families , most of whom are on
welfare and cannot affort the heavy expenses resulting
from the accident.
These are not the first children who have been the
victims of fast moving cars on Broadway and Buena. In
fact the entire community is outraged with the
politicians and city agencies who have consistently
refused the pleadings and demands of hundreds of
parents for safe recreational playgrounds in this area.
Public meetings, petitions, trips downtown and to the
Alderman's office have all fallen on deaf ears or met with
endless delays as large real estate interests and the
downtown city planners have blocked the development of
an acceptable safe play area for the youth.
The safety of our children is the most important goal
this community must work for .

See article page 3

�Another Fire in
Kenmore-Leland
Area
Jimenez calls for investigation
The fires in our community are becoming more
frequent leaving more families in danger for their lives,
without their belongings, and without a stable place to
live.

Fire destroys building at 4645 N. Kenmore.

One recent fire was on October 29, at 1: 20 a .m. in the 15
unit building at 4645 N. Kenmore. The flames shot thirty
feet into the air as the building was evacuated . At the
time of the fire only 8 units were occupied . Neighborhood
residents informed Campaign workers that the entire
third floor had been vacated, except one unit, supposedly
to remodel it; but work was never started. The fire
started on the third floor . On Sunday, November 3rd, the
building burned a second time.

Sheridan

'l'.'

Shooting

Raises Questions
On Wednesday , October 23, between 4:30 and 5:00 p.m.,
William " Jugo" Rodriguez, 19, was critically shot by a
plainclothes policeman just outside the Sheridan "L"
station.

Community people insist it was arson. They have seen
this pattern before and have heard some people were
offered money to set fire to the building.

William Rodriguez is a young man from the area of
Wilton and Grace. His understanding of English is
minimal, and he could not understand police orders .
According to reports given to laywers, the police came to
the " L" station on a call to check a fight outside the
station ; without a warning or identification, officers
began shooting, wounding William immediately . They
shot directly into the "L" station, through the glass, at
rush hour-a grave potential danger to CT A passengers.
In addition to the gun shot wound, William was dragged
into the station and severely beaten, especially around
the head.

Mayor Daley's Urban Renewal programs have made it
profitable for big landlords to burn their own buildings,
collect insurance, and then sell the land to a large real
estate developer. The landlord profits from the insurance
money and the sale of the land. The real estate
developers profit because they will build apartments
where rents will be sky high. And the losers are the
people who must move from bad buildings to worse
buildings, from one unstable community to another
unstable community. These changes in our communities
happen without consideration for the people. In his call
for support of the Community Zoning Board Ordinance
now pending in the City Council, Mr. Jimenez states that
to "end slums people must be allowed to plan their own
communities." He . calls for stable communities with
stable institutions and a community free of the deliberate
arson that endangers the lives of our families. Mr.
Jimenez has asked for a full-scale investigation into
landlord arson in the Lakeview-Uptown area.

The Campaign Legal Team has begun to move to make
sure that justice is done in the case of William Rodriguez.
Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez has emphasized that "crime can
be controlled when police-community relations improve;
the community needs policemen that respect us and that
we can respect."

2000 Attend Unity Rally
Nearly 2,000 people attended a UNITY RALLY Oct. 5th at the Palacio Theatre, 4040 N. Sheridan, to support a
Community Zoning Board ordinance now before the City Council which would put decisions about what type of
buildings are put in our area in the hands of community residents . The spirited crowd also pledged full support of
the United Farm Workers Union boycott of head lettuce, grapes and Gallo wines. Speakers were Jose Cha-Cha
Jimenez, Marcos Munoz, Ald. Dick Simpson, former Ald. Sammy Rayner, and Slim Coleman . After the rally they
led an enthusiastic march that stretched for blocks to the National Supermarket demanding that they take the
grapes and lettuce off their shelves. Congratulations to the hundreds of community people who worked many long,
hard hours to build this successful demonstration of unity in our community .

-2-

�Le Moyne Parents Organize Successful Boycott
As a result of the threatened cut back of 200 public
school teachers and special programs around the city,
many concerned parent groups and community
organizations began to organize against this action of the
Chicago Board of Education .

The successful boycott forced the School Board to set
up a meeting with parent representatives, which took
place on Monday, November 4, 1974.
During the picketing of Le Moyne School, Jose Cha-Cha
Jimenez participated, giving full support to the parents.
While parents picketed the School, many of their children
attended the Young Lords' Emergency Alternative
School set up in their own office at the request of the
parents and staffed by certified teachers now working on
the Campaign.

Le Moyne Elementary School, 851 W. Waveland, was
one of the schools most affected: four people on their
staff were relieved of their duties. The Parent Council of
Le Moyne wanted the Assistant Principal, one teacher, a
teacher's aide, and a janitor to be reinstated. The Parent
Group asked for a meeting with Superintendent Redmond on Wednesday, October 9, but were met by one of
his assistants who failed to satisfy the parents with his
answers.

The community wants the four people back in Le
Moyne School permanently. Education should be a
priority in our community. The struggle of the parents of
Le Moyne is to maintain and bring the necessary
resources to our schools, and most definitely not to allow
any of the too few existing resources to be lost to our
children.

In a meeting attended by 300, the parents agreed to
boycott classes until a positive response came from
downtown. The boycott was set for October 14 and continued to the end of the week . The first day of the boycott
75 of the 1,200 students attended regular school.

Slumlord Brutality on Sunnyside and Magnolia
Complaints were voiced to Campaign workers and
legal charges were filed against William Strickland,
owner of the building on 1251 W. Sunnyside, accusing him
of "assault with intent to do bodily harm." The victim of
this assault was 11 year old Freddie Stone Jr. who lives in
the Sunnyside building with his family and who suffered
arm and back injuries.

him out of the bedroom . Donna also observed a gun under
the arm of Strickland, who then proceeded to threaten to
shoot Freddy's father if he saw him on the street.
Freddy Jr. was taken to a hospital after he began
getting sharp pains in his lower back and was unable to
stand up straight and walk freely. Weiss Hospital
prescribed pain pills, massages, and bed rest but there
was no improvement in Freddy's condition. He was then
taken to Columbus Hospital where-he was admitted and
remained until the next Friday. A warrant was issued for
the arrest of William Strickland. In addition, Cha-Cha
Jimenez has asked the Campaign Legal Team to contact
the Special Prosecutor of the State Attorney's office to
investigate this case of big landlord brutality.

The incident occured on Sunday, October 20, between
5:30 and 6:00 p.m., while Freddie Stone Sr. moved his
belongings to 4438 N. Racine. Donna, Freddie Jr.'s sister,
witnessed the aggressive entrance into the apartment by
four men: Strickland, Harold Riffe, Strickland's son, and
another man. She saw how William Strickland twisted
little Freddy's arm clear behind his back while pushing

t
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The purpose of this newsletter is to help inform the
community of events and issues that affect us all.
We urge you to contribute information and ideas .
The Campaign to Elect Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez
Alderman of the 46th Ward has been growing
rapidly and moving forward. Everyone in this
community is encouraged to volunteer their time,
energy, ideas, and skills to this grass roots campaign. Contact the Campaign Information Centers
to help or for more information :

935 W. Grace St .

549-9457

1056 W. Lawrence Ave .

275-4778

1046 W. Wilson Ave.-Suite 202

334-3534

--labor donated

-3-

We look forward to seeing you soon.

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                    <text>FROM: Citiz«ms fo i' Jose Cha-Cha Jimenez
. FOR MORE IHFORMATION: Angela Lind, 549-9457 - Slfm Coleman, 275-4778
FOR

IMMEDIA~"E RELEASE

JUHE 20, 1974

STATEMENT OF CANDIDACY
It is t·ime to flip the coin and look at the other side of Urban Renewal.
The huge profits reaped by private developers -- aided by corrupt politicians -have caused nothing but ·misery to Latinos and other poor people.
I myself have been a victim of this abuse. Before I finished the .8th .Grade,
I was moved over 9 times by these· developers and forced to attend four ·
different elE!mentary schools, making it difficult to receive any adequate
education. Each time I was forced to live in unstable colllllunities filled with
drugs. gangs, prostitution and .other crimes.
Fortunately I have survived 1n spite of these conditions. However, today
I worry for my son and the sons and daughters of Latinos and other poor people.
Will they have to grow up in these same wretched conditions? The City Council
must assume respons1bil 1ty for these conditions. because that 1s where

.

responsibfli1~ lies.
The city nust abandon its master plan to systematically and callou~ly
remove Lat1nc,s and other poor from the· inner-city and other desirable areas of
Chicago.

If this city is in fact concerned with ridding itself of slums,· ft

should then develop massive high quality 1 low-income housing and provide for
jobs in the inner city. The answer to eliminating slums is not to relocate them
but to provide decent jobs, a decent standard of living and stable neighborhoods.
In the late sixties we marched, picketed and demonstrated for these goals.
However, . none of the corrupt politicians wanted to listen. As a result we were
pushed out a~tafn and have ended up here in the 46th Ward. The 46th Ward 1s unique
fn that it i!; primarily made up of people who have been pushed ot,,t of other areas ·
MORE

�STATEMENT OF CANDIDACY (continued)

page 2

of the city. For the last 9 months I have been speaking with Latinos,
nlacks, tlative Americans, southern white, Asian Americans and Jewish people; I
have known many of these people from the struggles on Clark Street and in the
Lincoln Park community.
We have concluded that we must dev~lop a different approach and continue
the struggle. Ho longer must we beg in protest to a deaf aldennan who ignores
our concerns.
Council.

It i's time that we have our own representatives in the City

It is time especially for Latinos, who are represented ne1ther in the

city nor the state gove"'nmen·c, to take political power.
For these reasons we have put together a. coalition of concerned people
who J.ra capable of defeating the Daley machine in the 46th Ward. And today I
ar.i announcing that I will

be

a candidate for Alderman in the 46th Ward. Our

people deserve a victory and we are supremely confident that this campaign will
give them one.

Let corrupt politicians work hand in hand with developers -- we're

working hand in hand with the people.
JOSE CHA-CHA JIMENEZ

- 30 -

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                    <text>CIUDADANOS POR JOSE CHA-CHA JIMENEZ
PARA MAS INFOBMACION:

Angela Lind 11 549-94S7 -

Slim Coleman.

275-4778

20 JUNIO 1974

DECLARAC!ON

DE

CM1&gt;IDATURA

Durante los dltimos veinte anos la "Renovaci6n Urbana" ha transformado
enormes secciones de -la ciudad de Chic•go 1 derrumbando miles de hoga res y
desplazando millares de familias latinas.

La raz6n y el resultado de est•

actividad es el aumento de las ganancias de los grandee negociantes en bienea
rafces. los terratenientes, ayudados por los polfticos vendidos.
,Que efecto ha tenido esto sobre las familias trabajadoras y la gente
pobre? Mi familia tuvo que mudarse nueve veces antes de que yo acabara con la
escuela primaria.

En total, estuve en cuatro escualas diferentes.

Estos cambios

frecuentes. ast como la pobreza que nos obligaba a vivir en barrios donde las
drogas. la prostitucion y el crimen eran comunes, fueron obst!tculos para mi
desarrollo.
Ahora que yo y los de mi generacion somos padres y ma.drea, ttendremos que
sufrir las mismas penas? Me preocupa que mis hijos y los hijos de familias
pobres recibirln educacion inferior y crecerSn en ambientea insalubrea.

La

respuesta a estas preguntas y preocupacioues est! en manos del Consejo Municipal.
porque allf reside la respcnsabilidad.
LCuales son las metas de la ciudad?

LEliminar los arrabales y tugurios o

eliminar a los pobres? La soluci6n al problema de la vivienda no es desplazar
gente, sino renovar y construir hogares de alta calidad. con rentas m6dicas.
La

soluciSn a la pobreza no es eliminar a la gente pobre 1 sino ofrecer buen

tTabajo 1 servicios adecuados 1 y ambientes sanos.

�DeclaraciSn de Candidatura

En

- 2 -

el pasado• organizamos demostraciones. marchamos y piqueteam.os. pero

los pol!ticos vendidos no quisieron escucharnos. y nos desplazaron aqut al
~uartel 46.

Esta secci6n de la ciudad es singular porque la mayorta de las

persona&amp; han sido obligadas a mudarse aqut desde otros barrios. Durante los
Gltimos nueve meses he dialogado con latinos, negros, indios. blancos surenos.
as1fticos y judtos, muchos de ellos conocidos desde que viv!an en Lincoln Park
o en La Clark.

Las ticticas de protesta del pasado ya no sirven. Para ser escuchados,
necesitamos un representante en el Consejo Municipal, doude hoy no hay siquiera
dn latino.

Para lograr esto, hemos organizado u~.a coaliciSn de gente comprometida

al futuro de nuestra com.unidad 1 capaz de derrotar a "La ~..ac;,uina" de Daley.
Per la prese11te me declaro candidato al Consejo Municipal por el cuartel 46.
Nuestro pueblo merece una victoria 1 ya, que con esta ca:npeiia la lograrf.
Los pol!ticos vendidos podrin seguir sus relaciones !ntimas con los grandee
legociantes y los terratenientes; mientras tanto, nosotros trabajamos con. para,
y por el pueblo.

-30-

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                    <text>ioy 4, 1974

Angela Lind, Communications Secretary
Young Lords Or~anization
l. April 10, 1974 Cha-Cha Jimenez and Slim Coleman went with a letter
to the Alderman to ask for a rermit for this event. 'They also as ked if we
needed oetitions or letters, the Alderman sa ·id 11 :10. 11 The Alderman had Cha-Cha
and Slim \•Jait and then chancied the subject to the ;ffA. He finally said that
"The.v should 1\lri te up the puroose so he could go to the City Council to pass ; t
and it could then be sent to the i3ureau of Streets and Sanitation." Cha-C:1a and
Sl1m responded that the purnose i·.ras a block party and it t·Jas already stated as
such in the letter. The Alderman said, "It v1asn't enough." So Cila-Cha and
Slim explained in depth that it was a memorial for Manuel Ramos and Pancho Lind
and also to observe the deaths of other poor peoole. ~!e :·:ould ::ie talking about
the urban removal of Latinos and other poor people, the police harassmPnt anri
drua situation on Wilton and Grace. Cha-Cha and Slim said t hey had already
exoiained the purrose and they had understood that the Alderman and not the
3ureau of Sanitation was responsible for giving the permit. The Alderman then
qave them back the letter and said he "didn't t,1ant it. 11 out as they \'Ia l ked out
the door they gave the 1etter to his secretary .
·
2. April 15, 1974 Cha-Cha and Slim went to the Alderman's office for a mee inq on
another subject. They sooke to the ~Jard Committeeillan, /\xelrod. He said, "T · ~
Alderman reacted a little bit that ni91tt and not to ~1orry. The permit is going
through and go ahead v1ith the event." That is when we started putting out
extensive advertisement, contacted the bands, began making literally thousands
of ohone calls to groups and individuals. ~e also be0an collecting netitions
for the support of the event. He invited clerqy to give invocations for ,1anuel
and Pancho, and arranged speakers representing various community grou~s.
3. April 17, 1974 Cha·-Cha and Slim wanted to ma ke sure that we would get the
permit, so they went to the Upto1m States Attorney's office and snake to Francis
Baumqart and asked him to please call the Alderman to hel p us ~et the permit.
The Alderman told him "It's ur to the Alderman - not the States Attorney - to
issue oermits and maybe he trmuld or maybe he \·1ouldn't. 11
4. ,l\pril 18, 1974 At a community meeting at St. 1•1 ary's of the Lake Church,
they spoke to the Alderman again. He changed the subject by saying that vie had
been disagreeing with him over the college site. tJhen we took the position that
we didn't 1t1ant any more low- income housing :orndm·m and vie ,,mnted t he families
that had been moved out to be relocated. He then said '\,e shouldn't do t hat"
and walked away without giving us an answer. That same ni ght we also sooke to
Sot. Bullerman, public relations for the 19th police district, informed him of
the oroblems we \•Jere havinCl with the oermit, and said that ~,e wanted a meeting
with Commander Hanley.

�5. Aoril 19, 1974

Cha-Cha and Slim 1-.Jent to Sgt. Bullerman's office. He said
"he felt the oolice vJere beinq used and he didn't li ke it." He said that we
could go on with the event \•Ji thout the permit, but if he got II an anonymous phone
call informinq hirn vie didn't have a permit he 1;1ould have to come and arrest
everyone at the bloc!: party. 11 He told Cha-Cha and Slim to ~o back and mal~e an
a9enda for a meeting tlith Commander Hanley. \le rilade an aqenda and brought it
back. He said he vJOuld call us back for an armointrient, 1:1fiicl1 tie did.
In the meantime,

G. Abril 2( , 1974 an article came out in the Lerner Booster annouccing the
block party.
Also, in the ~eantime,
7. Aoril 24, 1974

Cha-Cha and Slir.i went back to see the Alderman, This time
in front of a colleqe student, t&lt;Jho uas doinq an intervie\-J 1:1ith him about how
he conducts his office vJOrk, he told them, "he didn't see any reason ~,,hy \·Je
couldn't get the permit for the block party. 11 ile said many oeople told him
thev didn't want the block party, but he 1t1as sure that v1e knew manv neople
t'llto 1·1a11tcd it, but we had to shm\l him something. !~e asked him again 1:1hat he
\&lt;Janted. Did he want retitions? He said "Yes, that would be a good idea."
\'Je told him vie would bring him back netitions that niciht. That night when vie came
back v1ith the netitions, his secret ary accidently brou&lt;;ht out the fact that
the Alderman had already sent out a letter askinq for the permit. (She said
"It says 2 to 10 Pi1 on the netition but on the letter I sent out I ~vrote 2 to
9 Pf1. 11 ) The Alderman then nudged her \•J ith his elbm\l letting her kn01,1 to be
s i 1ent.
We came to the conclusion that he just wanted names to find out who would
ootentially oppose him in the future. It would seem that the Alderman tJOuld use
his nolitical office for his own personal gains.
\;Je cannot understand why the Alderman v1ould go to such lengths to prevent
a social event snonsored by Latinos and for Latinos and other poor of this vJard.
:·Je did not inform you of this sooner because 'v-Je did not \Jant to fall into the
tran the Alderman wanted us to. - To scare people away from this block party.

An9ela Lind
Communications Secretary
Young Lords Organization

�Angela Lind, Secretaria de Communicacfon
Orqani zacfon de l os Ybtlng Lords
El 10 de abril de 1974:
Cha Cha Jimenez y Slim Coleman fuerorl con Lina carta al alderman pi Jiendole un
permiso. Tambien le nrequntaron si necesitcban petition~~ al igual que una carta. El
alderman le contesto qlJe, 11 :fo. 11 El hizo a Cha Gila ya Slin esperar mud10 tiernpo y
mieritras asberaban ie tambio l a cohvcrsacfoh sobre RTA. Despues d~ sus pre0untas decidio
que Cha Chay S1im escribiera n e1 pron.osito para el poder ir al consilio de la ciudad y
luego hablar con el comite de sanidad y de las calles. Cha Chay Slim respondieron que el
rroposito era para tener una fiesta en el bl oque y ya todo estaba espl icado en 1a carta
que ellos le habfan entregado. El alderman contesto que no era suficiente. Ch a Cha y
Slim procidieron con el orograma sabre la commernoracfon de :· Januel Ramos y Pancho Lind,
tambien de otras gentes que murieron ayudando a su gente, sabre al removimiento de gente
pobre del area central, sabre el abuso ~oliciaco y las drogas en las calles de t!ilton y
Grace. Ellos trataron de esnlicarle al alderman que ya se haufa discutido el proposito
anterior y que ellos sabian ~ue no el comite de sanidad nero riue $Olameote el alderman
ten{a autoridad · sobre el oermiso. Al oir esto el alderman le entrego la carta y le
contesto, 11 Yo no quiero esto, pero ellos al salir de la oficina le dejaron la Carta con
la secretaria.
1.

11

2.

El 15 ·de abril de 1974:
Cha Chay Slim reoresaron a la oficina del alderman para seguir con la reunion sabre
el permiso. Hablar6n con el hombre encargado del recinto·, Axelrod. El contesto, "El
alderman no estaba muy contento esa noche, pero nose oreocupen. El permiso esta en
nroceso y si9an con su evento. Entonces empezamos anunciandolo y hacienda publicidad.
Tambien nos pusimos en contacto con las orquestas, y hicimos llamadas a miles de gentes y
tambien grupos. Al mismo tiemro rcco9imos neticiones sabre el nermiso de la gente.
Envitamos a raverendos para que hablaran sobre la muerte de nanuel y Pancho y tambien
conseguimos qentes que hablaran sobre su comunidad.
· ,,
11

3.

El 17 de abril de 1974:
Para estar seguiros que ivamos a tener el permiso, Cha Cha y Slim decidieron ir a la
oficina de Uptown State's Attorney y hablar6n con Francis Baumgart. Ellos le pidieron a
Francisque llamara al alderman y le ayudara conseguir el permiso. Al Francis llamar, el
alderman le contest6, "El alderman es el que tiene autoridad sabre el perrniso y quizas
lo doy. O quizas no lo doy.
11

El 18 de abril de 1074:
Al redirle el nermiso al alderman de nuevo en una reuni6n de la comunidad (en la
iglesia de St. ~1ary,) el contestc:i que nosotros estabamos acontra el porque estabamos
cogiendo la posicfon de no tener removirniento y de no tumbar las edificios que eran de los
pobresy al iqual que queriames la qente que se habi&amp;n mudados regresar de nuevo. Al
terminar dijo, "Ustedes no deben nacer eso.
(Ysse fue sin una contestacfon.) Esa misma
noche nos reunimos con el sargento Bullerman, relacionado con el districto 19, y le
informamos nuestro interes de reunirnos con el Com. Hanley para descutir este problema
sabre al oermiso.
4.

11

5.

EL 19 de abril de 1974:
Cuanao Cha Chay Slim visitaron al /~rgento i3ullerman y las enfrento con SUS
sentimientos, Los cuales eran que, 11 el pensaba que la oolicia se estaba usando negativamente y esto a el no le qustaba. Tainbien le contesto "que si queriamos hacer nuestra
conmemoracfon que la tuvieramos pero que si a lo llamaban a ~l, la gente protestando
11
que va a venir y arrestar a todos .que asistieran.
Al terminar le dijo a Cha Chay Slim
.
11

�que se fueron y hic1eran unJ a~enda nttra r 2unirse con el Co11. ;ianfoy.

nos llnnaba para decirn0s cuando serfo l a cita.

,,1 resi~irla,

61

Con r,(s to cu,ir lio.

'J ientr.u s tu nto:
t:1 24 de :firil tie 1974:

LJ fiesta d&lt;2l l1lo(!t!e ft!e Jnunciada en un art{culo &lt;lel "Lerner ~,;ooster."
V dentru:.; t ,rnto:
El 24 de abril de 1974
c:ia Chay Sliri uecidi eron volv~r donJv: t; l ,\lder11tm. ts t a vez coi 10 '. rn:.ifo un
estudiante de Col cc~o h~ciendole una entrevista l e contesto a ellos. ":io se ninauna
raz6n nor la cual
nuec.lan tencr su fiestr1. i:l :;aufo cm:: :1a::lian qentu nue no n.uerirln
esto n8rO cnr10 Pl sahfa ~1.l':. nosotros ten1a11os l,lUChas resrw-,stas rosi li iv,1s, pues ·el
neCF&gt;Sitaba prueba ." :-\1 rr1-)'1 Untarl(:,, lo fjmJ el 1Uc)'.''1a, Si (JUeriu !i(~ticiones, el COnteStO
&lt;Jue sf. GuP- venori'a sfando una buena i dP.a. Al llevar las .:&gt; ticionP.s fir1 ·adas la
secretaria sin &lt;]t1e rer nos inforno 11ue e l la ya :·rnL,fa hecho una cftrta ;1iclfondo el
!"errTJiso. (El la di .jo, "lu carta ('JU(-'! yo rn nde dGC1cl &lt;IP. 2 -- 9 P. i rero es ta dice dP.
2 -- 1~ P':.) El ahkm:an l e hizn un« S(c!Tfal riue ~P. iianteni era t~n sile11cio.

no

1

Lle~anos a la conclusfon quc el al Jt=! rnJ n solanente querfa una listu tic· sentcs
que f'n el futuro le ivci.n a contraducfr. El piensa (Jue su rosic(on rolitica le ruede

rlyudar rarn sus 9a11oncias rersonal.
rlo rodPmos en tender ~Or(JUfi

el

a lderrinn SP etrPvP. ir a ta 1 Qxtrf'PO para ne&lt;Jarl e a 1os

latinos tal evento, ~i solanent(~ lo h,1cei,1os rara la !)ente rohrP. ill i :3ual 'llle latina.
1m~remos r,e&lt;li rle rerdon ror no traerl,~ ffsto Kntes, rero no 'lueri anr,s caer en la tranra
'lue el r\lcalde hahfa rlnnP.ado, ln cual P.ra asustrlrlos ~' nantenerlos fuera de esta

ocac(on.

Jmaela Lind

Anr1ela Lind
Secretaria de

Cor1unicacfon

1r~anizacfon de los Youn~ Lords

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The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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                    <text>Tuesday,
TO I
FR.OM:

April 9,

1974

ALL PRBSS CONTACTS
JOSE JIMENEZ, GENERAL SBCRE'l'ARY
YOUNG LORDS ORGANIZATION

93S

w.

GRACE

PRESS CONTACT:

ANGELA LIND

549-9457

The Sunday,

March 31st edition of the Chicago Tribune quoted

me••

saying,

"The big dealers are making money .b ut not •embers of the Young

Lords,

who are selling one or two grau to 11oaeone who coaes in frca the

suburbs.
It states further that I -- Cha Cha JiNnez as a sort of "local industry,"

described heroin traffic

and that "the police should ignore the

puahers."
The Y.L.O. has been consistently addressing itself to the problem of
drug abuae -- an inseparable problem that i• interwoven with the condition•

in which Latinos,

Blacks,

Native Americans and other poor of this city

are subjected to daily.

We 1 ve established our office near a drug corner.

We•ve met with the

Illinois Drug Abuse Pregrams in order to establiah a drug abuse center in

the area.

We've met with cOllllllunity organizations and individuals to

insure cC11111unity participation.
youtha thellselves,

We've spent long houre working with the

and have made substantial pregrees.

We've met with

Cc.under Rae and Chief Riordan to clarify the problem and explain to
them the c01m1unity'a approach to solving it.

Together with a broad

representation of the camnunity we have also asked that a patrol car be
11tationed at the corner on a 24 hour basis.

It is clear that the addictfil

and dope pushers are fraa outside of the cc:aaunity.
11tabilization of the cmaunity -

We felt that only a

a camnunity that has been puahed arourxl

�the city five or eix times already -- would correct the problem.

Therefore,

we have also aaked for an end to police haraaa11ent of cCB111unity people.
Today we are filing a 4 million dollar suit against

Tribune.

It aeMS that they too,

hara•• the CClalUnity.

with their misquoted Hee,

They not only misquoted myself,

IIUlber• of the cemaunity.

tlM Chicago
want to

but alao ot:her

Thie suit today le being filed,

not jut on

behalf of the Young Lords Organization,

but

of Chicago who are in need ot in depth,

honest and correct information.

NOTB1

also on behalf of the People

THE YOUNG LORDS ORGANIZATION IS CALLING FOR A COMMUNITY DBMORSTRATICM
AGAINST DRUG ABUSE,

AT WIL'l'OH ARD GRACB.

POLICE HARABSMBHT AND UltBAM RDBWAL,

OIi MAY 4TH,

�</text>
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                    <text>Monday, April 1, 1974
TO:
FROM:

FR

ALL PRESS CONTACTS
JOSE JIMENEZ, GENERAL SECRETARY
YOUNG LORDS ORGAiHZATIOU

935 W. GRACE
PRESS CONTACT: . SLIM COLEt1A1'
275-4778

The Sunday, March 31st edition of the Chicago Tribune quotes me as saying,
11

The big dE~alers are making money but not members of the Youn_g Lords, \&lt;iho are

selling one or two grams to someone who comes in from the suburbs. 11
It states further that 1 - Cha Cha Jimenez• described heroin traffic as a
sort of "local industry," and that "the police should ignore the pushers."
This is more than just an isolated misquotation.

The Chigao Tribune has a

history of fabricating racist lies against Latinos, Blacks, Native Americans
and other poor of this ci~y.
The Young Lords Organization has been consistently addressing itself to
the problem of drug abuse.

In order to effectively deal with the drug problem

we moved our headquarters near a 11 drug corner. 11 We• ve met with the Illinois
Drug Abuse programs to establish a drug center in the area.

We've also met

with cormiunity organizations and individuals to insure community participation
in solving our own problems.

We've spent long hours working with many of the
.

'

youths themselves and have made substantial progress.

We've met with Command-

er Rae and Chief Riordan to clarify the problem and explain to them the
cor:munity's approach to solving it. Together with a broad representation of
the comnunity we have asked that a patrol car be stationed at the corner on
a 24 hour bas 1s.

Wilton and Grace is not only a drug corner, it is a target area for
Latinos who have already been forced from their homes - a .number of times to be r,ushed out again by Urban Renewal.

Because of insensitive Police

�harassment. carpet-bagging real estate dealers and outside drug dealers,
some families have already been pushed out.

In dealing with the drug

problem the stabilization of the community is the most important factor.
Therefore we've also organized a tenants union and are working with
concerned landlords to stabilize and upgrade the co11111unity.
The Chicago Tribune honors us for all this with a continuation of
their abusive 1ies against our people.

We cannot forget that the Ttibune,

working hand in hand with Hanrahan, set the climate of repression that
resulted in many vicious assaults on the oppressed corr111unity and finally
the brutal murder of Fred Hampton and Mark Clark.
The Young Lords Organization with the aide of several law firms is
filing a suit in court against the Chicago Tribune for its slanderous lies.
We feel that no oppressed person, especially a Latino, should be caught
dead buying the Tribune.

:iOTE:

THE YOUNG LORDS ORGANIZATION IS CALLI;~G FOR A COMMUNITY DEMQ;1STRATl0il

AGAINST DRUG ABUSE,

WILTON Arm GRACE.

POLICE HARASSMENT NW URBAN RENEWAL,

ON MAY 4 TH,

AT

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                    <text>FR0:1:

VOU I~ LORDS ORG.1\.JIZATIO:I and

THE cA·1PAI~.: FC)R Cl) 1 r'.u IITY C~'.ITP.OL
c/o 1~56 LJ. Lawrence St, Chica~o. Illinois
F'JR ~ORE I:ffOR"1ATIO.'I:

FE3RUA~Y 14 1 1~74

:i49-3620 1 Slim Colenan

FO~ I -1'1EDIATE RELEf..SE

CO'!lU.HTY GrOUPS Cl.LL 0.1 B0ARD OF ELECTIC;ls TQ CHA.IGE 1/QTER RE~ISTRATIGa
LIJC,\TI0"1S 'IHICH ARE IiJAPPRIJPP.IATE A,W IdTI'1IDATE VOTERS
Jose (Cha Cha) Ji"1enez. General Secretar, i of t:1c Youn'.'.) Lords Organiza1

tion, releaserl a state~ent fron cofllTlunitv organizations today including the taxt
o-F a letter to t:ie haad of the Chicaflo Board of Election Commissioners. John
T~e letter calls on Hanl•y to take ~hatever ste'1S are necessarv to chan"'e

Hanl1y.

nine (J) locations in t·,e 4Ctr1 •:1ar.-~ -t:or the February 19t~ nrecinct voter reqistratfon.

"'!e es-,eciallv O:J,iect to locations in transient '1otels ~nd anartrients ~f,~re

there are large nunoers o-t: rien and ~,hie~ often sr.iell o-F urine and wine." the·
letter states. The atmosnhere in these sites is very inti'"lidatina for ootent1a1
voters -- esr,eci ally for ·1omen in our comuni ty.
1

L-Je believe t'.nt these orecinct re!Jistration ~laces should be chanqed.

First choice should be ou!&gt;lic ':&gt;uildinns -- schools, fire stations, etc. !lhen
pu!:&gt;11c bu1ldinqs are unavailable, sites s:10uld ba ones t:,at the co111T1un1t~, 1s
fa!TI111 ar vii th and co:nforta3 le in -- such as church centers and kno'lm p1aces of
business.

T,e letter lists alternate sites for t'.1e nine objectionable locations ..
It is t!le Chicago Board of Election Cor.1T1issioners' res!)onsibilfty to

choose ne1gh!:&gt;or!,ood ref)istrat1on sites,

'•le have called on ·1r. Hanlty to do everv-

th1nn "Osst!::&gt;le to insure that t:,ese r~iistrat1on sites are chanqed to a nleasant
atmos,:,hera. ·,e have visited ·:1it'.1 1 called, and nm·, 11ritten to .Ir. aanl1y.

~/e

hooe that he res"'onds oositivel_,,.
The Younn Lords IJrC'!anization and the Can'lafon for Co111nUnity Control ilave
!:&gt;een work1nq on a comun1tv voter reaistration drive and registered over 2,'.JOO
r,eoi,le from the la.!est reC'listration areas in the 4Gth ·lard. T'.1e 46th '.lard 1n

U1'tO\'m has one of the 10',.,est rates of voter reoistration in Chicago. Aporox1mately

io.1,0

neoole 1n the ~ard are not reo1stered to vote.

�- ....
co·r~u~HTY GROUPS URGE --HA:iL1Y II} CHAilSE 0BJECT10HABLE 1U:'.~I~ I!3-ffl'!m 'SITES-(cont),;2.
In fact, in over one third (1/3) ' of the ward less than 51% of the eli"ible
voters are re('istered.

rore than one '1alf of

In areas ,.,;,;~, have t'1e lar ... est concentrations of Latinos,

t:,,.

eligible vot~rs are not reriistercri.

In only 11 of the

··,ard's""r~cincts are :1ore t'.ian 75 ,..~rcent of t'ie elini~le voters actual1 1, re('listered.
Thev are in "better of~" L~ke S'iore areas.

It is 3lack Latin, Indian and r,oor

•t'.11tes •,ho are oresantly ~,eluded fron votinn.
'.!e've O)served '1an•,
ln\'I in our
. oostacles that kce" 1/0ter reflistration
.
CO'T1Munit1es, Ji"lenez continue 1.

T•e t1Me and ex~ense to r,oor nco~le of l"IOing do 1n1

tm·m to renister; t:1e lack of neinhborl'lood rer.iistration sites Ol)en t'.1rou(!hout t:ie
year; and the lack of S0anis'1 9.,eakino 111orkers at voter re,,i,;trat1on sites

!!hen

·,,e do have N:"inh!:&gt;orhood re~istration. the Board of Elections must insure t:1at the
sites t~e~selves do not discoura"e r.,any frOl'l registerin~.
'1eam,hile, he said, •.,e ur'Je all to rcriister to vote on Tuesday, February
19th at their neiohbor:,ooc r~tiistration lllace Ba.m.-JrJ.m.

Beinri re'listered to

vote 1s a key to oaininrr more corriunity "ower.
FOLL'NI:Jr, IS THE FULL TEXT !)F THE LETTER TO H.a;1LEY IllCLUOLIS A LIST OF ,IINE
08JECTirl:IABL£ LOC/\TIOrJS A,'I;) ALTER lATES FOn THE'.' I.I THE 4Gt:, l/ARD.

T~: '.1r. John Hanl,y, Chaiman 9oard of Election Comissioners, Rm.318 1 City Hall
De!r !r. Hanl1y 1
'~e &lt;liscussed with you fo Decemer and also earlier this mnt~ tl1e oro!.&gt;ler, of
locations for voter ret"'istration in the 46th '!ard ·:1hich ,.,e feel are very 1nanor,,~r1ate an~ intiMidatint"' to ryotential voters.

:~e

believe that reC'istrat1on sit"'c; s:iould !:&gt;e in rrnhlic buildin11s -- sc~ools, fire
stations, etc. if at all "ossible. I.t' not, locations ~,:1ic~ are i-1el1 kno~,n 1n
the COl'!IT!Unity and have a :,ealthy atoosii:,ere should ~e used.

We esnec1al1v o~.1ect to locations in transient hotels and al'JartMents where there
are large nur,bers of men and ,.'hich oftan smell of urine and ~·:ine. This is
objectionable for all -- but csr,ecially for woMen in ~ur co"T.lunity.
1

'·fe feel t~at the oroblen o~ reqistration sites s'.1ould ~c investiQated innediately

and al')r,roDriate ne"' sites -Found. The folloi.-,ino nine (:)) locations in the tl6t:1
'-Jard are esnecially bad. ''e suorrest alternatives for e;ic:,.
'1 0 R E

�LETTER TO HfJLIY (cont.)
CU~RE'.ff LOCJ\TIO"l
1.

SUGfiESTED AL TE11:I/\TIVE

8th Precinct, nt)•., at J4'J 'J. Gordon
Terrace, a '1alf •r!av :,ouse

Pa 1aci o Theatre. 414') .l.
Sh~ri Jan; , 1e 11 kno1::n in t:,e
co'Tlunity, ~ood facilities

*

2. 9th Precinct, 4223 I. KenMore 1 the
Kenrore :anor A~ts •• transie•t.
niostly r.iale
3.

St. ··ary of t'.1e L~ke, 4230 :l.
S'.iaridan. ·.,ell knO',tn in the
C0!'?"1Un i t•1

ey

12th Precinct, 3834 .I. Sheffield, the

Gree 1
Schoo1 • 3SJ5 iJ. Sheffield I a ~u~lic building across
streot from current site.

Carlos Hotel. transient
4.

l:Jth Precinct. 3838 .J. Broa&lt;1way.
c,ateau Hotel. transient

*

Christian Fell0',1s'.1in Church
Centar, 91a 1·1. Sheridan, uell
knovm f1 Jetter atMOs"here

5.

26th Precinct. 1124 '!. ''ilson the 'lilson
Club 'en's Mote 1. dark. s"!E! 11 s of
urine anc! Hine

*

Fi re station, 1210 \1. 'lil son,
nu~lic ~uildina, 1/2 block
fror, current site

5.

37th Precinct, 927 ·r. Ja:dn,
anarti,ient buildin~. dark

*

Christian Fellows'.11'&gt; Church
91 'J '·I. Sh~ri dan. we 11 knO\m

7.

41st ~rec1nct 1 12,7 ·1. Leland
Leland Hotel

*

Fire Station, 12'J'l ·1. 'lilson
~ubl1c building in nrecinct

The Board of Elections had listed the fire station as a re~istratioh olace in
January 1974, 'le can't understand v1hy it should be chan,,e~ !lack to the hotel,

8,

51th Precinct, 45'J1 ii, ·:alden 1
ar,artnent buildinn

J.

53rd Precinct, 4M4 J, Sheridan
The Seville A~t., transient

Stoc~too 'S~bQ~ Sc~ool, 4423

H. 1agnolia, ~ublic building

*

St. '1ary of the Lake Sc:1001
42'Y&gt; · i. !(enMore

{*the Board has cOMbine1 other nrecincts like 21 ~ 51 in Lakeview Hiflh School)
All of these alternate sites are in the nrecinct or uit'1in one block.. We have
selected r,ublic ~uildinfls v,henever ~ossible as t/lis is convenient and saves t:,e
taxr,a'!ers r.ioney for tental fees.
'./e urnentlv request that vou take v1:1ataver ste"s are necessar 1/ to cilan(Je sites

'!lhich are intir,idat1nc, to the comunitv for the Feb. l'.Jt'.1 nrecinct rer.listration
antl all future activities.
·
·
S1ncerelv,
cc:

{srr.:JED

Jose Ji:o1enez for t:1e Younq Lords Oroanization and
Slim Cole~n for the Car.maion for Co!'"!Tlunity Control)

to Chica"o nress

-

3:l

-

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                <text>eng</text>
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                    <text>FRCM:

JANUARY 29, 1974

THE YOUNG LORDS ORGANIZATION
THE CAM PAIGN FOR COMMUNITY CONTROL

FOR ADDITIONAL INFORMATION CONTACT:

Slim Coleman

549•8626
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS URGE IMMEDIATE END OF
POLICE HARASSMENT OF MRS. GLAOYS MERCADO
.Jose Cha ~cha Jimenez, General Secretary of the Young lords Organization, released

the f ollowi no statement to the press today documenting police harassment of a pr egnant
Ia tin o woman, Mrs. Gladys Mercado, and calling for an immediate end to t hese acts for
tbe protect i on of Mrs,· Mercado and her child.
Gladys Mercado's h.ome ., 93~

w.

Grace, has been raided three times within a six

week peri od b v t he Chicago Police Department.

F.ach time police have used force to

et~ter her holl'.e a.nd each time they have barged in with no visible warrant nor authoriza tion from a ·h,dge.

Though the door has been broken down illegally, noth ing i llaqal

has bee n d i !'!covered in t he apartment and no arrests were made.
'l'he Campaign for Comn1uni ty Control and the Young Lords Organization are conce:ned wi t h Mr s . Mercado's health.

She is eight months pregnant, has been t a ken

to eme r qe r q• rooms of two different hospitals immediately following each r a id, ha s
ha f! he:r. ba ck inju red when police pushed in her door, and has been told by her obste -

t:r :i. c ian that anymore excitement would cause her to lose her child.

She has placed

a formal complai r.t wi th the Internal Affairs Di vision of the Police Department but
later becau.se. of f ear of more harrasstr.ent she decided to withdraw the complaint.

We a re a s king all concerned people to demand that the police harrassme nt o f
Mrs . Mercado STOP i mmediately.

Because of her medical condition, this is an e mergency.

In the near f u t ure, f urther legal action wi l l be taken in respect to these obvious
vtolatior:s of he r civil and human rights.

The l i fe of Mrs . Marci!ldo and her child

at the r-resent time, depend on whether or not there is continued harrassment by
t:-ie Chicaqo 1:-olice Departme nt.

- 30 -

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                    <text>·tl·

,/ .

"The Authority (Regfonal Transit Authority) shall cooperate
with the variou·s public agencies charged with responsibility
for long range or comprehensive planning fer the metropolitan
region. The Authority shall, prior to the adoption of any
five-year program, ..• submit its proposals to such agencies
for review and comment, The Authority may make use of existing studies, surveys, plans, data and other materials in the
possession of any State agency or department, any planning
agency, or any unit of local government."
Section 2.12; Coordination with
Planning Agencies, Senate Bill 27
Because of the above section and many of the other sections in Senate Bill 27,
he tt.er· kr;own as the Rep} onal. Tr·.;n1sportation Authority Act, The Young L,n ·,-ls (..h·g .• n
i7.a"tion has &lt;leri de&lt;l to take a position on RTA, We are an organization that has
always 0 cted in ·the interest of Latinos and other poor and oppr·E&gt;ssed peo!Jle,
From our beginning in 1969 till the present, we have been dealing with the issue
of llr•ban Renewal--a nice name fer the inner-city removal of Latinos and other
poor and oppressed people. We set up a free day care center, a health clinic,
a free food progr·am, a clething program, a breakfast for children program, and
aided in setting up a people's law office--t• help the community survive while
we organized to fight for low inceme but quality hous .i ug. We knew that Urean
Renewal was planned in the interest of the rich rRther than the poor; that
rather than change slums it transplanted them and helped to develop bigger
slums.
Since 1956 "La Clark" and "La Madison"--two large Latino areas--were transported
to other areas of the city. Lincoln Park and "La Division" became the new homes
for Latinos. Urban Renewal did not provide any jobs or any better educational
system; health care did not improve; police were worse than ever; and most important of all, no low-inf'!ome housing was built. Instead, the University of
Illinois (Circle Campus) and the Carl Sandburg Village were constructed.
Afterwards in Lincoln Park, the Department of Urban Renewal wanted to make it a
mo'del for other Urban Renewal areas. Latinos and poor people were moved out.
They said, "We want to improve the area; it's near downtown, near the park and
beach; it's easily accessible to downtown via Lake Shore Drive and bus route s;
and it pr·ov ldes good housing for people who work in the loop." How many housing
units were buj_Jt for the poor in Lincoln Park? About six. Now Latinos and
other poor have been pushed into Lakeview and Uptown. One would think that
this is enough pushing around of people who have been pushed out five or six
times.
However, the"Chicago 21 Plan", the "Lakefront Plan' , the "Downtown Plan", the
''Chinatown Plan", the Urban Renewal plans for the Pilsen area, and for the
Wes town area , are all des.i gned to move po01· peop.1 e, especially Latinos, out
of these areas. Mayor Daley wants the inner city for those with the money and
not for the poor, Urban Renewal is desigued to make the lakefront and downtown
areas acceptable to suh,n·l&gt;:rni 1.&lt;&gt;s /llun RTA wj J l tr·c1nspu-t· L t-lie sub,u·Lan i.-tes into
these areas.

-

.

·

�But what exactly is the RTA? RTA is basically a mass transportation system that
will link the suburbs with the inner city. According to the RTA proponents, it
will:
1.

2.
3.
4,

5.
6,
7.
8.
9,

10.

Provide better access to jobs, schools, shopping and business centers.
Reduce traffic congestion.
Conserve energy and preserve the land.
Maintain full employment.
Coordinate services, stabilize fares, improve transfers.
Stimulate business.
Keep property values high,
Provide mini-busses stopping close to people's homes,
Provide more off-hour service,
Provide for an appointed nine-man board that will be representative
of the entire metropolitan region.

We in the Young Lords Organization feel that these so-called benefits are not in
the interest of Lr1't i nos and other poor and oppressed people, The fo 11 c,wj ug are
I he .1.·~risou~

wliy:

1.

171 million dollars is the projected annual budget, of which 80
million is being provided by sales taxes in the six-county area,
16 million from a new 5% increase in motor fuel tax, 10 million
from parking fees and 5 million is a contribution from the City of
Chicago. And because 48% of the people in this six-county area
live in Chicag~, these same people will be forced to take the
overall burden of being heavily taxed for the financing of the RTA,
a transportation system designed to benefit suburbanites.

2.

Only the residents of the City of Chicago are being taxed from
their State motor vehicle license fee, with no provision for taxing the rest of the six-county area.

3.

The majority of Chicago residents at this time are Blacks and
Latinos. No information is being provided in Spanish for Latinos,
no public hearings and no provisions for Latinos and other poor
people on the nine-man board.

4.

Four of
Daley.
heading
in this

5.

We know that present problems in the CTA are not due to lack of
funds, but rather to mismanagement by individuals who have been
placed there because of their "fondness and dedication to the
mayor,"

6.

We know also that it is the banks, railroads and bondholders who
primarily benefit from the RTA.

7.

Black, Latin and other poor and oppressed people have not been
assured jobs in the suburbs; not even the RTA has assured them
jobs.

8.

Nothing has been spelJed
riders.

the nine directors on the board will be hand-picked by
Just by the example of no Latinos on the City Council or
any of the city departments or in any position of power
city, we know how the nine-man board will look.

0irt

i_n

t"P:t'm!'l

o.f belte1.• servjce for RTA

�9.

The RTA will have the power of Eminent Domain--the right to seize
anyone's property, whether or not that person wants to sell it.

10.

There's a "no-strike clause" for working people employed by the
RTA.

11.

The RTA does not improve inner city transportation; only suburban.

12.

RTA will not end racism that already exists within the present CTA
bureaucracy. (Remember the protests in the Pilsen area whe~e Latinos literally sat down in front of busses to secure a few jobs.)

13.

Fares for using RTA have not been mentioned in Senate Bill 27.

14.

RTA will set up its own Police Department, with no mention in the
Act about investigations of complaints from citizens. They will
also be independent of any of the county or local governments.

15.

RTA will aid the Department of Urban Renewal to make Chicago's
downtown area a shopping center not for Chicago residents, but
rather for suburbanites, by providing express trains to downtown
Chicago.

16,

It also aids Urban Renewal to push industry into the suburbs rather
than locate it in the inner city, with the excuse that now there
is transportatjon.

17.

It also aids the Chicago Housing Authority (made up of Daley appointees) to push for and construct low income housi~g in : ~e
suburbs rather than in the inner city.

RTA is a plan that has been part of Urban Renewal since it started think i ng in
terms of metropolitan rather than city areas. In other words, RTA plus Urban
Renewal equals inner city removal of Latino~ and other poor and oppressed people.
The Young Lords Organization would never support a program that works abains t the
people. We want mass transportation, but only when it benefits the people, and
not banking interests, slick-talking racists politicians, and a few individual
capitalists. We therefore ask that you vote NO and defeat RTA.
QUE VIVA EL PUEBLO,
YOUNG LORDS ORGANIZATION

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Carol Blakely
Interviewer: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 10/19/2012
Runtime: 01:53:23

Biography and Description
Oral history of Carol Blakely, interviewed by Jose “Cha-Cha” Jimenez on October 19, 2012 about the
Young Lords in Lincoln Park.
"The Young Lords in Lincoln Park" collection grows out of decades of work to more fully document the
history of Chicago's Puerto Rican community which gave birth to the Young Lords Organization and later,
the Young Lords Party. Founded by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, the Young Lords became one of the
premier struggles for international human rights. Where thriving church congregations, social and

�political clubs, restaurants, groceries, and family residences once flourished, successive waves of urban
renewal and gentrification forcibly displaced most of those Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos,
working-class and impoverished families, and their children in the 1950s and 1960s. Today these same
families and activists also risk losing their history.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Testing one, two, three. Testing one, two, three. Go ahead and say

something.
CAROL CORONADO:

Hello. How are you? (break in audio)

JJ:

Okay. Go ahead and say something.

CC:

Hello. How are you?

JJ:

Testing one, two, three. Testing one, two, three. (break in audio) Okay, now
Carol, give me your name and where you were born.

CC:

Okay. My name is Carol [Coronado?]. I was born in Chicago, Illinois on March
11, 1942. I lived in Lake View.

JJ:

When you were born?

CC:

When I was born, we lived in Lake View which is right at Roscoe and Broadway.

JJ:

Okay. Right around Roscoe and Broadway, that area?

CC:

Right.

JJ:

Okay, and your parents. What were their names?

CC:

My mother’s name was [Evelyn?] and my father’s name was [Ross?]. I have one
sister who’s older. Her name is [Patricia?]. I have a brother who’s 20 [00:01:00]
months younger. His name is [Ross, Jr.?].

JJ:

Okay. And did you had a sister and a brother you said so they are... Where are
your parents from?

1

�CC:

Okay. My father was born in McKeesport, Pennsylvania which is right near
Pittsburgh. My mother was born in Chicago on the South Side. I’m not exactly
sure where but it was on the South Side.

JJ:

What type of work did they do?

CC:

Pardon me?

JJ:

What type of work did they do?

CC:

Okay. My father was a produce manager for A&amp;P and my mother was a cashier
and bookkeeper for A&amp;P, also.

JJ:

Okay. So they did that for most of their life or...?

CC:

Yes, yes.

JJ:

And what about your sisters and brother -- brother and sister?

CC:

My sister got married and had four children. My brother, he worked at a printing
company in, oh, McHenry, Illinois and he just retired from there. And me, I’ve had
several jobs. (laughs) [00:02:00] I worked in the bank in the accounting
department. I worked for ACNielsen as a comptometer operator. I was an AT&amp;T
telephone operator for a while. For the last 30 years, I’ve been a security guard
with Securitas. I was 12 years at Bell Laboratories in Naperville and 18 years at
General Mills in West Chicago. Right now, I just work three days a week at a
gated community in Plainfield on a public golf course. I have a gate house and I
let people into play golf. Yeah.

JJ:

Now you said you were born at Lake View.

CC:

Lake View.

JJ:

Did you grow up there, too, or...?

2

�CC:

Yes, I grew up there. I went to Nettlehorst Grammar School and Lake View High
School.

JJ:

Oh, you went to Lake View High School.

CC:

Lake View High School.

JJ:

Nettlehorst Grammar School, where is that?

CC:

That’s at Broadway [00:03:00] and Aldine. And then Lake View was Irving Park
and Ashland.

JJ:

What was that like? What was Nettlehorst like?

CC:

Nettlehorst? It was --

JJ:

Now, did you go to eighth grade?

CC:

Through eighth grade and I graduated.

JJ:

So can you kind of describe that for us? The community and how...?

CC:

The community was -- all right. I lived a block off Lake Shore Drive, all right? So
if you lived on this side of Broadway, you were working-class people. This side of
Broadway, it was very rich people.

JJ:

So the west side of Broadway was working class?

CC:

Was working class, yeah.

JJ:

And the east side was rich people?

CC:

Was very -- yeah, very rich people. (laughs)

JJ:

And did people talk about that, or...?

CC:

Yes and no. When I went to school, mostly the kids that went there were Jewish.
There were only -- like in a class of, say, 30, there were 11 [00:04:00] of us that
were Protestant or Catholic.

3

�JJ:

Mm-hmm. So you’re a Protestant?

CC:

I’m Protestant –- a Presbyterian.

JJ:

Oh, Presbyterian.

CC:

Yeah. And so --

JJ:

Your parents, too? Your parents?

CC:

But we kind of like -- yes, my -- oh, see, that’s the thing. My father was Irish
Catholic. My mother was Lutheran. We were baptized Presbyterian because my
aunt, my uncle’s wife, was in charge of the cradle roll at (inaudible) Presbyterian
Church and so we were baptized Presbyterian. We had kind of a strange family.
(laughs)

JJ:

So what -- wasn’t that [Angris?]? What years are we --talking about (crosstalk) --

CC:

That was from 1942 till I’d say ’54, I would say.

JJ:

So from 1932 --

CC:

Forty-two.

JJ:

Forty-two.

CC:

(laughs)

JJ:

Sorry, oh I’m sorry. Nineteen forty-two to --

CC:

Say, ’54.

JJ:

[00:05:00] –- to ’54. You’re talking about –- that’s the eighth grade? The first
eighth grade?

CC:

Oh, no. Oh, the eighth grade. I started school when I was six so I went from ’48
to ’56. Nineteen forty-eight to 1956. To Nettlehorst, yeah.

4

�JJ:

And then what type of neighborhood? What was the population? And what type
of neighborhood?

CC:

And then I graduated. Okay. It was mainly white working-class. There were no
Blacks in the neighborhood. We had -- like I said, it was an all-white
neighborhood.

JJ:

You’re talking about all of Lake View or just that area?

CC:

That area that I was from. Yeah.

JJ:

Yeah. Was it all white?

CC:

All white. Yeah.

JJ:

Was it ethnic whites? I mean, were they like Irish, Italian?

CC:

Irish, Italian, German. Yeah. Jewish. Uh, yeah. And then in the ‘50s -- oh, I’m
trying to think. In 19-- I would say ‘54 or something, we had a lot of Puerto
Ricans come [00:06:00] to the neighborhood. So the neighborhood changed; We
had a lot of Puerto Ricans there.

JJ:

Okay. So 1954, around there?

CC:

About ’54. Yeah. Because I was about 12, 13. Yeah.

JJ:

And so what happened when the Puerto Ricans came? How did you feel?

CC:

Oh. We had a good time, you know? And there were -- (laughs) as a young
woman, there were some really good-looking guys. So we were happy (laughs)
they were in the neighborhood. I don’t know if you want me to say that, but that’s
-- yeah. Yeah, and we --

JJ:

So you didn’t have any problem with them.

CC:

No.

5

�JJ:

What about the guys? That’s the girls, but what about the guys?

CC:

The guys got along fine and they integrated with us. We all got along. I can’t
remember any problems with, you know, every –-

JJ:

Is Aldine -- is that like around Halsted or Addison?

CC:

No. Aldine is -- okay. You know where Belmont is?

JJ:

Right. Oh, yeah.

CC:

All right. Aldine is two blocks north of Belmont so I lived in between [00:07:00]
Addison and Belmont on Roscoe Street.

JJ:

Oh, that’s Roscoe. Roscoe runs the same way. Does it go by [Halsted?]?

CC:

Roscoe runs east and west.

JJ:

Does it go...? Oh.

CC:

And it ended at -- okay.

JJ:

And Aldine goes north and south.

CC:

I lived on Broadway. At the end of the street if you walked down to the next
street, that was Halsted Street. Yeah, that was Halstead Street. And then Clark
Street came also a little farther up. So --

JJ:

Okay. So this area [ancestry?] is Puerto Rican and you didn’t have any problem?

CC:

No problems or anything. No problems.

JJ:

(crosstalk) the schools?

CC:

They went to school, yeah. And they hung -- we hung around together and stuff.

JJ:

Now, when you say it was turning Puerto Rican, was it a lot of Puerto Ricans?

CC:

Yeah, several -- a whole lot of Puerto Ricans. You probably could tell me more of
the history of Puerto Rico. But that’s when the Puerto Rican community started

6

�coming into our neighborhood. Yeah. And I said we had no -- I mean, they lived
across the street from me and stuff. And I get -JJ:

[00:08:00] Your background is part Irish?

CC:

I’m Irish, German, Norwegian. I am Irish. My maiden name was [Curley?].
That’s about as Irish as you can get, so yeah.

JJ:

All right. Okay. So you were Irish. And so what was it like for a woman to grow
up? A girl to grow up at that time? Did you stay at home or like (crosstalk) –-

CC:

Well, no, I hung out. We all hung out on the streets and stuff. And we played
marbles (laughs) and --

JJ:

Oh, you played marbles?

CC:

Marbles and pinners, a game called pinners. And I played baseball because I
was a bit of a tomboy. So I climbed fences and my mother used to get really
upset because I would rip out my blue jeans and stuff. Yeah, so -- but no, we -everybody -- you knew everybody. You knew your neighbors. Like today, it’s not
like that [00:09:00] I don’t think. I don’t know the people that live here on this
side of me because they’re new, okay? And I did know the people who lived in
this house next to me when we first moved here. However, everybody knew
everybody’s business and all the kids, you know what I’m saying? We all hung
out together. But I wouldn’t call us a -- we never got into any kind of trouble
trouble. We just all played until we got to be teenagers. Then we started to get
into like drinking and stuff. Doing things. Doing things we shouldn’t have done.

JJ:

Drinking and was that all, or...?

7

�CC:

No, drinking and some of us, not myself personally, (laughs) but stealing cars and
stuff like that. Yeah.

JJ:

Oh, I see. Joy riding. Were you --

CC:

Joy riding, yeah.

JJ:

So there was joy riding and --

CC:

[00:10:00] Right.

JJ:

-- at the time. What year was that?

CC:

That was like 1956. Yeah, ’56, ’57. Yeah. And we --

JJ:

Okay. Was there --

CC:

And we --

JJ:

Oh, I’m sorry, go ahead.

CC:

Oh, no. Go ahead. Also, we -- then we started forming gangs and we would
fight with peop-- (laughs) We found with Lemoyne School which was over there -Addison and Southport I believe is what it -- yeah. They didn’t come into our
school year --

JJ:

Oh, you mean by Halstead, no? By –-

CC:

Yeah. Right across from Cubs Park. Yeah.

JJ:

Right around the corner. Yeah.

CC:

But they were not allowed in our neighborhood and we didn’t go in theirs.

JJ:

So it was a school?

CC:

Yeah.

JJ:

It was one school against the other or what gang? What was the name of it?

8

�CC:

It was the gang -- we didn’t have a name. Well, we did. The Customettes. It
was called the Customettes. And the guys were called -- I can’t remember. I
think somewhere around [00:11:00] this house, I have a leather jacket that has –that says Customettes on the back of it. Yeah.

JJ:

Oh, and that’s the woman’s group.

CC:

That was the women’s.

JJ:

So it must’ve been the Customs or something.

CC:

No, I can’t remember what they were called. Plus we also had in our
neighborhood the --

JJ:

Was it mainly...? Oh.

CC:

-- not the Hell’s Angels. It was a motorcycle, the Chicago Outlaws. Yeah. I got
involved with them a little -- when I was little like maybe 15 and stuff. That was a
motorcycle gang.

JJ:

So what did the Customettes do mainly?

CC:

Just run around with the guys. Hung around with the guys (laughs) and wear
jackets. But we would get in fights. I mean, fist fights and stuff.

JJ:

Other women or...?

CC:

Women and guys. You know. Some of the women, (laughs) they could fight just
as good as a guy. I mean I was [00:12:00] one of those people. Yeah. But yeah,
they would come in the school yard and then it would start and then the police
would get us. They would surround us. They’d come from -- one from this way
and another and get us and stuff. But and then take us down to Town Hall police
station where my father would have to come get us.

9

�JJ:

And what would your father say?

CC:

He was very upset. (laughs) He was very upset. But we never did anything that
got us -- though some did wind up at the Audy Home. Are you familiar with the
Audy Home or...?

JJ:

Yeah, a little bit.

CC:

Or a couple of people got sent to St. Charles reform school. Yeah.

JJ:

These are the guys or the girls? Or the guys (crosstalk) --

CC:

It was the guys. The guys and (crosstalk) some of the girls went -- I can’t
remember the name [00:13:00] of the -- they’re -- okay. In Geneva, there was a
woman’s and I can’t remember the name of that.

JJ:

Yeah, but it was in Geneva. It was (inaudible).

CC:

Yeah, it was in Geneva. And the boys they sent to St. Charles which was -yeah, St. Charles reform school for boys.

JJ:

Yeah. Was this mainly in the -- was there a lot of Puerto Ricans in your group?
In this gang? Or was it mainly Irish and German?

CC:

We had some Puerto Ricans. It was a mixture; We had a mixture of people. We
had one called [Louis Anderson?] -- he was Black. See, the Louis was the only
Black person that lived in the neighborhood that I remember when I was young
and he ran around with us. Yes, we had Puerto Ricans and we had --

JJ:

But the people in the Lemoyne were fighting with you here.

CC:

They were white; mostly white.

JJ:

At Lemoyne?

CC:

Yeah. At Lemoyne, they were white.

10

�JJ:

Oh. Because later, I think they had like (crosstalk) Latin --

CC:

Yeah. Later, it’s all -- there’s a lot of Latins over there now, but not at that --

JJ:

[00:14:00] But at that time, in ’54, it was white.

CC:

Yeah. Yeah. There wasn’t many.

JJ:

Nettlehorst and then --

CC:

Lake View High School.

JJ:

This is Lake View High School. Okay.

CC:

Yeah. Now, when I got to Lake View High School, I became kind of a lady
because I was getting older. So I didn’t get so much into things that were --

JJ:

So when you say you were fighting in these little skirmishes --

CC:

In the school yard. In the school yard.

JJ:

This was Lake View. You were in Lake View already.

CC:

No, I was at Nettlehorst.

JJ:

At Nettlehorst.

CC:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

And now you went to Lake View High School?

CC:

And then I went to Lake View High School and we got into -- like dating and all
the stuff and I started smoking.

JJ:

What do you mean dating? Going out with a guy?

CC:

You know, guys. Going out with guys and stuff.

JJ:

Yeah, no, no. So the girls would --

CC:

Dates and --

JJ:

So a lot of dates or...?

11

�CC:

Yeah, yeah. [00:15:00] And but drinking. But we also did a lot of drinking. There
was a lot of drinking.

JJ:

So did you guys hang out on a street corner?

CC:

On a street corner, on a street corner.

JJ:

What corner was that? What corner was that?

CC:

At one point, it was Roscoe and Broadway.

JJ:

You were at Roscoe and Broadway?

CC:

Right, Roscoe and Broadway and the police used to come. If they said we
couldn’t congregate so they would split us up and we would have to go farther
down the street. But they didn’t want us there.

JJ:

Yeah. So the police would just come by and tell you to move?

CC:

Yeah, tell us to move to disassemble. (laughter) Because they feared if there
were more than three of us at one time, we were going to be doing something
that we weren’t supposed to do. But plus the Chicago Outlaws and there were
another [00:16:00] group -- gosh, oh I can’t remember the (laughs) name of that
group. It was a motorcycle gang. The girls were called the [Sabers?]. I wasn’t in
that gang, but that’s who hung out. The Sabers and the -- the (inaudible)... But
they really were after them. There was a lot of police after them. But they had
guns and stuff. (inaudible) guns and stuff.

JJ:

Oh, they had guns. Were they into drugs, too, or...?

CC:

Drugs, yeah.

JJ:

Oh, so that’s why they were [after them?].

12

�CC:

I drank, but I was always a little leery of drugs though I did have friends that did
drugs and stuff. I --

JJ:

What kind of drugs did they do?

CC:

Oh, they did marijuana. I had a couple friends that were into heroin. Yeah.

JJ:

Hmm. Was that a big problem at that time then or...?

CC:

Not so much the drugs. [00:17:00] When I went to high school, yeah. We had a
friend who they sent him to Kentucky. There was a dry-out center. He died of -he died --

JJ:

Do you remember?

CC:

I can’t remember.

JJ:

Out of Kentucky (crosstalk) --

CC:

It wasn’t Louisville. It was something like that, yeah. And he died of a drug
overdose while he was there. Yeah. So you tell me how that happens, you
know? But yeah, at Lake View High School, there was a lot of drugs.

JJ:

So how was Lake View High School? I mean, what was the population there and
what...?

CC:

It was a mixture. There were Blacks, whites, Latinos, Orientals, yeah.

JJ:

Was it a rough school or...?

CC:

Yeah, it was a rough -- pretty rough school. Yeah.

JJ:

What, were there gangs or...?

CC:

They used to call Lake View High School the home of unwed mothers. (laughs)
Yeah. Seriously, yeah. And there were a lot of [00:18:00] gangs.

JJ:

And what year was this?

13

�CC:

This was 1956, ’57.

JJ:

Fifty-six, fifty-seven, there were a lot of gangs?

CC:

Yeah.

JJ:

Do you remember any of the gangs or...?

CC:

(sighs) (shakes head)

JJ:

What were the teachers like?

CC:

The teachers were okay. I don’t know. I was very bored in high school. I did not
like high school. I quit when I was 16 and I went to [Logan Continuation
School?]. I worked in the truant officer’s office (laughs) one day a week and I
went to work at the A&amp;P with my mother as a cashier. Because my mother said
the only way they would let me quit school when I was 16 was to go to work.
Because I wasn’t going to be hanging around with my friends on the street, I had
to go to work which I did. I went to work for the A&amp;P. However, when I was 28
years old, I took the [00:19:00] GED and passed a college entrance and went to
Northeastern Illinois University at the field center -- we had a field center on
Montrose and Sheridan.

JJ:

Okay. So you went to Northeastern?

CC:

Northeastern.

JJ:

How far did you go there?

CC:

I was there for a couple years because then they came and they opened a
mental health center, Edgewater Uptown Mental Health Center. What they did
was they hired all of us, the Young Patriots and other community groups, to be, I
guess, mental health workers. See, they figured they could buy us and give us

14

�this salary. And we ran the emergency service. I worked in geriatrics for United
Charities. At that time, in the ‘70s, they literally dumped people out of the mental
institution and put them in [00:20:00] Uptown. Okay? In halfway houses and
some in independent living. All right? So they hired a bunch of the community
people to work with these people and stuff. And what I did was I worked in
geriatrics. I worked with a whole lot of people who had been locked up for many
years in like Manteno and Dixon. They literally just turned them out on the street
and gave them apartments and they had them coming to this mental health
center where they worked. Or I would go to their houses and make sure they
were taking their medicine and stuff. But I got in trouble because all right, they
had a psychiatrist who every person I sent in there would come out with a
handful of prescriptions. I had people that I was seeing that their tongue was
(puffs tongue) [00:21:00] like this because they were overmedicated and stuff.
And I said that I thought [Mark Schuler?] was a pill pusher. And (laughs) I got
called into his office and he asked me did I think I was a doctor? I said, “No.
However, you don’t need to be a doctor to know that people are overmedicated
when their tongue was swollen.” Or you’re making them -- all right. They didn’t
want them to be a threat to the community. Well, they’re not a threat to anybody.
They’re not -- they can barely function, some of these people. You’ve got them
so medicated. They’re not a threat to themselves or anybody else. That was
after the clinic -- after the Young Patriots clinic.
JJ:

You mentioned the Patriots. Who were they?

15

�CC:

The Young Patriots, they were a street gang to begin with. They were guys,
mostly guys, and they [00:22:00] were like street hustlers. They hustled people
for money. They fought with guns and knives.

JJ:

They hustled -- who did they hustle?

CC:

The gay guys and stuff. They would hustle them sometimes. I really don’t want
to go into detail about it but that’s -- yeah, anyway. They were hustlers.

JJ:

This was before you were political or...?

CC:

Political and then JOIN and SDS --

JJ:

Before you were political.

CC:

Yes. And then JOIN and SDS came to the community and they got -- I don’t
know because I wasn’t around them with the Patriots. But they got them -somehow, they organized them into opening up a food pantry where they give
out and they talk to them and politicize these young kids. They were mostly
southern [00:23:00] whites that were --

JJ:

And what year was this?

CC:

This was in 19-- okay. It had to have been -- because I first got involved -- it was
in ’66, okay? And they were around for a couple years. Maybe ’64, ’65,
something like that. (crosstalk) My mother-in-law was involved with them and
that’s how I got to meet them, my husband and I. They were going to do a march
on Summerdale Police Station because one of the kids --

JJ:

So this is after they became political.

CC:

Yes.

JJ:

So they weren’t hustling anymore?

16

�CC:

They weren’t hustling any-- if they were, they weren’t telling. But I -- (laughs) but
no. They were talking to people in the community, they were fighting [00:24:00]
the police brutality because what happened, on Sunnydale, there was a kid -- I -and they were going to arrest him. They had in handcuffs and they shot him
(laughs) in the back. Shot him. He’s on his knees on the sidewalk and they shot
him to death. Said he was trying to escape arrest.

JJ:

And he was in handcuffs.

CC:

He was in hand-- behind his back. Because there was a police officer, his name
was [Sam Joseph?], who was very brutal, okay? Just these kids, they would
beat them up and threated to kill them. So we decided we were going to march
on Summerdale Police Station with my mother-in-law and the Young Patriots.
They got my husband, [Doug?] and I involved and that was my first experience
with that [00:25:00] is I marched on Summerdale Police Station. I was pregnant
with my son (laughs) and --

JJ:

What’s your son’s name?

CC:

His name is [Jason?]. And yeah, I was pregnant with my son.

JJ:

You didn’t tell me -- did you tell me your daughter’s name?

CC:

Huh?

JJ:

Did you tell me your daughter’s name?

CC:

I didn’t have a daughter.

JJ:

Oh, you didn’t.

CC:

No.

JJ:

You just had a son. Okay.

17

�CC:

A son -- I just had one son.

JJ:

We’re talking about brothers.

CC:

Yeah. Oh, I had a sister and brother. Yeah. No.

JJ:

Okay. What was their names?

CC:

Patricia and Ross. That’s my sister and my brother. But yeah, no, my son
Jason. I was pregnant with my son Jason and I was marching with a sign on
Summerdale Police Station (laughs) and then we started to get involved because
the Patriots --

JJ:

(laughs) Do you remember the sign? What it said or anything or...?

CC:

Sam Joseph -- get rid of Sam Joseph or something like that because he was very
brutal. I mean, he was a really brutal police officer. He (laughs) and --

JJ:

So you went marching with a sign, right? Were you excited?

CC:

With a sign, yeah.

JJ:

Were you excited or...?

CC:

Oh yeah. It was fun. I never had -- [00:26:00] because I -- I knew my mother-inlaw was into all this political stuff. My husband and I, his name was [Douglas
Youngblood?], he didn’t really want to get involved because he was working at
DuPont and we kind of stayed back. But once we got over there and it was with
the Summerdale thing and stuff. He met Bobby Joe and Junebug and the Young
Patriots and he got involved. I worked. I --

JJ:

Bobby Joe and Junebug are leaders in the Young Patriots?

CC:

Yeah, they were like 17. Now, Doug and I were like 25 but these were like young
kids -- 17, 18 years old, and --

18

�JJ:

So who was Doug making (inaudible)? (crosstalk)

CC:

He kind of became their spokesperson because he was a little older and he really
got into it. I mean he was -- he got [00:27:00] involved.

JJ:

What do you mean he got into it?

CC:

With the police. Trying to stop the police brutality and into -- like the food. We
had a food coop and we gave away clothes to -- second-hand clothes. And --

JJ:

Now, was this the Young Patriots then?

CC:

It was the Young Patriots, yeah.

JJ:

They -- (crosstalk)

CC:

They had a little storefront. I would go there --

JJ:

Where was that storefront?

CC:

It was right on -- it was forty-- oh, I got that address -- 4408, I believe, Sheridan
Road. It was just a little storefront. And they had a clinic that wa-- now, see that
all came out of JOIN when -- JOIN. But I’m trying to think. Doug was really good
at writing up stuff. So they had him --

JJ:

[00:28:00] (crosstalk)

CC:

And he became their spokesperson. I mean if you needed an article written or
whatever, he was really good at the writing.

JJ:

He’s a writer.

CC:

Yeah. A writer writer and a poet -- a political poet he was, too.

JJ:

He got any poetry?

CC:

Yeah, he has some really good poetry that was published and stuff. He gave --

JJ:

Is he alive? Or is he still alive?

19

�CC:

No, he passed away four years ago October 5th.

JJ:

What happened?

CC:

He had cancer. He had colon cancer which it spread into his liver and he died.
For about two and a half years, he survived but he passed away. And I’m trying
to think. Out of that -- we had a clinic one day a week in a storefront. Then it just
kind [00:29:00] of built up till we had -- we rented a whole suite of offices. In the
building where the storefront was here and up above, there was like offices. We
rented a whole suite of offices. We had doctors that were from Presbyterian-St.
Luke, Billings Hospital, and they paid the rent on those offices. We had about 75
health workers working. We had the Visiting Nurses Association, we had medical
students, fourth-year medical students, whose --

JJ:

Medical students?

CC:

Yeah, medical students. We had people that were studying like lab technician
stuff. We did our own urine testing, urine sampling, and blood tests. I learned
how [00:30:00] to do a [hematocrit?] where you stick somebody in the finger and
stuff. We used to take people back and forth to the hospital when they had to go.
Or we would just go visit people to see if they were okay. Some were our
patients and stuff.

JJ:

To what hospital did you take them?

CC:

It was Weiss Memorial and Cuneo.

JJ:

Mm-hmm. Did you work something out with them?

CC:

Yeah, we did. At Weiss Memorial, we had a guy. He was the -- what do they call
that guy? The Human Resources person or... [Bob Cross?] -- his name was Bob

20

�Cross and he donated a bunch of medical equipment to us. Or they had
sometimes samples of medicine. But mostly, our doctors -- I mean, we had the
greatest doctors in the world.
JJ:

Do you remember any of them?

CC:

Yes. [John Wilsey?], he was in charge of an emergency room at Lutheran
General. We [00:31:00] had [Gordon Lang?], he was in charge of the renal
department at Pres-St. Luke’s. [Sam Jampolis?], he was at Billings in the cancer
research. We had another doctor; I can’t remember his name. He did heart
transplants. We had another guy, he was from Children’s Memorial Hospital. We
had a bunch of people. Just I’ll tell ya. We did a lot of stuff with the community
and talking to the community, but the real heroes were those doctors and those
medical students, Cha-Cha. They just gave -- they volunteered their time. They
paid for all those hospital -- the hospital -- all the examining rooms and stuff and
they paid the rent on that suite things. Those [00:32:00] were the heroes. And
they treated people -- okay. Normally if you go to a doctor, they ask you
questions but you’re not really treated like a human being. But the people we
had there, I mean they were treated like they’d never been treated in their lives.
If they had questions, those doctors would answer any question you wanted to
know. It wasn’t just a, “Take off your shirt. I’m going to get a stethoscope.” They
really took an interest in people. One time, we had a -- we called it, pardon my
language, “Piss on Brown.” [Murray Brown?] was in charge of the Board of
Health. A lot of the problem we had in Uptown was lead poisoning because there
were these slum buildings and these slumlords. They didn’t fix up these

21

�buildings. Paint was peeling and kids were getting lead poisoning from the paint.
So what we did, Dr. Lang, he got a grant [00:33:00] that he said we had to collect
at least 3,000 urine samples. We literally went -- besides what we did at the
clinic when we came in, I went with [Dr. Jampolis?] and we literally knocked on
doors and collected urine samples of people with some kids.
JJ:

So right at their house.

CC:

Right at their house. (laughs) We came out of this one building and I looked at
[Sam?] and there were tears rolling down his face. I says, “Sam, what’s the
matter?” He said, “I didn’t realize people had to live like that.” Paint peeling off
and barely any furniture or food. The tears were rolling down his face. But what
we did was we collected over 4,000 samples. We only were supposed to get
3,000 but of course, the Patriots have to do it a little better. So we got over
[00:34:00] 4,000 urine samples a lot of which we did at our clinic because we did
have a lab and stuff. But we took them to the Board of Health who was
supposed to be doing this in the beginning and they weren’t testing for lead
poisoning. Then they opened a --

JJ:

So did they do it then? Did they test for --

CC:

They did it then. Oh, yeah. Because Gordon Lang who is a very well-respected
doctor, he did kidney transplants and stuff. They would’ve maybe messed with
us but they weren’t going to mess with these doctors who were well-respected.
They put up -- they tried to close our clinic down but when the Board of Health
came and checked us out and checked our chart, they said we were better run
than the Board of Health. Because we had everything in order. [00:35:00] We

22

�took no grants because if you take grants, you have to go by their guidelines. So
everything was all voluntary. We were all self-running. We took no federal
money because like I said, then they could tell you how to run it and what to do
and we didn’t want to do that. But they wanted -- in order to -- okay. We only ran
four nights a week. Then we started on Saturdays, we had. We were a limited
number of people. So my husband Doug and the Young Patriots, they got
together with some of the people in the community like [Ed Farmlat?] who was in
charge of a bunch of halfway houses and some other people they talked to to try
to get a public health hospital there in the area to take up the slack of what we
couldn’t. We could only do so much. [00:36:00] The Board of Health decided
that this group was fine and everything and they would set up and that the
community could run it. That was a lie told, okay? Because when they finally got
everything, then they said, “No, the community was not capable of making
decisions, medical decisions,” after several years of the Patriots (laughs) running
a free medical clinic without their help. So they set up this public health hospital
which had been an old marine -JJ:

So the hospital was saying that the community can’t run it?

CC:

They can’t run it.

JJ:

But the Patriots had run it.

CC:

The Patriots ran their own better than the Board of Health and better than
anything they ever had. I’m not bragging but that’s the truth.

JJ:

Doctors were saying it, you know?

23

�CC:

Yeah, the doctors. [00:37:00] But the Board of Health and the politicians. “Oh
no, you can’t run your -- this public health hospital.” I had to go with [Ted Stein?]
who was our attorney, the legal aid, lawyer, to the state’s attorney’s office
because I was the bookkeeper and the -- to tell them about our clinic. I got there
and he asked me what we did. I told him. I said, “Most of our patients are
ambulatory.” Now, the state’s attorney looks me in the face and says, “How
many ambulances do you have?” I said, “I have...” I really had to control myself.
I said, “No, sir. Ambulatory means they’re able to walk on their own and they
don’t need wheelchair access. (laughs) We have no ambulances.” (laughs) I
was very proud of myself; I did not laugh out loud. [00:38:00] But when we got
outside, Ted Stein said, “I can’t believe he asked that.” Yeah, he did. “How many
ambulances do you have?” Well anyway, they opened this public health hospital
and they were giving lousy treatment to the people in the community. I myself
went there a couple weeks. Then we planned -- we were going to try to get them
to stay open on weekends and longer hours because their hours were lousy and
people were being turned away. So a couple weeks before that, we decided to
send spies in and to see just how people were treated. I went into this doctor’s
office and I described to him a urinary tract infection which I did not have. The
only reason I knew all the information is from working in the clinic. They never
took a urine sample from me. They never examined me. [00:39:00] I walked out
of that office with two prescriptions for a urinary tract infection which I didn’t have.
Then in a couple weeks, we -- on a Friday evening, we took about a hundred
people there to that clinic. It was just before closing and came in there and said,

24

�“Oh, people can’t come in.” We had our doctors with us and the Visiting Nurses
Association said they were going to take care of people or we were going to take
over the rooms and examine the people ourself with our doctors. When we first
got there, there were a whole bunch of police there waiting for us because they -it was supposed to be a secret. It was something with -- but somehow, it got out.
They said if we didn’t leave, they were going to arrest us and we said we were
not leaving. Then they brought seven paddy wagons [00:40:00] and arrested 43
of us of which I was 1. They arrested our doctors. Murry Brown (laughs) was
down there. He was in charge of the Board of Health and said to Gordon Lang,
“Please Gordon, don’t make me arrest you.” Gordon said, “If you’re going to
arrest my people, you’re arresting me.” So they not only arrested the community
people, they arrested a gentleman who had been the chief psychiatrist for the Air
Force. They arrested the head of the renal department at Presbyterian-St.
Luke’s, the person who was in charge of the cancer department at Billings
Hospital, (laughs) all these people. They dropped seven paddy wagons, they
arrested us, and took us to 11th and State. Then we had to go up like night court
and they -JJ:

Then the State is the central police station. The lockup.

CC:

Eleventh and State, yeah, that’s the big lockup. [00:41:00] They put us in all
these cells. The thing that disturbed me about it is the men... With the women,
they took away our glasses, everything from us. Plus those -- the matrons, they
harassed the VNA. They did body cavity searches on them which was ridiculous.
The men, they gave baloney sandwiches and let them keep their cigarettes and

25

�everything. The women, they just treated us -- they just herded us in there like
cattle. There were 43 of us. So then we -- they brought us out and we had to go
before a judge. They released us on our own recognizance. Okay, there were
43 of us. And when we went to court, the judge said, “Everybody arrested at
4141 [Thurman?], please come up to the front of the (laughs) front of the -- you
know.”
JJ:

In a courtroom (crosstalk)

CC:

[00:42:00] Forty-three people stood up and (inaudible), “What is going on?” The
VNA got in trouble, the Visiting Nurses Associa-- because they were wearing their
uniforms when they got arrested. (laughter) But they were still allowed to come
to our clinic, but yeah, it was funny.

JJ:

This protest was for what, I mean?

CC:

Huh?

JJ:

This protest was for what?

CC:

Because of the lousy treatment they were giving to people at that public health
hospital. Their hours were not conducive to people being able to get there, they
would close early, they were not open on weekends, they had no evening hours.
The fact that I went in there and got two prescriptions for an infection I didn’t
even have and was never examined. So they closed that place down. They did
close it. It had been an old military hospital type thing. It was not quite the VA,
but similar. [00:43:00] That’s what they gave us which was nothing. (laughs)
Yes, I was -- okay. (laughs) My mother and my father -- my father was very
proud of what I was doing. My mother was a little leery. The next day, oh. When

26

�we went to court, we got -- all they -- we got off -- it was dismissed as trespassing
on public property. We were trespassing on public property. But the day after, I
went to the clinic -- it was a Saturday. I was opening up the clinic and the phone,
the pay phone was ringing, and it was my mother. (laughs) I said, “Hi.” She said,
“Do you think that’s funny?” I said, “What are you talking about, ma?”
JJ:

Her name? I’m sorry.

CC:

Evelyn. Her name is Evelyn. I said, “What are you talking about?”

JJ:

What’s your father’s name again?

CC:

Ross. And my father, Ross. But my -- [00:44:00] (laughs), “Do you think that’s
funny?” I said, “What are you talking about, Mom?” She said, “Did you see the
Sun-Times this morning?” I said, “No, I just got here to the clinic so I don’t know.”
She said, “Well, go buy yourself a copy of the Sun-Times.” (laughs) I said, “All
right.” So I went downstairs and I got a copy of the Sun-Times. Right on the
front page is me in the paddy wagon smiling. (laughs)

JJ:

Hmm. Oh, your mom was angry.

CC:

Oh, she was upset that I’d been arrested. I mean, she liked the idea of the clinic
and then oh, no. That was a little different. (laughs) So I called her back and I -but my father carried that article and that picture in his wallet till the day he died.
He was really proud and showed it to anybody that would look.

JJ:

Your father or father-in-law?

CC:

My father.

JJ:

Your mom couldn’t handle it.

27

�CC:

Well, she kind of got it but I couldn’t -- [00:45:00] she says, “Do you think that’s
funny?” I, “What are you talking about, ma? I don’t know what you’re talking
about.” (laughs) But a friend of mine got some -- okay, they opened the Red
Squad files or something and you could get it. A friend of mine got them --

JJ:

Who is -- what is the Red Squad files?

CC:

The Red Squad was Mayor Daley’s police that he said didn’t exist that spied
(laughs) on us and took pictures of us every time we came out of the clinic, all
right? We would go like this (poses) and this (poses).

JJ:

So you knew they were watching?

CC:

Oh, yes, and we would pose and stuff. But they said that squad did not exist and
only maybe in the last couple years, finally they admitted that there really was a
thing called the Red Squad.

JJ:

And there were files.

CC:

And there were files but you would have to really know somebody to get them. I
mean, they’re open, right? Like freedom of information? But everything is
[00:46:00] blacked out just... However, when the person brought me these files,
(laughs) the second page down, you know what was there? The picture of me in
the paddy wagon. (laughs) And also, there was a thing about the Young Patriots
that the alderman or something said, “You need to keep an eye on them,” and
stuff. But there was other literature in there. But I couldn’t believe --

JJ:

So the alderman (inaudible) --

CC:

Yeah. They were -- yeah, that we were a danger to the community.

JJ:

Did you all get in the Red Squad car?

28

�CC:

Yes. There is a cop, excuse me, a copy of that. The person that has them is
supposed to get me copies of that. But I couldn’t believe second page down,
there I am in the paddy wagon. (laughs) What used to get me is I --

JJ:

You were --

CC:

I didn’t understand why they -- I’m not a dummy. But why are they harassing us?
All we’re trying to do is treat people like decent [00:47:00] human beings and see
that they get the healthcare that they deserve. Or to -- with the food pantry, get
some people who don’t have food food or clothing. Or trying... It seemed that if
you were trying to make somebody’s life better whose life wasn’t that good, you
were a communist or you were some kind of a terrorist. I never could understand
that. It just amazing, simply amazing that --

JJ:

You had said that you were raising [something?] around. Some supplies for the
clinic? Is that (crosstalk) --

CC:

Oh, we got those from Weiss Hospital. They gave us a -- [Dr. Sophol?], it was a
Dr. Sophol who gave us a bunch of stuff and Bob Cross saw that we got some
stuff. Some of the doctors also brought us stuff. But yeah, we were [00:48:00]
run without anything from anybody. Really, like where they could tell us how we
could run that clinic. Because if you allow them to tell you, then you’re no better
than what you’re fighting against. So we were always self-sufficient.

JJ:

[Marta Chavita?] worked in the Young Lords --

CC:

Marta Chavita. She worked -- okay.

JJ:

She worked in the Young Lords clinic.

CC:

Right, okay.

29

�JJ:

How did you know her?

CC:

How did I know her? Because we would go on speaking engagements and talk
to people and try to raise money for the clinics.

JJ:

Who’s we?

CC:

Okay. There was a -- the member from the Black Panthers was Doc Satchel, the
Young Lords was Marta Chavita and myself from the Young Patriots. We got
paid 300 dollars which we split between the three of us. We would go and talk to
people.

JJ:

Who paid you?

CC:

Hmm?

JJ:

Who paid you? A school?

CC:

[00:49:00] No, it wasn’t a school. It was whatever group we went and talked to.
Sometimes, we went and talked to college students. One time, I went and talked
to 100 priests and nuns. (laughs) Scared me to death. Somebody told me,
though, “Look out in the audience. Pretend they’re all naked.” (laughter) But that
didn’t help; I was scared to death. But yeah, we would go try to raise money for
the clinics. Then there was a trip to Canada where we -- I believe we thought we
were going because it had something to do with medical care and stuff. Because
they wanted one person from the Young Lords and one -- or a couple people
from the Young Lords and some from the Patriots to go and some from the Black
Panthers [00:50:00] also. So on the train were -- was Hilda Ignatin who was I
believe at the time Latin American Defense Organization. Was she LADO then?
I’m not sure. I think that’s what she was.

30

�JJ:

I’m not sure. (phone rings) I’ll answer. (break in audio)

CC:

The Young Lords. Okay. We were invited and I don’t know who gave our names.
There was -- women college students in Montreal wanted people from the clinics
and stuff to come there to -- I thought it was about a health thing and I believed
that Marta and everybody else believed that, too. We went on a train to Montreal
and we stayed with some college students. They put us up in their apartments
and stuff. Then we went to the college the next day [00:51:00] and while we
were there, here came a procession of six little ladies. Three from North Vietnam
and three from Laos. They marched and they went into the auditorium. When
we got in there, we were seated in the auditorium. They had a screen, a movie
screen, and what they showed us were pictures of our soldiers being shot down
by the Vietnamese. I mean literally, they were shooting them and blowing up
planes and everything. Afterwards, they said, “This is what’s happening to your
soldiers over there. We don’t want to kill your brothers, your fathers, your -- and
stuff; We want this war to end.”

JJ:

So these little Vietnamese.

CC:

They were Viet-- the tiniest little ladies you ever saw but they were [00:52:00]
soldiers.

JJ:

Vietnamese women were there.

CC:

Yeah. They were soldiers, yeah. So then they said they were going to have a
question and answer but all they wanted in there were third-world people. I’m not
third-world; I’m Irish (laughs) -- an Irish Yankee (laughter) from Chicago.

JJ:

From Chicago.

31

�CC:

Yeah, and so they didn’t want any white -- it was all women. It was all women.
Okay. From the Young -- it was me from the Patriots. I don’t know the ladies
from the Panthers but the Young Lords, it was Martha Chavita, a young lady
named [Lupe?], [Guadalupe?], [Trinny?] and [Angie?].

JJ:

[Angie Linn?]? (inaudible)

CC:

Okay. I didn’t know her last name. I know her face. I can -- yeah.

JJ:

Yeah, she was at the -- it was a women’s conference.

CC:

Yeah, it was a women’s conference. And so they wanted me to leave. Marta
[00:53:00] and Lupe and them, they said, “No. She’s with us. If she’s not
allowed in here, we’re leaving. We’re going. She’s --” They said, “She’s not
third-world or what,” and Marta said, “What do you mean? Her name
[Carmen?].” (laughter) My name tag said Carol. They got me a new name tag
and for the -- I think we were there two days -- I had a name tag that said
Carmen. (laughs) I loved those ladies. We got along so well and on the train -we were on the train a long time. They just were fantastic ladies and laughed
and talked. We had a lot of things in common -- kids and the clinics. But while
we were there, Angie got a phone call. When she came back, [00:54:00] it -- she
said oh, her husband -- they told her her husband was in the hospital or been
hurt or something and she had to go back to Chicago.

JJ:

Her husband named [Pancho?].

CC:

Pancho, yeah. So she left. We got her on an airplane and got her out of there
back to Chicago. What we came to find out was he was not in the hospital; he
was not. He was, in fact, dead. That he had been walking down the street and

32

�two guys jumped out of a car and beat him to death with baseball bats and killed
him. That’s something that when I think about -JJ:

So Angie was a Young Lord and her husband was a Young Lord.

CC:

She was a Young Lord and her husband was a Young Lord, yes. To me, that’s
something, Cha-Cha, that I never forgot ever since then. When I think about
Canada, I think about what we [00:55:00] -- the movie and all that other stuff. But
that’s what stands out in my mind that some moron would just because
somebody was not white. I had been down South, we had been down South
organizing --

JJ:

Was he killed because he was Puerto Rican?

CC:

Because he was Puerto Rican. Yes, yes, yes.

JJ:

Mexican and Puerto Rican.

CC:

I had been down South and we had marched with King and stuff. I never saw
anything like that. Ever. And it was terrible. We were threatened down there
and everything. But for that to happen in Chicago to me was just
unconscionable. I had a hard time dealing with that after I -- (laughs)

JJ:

You got to know Angie while you were there? What do you remember? What do
you remember of Angie?

CC:

I got to know Angie and Marta. I remember her being a very sweet young lady.
[00:56:00] Mostly, we talked. All of us when we were there -- like I said, our kids
and the clinic. Just a bunch of ladies yap yap yapping. At night, we would -- we
had sleeping bags and stuff. We slept on the floor in this apartment with these
college students and stuff. We would be gigglin’ and stuff. We were supposed to

33

�be sleeping because we had to go (laughs) -- we would just be giggling like a
pajama party or... (laughs) We were just so professional. We went to some
French restaurants because we were in -- and that’s the first time I ever had
crepes. We just walked around the city. But they were kind of leery of people
coming in at that time because not too long before that, a prime minister or
something had been [00:57:00] kidnapped by some left-wing people. I don’t
remember who that was. So they were a little leery about anybody that was to
the left a little bit. I’m trying to think.
JJ:

What about Marta? You got to know Marta.

CC:

I knew Marta pretty well, yeah.

JJ:

What do you remember about Marta?

CC:

Just that she was really nice and very sweet and intelligent. Very intelligent lady.

JJ:

Okay. She worked with you. She went and got stuff for the clinic, you said?

CC:

No, we went and we gave talks about the clinic. Yeah. It was always us.

JJ:

You said she’s --

CC:

But sometimes, Doug and I would go over there and just visit with her and
[Alberto?].

JJ:

Okay, so the --

CC:

Yeah, we kind of socialized with them.

JJ:

Because Alberto was also a Young Lord.

CC:

Yeah, her husband. Him and Doug got along real well.

JJ:

Because [00:58:00] at that time, was there a coalition or something or...?

CC:

Yeah, it was the Rainbow Coalition. Yeah.

34

�JJ:

Who was that? (inaudible)

CC:

I believe that was the -- that was Chuck Geary, the Patriots, the Lords, the
Panthers, some other people.

JJ:

You said that was the Rainbow Coalition.

CC:

That was the Rainbow Coalition.

JJ:

So that’s when you guys, you went to speak together -- the women.

CC:

Right. The three -- the Black, the Latin, and the white person was me.

JJ:

(inaudible) time together.

CC:

Yeah. The three of us.

JJ:

You guys were just talking about -- you were representing the --

CC:

I was representing the Young Patriots, Marta the Young Lords, and Doc Satchel,
the Black Panthers. Yeah.

JJ:

Do you remember what places you spoke at?

CC:

No. We went different places. Like sometimes, a school. Sometimes, it was just
in a -- at a room where people came.

JJ:

Then the money was divided?

CC:

The money was divided between the three people. Yeah, so -- well, the three
clinics, not the three people. I didn’t get the money personally. Yeah, right.

JJ:

(crosstalk) It went to the clinic. (inaudible) Okay. Tell me about Doug.
(inaudible)

CC:

Okay. What can I tell you about Doug Youngblood? I met him when I was 16
years old. He was new to the neighborhood and he started hanging out with my
brother.

35

�JJ:

Who is your brother?

CC:

My brother Ross.

JJ:

You told me three times already.

CC:

Then he would -- that’s all right. He would come to my house with my brother
supposedly to look at comic books because they -- I know they were 16 but they
were still into the comic books [01:00:00] and stuff. He kind of liked me but I had
another boyfriend who would get really upset because (laughs) when he would
come to bring me home, there would be Doug sitting there with my brother. The
young man I was going with got in some trouble and got sent to Minnesota. He
had gone to the Audy Home and the way that his mother got him out was to send
him to his brother’s in Minnesota. So he was gone and Doug was there.
(laughs) And he pursued me.

JJ:

He persuaded you.

CC:

He pursued me.

JJ:

He pursued you.

CC:

We lived in an apartment building where there was a basement where you did
your laundry. Everybody had their washing machine in there and stuff. One
night, he went down there to help me carry the laundry back up. When we were
going out, he stood in front of the basement door, told me I wasn’t getting out of
there unless I gave him a kiss which I did. First I said, “Get out of my way,” but
then he was [01:01:00] -- and we -- then we were together for a long time. Then
he moved to Michigan -- Jackson, Michigan because his -- with his mom and
stuff. So we were separated for a while but when he came back, we got together

36

�and eventually got married and had a son, Jason, and got involved. His mother
was married to this guy [Gil Terry?] who -- I remember when I first met Doug, he
said to me, “My stepfather is a communist.” I said (nods) but he was. Gil Terry
was a communist.
JJ:

Is it Doug’s...?

CC:

Doug’s stepfather, yeah. They were involved in politics and stuff and you know,
sure.

JJ:

[01:02:00] But why is he telling you that?

CC:

He told me that after we’d been together for -- because I think -- Doug at first told
me that --

JJ:

Did he look at that bad or good or...?

CC:

Bad.

JJ:

That he was a communist?

CC:

Yeah, because he was a communist and we (inaudible). But all Gil was was, Gil
Terry, was a man. He cared about people and like us and he politicized Peggy,
Doug’s mother Peggy, and (crosstalk) got her involved in stuff. Peggy Terry is -yeah, it’s Peggy Terry. Yeah.

JJ:

Peggy Terry, isn’t she the one that ran for...?

CC:

She ran for vice president of the United States on the Peace and Freedom Party
ticket with Eldridge Cleaver. And I have a bumper sticker some place that says
that.

JJ:

That’s your mother-in-law.

37

�CC:

My mother-in-law, yes. Who was a great lady who really taught me most of what
I know about anything. She politicized me. (laughs) I always cared about
people. You know what I’m saying. [01:03:00] But I --

JJ:

How did she get to the Peace and Freedom? What was she doing to get up
there?

CC:

When JOIN came in, they got her involved in all that. It was them.

JJ:

It was them. So she was a member of JOIN?

CC:

Yeah. But she also -- they had this thing that was called WRDA, Welfare
Recipients Demand Action. We had a block club and a tenants union. Also, we
used to go to South Water Market and we had a food coop where we bought food
for real cheap and stuff. We had one lady (laughs) that was in charge of the
money and her and her husband [Dominic?], they decided to take off with the
money (inaudible). So you had to be careful. But then I took charge of it so
[01:04:00] and I did run away with the money. (laughs) But see, my background
at that time was in bookkeeping and stuff. So I was real good about keeping
books and keeping --

JJ:

How did you get into that?

CC:

Bookkeeping? From high school. I learned in high school. Then I went to
comptometer school. Comptometer, it was an adding machine. It was 10 keys
across and 10 keys up and down. That’s what you added stuff. I could do that
without looking like a typewriter could type stuff. I worked for ACNielsen as a
comptometer operator. (break in audio)

38

�JJ:

Testing one, two, three. Go ahead. Go ahead and say something. Go ahead
and say something, Carol, please.

CC:

Hello.

JJ:

Okay.

CC:

Can you hear me?

JJ:

Testing one, two, three. This is interview number two. (break in audio) Okay, we
[01:05:00] were talking about Doug, you said?

CC:

Yeah. I mean, here’s this young man who grew up in Ozark, Alabama, Paducah,
Kentucky and stuff. Had never gone to high school, never graduated. I think he
graduated from grammar school, never went to high school, not much of an
education, who could write the most beautiful poetry, like political poetry, and just
write up -- write on everything imaginable and who sounded like he had a college
degree. (laughs) Honest to God. He was amazing -- an amazing man. But he --

JJ:

How far did he go to school?

CC:

He only went to eighth grade. He never went to -- but he’s -- he got a GED in
later years when we were in our 20s and then went to Northeastern also.
[01:06:00] But he gave a poetry class at Stanford University (laughs) once. But
he wrote political poetry and stuff and read. That man --

JJ:

What kind of stuff did he write and [read?]?

CC:

It was against I don’t know, the police and the government. [Hythern?] has some
of his poetry I gave him. Plus we put out a poetry book, the Young Patriots,
called Time of the Phoenix and some of his poetry is in there. But he just -yeah. He was just amazing and he was reading all the time. I just cleared out

39

�the basement of books. He had books on everything imaginable. Nothing
disinterested him. I mean, he’d read just everything. Not just political stuff;
everything. And he was into -- he started painting. Oh, his paintings are
upstairs. But [01:07:00] painting. Just beautiful. I didn’t know he could do that.
He just was into everything. He was an amazing man and he passed away four
years ago.
JJ:

You said cancer.

CC:

Cancer but we were together. We weren’t married that long, but we were
together 50 years.

JJ:

Fifty years?

CC:

Fifty years. Yeah. Because we met in ’58 and he died in ’08. We were together
50 years so it was a long time. And I miss him; I really miss him. There were
times I wonder (laughs) that I even miss that. That’s power for when you’re
married to somebody. We just weren’t the -- what the -- [01:08:00] like on the TV
families where everybody’s so happy. We weren’t like that. But we did pretty
good.

JJ:

But you did pretty good, right? I mean you were happy sometimes. (inaudible)

CC:

Oh, we were happy most of the time. It’s just every once in a while. That was
always all his fault, of course. (laughter) I would like to believe that but I know it’s
not the truth. Yeah.

JJ:

But how were the Young Patriots? Did you know each other pretty well or did
you visit each other or...?

CC:

What, with the Young Patriots?

40

�JJ:

Yeah.

CC:

Oh, we were married when we got into the Young Patriots because we’d been
together since we were 16. Like I said, he moved away because Peggy moved
to Paducah -- not Paducah -- Jackson, Michigan. He was gone a couple years
and then he came back and we were together after that.

JJ:

Okay, you want to talk about Peggy, too. What about...?

CC:

Peggy. When I met Peggy, I was 16 and she was like 36 [01:09:00] years old.
The most amazing woman you ever want to meet in your entire life. She just -you’re talking about a woman I don’t think even finished public school, grammar
school or anything. Had no real education at all who became -- it’s because of
her. She was like a historian, too. She kept all this stuff from all those years ago
and just got into and started becoming very vocal. Talking about welfare, the
police. She worked with doc-- very closely with Dr. King and she marched in
Mississippi. She wound up with 12 broken vertebrae in her back because when
the police beat them with fire hoses. That’s not fair. She was an [01:10:00]
amazing woman. Just an amazing lady. For coming from -- she’s just a little -she’s a little hillbilly girl. Dumb hillbilly girl, didn’t know nothing and then she just
(snapped). She was the first person, the first white person, that was on Jet
magazine. I -- yeah. I don’t know if you’ve heard of Jet magazine.

JJ:

Yeah, I have.

CC:

Yeah. She was the first white person that was on there. They have an article on
her.

JJ:

I’ll look at it.

41

�CC:

Yeah, yeah. She worked -- mainly, she started out with the civil rights stuff. But
that was because of Gil. Like I say, he was a -- into politics and he got her
involved. I don’t think he realized what he created when he started politicizing
her (laughs) because she just went -- she was just amazing.

JJ:

[01:11:00] So she did a lot of stuff in Uptown?

CC:

Oh, a whole lot. A lot of stuff in Uptown.

JJ:

(crosstalk) Were you living in Uptown then or...?

CC:

Yeah, we lived in Uptown. And she -- yeah.

JJ:

How long did you live there?

CC:

We lived there up until the ‘70s.

JJ:

From what year?

CC:

Okay. We lived there from about 1965 to 1973.

JJ:

Oh was it?

CC:

Yeah.

JJ:

What was it like then?

CC:

Uptown. Uptown? It was like the ghetto. It was a lot of slum buildings and stuff.
A lot of crime. (laughs)

JJ:

How did it feel like?

CC:

I was used to that. (laughter)

JJ:

You [01:12:00] called it the ghetto but you were living there. (laughs)

CC:

I didn’t know the word ghetto till I -- they politicized it with ghetto. What are you
talking about ghetto? (inaudible)

JJ:

(laughs) This is my hangout.

42

�CC:

Yeah, right, this is my neighborhood. (laughs)

JJ:

So how was it? Was it a neighborhood or did people know each other or...?

CC:

Well, not really. People, I think, were suspicious of each other. It was a very
diverse community. There were Blacks, whites, Hispanics, some Orientals, and
stuff. They -- until JOIN came and they got to -- I don’t think the people were that
close together. You know what I’m saying? And then JOIN kind of organized
them and people got -- you got to know your neighbors were... Like I said, the
neighborhood I grew up in, you knew everybody in the building and all the kids in
your neighboring buildings and stuff. But that was the [01:13:00] ‘40s, ‘50s.
Now, this is a little different and nobody, I don’t think, knew each other or trusted
each other (laughs) all that much. Then they came together with the block club
and that we had a tenants union and a (coughs) -- and a food coop. Plus, we -we had our hands in a little bit of everything. There was a lady, [Kit Komatsu?],
who came. Peggy brought her back from -- when they were marching in
Mississippi, she brought her to town, Kit Komatsu. Had a group that was called
CAMP, Chicago Area Military Project. What they did was they printed up a
newspaper and took it to military camps and soldiers because it was against the
war but not against the soldiers. Do you know what I’m saying? Because there
were some soldiers that were involved in that. One I remember particularly, his
name was [Jeff Sharlet?]. He had been a [01:14:00] special forces. He would sit
there and tell us about how they used to go in these towns in Vietnam and
literally kill the mayor and stuff. What he wound up and a lot of soldiers was that
Agent Orange. He wound up -- see, that’s the thing. They were spraying all this

43

�stuff but they weren’t getting the Vietnamese; They were getting our soldiers, too.
A lot of our soldiers came back with that Agent Orange and cancer and all this.
Then she -- Peggy brought her in and we started this newspaper called Firing
Line where she would keep me up, Kit, till three o’clock in the morning (laughs)
cutting with an X-Acto knife to make these little cows and all this. (laughter) I
hated that newspaper. I didn’t hate it but I hated to have to [01:15:00] because
she would not let me out. The Young Patriots Bobby Joe -- okay, Peggy was very
political and Bobby Joe McGinnis, Junebug and I’m trying to -- and somebody
else and I. There was a program on TV called The Fugitive and it was the last
night when they were going to catch the one-arm man. We got up out of a
meeting, a tenants’ meeting. Me, Bobby, and Junebug (laughs) went to my
house to watch the last episode of The Fugitive. Peggy was so mad at us. We
said, “We don’t care about the tenants’ union. We got to see -- catch the onearm man.” (laughs) Well, what can I say? (laughs) And over the years, she used
to bring that up (laughs) about how we were more interested in The Fugitive than
the -- well, anyway. They survived without [01:16:00] us.
JJ:

What about -- you mentioned Chuck Geary before.

CC:

Chuck Geary.

JJ:

Did you know him pretty good or...?

CC:

Yeah, I knew him and I -- well --

JJ:

Because he was an activist there, right?

CC:

Yeah, he was -- Hythern would be more because he was involved with him. I
knew Chuck Geary and I -- his daughter [Marcella?] ran around with us. I was

44

�close to Marcella. In fact, I can’t find her. We talked to her in 2007. She used to
call here and I know she’s in Texas someplace. But we can’t... I tried calling the
phone number I had and it’s disconnected. So but that -- Marcella. Yeah, Chuck
Geary, he was a good guy and stuff. But he was more for working within the
system rather than trying to change -- to work along with people. His idea of
helping people and somebody said it was a good id-- [01:17:00] he bought a
bunch of (laughs) chicken farms and threw these people out there and they were
raising chickens. (laughter) I’m sorry. (snorts)
JJ:

They were raising chickens?

CC:

Yes. They were --

JJ:

So you didn’t think that was a good thing?

CC:

No. (laughter) I guess the --

JJ:

What should they have been doing instead of raising chickens?

CC:

They had nothing so he’s -- he set them up and whatever. They had all these
chicken farms and I think that was in Kentucky. (laughs) I’m not sure. I -Hythern could probably tell you more (laughs) about the chicken farms.

JJ:

So chicken were going back and forth to Kentucky? Is that what you’re saying?

CC:

I think they all moved down there is what -- but he had all these chickens.
(laughs)

JJ:

Oh, he moved them there --

CC:

He moved them there. (laughs)

JJ:

-- to a chicken farm. (laughter)

45

�CC:

[01:18:00] He always reminded me of one of those southern preachers, Chuck
Gea-- because he was always preaching. He was the Reverend Chuck Geary. I
don’t know which church (laughs) he was at, but he was a Reverend Chuck
Geary.

JJ:

He had some (inaudible)

CC:

(laughter) Yeah, right. But --

JJ:

But he preached pretty good or...?

CC:

Oh yeah, oh yeah. And he had a lot of people that believed in him. And he was
not a bad person, Chuck. I like Chuck Geary.

JJ:

You didn’t like chickens.

CC:

I -- no. (laughter) I was not about to go to the chicken farm. (laughs) My
chicken, it’s got to be plucked and on my plate. That’s the only thing I want with
chicken, but --

JJ:

I did hear he was a good leader.

CC:

He was a good leader. I mean, he could -- he had a -- he could talk. You know
what I’m saying? And make you believe everything he was saying. [01:19:00]
Not that he wasn’t honest. You know what I’m saying. But oh yeah, he was very
--

JJ:

He worked kind of within the system and you wanted to --

CC:

Right, and we were revolutionaries. That’s what we considered ourself
revolutionary.

JJ:

What does that mean?

46

�CC:

We would fight for what we believe rather than try to work or take concessions or
make concessions. That’s my understanding of revolutionary. We were rabblerousers.

JJ:

How did -- there’s another -- a better word. Rabble-rousers.

CC:

Yeah, rabble-rousers, yeah.

JJ:

But you would fight for what you believe instead of compromising.

CC:

Right, what we believe in. Yeah, or compro-- or taking -- that’s why we never
took federal funding or anything for the clinic. Because I said once you let those
people in, they’ll tell you how to run it. Before you know it, you’re not running it at
all, they’re running [01:20:00] it. The reason we started the clinic to begin with
was so we could do better than what they had.

JJ:

Okay. So in Uptown, you had -- so okay. So they can do better than what they
had?

CC:

We could do better. The community and the community was well able to tell us
what they wanted or to do for themselves. See, that was the problem with -when JOIN came, when the students came. In the beginning, it was really good
because they brought all these ideas and everything. However, they didn’t want
to let go and they sometimes treated the people like they were little children or
something and that they had to be told what to do. These women that they were
organizing and stuff were becoming more powerful and more -- and thinking
more and wanting more. And able to vocalize that and go and do some. But the
students didn’t want to let go. [01:21:00] It’s like little children -- you cannot...

47

�They told them, “We don’t need you. We’re not little children, we’re not idiots and
we know what we want. We’re not your little project.” (laughs)
JJ:

Like they’re parenting -- they were parenting.

CC:

Yeah, right.

JJ:

Patronizing probably. Something like that.

CC:

Oh yeah, patronizing. Yeah. So a lot of the students were good people --

JJ:

So the majority of the students -- they just later on, they got into -- they got into
patronizing.

CC:

Yeah. In the beginning, too. “Oh, we’re going to save the community,” and all
this and that’s okay. But if you’re going to teach people, you got to let go. It’s like
with children. You got to let your kid walk on his own. You kind of watch maybe
to make sure they’re not going to fall down a hole or something. But you got to
let go. See? They didn’t [01:22:00] want to let go.

JJ:

So the Patriots believe in letting go so that then people could go by themselves --

CC:

Right. (crosstalk) and various people became more knowledgeable about what
they were entitled to and what they could do.

JJ:

So they were not just giving handouts. (crosstalk)

CC:

That’s right, that’s right. People were doing things and people were starting to
feel good about themselves. Yeah, I can make a difference, you know? But the
students were like, “You can’t do this without us.” So that’s that. Like they
moved into the neighborhood -- okay. (laughs) I shouldn’t tell this story. There
was a young lady and she moved into one of the apartments, one of the
[Claremont?] building apartments. Once a week, her parents, chauffer and the

48

�maid would come and clean her apartment and take her laundry and do her
laundry. However, she was living in poverty. She saw that as living in poverty
and I’m not going to mention her name because she is pretty well-known.
[01:23:00] I said to her, “What’s the matter with you? Do you really think these
women can relate to you?” Here you are, your chauffer and your -- and they
would pull up in a limo or whatever and (laughs) they’d come clean her
apartment. They never worked. All right? That’s another thing is they -- a lot of
these people, if you [wanted?] them over, a lot of women were out working trying
to support their families. These students were not working. I don’t know where
their money was coming from. It had to have been from their mothers and
fathers or whatever. You can’t say, “We’re just like you.” You’re not. But they
were well-meaning. I don’t mean to cut them that because there were a lot of -they meant well. They just didn’t know when to let go. And there -- [01:24:00]
what can I say? (laughs)
JJ:

I understand that they -- that it was important to let go to create sort of --

CC:

Right. They created something. They gave people tools to work with and I think
they didn’t expect that they were going to get the -- that they were going to
succeed.

JJ:

(laughs)

CC:

You know what I’m saying? (laughs) What’s the thing? (inaudible) “I’m going to
do this,” and all of a sudden just... These people really have voices and they can
really express themselves and they can do things and make decisions for

49

�themselves. It was like, “Hmm, be careful what you wish for,” (laughs) kind of
thing.
JJ:

So what was the -- what kind of issues did you program with JOIN and all that?

CC:

I wasn’t involved that much in JOIN -- not myself. I just know this from my
mother-in-law who was Peggy Terry.

JJ:

[01:25:00] For example, what was the housing like in Uptown?

CC:

The housing was terrible.

JJ:

It wasn’t --

CC:

You had buildings where the back porches were literally falling. The kids were
falling through the porches and some getting killed or maimed or there was
painting peeling off the ceilings and stuff. The lead paint. They didn’t -- the halls
were filled with trash and stuff. I mean, it’s just terrible. The buildings were --

JJ:

Were these two- or three-storey buildings or...?

CC:

Yeah, yeah. These had been nice buildings at one point. But the landlords, all
they did was take the rent and they never fix up the property. And if you didn’t
like it, you could move. That’s the way it was. A lot of it was like there weren’t
leases, see? It was like monthly. [01:26:00] Or some places, there were some
furnished places that were weekly and stuff like that. And then urban renewal
decided they were going to come in and --

JJ:

So what happened there?

CC:

Urban renewal? They wanted to build that Truman College over there on Wilson
Avenue and they were going to tear down a bunch of the buildings. We fought
them about that because what are you going to do about the people that are

50

�living here? Are you going to move them into...? They did give people like a first
month’s rent. They had to find an apartment and then they would pay the first
month’s rent to move there or wherever. But they had to find their own. They
were going to just tear down these buildings and where are these people going to
go? And they didn’t care.
JJ:

This was the city.

CC:

The city, yeah. Urban renewal because they wanted to build the -- which they
did, the Truman College. (laughs) Terrible.

JJ:

Now, this was [01:27:00] you. This was the --

CC:

The JOIN. That was JOIN.

JJ:

(crosstalk)

CC:

Yeah, and all Young Patriots, we went there to the meetings with urban renewal
and we fought with the Uptown National Bank (laughs) is who was --

JJ:

The Uptown National Bank was part of it? It was --

CC:

Yeah. It was part of the urban renewal and this [Yurania Dumofley?] was her
name. They didn’t care about the people. I can get rid of the -- see, you get rid
of the neighborhood, you get rid of the people. It was in Uptown there, there was
one street, I can’t think of the name where [Ed Farr?] lived, it’s all mansions. In
the middle of the ghetto, there’s this street where there’s all mansions and all
these rich people live. We said to them, “Would you like some of our tenants to
come move in your neighborhood? [01:28:00] (laughs) Maybe you can put us up
in some of the buildings you have there.” No, no, they didn’t want any part of
that. So where are you gonna move these people? But --

51

�JJ:

When did you move from Uptown?

CC:

I moved from Uptown in 1973. I moved actually into Edgewater and then into
Rogers Park. I lived in Rogers Park, yeah.

JJ:

(crosstalk) You skipped one there. Now, were you being pushed out or you just
went on your own?

CC:

No, I just went on my own. And I worked for ATA which was Aid to Alcoholics and
that came out of the mental health center. We opened up the men medical detox
center and I worked there. Okay. And that, I moved to Rogers Park and --

JJ:

How did you get into that over there?

CC:

Because [01:29:00] of the mental health center, I worked with United Charities
with geriatrics. But I was more interested in working with drug addicts and
alcoholics and stuff. So --

JJ:

Why were you into that?

CC:

Because most of the people (laughs) I ran around with were like that. Also at the
time, I had kind of an alcohol problem myself. We had a storefront and then we
opened up --

JJ:

I mean, you became like a counselor.

CC:

A counselor, yeah. A counselor. But the terrible thing was I was also at that time
drinking. (laughs)

JJ:

Drinking and counseling at the same time.

CC:

But most of the counselors and stuff were recovering alcoholics that worked in
there. I was still a practicing alcoholic. (laughter) I didn’t know I was practicing
but I was practicing. But then we --

52

�JJ:

Don’t they call it denial or something?

CC:

Yeah, denial. Absolutely. [01:30:00] And then the man who ran it was Reverend
Jack Norgaard. That was [Lutheran Welfare Services?] ran that. He knew that I
had a problem because people would see me out on the street and stuff. He
came to my house and said to me -- never threatened my job, nothing. “You’ve
got one week to get Jason,” my son, because Doug and I were split up at that
time. Have Peggy, my mother-in-law, take care of Jason. He was taking me out
to Mercy center in Aurora here for the alcohol treatment program. Because he
said, “There’s people that are really concerned about you and they don’t want to
see -- they want to see you live a little longer.” I’m thinking, “Oh, Jack. I’m not an
alcoholic.” Anyway. So I let him take me out there to Mercy center and I haven’t
had a drink since 1975 -- October of 1975.

JJ:

[01:31:00] That’s --

CC:

Thirty-three years. Well, no, it wasn’t. Thirty-seven years.

JJ:

Congratulations. That’s pretty good.

CC:

But I --

JJ:

Did you go to any program or did you just...?

CC:

Yeah, I went to -- it was an alcohol treatment program they have at Mercy center
and --

JJ:

And how long were you there?

CC:

I was there for 30 days. Okay? When I came back out, I went back to work at
the drop-in center, the storefront we had. Then in a couple months, I helped
open the non-medical detox center. We had a building that used to be a nursing

53

�home. There were like three floors and I worked in triage where the police would
bring us people off the street and stuff.
JJ:

You detoxed.

CC:

Yeah, we detoxed.

JJ:

I worked in a detox.

CC:

Did you?

JJ:

Yeah.

CC:

But it was non-medical so they -- we had a lot of people shaking and --

JJ:

Shakes and all that.

CC:

Yeah. Yeah.

JJ:

Mine was medical. They had a (inaudible).

CC:

[01:32:00] Was it medical? Where did you work, Cha-Cha?

JJ:

I was in Michigan.

CC:

Oh, in Michigan?

JJ:

(inaudible). I started in Chicago -- I was a counselor in Chicago, too.

CC:

Oh.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CC:

Yeah, and I got an ENT card --

JJ:

Before the counseling, I started on my own. (laughs)

CC:

Oh, you were like me. Yeah.

JJ:

(laughs) (crosstalk)

CC:

That’s it. I never looked back and I’ve never regretted. Never regretted giving
that up. I used to tell Jack, Reverend Norgaard, I’d say, “You saved my life.”

54

�“No, I didn’t.” I’d say, “Yes, you did. You saved my life. You really saved my life.”
And the thing about it was a lot of the people that they brought into the detox
(laughs) that were people I drank with. They listened to me because they knew I
had been there and done that. The only problem is -JJ:

It really helps you if you’re helping somebody else.

CC:

Oh, yeah. And I had to go to AA and one of the counselors at the storefront we
had, him and his wife, every night, they took me to AA and I’d (inaudible)...
[01:33:00] They took me to this one place that used to be a funeral home. I
would be sitting in a chair and right across the street, there was a tavern and this
Budweiser sign would flash on and I would think this is hell. (laughs) This is hell.
I’m being punished. (laughter)

JJ:

(inaudible)

CC:

But I ran AA meetings. We had a -- like a dining room type thing. I got paid to
play Pinochle with these... (laughs) When I worked triage, then I worked with the
people that were really when they first came in and stuff. But then when I worked
on the second floor, I used to get to go in the day room and play Pinochle. Now,
they used to call me the warden. I worked on third shift and I would come in and
people would be running to their rooms. “Here comes the warden,” right? I knew
they were bringing [01:34:00] booze in somehow -- somehow. I sat one night
and I waited and I heard noise and I went down by the day room. Here, they had
a rope outside the window and somebody was standing in the gangway and they
were pulling booze through the window and I busted them. Then I went from
room to room and the ceiling tiles. Went up in there and I got every bottle I could

55

�find -- I mean stuff. I had a setup at the nurses’ station. Just say goodbye -wave bye-bye. (laughs) That’s how they started to call me the warden because I
made a raid and (crosstalk) I said, “This is a -- you’re busted. It’s not going to
happen anymore.” (crosstalk) But it -- I loved those guys. I would be standing on
the corner in Chicago waiting for the bus and here would come one of the drunk,
“Carol.” They’d be hugging me and people would be looking at me. (laughs) I
was like, “Oh my God.” [01:35:00] I knew every drunk in Uptown. (laughter)
Yeah. That was exciting. That’s what I did.
JJ:

So you get clean you said 37 years or...?

CC:

I’ve been sober 37 years. Yeah. Yeah.

JJ:

Thirty-seven years.

CC:

Yeah, thirty-seven years this month.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CC:

I never regretted it; Never ever. (laughs) I don’t know why I drank, in fact. You
know what I’m saying? I don’t... But that’s something that was started when I
was a teenager. I mean, that was the thing you did. You drank and --

JJ:

You were a teenager when everybody was out on the same corner and that’s all
they did.

CC:

Yeah, right. That’s all we did was drink. Some people did drugs. Like I said, I
was terrified of drugs and I never... Now, when I got a little older, I did try.
[01:36:00] I smoked pot. I didn’t inhale; Yes, I did. (laughs) But I never got into
anything like needles. I hate needles and stuff like that. But you have your peers

56

�are there and they’re doing this and you -- so you decide you’re going to try it, but
-JJ:

In terms of the Young Patriots, what do you think was their contribution in the
(inaudible)?

CC:

What was their contribution?

JJ:

Yeah. I mean their --

CC:

Mostly, the clinic. They taught people that they didn’t have to treated like
garbage, that they were worthwhile human beings. They had a right to have
good healthcare, they a right to eat, (laughs) they had a right to live in conditions
that weren’t falling [01:37:00] apart. They organized a lot of people -- a lot of
community people. It was surprising that people got really involved. You start to
feel like you’re worth something. Here, you got people telling you you’re a
worthless hillbilly or something and you start to believe that. Then they saw that
they weren’t. That they could do something. They could fight City Hall. Maybe
we didn’t win all the time but you could do that. You were allowed to do that. You
were allowed to stand up for yourself and say, “I am somebody and I deserve to
be treated like somebody.” I believe that’s what the Patriots taught and I think the
Patriots themselves. Here you got young guys that were just street hustlers who
became different -- their lives are changed. They’re not in prison [01:38:00]
which is probably where they would’ve wound up had they not gotten (inaudible)
with stuff. They would probably be in prison or dead. I believe that. I really
believe that.

JJ:

What are some final thoughts on that?

57

�CC:

Hmm?

JJ:

Some final thoughts.

CC:

Final thoughts? I’m glad I was there, I’m glad I was involved. I’ve never been
ashamed of what I was involved with. I would do it again. I don’t know about at
this age because I can’t run as fast, for one thing. (laughter) Yeah. I’m glad I
was there. I’m glad that maybe I made a difference; That I did change people’s
lives or maybe educate people how they could change their lives. I’m glad I was
here and I’ve never been ashamed. I’m not ashamed today.

JJ:

[01:39:00] Any other thoughts? Anything we forget to talk about?

CC:

No. I told you --

JJ:

What about the relationship with the -- how did people feel between the Panthers
and the Patriots or the Young Lords?

CC:

The Panthers. We didn’t have so much contact with the Panthers. The Panthers
were -- let’s see -- on their own page. (laughs) How can I say? We were closer, I
believe, to the Young Lords than the -- because the Young Lords, they ran their
clinic and they were interested in the people. The Panthers? I don’t know.
Sometimes I had some problems with them.

JJ:

What kind of problems?

CC:

They would call me on a -- when I was running the clinic one time and they said
there’s a meeting. They were having a meeting and I had to come to this
meeting. Because like I said, I was a certain -- that was my thing. [01:40:00] I
said, “We’re running the clinic.” “Well, we’re the Black Panthers.” I said, “Look, I
don’t care. When the clinic is over, then I will be there.” All right? All right. They

58

�had this -- these new cars and stuff and vehicles they were transporting. We had
this little stinking station wagon (laughs) that was always breaking down. But -JJ:

So you just didn’t have a lot of contact with them. That’s (inaudible).

CC:

Right. I had no animosity towards them but I really questioned their politics. The
Chicago Panthers, anyway.

JJ:

What do you mean their politics? (crosstalk)

CC:

They were more -- I don’t know how to say this. (laughs)

JJ:

No, no, I think it’s fine.

CC:

It’s like --

JJ:

You’re talking personally because (inaudible) -- of course there were, some of the
other people were more [01:41:00] in communication with them -- with the
Panthers. But you were in the clinic so you didn’t --

CC:

Yeah, right. I was in the clinic and stuff and I just --

JJ:

All you wanted to do was just do the clinic.

CC:

I just wanted to do what I was --

JJ:

The clinic, right?

CC:

-- the clinic --

JJ:

That’s what the Panthers --

CC:

-- and to be helping people and --

JJ:

And that’s what the Panthers wanted you to do anyway, right?

CC:

-- they just wanted to do, “Okay, it’s fine to beat your chest and all this other sun
talk,” and sit here in a meeting and BS and talk about nothing as far as I’m
concerned. I was about doing stuff. Like I said, I used to get in trouble

59

�sometimes because my mouth would go. But I’ve always been an upfront
person, Cha-Cha. I’m not going to stand there and say, “Oh, okay. Yeah, well...”
That’s not the way I am. (laughs)
JJ:

So you were a doer and you had to do -- you didn’t want to go to meetings.

CC:

Yeah, that’s -- I want to do and I don’t want to sit in meetings and just BS and not
get anything accomplished. Just sit there and listen to yourself [01:42:00] talk is
not my way of doing things. It doesn’t get anything done. That’s the problem I
had with the JOIN students, too, is they were, “Me, me, me,” sitting there talking
about nothing. What they wanted to do, what they were -- I don’t want to hear
that. Get out there and do it. Who cares what you want to do? Get out there
and do it. Or talk about philosophies or there’s a word I can’t. (gestures
vomiting) Boring. So (inaudible). (laughter) I’m sorry, I have --

JJ:

No, but you did get to speak with Doc Satchel and --

CC:

Yeah, I liked Doc Satchel because -- oh, and that was another thing. If Doc
Satchel couldn’t make it, somebody wouldn’t come from the Black Panthers.
Then they expected us to share but we had to give them their 100 dollars. No,
I’m sorry. That’s [01:43:00] not right because it was only me and somebody from
the Young Lords that was there speaking. The Panthers were suppose-- but they
didn’t because Doc was busy or something. To me, that’s not --

JJ:

(laughs) It ain’t right.

CC:

“Give us our speaking fee.” No, you didn’t speak.

JJ:

So you didn’t want to give them that.

CC:

No, we didn’t. We didn’t.

60

�JJ:

Now, what did you think about Fred Hampton?

CC:

I only met him one time and I didn’t know him. Mark Clark, I met many times.

JJ:

Was there -- they killed them. Was there something like that happening with the
Patriots, too? Were the police after the Patriots?

CC:

Oh, the police were after the Patriots. But they just killed people on the street.
They didn’t go into their apartments and roll them away which is what that jerk
did.

JJ:

But they did (inaudible) him.

CC:

Oh yeah.

JJ:

So they didn’t plant it or anything, they just killed him on the street.

CC:

No. they went -- they planted it. They went in -- those people were sleeping,
Cha-Cha. [01:44:00] They went in there and they killed them in their beds. I
didn’t know for a long time that Doc Satchel was one of the people that got shot.
Somehow, he got away but he was there the night that they killed Fred Hampton
and Mark Clark. They went into there. I want to say was it Burke or Ed -- what
was his name?

JJ:

[Hanrahan?], Hanrahan.

CC:

Hanrahan, him. Oh, that guy, I got to tell you a funny story. Hanrahan. They
planted it. They just went in there and went into that apartment and blew people
away in their sleep! I was at a bingo -- okay, 25 years ago or so at this church.
In the hall comes Hanrahan running around shaking people’s hand. [01:45:00]
He got to me and I just sat there. I said, “I don’t want to shake your hand, jerk.”
(laughs)

61

�JJ:

How come you didn’t want to shake his hand?

CC:

Because he had killed Fred Hampton. (laughs) I mean, he was responsible and I
knew about it and he was a jerk. He was a real jerk. Oh, Hanrahan, going
around, shaking all the bingo ladies’ hands. I don’t know what he was running for
-- from them. He should’ve been running for his life is what he should’ve been
doing.

JJ:

(laughter) Yeah. He was running (crosstalk).

CC:

Hiding in a hole. Yeah. I forget what it was.

JJ:

(inaudible) So (inaudible) [Youngblood?]? So I know you said that they killed
some people on the street. But was the police, did they do any questioning
afterwards? Why did the Young Patriots break up?

CC:

Oh, why did they break up? They [01:46:00] didn’t break up. People just went
their own ways -- kind of moved, kind of moved. Junebug went to California and
Bobby moved to Kentucky. People, the original Young Patriots. Doug and I, we
moved.

JJ:

Mm-hmm. So you moved this way or...?

CC:

No. I moved to Rogers Park and I got into working with drug addicts and
alcoholics. Kit Komatsu and David Komatsu, they kept up the clinic. They
moved it over on [Gray Street?] and they kept it up. But people just drifted away.
Nothing, nothing --

JJ:

What about a preacher man or (inaudible)?

CC:

Now, preacher man. That’s a totally different thing. I never cared for him,
(inaudible) -- never cared for him.

62

�JJ:

But wasn’t he -- I thought he was from the neighborhood.

CC:

No, he was from -- he was a seminary student or [01:47:00] something --

JJ:

(inaudible)

CC:

-- that my mother-in-law, Peggy Terry, when we were in Resurrection City after
they killed King when we set up that city in Washington, D.C., he was there and
they talked to him. Then he came to Chicago and worked with the Patriots.
However, he had his own agenda and he was kind of a megalomaniac, I guess.
(laughs) Megalomaniac? Is that what that -- megalomaniac? Like ego maniac?

JJ:

(crosstalk)

CC:

Yeah. A megalomaniac, because I do crossword puzzles. It has something -- no,
well, that’s where I learned that word is self-important. Very self-important.
(inaudible) Like I said, I never cared for him and I --

JJ:

He wasn’t from Uptown. I thought he was from --

CC:

No, he was from [01:48:00] North Carolina or South Carolina and he came here.

JJ:

So was he like a hillbilly, too, or...? (crosstalk)

CC:

Yeah, he was a hillbilly.

JJ:

Okay. Is that a good term? I don’t know. I --

CC:

Oh, there’s nothing wrong with that. It used to be -- now, when I was young and
stuff, if you called somebody a hillbilly, that was like using the n-word to a
southerner. But then in the ‘60s and stuff, it became -- people were proud to be
hillbillies. We used to say, “There’s only two kinds of people in this world:
hillbillies and the people who wish they were hillbillies.” (laughs) But no, Peggy

63

�and them, they never had a problem being called hillbillies. And they used to tell
me they loved me anyway even if I was a Yankee.
JJ:

Oh, okay.

CC:

Yeah, because I wasn’t a hillbilly. They told --

JJ:

[01:49:00] Did they call you Yankee or no?

CC:

No.

JJ:

You called yourself Yankee.

CC:

Everybody did.

JJ:

Why is there a difference? Yeah, what is that?

CC:

Why do you think? Because -- okay, Yankee, because of the Civil War, the North
and the South. See, I’m a Yankee. I’m a Chicago girl.

JJ:

Oh, that’s right. That’s right. That’s right, you’re a Chicago girl.

CC:

They used to kid me and say I was hillbilly by injection but that’s not... (laughter)
That’s dumb. Don’t put that. (laughter) No, that’s what Dougie used to tell me.
(laughter) (inaudible) “You’re a hillbilly by injection.”

JJ:

What does that mean? Something (inaudible).

CC:

Yeah, right. But it -- my mother-in-law, Peggy, she would say, “We love you even
if you are a damn Yankee.” (laughs)

JJ:

Okay. So there was a lot of pride in (crosstalk)

CC:

(inaudible) it’ll go -- yeah. It came -- it became --

JJ:

It’s a culture. (crosstalk)

CC:

-- for me derogatory to a -- yeah.

JJ:

So it’s [01:50:00] like a different culture, right?

64

�CC:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

Something like Puerto Rican, Mexican.

CC:

Right. Yeah. Hillbilly. Southern white. It’s usually meant southern white, not
southern Blacks but southern white. Hillbilly. But actually I think in the dictionary,
it says that a hillbilly is a Michigan farmer.

JJ:

Really?

CC:

It seems to me. Maybe not but it’s probably updated. I don’t care what you call
me as long as you don’t call me late for dinner. That’s what I... (laughter) But
what would be funny -- okay. Because I was married to Doug and Peggy was my
mother-in-law, when we would go someplace, I forget where it was. I was
applying for something and they put down, “You’re a southern white, right?” I
said, “No, why?” Doug is, yeah, he’s my husband but I’m not a southern white.
(laughs) [01:51:00] Or when they would categorize me and put me in a southern
white and I’d say, “No, I’m not a southern white.” (laughs) I’m a damn Yankee.

JJ:

So right now, you’re not active? You’re kind of retired?

CC:

Oh yeah, I’m retired. (laughs)

JJ:

From that, yes.

CC:

Yeah, from that. I still put my two cents in and if I can help, you know what I’m
saying? Like at work, I’ve had guards that would -- racist and stuff and I got them
removed. (laughs) I’m not ashamed to say that and I really don’t mess with
people’s jobs. But if you’re going to treat people like they’re garbage just
because they’re not white or whatever, you’re gone. (laughs) I’m not putting up

65

�with that. I’ve [01:52:00] had people who needed help with alcohol or something
and I would put them in contact with people so...
JJ:

You still (inaudible)

CC:

Yeah.

JJ:

(inaudible) Okay. One more time. Any other final thoughts?

CC:

No. That’s it; that’s it.

JJ:

Okay. You said you have your son or...?

CC:

Yeah, I have a son, Jason. He’s 45. Yeah.

JJ:

He doesn’t come around or...?

CC:

He lives here.

JJ:

Oh, he lives here.

CC:

He lives here with his girlfriend and her two-year-old son so that just happened
recently that they moved in. Actually, it was the little boy that got to me.
(crosstalk) I wasn’t so keen on having her because you can’t have two women in
the house or even in the kitchen and all that. But that little boy just kind of got me
so --

JJ:

[01:53:00] (inaudible)

CC:

Yeah. I guess he -- he’s my grandson. He’s not my blood but he’s my -- I love
him to death. I’m a pushover when it comes to babies and animals.

JJ:

What’s his name?

CC:

His name is [Nicholas?].

JJ:

Nicholas. What’s her name?

CC:

Her name is [Nicole?].

66

�JJ:

Nicole. (inaudible)

CC:

Yeah. She’s a sweetheart. She really is a sweetheart. But puppies and babies
or little kids. (laughs) I know I’m a pushover. (laughs)

END OF VIDEO FILE

67

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Luis “Tony” Baez
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 8/23/2012

Biography and Description
Luis “Tony” Baez arrived in Chicago from Barrio Borinquén of Caguas, Puerto Rico in 1969 and soon
became Minister of Education of the Young Lords. Barrio Borinquén is the first rural community just
outside of Caguas on the same road that leads to Barrio San Salvador. Dr. Baez comes from a Puerto
Rican cuatro playing family, and he also plays guitar. In Puerto Rico, Dr. Baez was also active with the
Puerto Rican Independence Party (PIP), the electoral component of the broad movement in Puerto Rico,
fighting for Puerto Ricans to regain back control of their nation. By 1970, Dr. Baez moved from Chicago
to Milwaukee and set up a Young Lords chapter. They maintained a community office and distributed
the Young Lords Newspaper (that Dr. Baez had also helped to publish while in Chicago), focusing
primarily on neighborhood organizing, community-based programs, and bilingual education. During the
same time, Dr. Baez continued his studies and some years later earned a Ph.D. Today Dr. Baez is
Executive Director of the Council for the Spanish Speaking, Inc. The organization was established in 1964
and is the oldest Latino community-based organization in Milwaukee. The Council serves more than
15,000 individuals, including at risk youth, working families, adult learners and the elderly via subsidized
elderly housing. They also assist with foreclosure counseling, health education, and civic engagement
and mobilization. Dr. Baez is the former Provost and Chief Academic Officer of the Milwaukee Area
Technical College in Wisconsin. He has served as Assistant to the President, Associate Dean of Pre-

�College Programs, Dean of Liberal Arts and Sciences, and Director of Research, Planning and
Development there as well. In the Bronx, New York, Dr. Tony Baez also ser served as Vice-President and
Dean of Faculty at Hostos Community College.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

(inaudible) Testing, one, two, three. Testing, one, two, three.

LUIS BAEZ: Testing, one, two, three. Testing, one, two, three. Can you hear me well?
(break in audio)
JJ:

Okay. Tony, if you can give me your name, your date of birth, and where you
were born?

LB:

I was born in Caguas, Puerto Rico in 1948, and in the Caguas, it has a number of
barrios, and I was in a barrio called Borinquen, close to Salvador, and
Salvador’s, where Cha-Cha Jiménez is from.

JJ:

Okay, San Salvador.

LB:

Yup.

JJ:

[San Salvador?]. And what was the date that you were --?

LB:

September 3, ’48.

JJ:

September what?

LB:

Third. Third.

JJ:

[Third, okay?]. Okay. Okay, so, Borinquen. What was that like? Give me a
description of that.

LB:

Barrio Borinquen in Caguas was a neighborhood that was very active in
[00:01:00] the 1960s because of a lot of things that were happening on the island
that were very political in nature. And I was recruited at that time by groups of
people that were involved with the Puerto Rican Independence Party to be a part
of the youth organizations that were in the area. We were also involved, at that

1

�time, in takeovers, land takeovers, where people were desperate for housing,
and there were large lands that were being used for sugar canes -- fields and for
cattle. And, as sugar cane was dwindling, coming down, those big, huge areas
became empty, and we -JJ:

What year was this?

LB:

This was in the 1960s, 1966 to ’69, more or less. And so, I was recruited --

JJ:

So, there was sugar around there, in --?

LB:

Yeah, there was a lot of sugar in that neighborhood. There was a lot of
[00:02:00] cattle in that neighborhood. The (Spanish) [00:02:02], they produced
milk. They sold milk to the city. And so, there was economy based both on the
sugar cane, tobacco, and cattle. Okay? And my grandfather was the owner of a
piece of land that produced a lot of sugar cane.

JJ:

What was your grandfather’s name?

LB:

[Emilio?] Baez. Emilio Baez, who had been a politician involved in another barrio
of Caguas before he came to Borinquen, and my father was --

JJ:

What kind of politician?

LB:

A local politician. He was a city councilor.

JJ:

City counselor.

LB:

And he lost an election -- he was very disappointed -- in Barrio (inaudible). And
then, he got this piece of land in Borinquen and came over, and he grew a family
there, and my father was the first member of that family out of nine people who
[00:03:00] made it to the Army. He enlisted in the Army, and the family was not

2

�happy with him because he enlisted in the Army. To my fortune, when he came
back because he -JJ:

This is in World War II, or...?

LB:

World War II.

JJ:

Okay.

LB:

Because he had been a soldier, and he had been around, and he had traveled,
and, you know, he had more aspirations for us. There were four boys and one
girl in my family, and he also took us back and forth from back inBarrio Borinquen
to New York as a worker. My mother and he would come and work in the
different industries in New York City, and then they would go back, and it was
almost like an annual thing, so --

JJ:

Like factories, or --?

LB:

Factories and the needle industry.

JJ:

The needle industry.

LB:

A lot of the needle industry.

JJ:

In New York.

LB:

In New York, yeah. And --

JJ:

What were their names?

LB:

[Bernardo?] Baez was my father, who died in [2004?], [00:04:00] and my mother,
who’s still alive, [Maria Isabel?] (inaudible) Baez. And so, they --

JJ:

Your siblings, what were their names?

LB:

Oh, my siblings. One was [José “Tito”?] Baez, who is a cuatrista and pretty well
known in Puerto Rico for a master cuatro player.

3

�JJ:

Tito Baez, mm-hmm.

LB:

Yeah. And my other brother is [Eduardo?].

JJ:

And what does Eduardo do?

LB:

Eduardo is a guitarist. Okay? And a worker ’cause they’re all workers. Tito -José -- for example, who follows me, was working in the public schools and
taking food to the cafeterias, these school cafeterias. (Spanish) [00:04:44], as
they call them. And my sister, [Yolanda?], who was also a laborer. She lived in
[there?]. She lived in New York. She lived in Chicago too. And one brother who
was very active. [00:05:00] We called him [Papo?], and he disappeared one day
during the political process, and we found his body later.

JJ:

Disappeared, and you found his body?

LB:

We found his body in the --

JJ:

So --

LB:

-- beach in (inaudible). Yeah.

JJ:

But, I mean, you know that it had to do with political reasons?

LB:

The suspicion is that it did. Okay? Some people say that maybe he went for a
swim and that happened. Well, he used to work as a swim guard in one of these
places, so that’s unlikely, but my brother was known for his political activism
(overlapping dialogue; inaudible). And he was among the couple people that
stood on the Lares celebration in 1960 -- 1970, actually. Yeah, 1970. And
burned an American flag on top of the US post office. And, after that, he was the
subject of a lot [00:06:00] of persecution, and he came to Milwaukee for a bit,
and he went back, and then he died. So, he died at the age of 26. Okay? So,

4

�my family was sort of like well known in Barrio Borinquen because my father set
up a little store there and a little country bar, and I used to work there with him,
and we went back to Puerto Rico for [a certain point?] when I was in sixth grade.
JJ:

Right there at the entrance, that country bar?

LB:

Yes. It was [just that street?] going into Barrio Borinquen. And the activities of
the family were sort of like well known, and my father --

JJ:

Are they still there? Are there any family members still there?

LB:

Yes. Everybody’s there. Everybody’s there except me.

JJ:

(inaudible).

LB:

Yes, and my father that died. But my father was, you know, more conservative.
He had been a soldier, and he was member of -- he was sort of like a follower of
the Republican party in Puerto [00:07:00] Rico, so I had my disagreements with
my father, and I had very strong disagreements, like most people in Puerto Rico.

JJ:

Yeah, my father was (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

LB:

Exactly. In the same house, we have people who are Republicans, Populares.
In my house, my father was Republican, my mother was Popular, and I was
Independentista, you know? And we used to have these discussions about party
lines and our own ideological lines because that’s the nature of Puerto Rico for a
long time. Since the Americans came in 1898, there has been this whole
movement around either becoming sort of stabilized as a colonial state, like the
Populares did, particularly since the ’40s and the ’50s, or become a state of the
United States, like they are still trying to make Puerto Rico a state even though

5

�the US doesn’t want us. And then, the groups [00:08:00] that were pushing for
Puerto Rico to become an independent island from the United States.
JJ:

What do you mean, the United States doesn’t want us?

LB:

The Congress of the United States has repeatedly stated throughout the years
the Puerto Rico, for them, is a major dilemma, and it’s a problem, not just along
racial lines, as many of us know, but, because of the density of the population,
we would probably have more representation in Congress than many states in
the Union. However, the representatives in those states would have to vote in a
referendum to make us a state, and becoming a state of this Union is extremely
difficult to do. So, the politics of it is that -- why would you want to vote in another
territory that will bring in more representation in the Congress of the United
States than many -- and I really mean many -- states will have? Okay? And, on
top of that, people of color and [00:09:00] that have been saying for many years
that they want to remain bilingual, and they want to -- and they insist on Spanish
being the national language of Puerto Rico as opposed to English. So, yeah,
being from Borinquen, having had those experiences, participating in land
takeovers, and then going to the University of Puerto Rico and the --

JJ:

So, you participated in -- you went to the university, but you participated in the
land takeovers?

LB:

Yes.

JJ:

But were there people arrested in that or anything like that, or --?

LB:

Yeah, there were people arrested, but it was a different time. It was not like here.
I mean, these were Puerto Rican policemen, many of whom themselves needed

6

�houses, and they participated in land takeovers in other places on the island.
Okay? So, it was a time in the island where people were just taking over land -JJ:

What year was this?

LB:

This is from ’66 to ’68. Okay. People were doing this. I mean, 1968 is a big
[00:10:00] year of people rising all over the world. Okay? There’s books written
about this stuff. As the (inaudible) of a particular year where people had enough,
like people are having enough today, and people go into the streets to exercise,
basically, democracy. And, in Puerto Rico, that was reflected in the [strong?]
movement to take over lands. And so, you were affected. I mean, you’re in the
same barrio, and, all of a sudden, somebody comes to the little store of my father
and says, “(Spanish) [00:10:33].” And then, “We’re getting people together to --”
And then, you go with him. You participate, and, all of a sudden, you find
yourself as a speaker, you know, in events like that, and I remember, in one of
these events, I was asked by the people in the area -- said, “Well, you speak
well. Could you speak for us?” And the city council -- this was my first time
before the city council in Puerto Rico, in Caguas, okay? [00:11:00] And I go
there, and these people are distinguished folks and councilmen, you know,
(Spanish) [00:11:06], right? And so, for me, it was a little bit weird to have to do
that, but, you know, we were young folks. We saw what was going on in the
neighborhood. We didn’t think it was fair, and we became involved. Then, we
got affected by the war.

JJ:

What wasn’t fair? I don’t understand. You’re taking over somebody’s land.

7

�LB:

Well, what was fair is that people were living in little huts all over the place that
didn’t have their own homes, and their houses were attached to the land of
others. So, like, my grandfather, who had a piece of land, I used to remember
the (inaudibleChito?) who used to take care of a lot of the maintenance of the
land. He had a little house right next to the (Spanish) [00:11:58], right?
[00:12:00] Smelling all that cow stuff and all that stuff with a big family, and some
of these family members used to be my friends. I used to go, “Why do they have
to live like that?” So, these are people that became part of a movement of
takeovers. And then, on top of that, you had the war, and then you had the
ideological battles, and the Puerto Rican Independence Party, the Puerto Rican
Socialist Party at that time, in Puerto Rico were very adamant about the whole
thing that a very energetic youth had to be included and had to be a part of a
change in the island and resisting the war, the war in Vietnam, because the war
in Vietnam was becoming a household word for people in (inaudible). So many
Puerto Ricans were being recruited by Servicio Militar Obligatorio to go to the
war to fight in foreign lands in wars that we had nothing to do with. Okay?
[00:13:00] Wars that we had not begun, that were began by other corporate
interests. So, we were sort of part of a resistance movement in the war. We
were part of land takeovers. We used to march a lot. I mean, the schools where
I went to. I mean, people demonstrating --

JJ:

In (Spanish) [00:13:21]?

LB:

No. In Barrio Borinquen, no, but I went to the school in the city. Okay? So,
there was a little bus that used to take us to the city, and, (Spanish) [00:13:34]

8

�was a high school, and (Spanish) [00:13:38] was a middle school. Kids were
very involved. We had demonstrations, and we used to march, and all this kind
of stuff, and sometimes we’d wonder why we were marching so much, but we did
it anyway. And then, we heard about these demonstrations at the University of
Puerto Rico, and these students were (Spanish) [00:14:00] because they didn’t
want to go to the war. And then, the movements like the Sixto Alvelo movement.
Sixto Alvelo was a Puerto Rican student that went with a group of students to
Vietnam to see what was going on over there, and he was in a school with a
group of other students from other Latin countries. And, when the US bombed
Vietnam -- and he was in one of those places where the bombs fell, and he was
killed, and Sixto Alvelo had nothing to do with it. So, there’s a big movement. I
became, later, the vice president of the youth movement in the -- what was called
Sixto Alvelo Movement in Defense of the Juventud Puertorriquena. And so, we
were all affected by all this stuff that was going on, and I was right in the middle
of all of that because I was an emerging young kid among the kids in the
neighborhood who took positions, [00:15:00] and PIP, for example, the Puerto
Rican Independence Party, had an office in town, and they made the office
accessible to me and a bunch of other young kids. And I was sort of like the
young leader of that group that would represent the group in different events. I
remember there was other folks that were doing likewise, young people that went
out teaching in the schools, and the Puerto Rican Independence Party had a
huge convention in 1968, and two of us were selected to argue against
established leaders in the party that had been to prison with Pedro Albizu

9

�Campos for other kinds of things in the ’50s. And here we are, these young kids,
debating them on the sort of procedure of things in the party and in conventions
because we wanted more voice. The youth movements wanted more [00:16:00]
voice in the party. So, within the party, there was all that debate. How do you
make the party more democratic and sort of move towards [the real time?]?
When they were sort of behind the times, as we thought, because they were still
following the (Spanish) [00:16:17], the whole Albizu Campos movements, and all
of that stuff, and (Spanish) [00:16:27] [Rivera?], and others, who we saw as good
leaders who had done good things, but they belonged to another generation. We
were the new generation coming in. So, yeah, we were involved in all of that
stuff. I remember speaking in Bayamón before a mass of people and going like,
“Wow, I’m speaking to this mass of people about members of the party who are
old members of the party, and now the young people are taking over.” And
Rubén Berríos was president of the party, and, for us, that was like, “Wow, he’s
such a good speaker.” [00:17:00] He was such a good presenter, an economist,
a doctor, you know. [In economics, he?] went to Oxford and Princeton, and we
were impressed because we had sort of like a youthful leader that was taking the
party in another direction, and it was a direction that was a little bit more
aggressive, and it was going more to the streets, and there were demonstrations,
as opposed to the old [guard?] that was negotiating -JJ:

So, [it was?] (inaudible) as the old guard, or --?

LB:

No, he was a new guard.

JJ:

He was the new guard.

10

�LB:

He was the new leader. He was young. He was energetic. He spoke so well,
and, for us, every time he made a speech, it was like, “Wow.” So, I was affected
by all this that I saw around me and people like him, who were remarkable role
models for us as people that, when they grab a microphone at a podium, they
mobilize masses, and I’m talking [00:18:00] about masses. You know, you’re
talking 40, 50 thousand people, demonstrations like that. So, when I finished
high school, I went to the University of Puerto Rico on a scholarship because we
were too poor. I didn’t have money to really go there. And so, I would work at
my father’s store and then go to the University of Puerto Rico, and I had to take a
little (Spanish) [00:18:25], as we call them, (Spanish) [00:18:27], public
transportation, every day. Had to get up at five in the morning to (inaudible)
Barrio Borinquen --

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:18:36] is what? Like a van, or --?

LB:

Yeah, it’s like a van, and it’s a public transportation van, and --

JJ:

Versus a bus.

LB:

Versus a bus. And these things were out in the street since early, so, at five
o’clock in the morning out of Barrio Borinquen, I took one of those. I took it to
Caguas. And then, from Caguas, take another (Spanish) [00:18:56] to Río
Piedras, and then, Río Piedras -- [00:19:00] they left you at the plazas, and you
had to walk to the University of Puerto Rico. And when I went to the University of
Puerto Rico is the first time I’ve seen a university. I didn’t know what that was. I
heard a lot about it, and I heard about the demonstrations and all of that, but I
didn’t really know what that is. And you had to do it between five in the morning

11

�and four o’clock because that’s when the (Spanish) [00:19:19] stop rolling.
Okay? So, your classes had to be during the day. And then, at night, I’d work at
the store, but I had to travel. I didn’t have money to stay, like many children of
privilege did when they went to the University of Puerto Rico. They had their
dorms and all of that. No, I lived in Caguas. I could take transportation and then
go there. And, when I got to the University of Puerto Rico, I started to see some
incredible things around me. I was already politicized enough that I had a sense
that I had to join these movements.
JJ:

So, you were going there to study what? What was your major?

LB:

When I went to the University of Puerto Rico first, I was the general [00:20:00]
studies, but I [had a concern of?] becoming a math teacher. I wanted to be a
math teacher, so most of my work was in mathematics, and, actually, after two
and a half years --

JJ:

My worst subject.

LB:

Yeah. When I was at the University of Puerto Rico, they assigned me as a
substitute teacher in the country, in (Spanish) [00:20:21], and the first one was in
[Cidra?], Puerto Rico, and in (Spanish) [00:20:26], and I was teaching
mathematics. I was teaching the new algebra, okay? In high school. But I was
a substitute teacher. I wasn’t a certified teacher yet. It’s just that the system
needed a lot of substitute teachers ’cause they didn’t have enough teachers.
But, when I went to the University of Puerto Rico, I met a lot of young folks that
were extremely brilliant people. The University of Puerto Rico at that time was
sort of like a center of very bright young folks because you had to have above a

12

�3.5 GPA average to get [00:21:00] into the university, and you had to test among
the top 10 percent on the SAT, you know, and I happened to do that, so I got a
scholarship, and I went in. And, at the University of Puerto Rico, you were
surrounded by the activism of thousands of people, and the student movement
that was becoming increasingly large, and people like Florencio Merced from the
Puerto Rican Socialist Party or people from the -- what it’s called the JIU, la
Juventud Independentista Universitaria. These were amazing speakers. These
were students of law. These were students of journalism, more advanced than
us. They were older than us young guys, but they were models, you know, and
you saw them standing on top of cars and doing these incredible speeches, and
you would learn from them. As a matter of fact, I heard a chancellor, Puerto
Rican chancellor, speak one day here in Milwaukee, [00:22:00] and, when he
finished, I went up to him and says, “You sound very much like me. Where did
you learn this from?” He says, “Well, I went to the University of Puerto Rico in
1966.” [I says?], “Me too.” But it was so large that you never got to meet people.
We had the same models.
JJ:

You had the same what?

LB:

The same models. We learned from the same people.

JJ:

The same people, yeah.

LB:

We learned from the same people, but we never met.

JJ:

So, what were some other names of some of the people --

LB:

Florencio Merced, [Miguel Ángel?] -- [I forget?] his last name. But they were
people who -- student leaders at that time. And then the party leaders,

13

�(inaudible), people like Rubén Berríos and others, and they were there all the
time, participating with us on issues because it was the Vietnam War, the
ideological battles, trying to make Puerto Rico an independent country. And
then, the larger issue of -- in the context of the university -- of the university’s
independence [00:23:00] from the political [groups?] and the political process.
And, at that time, we used to argue that the university should be a place of study
and for people learning and not to be controlled by government. You know, at
that time, it was a -- (Spanish) [00:23:18] didn’t matter. It didn’t matter who was
in power. The issue is the university should have that independence.
Unfortunately, like right now, the university doesn’t have that independence
because it’s controlled by the party in power. And then, this whole movement
towards accountability has become an excuse for parties to take over universities
and crush the whole issue of academic freedom.
JJ:

Can you describe what a movement towards accountability -- what is that?

LB:

Well, this accountability really begins at a -- stronger during the Reagan years.
Okay? And it’s about the notion that America’s [00:24:00] failing because of
people like us, people in the street and people in schools, et cetera. So, you
vilify the small folks, and you glorify the people at the top, the one percent that
makes the money and the corporate folks. Business is always right. Nonprofit
organizations are always wrong. That kind of thing. People in the community
are always wrong. They just want to take and take from government, and they
want government to work for them, and these corporate people, they made it on
their own. It doesn’t matter that it was us that built the roads that create their

14

�revenues and their richness or that [it was?] working people that created the
infrastructure that allows them to make all that money and become international.
They seem to forget that. Okay? But we, in the ’60s in Puerto Rico, were being
slightly affected then by this accountability thing, and we stop it, [00:25:00] and
we develop movements to promote the idea that the people need to have a seat
at the table. And they use what government had at that time, and they still use it
today -- the police [have separate purpose?] too. And so, the police at the
University of Puerto Rico were highly involved in crushing youth movements, and
I remember being arrested at the University of Puerto Rico once at the School of
Social Sciences with some other folks because there was a huge demonstration
at the university, and the police came, and, boy, they grab us. They throw us to
the floor. They kick us. They took us into a police station, and, with phone
books, they beat the heck out of us and that kind of stuff, and we had to be -- the
person that bailed us out was the dean of the law school at the University of
Puerto Rico, who was more into equity and into [00:26:00] a university that was
protecting the students at that time. So, we went through all of those
experiences, so, after the beating, that’s when my parents said, “You got to get
out of here,” you know, and, finally, I ended up here in Chicago.
JJ:

This is after you got arrested --

LB:

Yeah.

JJ:

Your parents said, “Let me get you out --”

LB:

Yeah.

JJ:

“Out of here. We don’t want you arrested again.”

15

�LB:

Exactly. And, “You’re putting yourself in danger, and this is not for you.” My
father was very embarrassed. For example, my father was extremely
embarrassed that policemen beat me up and slapped me around.

JJ:

So, he wasn’t angry with the police? He was embarrassed?

LB:

No, he was embarrassed, and he was angry at me that I was espousing
ideological positions and things like that to have these policemen beating me up
and all that stuff, and that was embarrassing. He felt that I shouldn’t do that, that
I was not deserving of that kind of treatment if I was on the right track. Okay?
So, his position was always a little bit different from [00:27:00] mine in that
regard. Later, when my brother disappeared, he never let go of the feeling that
he was responsible for not protecting his kids from the police and from repression
in Puerto Rico, but that was later. See? So, as he got older, he started to rethink
his positions. So, yeah. You know, my mother raised money, and they sent me
to Chicago, and I came here.

JJ:

Did you know people in Chicago, or...?

LB:

I knew some people in Chicago where I used to live at -- they were from the
barrio. Okay? And I had just got married at that time. I was living with
somebody, and she had come here --

JJ:

What year was this?

LB:

This was in late ’69, and I arrived here in 1970. I arrived in Chicago in February
of 1970. [Used to remember the?] (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

JJ:

’70 or ’69?

16

�LB:

’70, yeah. [It was?] ’70, and it was cold like hell [00:28:00] outside. And, as I
arrived in Chicago, the family I was staying at, which was on North Avenue and
[Oakley?], that area, themselves, were Independentistas, and they were aware of
everything that was going on, and they told me about, you know, these young
kids took over People’s Church on Armitage. I didn’t know what the heck
Armitage was or what was going on here, but it [smelled?] consistent with what I
was doing in Puerto Rico, right? And so, I was -- when I left Puerto Rico, I left,
really -- my whole heart was destroyed because I wanted to be a part of that
movement, and I remember that all these people from the Puerto Rican
Independence Party went to say goodbye to me at the airport. And so, coming to
Chicago and finding out that people were doing things here against a system that
was not working for people in general -- then, [00:29:00] the people in the house
said, “There are some people that are meeting about this issue at People’s
Church, and these kids are inside with weapons and protecting the church, you
know? You should go in and talk to them too. Be a part of this.” And I said,
“Yeah.” Made a lot of sense to me. So, that’s when I went to People’s Church,
and you guys were inside already, and when I met Cha-Cha Jiménez for the first
time there, and I met Omar López, and I always tell this story, that I felt a little bit
odd because Omar was the first person I met from the Young Lords, and he was
Mexican, you know? Not Puerto Rican. I thought this was a Puerto Rican
movement. So, my idea of a Mexican was different, not involved in something
like this, and we’d sort of joke about it and all that stuff, and I became involved,
and I was introduced to Cha-Cha Jiménez, and I was sort of recruited right there.

17

�“Can you help us out? [00:30:00] You were involved at the University of Puerto
Rico. Can you get involved here and help us organize an educational
movement?” Because the Young Lords were talking about education. They had
been doing educational stuff. They had been educating themselves and the
community around them. So, the more of us that had some educational
experience, the better, and, because I was from a barrio, not a child of privilege,
it sort of made me be closer to people from the street. Okay? That had been in
the street, doing things and struggling in the street as opposed to privileged kids
that have this ideological [bent?] for a little bit, and then they go off to become
lawyers somewhere else. Okay?
JJ:

So, you were asked to kind of set up some kind of classes or --

LB:

Yes, I was --

JJ:

-- some training.

LB:

I was asked, particularly by Omar López, who [00:31:00] I became very close to - and Omar, at that time, was living, I think, at Association House in the upstairs,
and I was close enough, so I could just walk over there, and we would talk about
how to further the education of the Young Lords. And Omar had been involved in
the student movement here, so, for me, that was very impressive, that both him
and his wife at that time, Ada, had been sort of like students in this movement
too. So, we were able to talk in the language we knew, the language of students.
The other members of the organization were more from the streets of Chicago.
They had taken a number of political actions to stop repression, and that
repression was in the form of government coming in, and taking over land, and

18

�not providing certain services, like free health clinics and things like that that
needed to [00:32:00] happen. But everything moved around the fact that the
Puerto Rican community in the Armitage area and Halsted area was being
moved, was being pushed. I remember we used to talk about urban removal.
Okay? So, how do you fight a system like that? You need to fight a system like
that with good education and people who can speak and can present before
audiences, so to be a little bit more participatory and more convincing. Okay?
And then, Cha-Cha was a good speaker. And so, for me, when I got to the
Young Lords, I was inspired also by the fact that there were people like Cha-Cha,
and Omar, and [Alberto?], and others that were connecting to a larger
understanding of a movement, and that movement [00:33:00] was affected by
what the Black Panthers were doing, what the Brown Berets were doing, what
people were doing in New York in the takeovers, what people were doing in
California [and the?] Southwest, and you sort of heard about all of this because
you were networking. And then, in the networking, you understood much better
that this was not just us in Chicago -- there were more people doing this -- and
that what was happening in Chicago is that people were a little more aggressive
about doing certain things, more daring. You know, daring to be arrested, daring
to go to the street, daring to have demonstrations. I participated in those
demonstrations. I marched in those groups. I found myself with the Young Lords
and before the UN in New York, marching and demonstrating. [I said?], wow. I
would have never done that in Puerto Rico. And marches down Division Street
and -- so, you’re surrounded [00:34:00] by the grandeur of movements of people

19

�resisting and fighting back and people talking about what they had just done, and
the death of Fred Hampton, and the marches, and the riots in Chicago, and all of
that. All of that talk, that discourse, was sort of affecting me personally because,
now, if I had certain skills and education, I had to put those skills to work, and I
had to work with others to identify the literature that was being read by folks in
the movement to better understand what was going on everywhere. Okay? And
that’s where I started to read more economics and read people like Marx, and I
had touches on Marx at the University of Puerto Rico, but now, it was a little bit
more formal, or reading (inaudible), or reading the others -- you know, Ho Chi
Minh -- not because of who they [00:35:00] were as much as because they gave
me additional tools and tools to understand the contradictions, these things that
were going on. And so, I set up with Cha-Cha, and Omar, and others. I set up
courses. It was like what I knew then. It was like formal courses at the
University of Puerto Rico to teach young people about some of these folks, to get
people to read more and to read more, and I was like a pain in the neck because
I was telling people, “You got to read. You got to read,” because I was a reader,
and I read everything that came my way. So, I wanted people to do that. I
remember that, with the young women in the movement, I had these discussions
one time because we were not doing -- yeah, sort of, we were not intellectuals
trying to produce papers and all that kind of stuff, but they were sort of angry at
me because I was pushing too much because, you know, I wanted them to read,
and I wanted them to understand [00:36:00] things. And I kept on saying, “But
you got to. You got to because we have to depend so much on people’s intellect

20

�in a movement like this and our ability to convince other people in the
community.” And then, we had an idea of a newspaper and how to use the
newspaper as an organizing tool, you know, that we would build into that
newspaper news about the community, news about what was going on in all the
country, and get it to people in our community in a bilingual fashion. Then, the
idea that it had to reflect more what Mexicans and Puerto Ricans were going
through, so we had in the paper, you know, little things with Zapata on one side
and [Albizu another?]. The whole format had to be like that, but it took a lot of
thinking. It took sort of a good understanding of what was going on in the
movements, but we were not technicians that we knew how to do a newspaper,
so we just imitated what other [00:37:00] people were doing, and doing layouts,
and writing things in Spanish -JJ:

What do you remember of some of the layouts?

LB:

Oh, yeah. Yeah.

JJ:

What do you remember [of it?]?

LB:

I had to do layouts. Yeah, and I had to figure things out, and these machines
that we haven’t used before to type with two fingers, and do the little strips, and
then the papers, and the columns because we had to be economical in how we
put the columns in and all that kind of stuff. It costs money to do all of that stuff.
And so, then we had to organize around that and get people to sell the
newspaper and raise some money so that we could produce the next copy and
the next copy.

JJ:

So, it was self-produced, or...?

21

�LB:

It was self-produced. We did the whole thing. We work at it, and then Omar
López was the minister of information, and he was responsible for the paper. I
was the minister of education, and I was responsible for a lot of the content. And
then, [00:38:00] Cha-Cha, you were mostly sort of like an inspirational piece, and
you help us think about some things, and I remember we had many discussions
about what kinds of things should we cover, and what kinds of things should we
say? The next movement, how do we use the newspaper as an organizing tool?
So, we were very much personally affected by what was going on, going to
meetings. I remember that, once, they wanted you to speak. They wanted ChaCha to speak in some event, a student event in Carbondale. I didn’t know where
Carbondale was. Cha-Cha said, “Well, you go,” and I didn’t know enough
English. I said, “Oh, my God. How am I gonna do this,” right? Speak before a
student body that I didn’t know how large. And the people that were involved
was [Bernardine Dohrn?], who was gonna be speaking there, and then, she was
a fugitive at that time. [00:39:00] I didn’t know. And (inaudible), who was her
friend. And then, a group of people took me in a car with these fugitives, quoteunquote, to Carbondale, Illinois, and then they took us to the back door so that
we could speak to the student movement. And, when I got up there, and I look at
[it, I?] couldn’t see the end. There were masses of students. And I says, “Oh,
my God. What do you say here?” And you spoken English, and you try your
best to be as clear as possible, and you made the point in favor of a Young Lords
movement that was emerging as a strong political force and that from becoming
a street initiative, now, you had all this other activity and all this involvement that

22

�we could be a part of and present in a major student demonstration in
Carbondale, Illinois. That, for me, was like, wow. That was very big. And then,
getting into a car and sneaking you out, you know, [00:40:00] to Chicago. So,
that was my sort of involvement in Chicago at that time. And then, I decided to
go to Milwaukee.
JJ:

Before [you get to Milwaukee?]. Okay, so, now, you’re in Lincoln Park, and
[there’s a Young Lords there in the church?]. You’re the minster of education.
What was your impression of some of the Young Lords that hadn’t gone to
school at all, that were just from the streets, from -- you know, ’cause we came
right from the gang into the group without --

LB:

That’s a very interesting point. My initial impression was that you had young
people that were eager to do things, and they were daring because they had
been in the streets. They would do things that I had not thought about doing
before. You learn from that, and then you let them take the initiative, and you
participate in it, but they were [00:41:00] daring acts. Okay? But they were not
very well educated. They were people who were volatile, and they were
individuals who were --

JJ:

Volatile?

LB:

Volatile, and they were sort of -- [not?] very disciplined. Okay? You will call
meetings, and people will [show or not show?] depending on that kind of stuff, or
you would try to give some more structure to the organization, and you had to
spend a bunch of time tracking people down and stuff like that. And it was
different from being an organizer at the University of Puerto Rico, where the

23

�discipline was very high, and the kids that were at the University of Puerto Rico
were very smart, and even those that came from poor neighborhoods were
people who were very well prepared. And so, when you had a demonstration,
you could count on 50 thousand people to go into the streets, and it was highly
organized. Everybody was very responsible about different kinds of things.
[00:42:00] When you come to Chicago, it’s not the same thing, but you have the
passion. You have the people that are daring, and you want to be a part of that,
so you have to get closer to the folks that are there, which I did. I got close, and I
was part of the discussions and things like that, but I was always viewed as being
more educated than other folks, and I was not different from them because I was
also from the street but from a different place.
JJ:

And you were a member, right?

LB:

Yeah, I was a member, but I was, you know, from (inaudible) Puerto Rico, not the
streets of Chicago, so I had to make my points, and Omar made his points, and
you, and others, and what we learned in that process is that education was
critical to everything we did, and we had to educate people to be a part of that
movement. So, I had to find a way of taking people that were very undisciplined
[00:43:00] and getting them to sit put for a little bit to do some reading. And then,
we had to prepare modules that were not too long, you know, that were short
enough so that people could read [it then?] and get into it. You could not expect
people to read books, whole books. Some of us had to read the whole books,
and we had to summarize it for others. So, we had classes to do that. And what
my impression of that group is that, while it would take a long time because we

24

�had this vision -- we’re gonna be here doing this for the next 30 years, that kind
of thing. Well, we had this vision of a movement that would continue to grow,
very much like the movement in Puerto Rico had grown from something very
undisciplined in the ’40s and ’50s to something very disciplined in the ’60s, that
we could get there. And so, we had to develop tools to do that, and that’s -- the
newspaper did that. The courses did that, and a bunch of thinking, [00:44:00]
planning meetings. Boy, we came up with these planning meetings all the time,
and we would sit around, and talk, and argue, and think about what’s next
because that was part of our growth. Okay? And we would discuss what the
Black Panthers were doing and the other party was doing, but we all learned
through that process.
JJ:

And [were you?] using some of the Panther newspapers and films, or --?

LB:

Yeah. We were using some of that. We would look to, you know, the (inaudible)
[of this world?]. We would look to the Angela Davises of this world and others as
sort of like models that would teach us some things, and then we would read
about them [raising up angry?], and they’d publish a newspaper, and we would
read their paper. And we had a number of students that used to come around
from the University of Chicago and other places to volunteer and help out, and
we learned from those folks [00:45:00] too. Like, I remember I wrote a paper on
the history of the Puerto Rican independence movement, and I wrote it in
Spanish, and then it had to be translated into English, so the students from the
University of Chicago help us translate that article. Okay? And it got into
different kinds of things, like another version of the article got into the Journal of

25

�Puerto Rican Thought, and that’s when I met people that were editing sort of a
scholarly journal of Puerto Rican intellectuals all over the country, and I found
myself -- an article that I wrote -- in there, and you were like, “Wow.” But it came
from a street movement, and people were recognizing that we can contribute to
the sort of philosophizing and intellectual knowledge of our communities as they
were growing.
JJ:

Okay. Okay, you said Milwaukee, and you moved to Milwaukee. [00:46:00]
What was the reason for that?

LB:

I moved to Milwaukee because I felt the movement was changing here. Okay?
Cha-Cha [had left. We were underground?]. There were more internal battles
within the organization, and I thought at that moment that I had been to
Milwaukee already. They had brought me to Milwaukee to speak to a group, and
there was a very -- you know, a good movement in Milwaukee. It was very
Puerto Rican, Mexican, everybody mobilizing in that community, and --

JJ:

Did you know people there at all?

LB:

I knew a family. My family was there. I had an aunt who was married there. [I
had that?] uncle, and I had cousins. And then, I was taken there by a group of
folks because students and people from the community took over the University
of Wisconsin, and they took me [00:47:00] over to a -- sort of like it was a
consultation, you know? And a number of us went, and we discussed the
takeover. Then, I came back to Chicago, and they took over [in?] Wisconsin.
And then, right after that, I was asked to go to Milwaukee to speak, and I decided
that Milwaukee would be a place for me to move to, mostly because Milwaukee

26

�had been a socialist community for many years. They had had socialist mayors
until the 1960s, so Milwaukee was just coming out of a socialist stage. It’s a
social democratic stage. There was a lot of community-based organizations and
movements. It was really different from Chicago. You had (inaudible) asking
people that -- shoot to kill and very extremely repressive, very nasty. People
scatter all over the place, underground, running away from what was really a very
[00:48:00] oppressive movement. The Milwaukee activity was a lot -- flourishing.
Okay? Developing. People coming from the southwest of Milwaukee a lot, from
Puerto Rico, and there were all kinds of organizations -- civil rights organizations
-- following mostly Father Groppi at that time, who was an icon of the
desegregation movement in Milwaukee. And I remember finding myself in some
of these [things?]. I remember sitting in a meeting, and, on one side, I have Jane
Fonda, and the other one, you know, I had some of the people from Father
Groppi and that kind of stuff. So, I felt that I was being a part of something very
significant there, and why I moved there -- I didn’t want to leave the Young Lords’
idea behind. I thought that it was a good thing. How do we bring it to other
cities? Okay? [00:49:00] How do we expand the Young Lords from being a
Chicago-based group that’s gone through up and downs but that needs to
continue also in places where some of us that were in the Young Lords went to?
So, I started [in our?] chapter in Milwaukee, and the newspaper that was being
published here, then, I took it to Milwaukee with me because I got connected to a
local newspaper in Milwaukee called La Guardia, and La Guardia was a Chicano
newspaper. They needed a Spanish editor, and I could be the Spanish editor, so

27

�I became Spanish associate editor of La Guardia, and Lalo Valdez the English
editor of La Guardia. And then, other people that were in the movement -Milwaukee, at that time, connected to Crystal City, Texas, where a lot of things
were happening.
JJ:

What part of Milwaukee were you based?

LB:

I was in the South Side of Milwaukee and based -- the work I did was in that
newspaper, and that [00:50:00] offered me the opportunity to bring the Young
Lords into that setting. And then, the community-based organizations that were
very close to what we were doing -- I ended up directing a community-based
organization and doing the same thing that I was doing with the Young Lords.

JJ:

[At that time?]?

LB:

Yeah.

JJ:

During --

LB:

During 1971. Doing the same thing that I was doing with the Young Lords in
Chicago, sort of transferring that to Milwaukee, creating study groups. People
will sit around, all these young people, you know, and they used to have, like, 20
people, and I was in the middle of these 20 people, discussing what is to be done
[by learning?] and what is -- having people read different kinds of things. And
then, I (inaudible), you know, [when I did?] the political stuff because I had an
interest in literature, and I had done a lot of literature when I was in Borinquen.
We had a literary circle, and we read Latin American literature [00:51:00] and all
of that, and, in Milwaukee, I had the opportunity because, mostly, they were
students. They were students in high school and students in college, unlike gang

28

�members in Chicago for a while that politicized themselves. Okay? So, I was
able to say, “We got to read Gabriel García Márquez, and we got to read
something from Guatemala, and we’re gonna have (inaudible) or the antiimperialist novels (inaudible),” and all of that stuff. I was able to do that and
assign people to read these books that we had not read in Chicago but that
people were now getting involved in writing about it and things like that. And the
movement in Milwaukee as we saw it was we come in also more politicized,
okay? In a different way from Chicago. It was just -- more community
organizations [00:52:00] were sprouting everywhere, and they were growing, and
I was running -- at the age of 24, I was running a community-based organization,
and, for me, that was like, wow, you know?
JJ:

What was the name of that?

LB:

Yeah, Centro Nuestro.

JJ:

Centro -- okay.

LB:

Centro Nuestro, which I remember because I use as a base when Cha-Cha
came to town and other Young Lords came to town, and people that were
involved with the Young Lords nationally, we could come to town and now had a
place to meet. I had a facility, so I could engage people in different kinds of
meetings [allowing?] more of the larger thinking, the intellectual stuff, [where?] I
keep on doing the basics (inaudible) community. I mean, welfare reform, health,
those kinds of things that were affecting people the most, connecting people to
jobs and things like that. And that helped me grow a lot. Because of that
network, I met people that [00:53:00] were involved with the university because

29

�of the takeover at the university, and I became co-chair of something called the
Council for the Education of Latin Americans with Roberto Hernández. There’s a
center now in Milwaukee named after him because he died of a heart attack
some years ago. And I was creating structures within the university to help
increase Latino students to go to college, and we created a center there. And
then, I started working with parents in the community because they were
mobilizing, and there were these mass meetings about bilingual education in the
schools. We need to get more bilingual services in the schools. Our kids are
going to these schools that don’t understand them. And, all of a sudden, I found
myself in front of these massive movements, and I remember going -- there are
articles in La Guardia in Milwaukee and in the newspapers in the Historical
Society, where I appear, [00:54:00] speaking before the school board and
surrounded by this mass of parents and saying, “We’re not gonna go anywhere.
We’re gonna take over the school district unless you do this, and this, and this,
and that,” and reach an agreement with them on that. And that sort of prompted
me to a position of friendship with people that were concerned about the
university structures, and I was recruited to be part of a group that put together
some alternative schools in Milwaukee, alternative schools for Latinos, and for
whites, and for Blacks, and it was a form of integration, even though we had our
own schools. And the university hired me to do some of that under a project that
they had and sent me to school. So, my studies were being paid while I
continued to do community work because it was a more progressive university
system. There was a [00:55:00] progressive dean there, and there were people

30

�that -- sort of helping you, like Ricardo Fernández, who is now the president of
Lehman College.
JJ:

Which college?

LB:

Lehman College in the Bronx in New York. So, he was --

JJ:

Okay. He was working with you there?

LB:

Yup. At that time, he was in the school of education, director of the Spanish
Speaking Outreach Institute, and sort of extremely helpful and sort of like a
mentor, you know, saying, “You got to go to school. You got to take those credits
from the University of Puerto Rico and bring them here, the credits you did, and
I’ll get you connected to some of the people in the school to see if you can get a
degree.” And then, I completed a bachelor’s degree, and, when I completed a
bachelor’s degree within the university and they sort of saw you in the
community, and moving in the masses, and stuff like that, they said, “Can you
teach courses regarding that movement and what you’re doing?” I said, “Yeah,
sure.” So, I started teaching courses at the University of [00:56:00] Wisconsin. I
[had to be?] teaching courses at the University of Wisconsin. And then, Dr.
Fernández and Dr. Adrian Chan, who were at the university at that time, said,
“Somebody like you shouldn’t do a master’s degree. You should go right to the
PhD.” And I said, “How am I gonna do that?” They said, “Well, challenge the
university.” And I became the first student to challenge the University of
Wisconsin on the issue that I didn’t have to do a master’s degree to go into a
doctoral program. And so, there were all kinds of meetings, and arguments, and
discussions about -- but these people stood behind me, and I was sort of like the

31

�poster boy, you know? [You sort of like to?] push, and I kept on saying, “I can do
it. I can do it.” And they had me take these exams and all these exams, and I
passed them all, and they were interesting because the questions they gave me
were about union movements and -- so, I knew that stuff. I was able to write
extensively about it. And [00:57:00] then, I went directly into a PhD program and
finished a doctorate degree, but it was totally paid for. I mean, I wrote the
proposal that brought the money to the University of Wisconsin.
JJ:

[The what?]?

LB:

For five people to go into a doctoral program to become bilingual educators, and
I was one of them. I wrote myself into the proposal. So, everything was paid
through that proposal, and the federal government provided resources to
increase the number of Latinos that went into bilingual education, and I was one
of them. So, that’s how I managed to get a doctorate degree.

JJ:

When was this? When --?

LB:

This was in the 1970s, late 1970s, and I finished -- you know, it took me about 15
years to finish a PhD because I was active in the community. So, I started, in the
’80s, doing the courses. I did all the courses in a couple years for the PhD, but
then, to complete the [00:58:00] dissertation took me longer because I wanted to
do -- I had this community thing in me, so I wanted to do a community-based
dissertation, and my advisor kept on saying, “You’re crazy. No. Do something
fast and get it out of the way.” I said, “No, no. I want to interview people in
different parts of the country about educational movements in the communities
and what people did. So, as part of my dissertation, I went to California,

32

�interview people that were in street movements of parents changing the schools,
and I went to Texas and did the same thing, to New York, to Boston, here in
Chicago. That took me all over the country, raising money so I could -- getting
inside an old car, and driving all the way to New York, and going to the South
Bronx, for example, and meeting Evelina Antonetty, who, at that time, had taken
over the New York Board of Education, and this lady was like a [big mama?], you
know. She was like the South -- there are streets named after Evelina [00:59:00]
Antonetty in the South Bronx now since she died, but she became like a mentor,
you know? She would call me, “Oh, you little [communist?], shut up,” and she
would tell me what to do and all that kind of stuff. And then, I would go -- I
remember, met with a group of parents in Boston, and they asked me to go out of
the room for a little bit. They needed to talk among themselves, and it was to
check me out. Okay? And then, some people talk -- “Is he a parent? Does he
know something about parents? How come he talks that way? You’re a student
at the university.” And, no, they [arranged?], and they brought me back, and they
said, “Okay.” And then, I became part of parental movements, educational
movements, university movements -JJ:

Parental like PTA, or...?

LB:

No, we organized our own organizations. They were different from PTAs in the
sense that they were community grown. They were moms and pops, Latinos that
[01:00:00] were concerned about the education of their kids, and we had
committees all over the place, and we went all over the country, doing that. I
remember coming to Chicago to meet with some parent groups here and

33

�meeting people in Cleveland, Ohio that were involved in educational stuff, and
having people in Cleveland, for example. There were two women, [Nati Pagan?]
and Daisy Rivera, who were extremely involved in educational issues since their
time in Boston. They were involved in the Boston desegregation case with
Harvard University law students of Puerto Rican descent. And, you know, now,
these universities had Latinos, and you got these Latinos involved, and they
became very sophisticated, so they developed a bilingual movement in
Cleveland, and they asked me to go to meet with the parents about the strategies
that we used in the Milwaukee case. Okay? Because, in [01:01:00] Milwaukee,
we had to reach agreements with the school district on bilingual education. And
so, that helped me a lot because I knew, through this network, people that were
really, really smart and who were grassroot. They were people from the street.
They were people who had built movements, not because they were members of
PTAs or PTOs. They were people who believed in community control of the
schools, and the community control movement was something that had been big
in the ’60s. Well, in the early ’70s, it was really big in many of our communities
all over the country. So -JJ:

And what did that mean, community control? What was that?

LB:

Well, it meant that, even in communities like Milwaukee, where we were less in
numbers, we were growing faster. We knew something about data, about
evidence. We knew that our kids were gonna really be part [01:02:00] of that
power structure at some point, and we wanted to humanize them so that they
wouldn’t be part of the corporate world, you know, smashing us when they got to

34

�the top. And the movements that evolved to do that had to be people’s
movement, a democratic movement, and we had to argue that, if the schools
didn’t do certain things for us, we had to do it for ourselves. So, that’s why we
created [alternative?] schools. That’s why we created education movements in
the community. We used to write for grants and seek foundation money to
create institutes of parent growth, parent development, and things like that, and
that sort of put us in a situation of a lot of community power. So, when I went to
the school board, for example, in 1974, I appeared before the school board to
argue what we came up with in terms of a bilingual [01:03:00] movement in the
school district that we felt would empower the parents in the community, and
there would be a closer link between community and the schools where the kids
went to. And then, they told me that they didn’t think that they could do that, and
I could stand before a school and say, “Well, if you can’t agree to this, next week,
at this date, at 10 o’clock in the morning, we’re gonna ask all Latino students in
all of the schools of Milwaukee to walk out. Okay?” And they look at me like,
“Eh,” you know. That day, they had these parents organize with (Spanish)
[01:03:38] and all this stuff in the parks, and, at 10 o’clock, the doors opened,
and all the Latino kids from all the schools came marching out. We had this big
event. [The workers were a part?], and the parents were serving food to their
own kids, and the police came, but why would they attack kids? It was like they
had to be careful about that because the press was [01:04:00] there. And so, we
saw that as a great victory. We told the public schools, “You see? When we
want, we tell kids to walk out. They’re gonna walk out, so you’re gonna sit at the

35

�table with us.” And they sat at the table with us, and, three days later, we came
up with a bilingual plan in Milwaukee, and the bilingual plan became the base for
parent groups all over the country to say, “They did it in Milwaukee. We can do it
here too.”
JJ:

And what’s the basis of the bilingual plan or education?

LB:

It’s taken an interesting in number of years. We reached an agreement with
Milwaukee Public Schools in May 7, 1974. ’74. Okay? Then, we increased the
population of Latinos working in the public schools and the level of parental
involvement and parental participation. And, whenever you do that, you know,
the people you bring into these positions at the [01:05:00] university or at the
community level -- you have a number of people that become more comfortable
and don’t become part of a movement, but you have a number of people that
stay with it, and we stayed with it over the years, and we’ve reached a point, after
almost 30 years, where, now, we can go to the public schools and say,
“Milwaukee, Wisconsin was always supportive of the idea of language education
because of us, okay? Because we created a consciousness, and we had
German immersion schools, and French immersion schools, and Italian, and
bilingual programs for Hispanics, and all of that. Why don’t we go to the next
step now? Why don’t we rebrand Milwaukee as a city that embraces the idea
that everybody should be bilingual?” And you have a superintendent of schools
that says, “That makes sense. That makes sense.” You’re no longer dealing
now with the resistance that you would find before. You have a school board that
says, “That makes sense,” [01:06:00] and you appear before a committee of the

36

�board, and you tell them about this idea, and you get a unanimous vote by a
school saying, “We should do that. We should try to move all of the schools in
our system to become bilingual schools. Let’s start somewhere.” So, we’re at a
point right now where bilingualism and the idea that kids in this country, poor
kids, kids from the community, like rich kids, whose parents send them to other
countries for immersion in another language, or their schools teach them multiple
languages, now we can say poor kids, when they go to a school, their language
doesn’t need to be suppressed, their native language. They can retain their
language, grow that language, and become bilingual, and a global economy, that
needs bilingual folks. Okay? And so, we’re at that point in the Milwaukee
movement. Now, we can coordinate with the [01:07:00] city council, the
superintendent of schools, with the school board, with community groups, parent
groups, the bilingual teachers, you know, who are now looking at us as -- they’re
not that crazy. This makes sense. So, the Wisconsin Association for Bilingual
Education creates something that they call the Tony Baez Leadership and
Advocate Award for the state of Wisconsin so that only people that do what I’m
doing in education can get that award. Those are significant things. That’s not
about me. It’s about the fact that you stay with it through these years, and
people recognize that your involvement was really about humanizing how we do
things here and taking our time so that, now, we can say, because of our
population, the size of our population now we’ve grown, you know, it makes a lot
of logical sense to [01:08:00] have this kind of stuff. But there’s been a growth,
and people are also more educated about it, and now, we have more educators.

37

�I mean, the University of Wisconsin, Marquette University, Cardinal Stritch, they
all want in it. Milwaukee Area Technical College [has scholars, see?]. And these
scholars are saying, “Oh, that makes a lot of sense. Can we be part of this
[committee?]? Can we be part of this effort?” So, we develop a memorandum of
understanding so that all these institutions can sign to it and say, “We’re gonna
grow the number of Latinos teaching in these different areas so that we can
support the idea that Milwaukee should be a bilingual town.”
JJ:

Now, is that related to -- you were talking earlier about --

LB:

Absolutely.

JJ:

-- the alderman --?

LB:

Mm-hmm. Absolutely. It’s related to the idea that --

JJ:

Someone just got elected or something?

LB:

Exactly. It’s related to the idea that --

JJ:

Who got elected?

LB:

José Pérez got elected alderman in the 12th District in Milwaukee. [01:09:00] But
all I’m saying is that you sort of start somewhere. You develop an
understanding, a commitment, a passion for doing certain kinds of things. You
grow, and you affect other people around you, right? And the people that are
around you start doing things. So, José Pérez is the son of (inaudible), who used
to be the principal of one of our two language schools. And so, he’s part of a
second generation, so you saw him grow since he’s little, and his commitment to
community is more along the lines of, you know, “I care about this. I grew up
here. My mom was involved in these movements.” Okay? And his mom worked

38

�closely with who today is the president of the teachers’ union. Okay? So, you
have all these connections, and everybody knows everybody, and the person
that’s on the school board right [01:10:00] now was a member of -- his wife was
the movement that organized from 9to5.
JJ:

Who is this person?

LB:

Larry Miller. His wife was Ellen Bravo, who wrote a book about women working
from nine to five and developing a national movement, and she appears in 60
Minutes, and NBC, and all that stuff. So, you have all these people who were
part of movements in the ’60s and ’70s, were affected by it, developed the
passion for it, and are now sort of friends, and connected, and coming together,
and you can say to José, “Not only is your district going to be affected by this
bilingual plan, but there are people as high as the White House [that will be?] part
of your kitchen cabinet to help you think through this.” Okay? And people that
are connected in political circles all over the country [01:11:00] are going to be
part of that thinking.

JJ:

Okay. Any final thoughts?

LB:

I think that the lesson that I’ve learned from all of this is that, when you become
part of a movement in your youth, if you are not participating in that movement
sort of from the outside, when you’re part of it, you’re in it, you grow with it. And
the movements in this country change. They have to change because of the
circumstances, and the population, and how we become involved, and, as we
become older, we also get connected to jobs because we have to live and work,
and you have kids, and now I have grandkids and children, and all of that --

39

�JJ:

What are your children’s names?

LB:

They’re in Milwaukee, and --

JJ:

What are their names?

LB:

The older one is [Luis?], who is [01:12:00] very involved in the whole thing of
health. Okay? [Pablo?], who is highly involved in the Milwaukee community,
works for the American Society for Quality, has two beautiful girls that are
Chicano (inaudible), you know, and Luis has married to an African American
woman, so he married African American, my other son married a Chicano, and
my daughter married African American, and she has children too. And so, all of
these kids are connected to what they see their grandfather doing, and, even
though they don’t follow what you’re doing, they’re generating their own flow of
things, and I think that what happens too is that, when you are part of a
movement, you want to leave that with other people, so I mentor a lot of people.
A lot of people. And, throughout the years, you learn how to be more [01:13:00]
sensitive, more understanding, but still pushing positions of more community
empowerment, community control, developing leaders who don’t look at how
deep their pockets are, but how they’re connected to communities. So, if I get
involved in succession training, I take to my home people who I know are
promising leaders in the community, young folks, and I feed them. I cook for
them, do all of that stuff, and put the food away and say, “Now, we’re gonna talk.”
And you spend time talking with them, and they sort of think of you as this
grandpa that was involved in some of these things, and now, I was trying to
[leave with them?] before I disappear so that the next generation, you know,

40

�carries that forward. So, we have to think time-wise that this is something that’s
not gonna end now and that all of us that [01:14:00] were involved in the ’60s and
the ’70s, we lived experiences that we have to share with others, and those
experiences made us stronger, and more passionate, and more responsible, and
having the community integrity. And so, we have to pass that on to other people
because the people today did not live the civil rights movements and these
community struggles that we lived. Okay? They’re living something different.
Now, the movements are about a different kind of civil rights. They could be
about schools, but they’re also about undocumented people, and about how do
we build solidarity with the African community, and how do we continue with
those struggles? So, I learned a lot about that, and I think -- I’d write about it. I
speak to people. I became more [techy?] about it, and, in my presentations
wherever I go, I try to inspire others to do likewise so that [01:15:00] people
continue, and I think that’s the big lesson, that these are things that are gonna
change over time, and we change over time, but we have to give to others so
that others start doing the kinds of things that we believe in because making
change and transforming a society like this one takes a long time. That’s what
you learn. It takes a very long time. Okay? So -JJ:

Now, you’re talking about getting income (inaudible) for survival and all that.

LB:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

Where do you work now?

LB:

Right now, I’m the executive director of the Council for the Spanish Speaking in
Milwaukee. The Council is an organization that is the oldest Latino-serving

41

�organization in the state of Wisconsin. Okay? And it’s best known for having
developed, since the ’60s, an agenda with poor and working-class people. And
so, that was closer to me. Not organizations that wanted to build [01:16:00] a
Latino middle class or to engage more Latinos in the corporate sector, you know,
or in corporations and professionals getting up there somewhere else on boards
and things like that. No, this organization was about poor people, and poor
people’s movements, and mobilizing to improve the lives of people. Okay? And
I was a provost at the Milwaukee Area Technical College, and -JJ:

[What is provost?]?

LB:

Yeah, provost is a vice president of academic affairs, and there are co-provosts
in many universities because, by legislation, they are independent from
presidents. Okay? That means that you control the academic agenda of a
university. Okay? And the president will try to tell you what to do sometimes, but
the only way he can get around that is by firing you. Because you have
[01:17:00] protection, you can -- the academic freedom is there. And I was
provost of the Milwaukee Area Technical College, which is the third largest
technical college in the country, so I had 160 partners under my supervision, and
that was huge. You know, a kid from the Barrio Borinquen that goes through this
process in the streets and marching, and, all of a sudden, he’s inside a
university, a two-year college at that point, and then also teaching in four-year
colleges and university systems, and you earn a certain level of respect when
you enter a position like that. At one point, I was the highest-level Latino
educator in the state of Wisconsin. And so, you get into circles with white folks

42

�that are in these other committees and things like that, and you can argue your
point, and you can humanize curriculum that affects a whole state or that affects
the education of [workers in?] [01:18:00] the whole country. Okay? You can do
that. So, the White House has a Latino education excellence agenda, and they
have staff related to that, but they know that, when they call Milwaukee, they can
call me because I was a provost. I have legitimacy now. Okay? And I am
involved in educational circles. So, they will call me. He says, “What do you
think about this? What do you think about that?” And it’s government calling
you, or somebody from the Department of Labor who called me just yesterday,
and he says, “Look. I’m with the Department of Labor of the United States, and
when --” Because I call him back in the evening, and I said, “Excuse me for
calling you back so late. I was in a meeting.” He says, “No, no.” Because, when
you call people that work for the president of this country, “[We need to?] hear
you, and we wanted to reach you, and we are gonna have some officials coming
to Milwaukee. Can you handle that?” So, now, government is sort of [01:19:00]
respectful of the position you play in a particular community, and they call you for
things. Not that they agree with you. It’s not an issue of agreement. So, if the
White House invites me into a meeting that they have for Latinos in the White
House with 150 leaders nationally, you can go into that meeting, and you can
argue with the lawyers from Homeland Security and the Department of Justice,
and I could say things like -- (inaudible) [this week?]. “No, that’s irrelevant, Dr.
Baez, because we’re not discussing this.” “No, no, no. No, no. That is relevant.”
Okay? And they go, “No, no. That’s not relevant. We’re lawyers.” I said, “I don’t

43

�care if you’re lawyers. Okay? That is relevant. I’m not gonna go back to the
Latin community and say that they have to put pressure on what they’re doing,
stop doing this, stop doing that, to save money, and you guys are not suing those
rascals that are going away with 50 million dollar bonuses. Okay? You know
why you’re not suing them?” I says, “I can tell you [01:20:00] why. ’Cause they
have better lawyers than you do. So don’t pull the wool over our eyes.” Now, we
can say -- in the White House, we can say that. Okay? Before, we were in the
street, fighting in demonstrations. We haven’t given that up. We still do that.
We still demonstrate and march. Like, the last immigrant march in Milwaukee
was 80 thousand people, and I was there, marching with everybody else. But we
also have standing because of our preparation, and the way we talk, and the way
we read. We know what’s going on. We know the economics of Wall Street.
We know the political systems and things like that. And then, you’re gonna have
a university inviting me to speak before chancellors and the Department of
Economics of a major university about how the economic, financial crisis is
affecting Latinos. And you didn’t have that before, you know. So, they are now
listening because they know that we are [01:21:00] growing as a Latino
community. In the 1970s, we had no idea how big the Latino community was
gonna be, but, as we see it growing now, and we see the immigration
movements, and we see that the majority of the growth is because of Latinos that
are citizens, that live in this country, and that, you know, the media and others
are making it sound like it’s just immigrants, and stuff like that, and
undocumented people, and it’s not. It’s because we are part of a change, and

44

�we’re changing the face of America, and, therefore, we need to have people that
can speak and raise issues on our behalf. I remember going before the city
council once, and there was somebody raising some other issues, and, “Well, he
doesn’t represent the Latin community,” and one of the aldermen said, “Oh, no,
no. He does. He does. He is one of those --” And an alderman said this [in
there?]. He says, “He is one of those people in the community who earned,
[01:22:00] throughout the years, the respect, and we have to hear what he has to
say. He may come here and say he doesn’t represent the community, but he’s
here because he’s a Latino, okay? So, you listen to him.” And that’s sort of like,
wow, somebody’s understanding on the other side that you don’t represent
everybody in the community, but you can speak with a certain level of authority
about the history of a community [in exchange?].
JJ:

So, final thoughts, but the Young Lords -- what do you think their contribution
was to this whole --?

LB:

Growth that they helped me develop a passion like I never would have had if I
hadn’t been part of that movement. I was at the University of Puerto Rico,
developed a certain type of passion there. Okay? But, when I came to the
Young Lords, I developed a sort of -- I built upon that passion. Okay? [01:23:00]
Now, from student bodies, I saw community folks trying, and working, and
developing, and you go like, “Wow. All these people that died because of this
and the people that tried their best in spite of the fact that they didn’t have all the
tools available to them --” So, as you acquire more tools and you diversify, you
go like, “Wow. I’m growing because of a perspective, you know, a way of looking

45

�at the world that I developed when I was a member of that organization,” and the
Young Lords helped me do that because I became active in that. So, for
example, while in the 1960s and the early 1970s, I didn’t play the guitar or sing.
When I started doing that -JJ:

I remember your guitar.

LB:

Yeah. When I started doing that and developing that, in my own barrio, I’m a
nobody because people there -- my brother’s a master musician, so, you know.
But, [01:24:00] in Milwaukee, there was nobody doing songs of social political
content. Okay? And I had that perspective because of the movement and the
Young Lords. So, when I started developing that, and playing, and appearing in
a concert -- all of a sudden, I’m in a concert, doing a concert before a whole
mess of people, and then being invited to do a concert in [New Orleans?], and
California, and New York, and places like that -- you are singing before large
masses of people and crowds, and I sang before masses of three, four thousand
people, like singing before the mariachi festival in Tucson, Arizona in the late
1970s. When I did that, there were thousands and thousands of people there,
listening to mariachis, but they heard the singing of this lone guitarist, you know,
conveying a message of transformation, peace, of revolution. [01:25:00] And you
now have a forum, but you developed that. I could have gone into salsa, and
(inaudible) stuff. Other people were doing that. No, I had to do something
different that pertained to what I knew, and that was because of how I was
affected by the Young Lords movement, by a community movement, and,
throughout the years, staying with it. Yeah.

46

�JJ:

Okay. Any final thoughts?

LB:

I think I said it all. [Thanks?].

JJ:

All right, Tony. Thank you.

END OF VIDEO FILE

47

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: David Rivera Reyes
Interviewers: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 1/12/2011
Runtime: 01:28:27

Biography and Description

David Rivera’s family arrived to the Division and Clark Streets area in 1950 and from there in 1952, they
moved to Clybourn and Halsted Streets between the Cabrini Green Housing Projects and the Lincoln
Park Neighborhood. A few months later David Rivera arrived and the entire family moved to Don
Orelio’s house on Dayton Street between North Avenue and Willow Street. They were brief neighbors
with the Cha-Cha Jimenez family who lived downstairs from them.
Not long afterwards the Rivera family bought a house across from the alley on Fremont Street, south of
Willow where Bissell Street intersected. This was one of the first enclaves of Puerto Ricans that settled
in Lincoln Park. The enclave connected with others later but stretched in the area from Halsted street
west to Sheffield Ave., and from North Avenue to Willow Street.
David’s grandfather became the neighborhood barber and David’s siblings built a homemade
rollercoaster that came down the railing and stretched into the large backyard and back. It was basically
a crate with roller skate wheels and each kid paid two or three cents with empty bottle refunds, for the
ride.
David’s nickname was Chicken Killer because he and his brothers worked at the live chicken store on
North Avenue, of which the street had become the primary business area for the Latino section. He also
worked with his cousin Orlando Davila on a milk truck as well as several other factories of the area.

�While only 10 and 11 they were a part of the Knights which soon later Orlando organized them with
others and they became a totally new group called the Young Lords; as a street group or gang in 1960.
David also led the motorcycle group called the Sons of the Devil while still being the Field Marshall for
the Young Lords political group.

�Transcript
JOSE JIMENEZ:

Can you tell me your full name, and when you were born, and

where you were born?
DAVID RIVERA REYES: My name is David Rivera Reyes. I was born in Puerto Rico - Coamo, Puerto Rico. I was born in 1948, so I’ll be turning 70 in a couple of
months.
JJ:

So you didn’t answer me, how was Coamo, Puerto Rico? What do you
remember about Coamo?

DRR: In Coamo, we used to live in the mountains in an area called Santa Catalina. It
was a community where you couldn’t use a car to get up there, it can only go so
far, and then you’d have to walk the rest of the way. I remember we having a
community [00:01:00] well where people went and got their water, their potable
water, carry it back in cans. I remember the big square cans that after they -cracker cans, Export Sodas cans, that was the thing that people used to carry
their water. They would wash their dishes outside one of the windows in the
sink. Their baths were either in the river or they would take water and go into the
outhouse with soap and water in another smaller can, would bathe. People out
there lived mostly off the land. Everybody worked the land. If you didn’t work
your own land, you would work for someone else. Mostly likely you would go
[00:02:00] out and cut sugar cane which was one of the main jobs that people
had down there was sugar cane -- and building in cement blocks, but the majority
would work their own land and sell their products in town to make a living.
People that were able to save up some money and fly out after the big migration

1

�back in the ’40s, late ’40s. My parents were some that came -- I believe it was in
1950 when they came up to Chicago. It was my parents, and some uncles and
some aunts. I remember that [00:03:00] they would live in a small hotel on North
Avenue and Dayton -- North Avenue, Dayton, and Clybourn. There was a
restaurant called The Golden Ox. In that building, there were lots of rooms for
rent. A lot of them stayed there. Maybe sometimes even three, four, and five
people in one small room. They would get jobs wherever they could. Mostly
they got maintenance jobs, or jobs where they had to clean up after everybody
or, if they were lucky, restaurant jobs. My mother was a lucky one. My mother
was a blonde-haired, blue-eyed Puerto Rican woman. She got lucky, she got a
job at a called Carbit Paint Company [00:04:00] right off of North Avenue by
California.
JJ:

Carbon Paint --

DRR: Carbit. Carbit Paint Company. She was paid to put labels on cans. I believe
she started at about $0.75 to $0.80 an hour. She worked in that company until
she retired. But in that company, she was able, because of her hard work, was
able to put a few of my uncles to work there, my aunts to work there, other
people that would come in from Puerto Rico looking for jobs, a lot of them ended
up working at Carbit Paint Company and all through her hands.
JJ:

Where was this located?

DRR: The company was on North Avenue, [00:05:00] but they got bigger, so they
moved over on Kingston by the railroad tracks. There they bought a big factory
and they would make their own paints there. And then the North Avenue location

2

�became the actual store where people go and buy their paint. I remember me
working at that paint company myself when I was 17.
JJ:

A lot of Puerto Ricans?

DRR: Pardon.
JJ:

A lot of Puerto Ricans?

DRR: A lot of Puerto Ricans. I would say 50 percent of the labor -- or even more so -practically all the laborers were Puerto Ricans, and the majority of the Puerto
Ricans were from our small town in Puerto Rico, Coamo. It was more like a
family thing. [00:06:00] But they were hard workers and they were liked very
much -- except my father. My father worked in a lumber company.
JJ:

So what was your father’s name and your mother’s name? And your siblings.

DRR: My father’s name was Franciso, my mother’s name was Angelica, but they called
her Angie, or, as we call her, [Las Halo?]. We also had my grandfather, Gregorio
Ortiz, and my grandmother, Sofia Ortiz. But my grandfather was a man of all
trades. That was a man that I learned to admire. Soft-spoken, a man of few
words, he was a professional barber, professional carpenter, cabinet-maker,
[00:07:00] instrument-maker, he would build his own guitars and all kinds of
instruments. He was very professional at what he did, and that’s how he made
his living. As a matter of fact, [he who worked back?] for himself doing this
actually did better than a lot of people that worked in factories, and especially
married to my grandma because she used to take every penny she had and put it
away which was good because it actually allowed my mother to be one of the
first Puerto Ricans in the neighborhood to be able to literally buy her own house.

3

�And she bought it on Fremont Street right over there by crooked Bissell. Matter
of fact, the address over there was 1705 North Fremont [00:08:00] Street, a
house that had four apartments, and she would rent the apartments. And my
mom was a very strong woman which made us -- we became a little -- you would
say little better off families in the neighborhood. But from there, a lot of them
took off, and eventually a few of them bought their own buildings, their own
houses. And this is in the Lincoln Park area, right on the outskirts of the Lincoln
Park area.
JJ:

So (inaudible) from there, did you come from -- from what house?

DRR: Well, when they first came, actually, they lived around 63rd and Halsted.
[00:09:00] From 63rd and Halsted, they moved down to around 43rd and Halsted.
JJ:

What year?

DRR: I would say 1950-1951. By 1952, they had moved out to the Lincoln Park area
over on North Avenue and Halsted, Clybourn. By this time, 1953, we went to
school. I started going to school in 1953. I was going to Mulligan School on
Sheffield, so were my brothers and my sisters.
JJ:

So how many brothers and sisters and what are their names?

DRR: I had one sister [00:10:00] called Damari, my brother, Nelson, my brother, Jose,
and my brother, Selsa, and myself. That’s where I can say I have all my real
childhood memories.
JJ:

At Mulligan?

4

�DRR: At Mulligan, on Bissell and Dayton, on Fremont and Bissell. Even though they
run parallel, Bissell -- we call it crooked Bissell because it took a turn and it ran
into -JJ:

What kind of memories?

DRR: Fun memories. That’s when we went outside, played with our friends, building
skateboards out of two by four’s and old roller-skates and using an old crate for
it, [00:11:00] and putting handles on it, and dressing it up with bottle caps.
Building bicycles out of parts that we found. I remember we found a tire, we
needed a tire, and it had a bubble in it, so we put black electrical tape all around
it. So we drove 10, 20 miles an hour on that bike, and all along it would go bloop,
bloop, bloop, bloop, bloop, bloop, (laughter) down the street. At night, we would
play games and go to the play lot, play baseball -- mostly stick ball. We would
play stick ball on the street. It was a fun time growing up. Wearing our little Davy
Crockett t-shirts and our cap pistols playing war.
JJ:

So Davy Crockett was a big person at that time?

DRR: Oh, Davy Crockett [00:12:00] was our hero. Davy Crockett -JJ:

I actually had a Davy Crockett hat.

DRR: Oh, yeah, the little hat with the tail, the mask of the Lone Ranger, Zorro, The
Cisco Kid, all became our heroes. Those were the programs that we watched.
We had a lot of channels. All four of them: Channel 2, Channel 9, Channel 7,
and Channel 5. And Channel 11 you had to pay for. Those were wonderful
memories. The only bad part about there was that being from a different country,
a different culture, we couldn’t go into every store that we wanted to. [00:13:00]

5

�We would be told to get out. Or if we went to a hamburger stand, we would be
told, “We don’t serve your kind.”
JJ:

You saw that?

DRR: Yes. Actually, lived it.
JJ:

How did you see it? Give me an example.

DRR: Well, I just told you. We were not allowed to go in there. I didn’t even think that it
was racism, I just figured it was -- we weren’t allowed in there, and we weren’t
allowed in there. What I was told, “When an adult tells you no, it was no.” You
didn’t speak back to an adult. You had to respect an adult no matter who it was.
That’s how we were brought up. We were brought up under the strength of a
chancleta and a good leather belt. That’s how -JJ:

The shoe? The chancleta?

DRR: Oh, that chancleta. Yeah, the almighty chancleta. [00:14:00] It had a lot of
power. You could loud mouth all you want, but when grandma took out that
chancleta, you shut up. (laughs) But I guess I never realized it until later on in
my -- as I got a little older what it really was. I just thought, “You can’t go in
there, you can’t go in there. They don’t want you in there, they don’t want you in
there.” In my neighborhood, it was mostly Latino, some Blacks, and the whites
that were there, now I call them poor whites -- Appalachian whites. They were
treated by everybody else just as bad as we were. So since we all played in the
street, we didn’t see no difference, we just played with everybody and [00:15:00]
everybody played with us. But now, as we started to move out of the
neighborhood away from Mulligan School, started going to Newberry School,

6

�some of us went to Newberry School, some of us -- I got sick to where I couldn’t
walk very well, so I would get bused to school, to a school called Spalding on
Washington and Ashland. It was a parochial school because I had to walk on
crutches. Now, I was there for about three years after I left Mulligan. When I got
out of there, it was 1961. In 1961, I started hanging around [00:16:00] with the
other kids that -- I let go of the crutches, so I was able to go out. And my cousin,
Orlando, and Lupe, and Hector, and Blas -JJ:

So your cousin was Orlando Davila?

DRR: Orlando Davila.
JJ:

The one that founded the Young Lords street gang.

DRR: Yeah.
JJ:

That’s your cousin that --

DRR: Yeah, Orlando Davila would work with us -JJ:

And Lupe and his brothers --

DRR: Yeah, they’re from the same town we were in in Coamo.
JJ:

Oh, he’s from Coamo, too.

DRR: Yeah, we all -- our parents all came up at the same time.
JJ:

Did they live near you?

DRR: Yeah.
JJ:

Where did they live?

DRR: They lived on Bissell just north of Willow. Yeah, between Willow -JJ:

That’s where Orlando lived?

DRR: Yeah.

7

�JJ:

Okay. What do you remember of him? Do you remember anything?

DRR: Oh, I remember everything of him. He was the third of four boys. He had
[00:17:00] a sister named Myrna. His father, Lupe, and his mother Mercedes.
His mother’s name was Mercedes. His older brother was Blas, and there was
Hector, and then there was Orlando, and then there was Lupe. And Orlando and
Lupe were the ones that used to hang around with us because they were the
younger ones. I remember Hector, it was in the ’50s, late ’50s, when we heard
the news that Hector had died. I don’t know all the details, but they found him in
a chair, and he was dead. I remember when they buried him, Orlando stepping
up to me and saying, [00:18:00] “Does that hole look six feet deep?” I looked at
him, I said, “Man, I don’t know.” He goes, “Yeah, because they say they gotta be
six feet.” I says, “Well, I really don’t know.” But that was devastating to them.
JJ:

So Orlando, I mean he’s the founder of the gang. So what type of person was he
when he was younger? A mean guy or did he --

DRR: Orlando was not a mean guy. Him and I hung out a lot. We would walk to
school together, we would get out of school together, we would go to the A&amp;A
together, we would go to the play lot together, we walked home together. You
know, we were close because we lived close to each other. We even worked in
[00:19:00] a milk truck together.
JJ:

What did you guys talk about? What did you talk about together?

DRR: We talked about anything that was going on, like, for example, when he was
working for the milk truck -- Orlando was a worker. Orlando always had a job.
When he wasn’t at the milk truck, he was on his bicycle delivering newspapers.

8

�He always had a paper route. You know what? I never remember Orlando
backing out of anything or from anybody. Orlando was a warrior. He was a softspoken, [00:20:00] a kid of very few words, but he was a warrior. And he loved
his family and he loved his friends, but he stood up for what he believed in. And I
believe that that’s why we looked at him as a leader because he was a fighter.
Like I said, as we started branching out away from the little neighborhood, we
started running into different other problems which was gang problems. Like our
parents would go to Saint Teresa’s Church. When we went, we had problems
because you had a group called Corp which was actually -- came out of the
German Bugle Corp. Saint Michael’s -- not Saint Teresa’s, Saint Michael’s.
[00:21:00] And they also had, in the neighborhood there was a street called
Mohawk, so they had a group called the Mohawk Boys. And down around
Dickens and Halsted was a group called Roma’s, they used to hang around
Roma’s restaurant and pizzeria. And we had problems with them because the
hot dog stand that we used to like to go to was Uncle Frank’s over there on
Halsted and Dickens, and just down the street was the Roma’s restaurant, so
that caused a lot of conflicts, a lot of fights. And that’s when we started grouping
up as gangs. Now, I remember some of the first gangs were [00:22:00] the Black
Eagles, the Paragons, the Imperial Aces, the Continentals which was the one
that Carlos Flores belonged to, and my brother, Selsa, belonged to -- the
Trojans, and then there was the Young Knights which were the ones that
Orlando put together which weeks later became the Young Lords. I remember
the first time that they became the Young Lords, we took white paint and painted

9

�the Young Lords name on Burling Street, right next to the border [00:23:00] play
lot because we were declaring that our turf, the playground over there on
Armitage and Burling. Where at that time, they had just finished building the new
Arnold Upper Grade Center, that was the summer of 1962. Summer of 1962,
they finished building the Arnold Upper Grade Center right across the street from
Waller High School, and it was supposed to open for class at the end of ’62 and
the beginning of ’63. We got t-shirts, we had black and purple sweaters which
we got the colors [00:24:00] from watching the movie West Side Story.
JJ:

Where’d you watch it at?

DRR: We watched it at the Biograph Theater. I remember the day we went to watch it,
we got into a big old fight over there because the kids from Roma’s, and the
Mohawk Boys, and the Corp were all there, and so were the Young Lords, so
were the Paragons, the Imperial Aces, the Black Eagles -- the Black Eagles was
the gang that almost all the other kids looked up to because they were like the
older kids, 17, 18-year old kids. And we were just really young, we were only like
14, 15-years old. [00:25:00] A lot of gang fights.
JJ:

So how did the fights start? At the Biograph?

DRR: At the Biograph, I really don’t know. All I know is that everybody started running,
and everybody was kicking, everybody was pulling out knives, everybody was
taking their belts off to use as whips, popcorn was flyin’ all over the place, soda
was flyin’ all over the place. The Puerto Rican kids on one side, the white kids
on the other side, everybody else was terrified. All I know is that we ran out of
there laughin’. I remember stopping at the alleyway on the way down Lincoln

10

�Avenue, and that’s where [00:26:00] -- as a matter of fact, it was Orlando who
pointed it out to me and said, “Hey, this is the alley they had killed John Dillinger
at.” I said, “Yeah, but let’s get out of here.” So we ran down that alley all the way
to Austin Street and away from there. Later that night, we got an attack by
bottles from a car that drove past the play lot, and we were chasing them, and I
think they were the Mohawk Boys who did that. In school, it was the same thing
because they used to go to the same schools we did.
JJ:

They went to Mulligan?

DRR: Not Mulligan, we were already going to Arnold Upper Grade Center, and some of
them were first year Waller High School. Newberry -- I think he [00:27:00] used
to go to Newberry. I remember my cousin, Arsenio, starting the Trojans group.
Then from there, we started hanging out -- got a little older, we started hanging
out -JJ:

So why did they have -- like you said, your cousin started the Trojans, and they
had the Black Eagles, and they had these other -- Paragon and that. Why were
people starting these groups?

DRR: Well, at first the groups used to get together even without a name because it was
actually for protection. You did not want to walk to school by yourself. Most of
the time, you walked by yourself, you ended up getting chased, by yourself or
beat up.
JJ:

[00:28:00] Why? Why were they chasing you and beating you?

DRR: Well, how should I say? I hate to say it this way but the white groups at the time
felt that we were invading their territory.

11

�JJ:

The gangs?

DRR: The gangs, the Puerto Ricans itself. The Puerto Ricans. Remember, the Lincoln
Park area was almost all white. When the Puerto Ricans started moving in, and
then the Blacks started coming in from around North Avenue and Sedgwick or
the Cabrini-Green projects because they couldn’t all go to Cooley, they felt
threatened. They felt their neighborhoods were being taken over [00:29:00] and
they wanted to fight for their territory. As far as they were concerned, it was their
play lots, their restaurants, their park. And they figured, “We beat them up, they’ll
go away.”
JJ:

So the white groups were worried about their territory, but they were attacking all
the Puerto Ricans?

DRR: Yeah, they were attacking anybody that didn’t belong there.
JJ:

Is that correct or -- I don’t want to put words in your mouth.

DRR: What?
JJ:

I don’t want to put words in your mouth. So they were concerned, the white
groups, about their gang territory, but they were attacking every Puerto Rican.

DRR: Yeah, they didn’t know the difference.
JJ:

So they didn’t want to attack a gang, they were attacking Puerto Ricans. Is that
correct or no? Or were attacking the gangs?

DRR: [00:30:00] They were attacking gangs because it was teenagers against
teenagers, though when older Puerto Ricans would walk down the street, they
would get mugged or talked down to. A lot of people didn’t pay attention, they
didn’t understand what the hell they were saying anyway.

12

�JJ:

When you say older, do you mean teenagers?

DRR: No, when I say older it’s your mom, your dad, your grandpa, your grandma.
JJ:

The moms and dads were mugged.

DRR: I remember my grandfather, for example, coming out of Del Farm’s over there on
Halsted and North Avenue, and how he would say that a couple of white kids
would run past him and knock his bags off his hands. It was just, “Here’s an old
Puerto Rican man, let’s knock his groceries out for the fun of it.” [00:31:00] They
just became like natural enemies. Yeah, you know what? It’d be safe to say that
it just became a racial thing because to them everybody was Puerto Rican. You
could’ve been from Mexico, but if you talked Spanish, you were Puerto Rican.
It’s like today everybody’s Mexican. If you speak Spanish, you’re Mexican
because that’s everybody focus, on Mexico. The thing was that the groups
banned could actually fight for turf, to actually fight [00:32:00] for a place to be
able to go and hang out like the playground. Or when we aren’t allowed or told
we couldn’t go to North Avenue beach -- every time you went down to North
Avenue beach, there was always a big fight. The Puerto Rican teens, they used
to go down there to play baseball, were told to get out or they couldn’t play there
after they were told that they could. We were fighting for the right to live here is
what you were actually doing. At the time, we didn’t see it as what we see it
today, but yeah. [00:33:00] And all these groups, it was because of different
friends you had, different age groups. For example, a Young Lord couldn’t
become a Black Eagle because they were too young. The Black Eagles were

13

�older kids. The Imperial Aces were older kids. I’m trying to think of some other
names.
JJ:

Was there a lot of drugs at that time? Because today the gangs are into drugs.

DRR: No, they weren’t into drugs. The older ones did smoke marijuana. They used to
call it reefer back then. They would smoke marijuana. Marijuana came into the
city in the early [00:34:00] to mid-’60s, that I remember. I remember that’s when
I started smoking when I was about 14, 15. I’m talking about cigarettes, and
some of my friends were already smoking marijuana cigarettes. I don’t
remember them using any heavier type of drugs. Now -JJ:

But I meant at that time when you first started fighting with the white gangs?

DRR: No, not at that time. Then when the Young Lords themselves moved to their
hangout from Larrabee and Armitage, Halsted and Armitage, or Dickens and
Halsted over there, [00:35:00] we started hanging out on Leland and North
Avenue.
JJ:

Wieland.

DRR: Oh Wieland and North Avenue. And over there near Wieland and North Avenue
was a restaurant called the OK Corral, and that’s where we used to hang out at.
By now, there was -- I’m looking for (inaudible).
JJ:

Need a break?

DRR: Yeah, a break.
(break in audio)
DRR: But like I was talking about, we were -- we moved down to North Avenue and
Wieland. The OK Corral -- because our hang out became Old Town in Chicago.

14

�JJ:

What does that look like? OK Corral?

DRR: The OK Corral was just a restaurant. We used to hang out there, [00:36:00] and
everybody was meeting there like we used to meet at the old A&amp;A restaurant.
JJ:

A&amp;A restaurant, where was that at?

DRR: That was at Armitage and Larrabee.
JJ:

And what did that look like?

DRR: That was just a small restaurant with a counter, about three or four chairs in it,
and the kids used to go in there and hang out. I remember Mary, the lady that
first bought it, she couldn’t take it because she liked the kids, but the kids didn’t
allow good business to come in, so she sold it to Octavio. Octavio let us hang
out, but him, too, had the same problem. We were hanging in there so other
folks wouldn’t go in there and eat, so eventually it just closed down. Same thing
with the OK corral. [00:37:00] Now, by this time, we’re 16, 17-years old. I’ve
already quit school.
JJ:

Were there more Puerto Ricans at that time moving in or no?

DRR: A lot more Puerto Ricans.
JJ:

What year was this?

DRR: We’re talking about 1964-’65, ’66.
JJ:

Why were they moving in?

DRR: Why were they moving in?
JJ:

Yeah, what was going on that a lot of Puerto Ricans were moving in?

DRR: It was just a Puerto Rican neighborhood. The people that came in, you know,
that’s where people went to. They search out their own people, actually.

15

�Chicago’s very diverse, you know, everybody had like their own neighborhoods.
I remember there, [00:38:00] for example -JJ:

So it was segregated, they had their own neighborhoods.

DRR: Right, their own neighborhoods.
JJ:

It was diverse, it had different peoples.

DRR: Exactly. By this time, though, the Puerto Rican population now is moving east of
Halsted and east of Larrabee. Now, you were going into what used to be
considered, you know, a non-Latino area. You only saw -JJ:

So now the Puerto Ricans are invading.

DRR: Exactly. So the other groups are feeling like they were being invaded, exactly.
JJ:

The people felt that?

DRR: Yeah. At the same time now, during this time, besides the teenagers, there was
a lot of things going on also with the Latinos -- [00:39:00] the parents. Some of
the parents are now doing a little bit better financially even though they are only
$1.10, $1.20 an hour, they were doing -- other things were going on. What was
going on? I don’t know if you’ve ever heard of a group called the Hacha Viejas.
JJ:

Yes. In English, what --

DRR: The Hacha Viejas? Old Axes. They were involved in other things. Now some of
the Puerto Rican people are opening up stores, they’re opening up bars -- still
working in factories, but they’re opening up these businesses. I never
understood why. I figured they work hard for it, but later on I found out that it was
the numbers -- the lotería, numeros. [00:40:00] Numero lotería china they called
it.

16

�JJ:

Chinese?

DRR: Mm-hmm. It was just like today’s lotto, but only it was clandestine, it was
underground. You sold numbers, and people were making money from it. Also,
the marijuana business was growing. Besides the marijuana business growing, it
was the Vietnam war. The Vietnam war was creating a new kind of animal, one
that was always there but never seen as much, and that animal -- I call it animal,
but -- for lack of a word, but the heroin addict. I moved away from the Young
Lords [00:41:00] in about 1965, and got together with my cousin, Gilbert,
Santiago, and started a group called The Sons of the Devil motorcycle club. I
was with them when -JJ:

Where did you start them at? What streets?

DRR: At Saint Teresa’s Church, actually. (laughs) Actually, it was Saint Teresa’s
Church. They called themselves the (inaudible) at first, and then they became
The Sons of the Devil motorcycle club. There were only about four or five of us.
But later on, that’s when Cha-Cha got locked up around that time. He came out
with something new, and that was a red book by [00:42:00] Mao Zedong, Stalin,
Lenin. It was very confusing to me at first because communism -- I didn’t see it
as communism. I understood commune as people getting together. By now,
there’s a lot of communes going because a lot of hippies, and people living
together, and the free love thing came out, and everything. What Cha-Cha was
talking about now was liberation. He was talking about independence. He was
talking about self-determination. And I went back to work with the Young Lords -or to the Young Lords, and was being re-educated with these things, [00:43:00]

17

�reading these books and different type of mentality, different way of looking at
things. Me, I always saw it as my people needs help. This is my people, this is
what we’re gonna to fight for. And it became a fight. It became a war. Not like
the war that my parents were fighting. My parents were fighting a whole different
type of war.
JJ:

What were they fighting?

DRR: They were fighting the war of keeping their dignity.
JJ:

What do you mean?

DRR: Dignity as far as human beings. Not being mistreated or looked down at, less in
their jobs and jobs that turn good hard-working men to start thinking less of
themselves then to turn to alcohol, and wife-beating, [00:44:00] and child-beating
-- to be able to still feel like men. It was something that was epidemic.
Practically all the people were having problems.
JJ:

How were they doing that?

DRR: How were they doing the -JJ:

Your parents, how were they keeping dignity?

DRR: Oh, no. My father was one that fell into it. My father became a drinker, a drunk.
Every Friday night, yes, he brought home what he had to bring home, but he also
brought home my mother a war. My mother paid the consequences of all his
hardships and the things that he was going through as a man or as a person. It
happened to a lot of good men like that. Meantime, now, this is causing
problems between fathers and sons.

18

�JJ:

[00:45:00] So he was going through some things and it was impacting her? It
was affecting her?

DRR: Well, it was impacting her because she was the one that was getting beat up.
JJ:

Oh, so he was beating her up.

DRR: She was the one that had to go to work with a black eye, she was the one that
always had to put up with the fact that she was told that she was nothing but dirt.
Why? I really don’t know. But my mother was a warrior. She kept going.
JJ:

What did your mother do? How did she respond?

DRR: By this time, two of my brothers went into the military. One went into the Air
Force which was Nelson, Jose [00:46:00] went into the U.S. Army, 101st Airborne
Division. By this time, it was 1967-68. I came home, and I literally moved my
mother -- my father went to work, and I went and spoke with my brother, Selsa,
and we went to talk to Luis Rivera who owned the store over there on Willow and
Halsted, it was a Spanish store. He loaned us the pick-up truck, and we actually
found a small apartment on Larrabee Street, and moved my mother out before
my father came home from work. That’s how we pulled my mother out of that
mess, together with my grandparents. By this time, things were going on in the
neighborhood.
JJ:

So were other men doing the same thing?

DRR: [00:47:00] Oh, yeah. A lot of the men.
JJ:

Do you know of anybody else that was doing that?

DRR: I don’t want to mention names because -JJ:

Don’t mention names, but can you give me an idea of what it was like?

19

�DRR: Oh, yes. My cousins were going through the same thing. My friends were going
through the same thing with their parents.
JJ:

Why do you think men were going through that?

DRR: In Puerto Rico, they went and worked a hard day’s labor and maybe made a
dollar or two a day -- a couple of dollars a day, but they took pride in what they
did, and men were looked at because their word was their bond. He didn’t have
to have a dollar in his pocket, [00:48:00] if he had his word, he had everything.
Over here, their word meant something among themselves. Outside their
groups, their word was nothing. “I will pay you next week,” meant nothing. They
didn’t have the education to get a higher paying job. So over here, to be able to
survive, they had to take shit jobs which allowed the other people with better jobs
to look down upon them, so now they’re feeling lesser.
JJ:

So they’re being treated lesser, looked down on.

DRR: Lesser, and they went home and just took it out on their own. [00:49:00] It’s just
something that it was a great vicious circle.
JJ:

Were the women getting any help from anything?

DRR: Oh, no because if you remember, it wasn’t until the early, mid-’60s that -- you
didn’t see no Latino policeman. You didn’t see no Black policeman, you didn’t
see Latino firemen, you didn’t see no Black firemen. You didn’t see Latino or
Black proprietors until then. It was into the later ’60s that groups like the Young
Lords organization, and groups like [00:50:00] later on the Young Lords party,
groups like the Comancheros, and the Patriots was the white group, and the
Brown Berets, the Black Panther Party. -- it was when groups like this came out

20

�saying, “We have rights. We deserve to be able to this school to get the
education we need.”
JJ:

So that was the older women, right? Our mothers and fathers, that’s what you’re
saying. But what about the Young Lordettes? [00:51:00] How did that affect
them? (inaudible) Queens?

DRR: The Young Lordettes were women which actually were Young Lords, they
became the Young Lordettes. When the Young Lords became political, the
women became -JJ:

(inaudible).

DRR: Right, because they were women who were fighting for their rights as women.
JJ:

I mean before they became political.

DRR: Before they became political?
JJ:

Right.

DRR: Before they became political, they were just like any other women.
JJ:

Getting beat up, too?

DRR: Yeah. Just all the gang members pulling their girlfriend’s hair or slapping them.
JJ:

So the gang members were doing that to (inaudible)?

DRR: Definitely. That was their MO, you know?
JJ:

Okay, so now you’re saying that that [00:52:00] made some changes after the
Young Lords became more political? Is that what you’re saying?

DRR: Exactly. There was a big change.
JJ:

How did that happen?

DRR: The change was that the women were fighting for their rights, their rights to --

21

�JJ:

What women? I mean which woman was --

DRR: For example, Angie. I admire Angie. I love that woman. One of the strongest
women I ever met. She was one that fought for women’s rights, to be equals to
their men, not -JJ:

She was a Young Lord?

DRR: She was a Young Lordette, yes. If you want to call her a Young Lordette after
they became political. But she was married to Pancho Lind which was one of the
comrades who fell in this, [00:53:00] I would call it, war for civil rights. Her
husband was a fallen comrade just like Manuel Ramos, a fallen comrade -- Fred
Hamilton, Mark Clark.
JJ:

So what do you remember the women doing around that time with Angie? What
was she looking at (inaudible)?

DRR: They were educating the other women in the neighborhood.
JJ:

Educating, what do you mean?

DRR: Educating women in the neighborhood as far as their rights to stand up as
women, that they had rights, too, that they didn’t have to take abuse, that they
didn’t have to walk underneath or behind, that they were there to walk next to
their man. They had equal rights as anybody else and any man there. And
Angie [00:54:00] was one person who gave strength to a lot of these women.
God bless her.
JJ:

So how did the gangs take that?

DRR: Well, at first, the gangs didn’t think it was too good. Like, “What do you mean?
Go make me some coffee,” “Go make it yourself.” “What do you mean go make

22

�it myself?” A lot of things changed. It got to the point where, “Hey, can you
make me some coffee?” “Sure, honey, I’ll make you some coffee -- or, “You
serve it,” or something. But they went because they wanted to go, not because
they were told to go. You learned to treat (laughs) your woman as an equal, and
she was a comrade in arms.
JJ:

So in the Young Lords, they learned to do that?

DRR: Oh, the Young Lords did that.
JJ:

So these are the same Young Lordettes, but now there’s some change -- what
kind of changes [00:55:00] did you see?

DRR: Oh, I saw a lot of changes. Their attitudes, sure.
JJ:

I mean you were there with the Young Lordettes when you were a Young Lord.

DRR: I saw changes as far as -- and you know what’s funny? Is that a lot of them
changed, but there were a few that did not. There were a few that were still
accepted being told -- or being submissive to their man. Others were submissive
to their man because that’s what they wanted to be not because they had to be,
but they also stood for their rights. You know what? The relationships even got
stronger because the women actually respected their -- they listened to their man
because they respected that man as a comrade, and as an equal, and not as a
master. [00:56:00] And those are the things that changed. They weren’t being
seen like that anymore. They were women, they were taught to stand up if they
were abused or beaten which is what actually really started the big push on
battered women.

23

�DRR: But I mean within the Young Lords. What did you see the -- difference? Did you
see any difference or there wasn’t any difference?
JJ:

I saw a lot of difference. The difference was at first, the guys used to hang out
on the corner. The girls were there if their boyfriend was there. If their boyfriend
wasn’t there, she ain’t gonna hang out because it was disrespectful. How they
talked to each other, how they talked to the comrades, or to their friends.
[00:57:00] After this, it didn’t matter. The guys were hanging out, the girls wanted
to hang out, they came out to hang out. It was okay now. It wasn’t, “You don’t
do that to your man,” type of thing. Changes to the point of -- what can I tell you?
I can’t really explain it, all I can tell you is that the difference was they were no
longer underlings, they were equals in every sense of the word, and you learned
to respect them as women and as a comrade. And they were there to help you
and fight with you side by side for everything that we were fighting for because
while we were doing this, we were fighting. [00:58:00] It was a war. It was a war
for our rights. It was a war to be able to say, “This is ours.” We have the right to
education, we have the right to choose the school we want to go to. We have the
right to be able to become who we want to become. It’s a right that we didn’t
have, and it was that group of kids, that half of them didn’t even understand what
the hell was going on, all they knew was that they had rights and that’s what they
were fighting for. And the Young Lords organization was one that took it there
and above and beyond to the recognition of not only in one little spot in Chicago
called the Lincoln Park area, but it spread out to New York, Pennsylvania,

24

�California, and it got to be known [00:59:00] around the world as a movement for
the rights of the human being.
JJ:

And so your parents came in the ’50s, and they settled around, you said,
Clybourn and North Avenue?

DRR: Yes, North Avenue.
JJ:

Dayton Street, right around there. That little area, how did that build up? So that
means that there was a few Puerto Ricans moving into that area.

DRR: Yeah, the Puerto Ricans started moving in -JJ:

How did Lincoln Park look?

DRR: -- the mid-’50s.
JJ:

Yeah, how did Lincoln Park look?

DRR: They started moving in from like 63rd and Halsted down to around Clark and
Division, and they kept moving further north, and they came around the western
part of the Lincoln Park area west of Halsted. [01:00:00] And then after the mid’60s, they started moving towards east of Halsted, and started actually -- Halsted
and Armitage, all those big tenement buildings, Sheffield and Armitage, Racine
and Armitage, that area. The high school became more Latino-populated with
kids.
JJ:

Waller High School?

DRR: Waller High School, mostly. Lakeview High School. The Lincoln Park area is
what you would call a few years ago the Humboldt Park area. That’s where the
majority of the Puerto Ricans lived until the late ’60s [01:01:00] the Young Lords
were fighting against urban renewal.

25

�JJ:

So the neighborhood grew into Puerto Ricans, it became (inaudible) all over the
place.

DRR: Mostly Puerto Ricans, exactly.
JJ:

When did you start noticing the change, and then what was taking place with
other families there? When did you start noticing? We’re going the opposite
way. (laughs)

DRR: 1962, 1963 -- ’61-’62, that’s when the Lincoln Park area started to flourish. When
Arnold Upper Grade Center opened up again in the school year of ’62 and ’63, by
this time more Puerto Ricans had moved in, more families had moved in. By this
time, you already had [01:02:00] like restaurants, small restaurants, Hispanic
restaurants and grocery stores like Luis Rivera’s store over on Willow and
Halsted. You had the stores over on Armitage and Halsted. So it was growing to
the point where it was home. Actually, it was our neighborhood. It was the
Puerto Rican neighborhood, really. A lot of other stores moved out. [01:03:00]
But with it, came the resistance because now there was not only the white gangs
to deal with, now it was politics. You’re talkin’ about McCutcheon, for example.
JJ:

McCutcheon, who is he?

DRR: The alderman. What was his name? Big Jim or -- I forgot their names. They
were more like mafias types that had to do with the government.
JJ:

McCutcheon, alderman?

DRR: Well, McCutcheon was the one whose office was blown up over there on -JJ:

You mean other organizations?

DRR: Yeah, other organizations. I can’t really --

26

�JJ:

The Lincoln Park neighborhood association. People like that?

DRR: People like that, yeah. It had to do more with gangster type [01:04:00]
organizations.
JJ:

But they weren’t gangsters, they were --

DRR: Business people.
JJ:

They were business people.

DRR: Yeah. No gangsters, (laughs) (inaudible) people.
JJ:

(inaudible) gangsters. I know that there were some little gangsters at Bissell
Realty and the real estate company.

DRR: Exactly.
JJ:

They were like gangsters. The real estate companies were gangsters.

DRR: That’s what I always believed.
JJ:

How would you believe that?

DRR: I always believed that because it was just the way they carried out their business,
the way they -JJ:

Real estate people look like gangsters to you?

DRR: Mm-hmm.
JJ:

They’re supposed to be business, but you thought they looked like gangsters.

DRR: They looked like gangsters to me. They looked like gangsters to me, unless I
was stereotyping ’em. I’m not sure, I might have been. But to me, they were all
in the same club. [01:05:00] And I’m talking about the real estate people, the
aldermen, and everybody else in that.
JJ:

They looked like gangsters to you?

27

�DRR: Yeah.
JJ:

They didn’t look like legitimate business people?

DRR: Well, they might have been legitimate because they had the paperwork. I don’t
know. To me, it was all a front.
JJ:

Are you just saying that because you became political? Or are you just saying
that because you felt it?

DRR: No. I looked at them, and it was like if I was sittin’ on this side on the street
looking at our group, only they were a lot better organized, that’s why.
JJ:

So it was like another gang -- gangsters.

DRR: [01:06:00] Yeah, but better.
JJ:

Okay, so it wasn’t business people like you go to Walmart or --

DRR: No, definitely not.
JJ:

It was not like that. Okay, so we’re dealing at Lincoln Park -- we’re dealing with
gangsters.

DRR: Exactly. We were dealing with [other things?].
JJ:

And Fat Larry (inaudible).

DRR: Fat Larry, yeah.
JJ:

He was clearly a gangster (inaudible). So you’re saying the rest of the real
estate people --

DRR: I believed they were all tied up in all of that because I’ll tell you, you think, for
example, anybody that ever came to help us, let’s say -- and I’m talking about, for
example, [01:07:00] when we took over People’s Church. Everybody expected

28

�Reverend Johnson to kick us out and turn against us, but instead he decided to
be with us and help us. Weeks later, he was stabbed to death with his wife.
JJ:

Who do you think did that?

DRR: Who do I think, personally?
JJ:

Yeah, personally.

DRR: Personally think that? I think they were the ones that did it. Those gangster
types because they figured they get rid of him, they get rid of us because us
being there was causing them a whole lot of trouble. Their businesses, they
couldn’t run ’em as they’re supposed to. People didn’t want to buy houses there.
[01:08:00] We became like bad news. And, remember, what they wanted was
rich people or people with money to buy those properties because that’s why
they wanted us out of there. But we were resistant. And definitely they couldn’t
go out and kill half of us which they did because they did kill a few of us. No
matter who pulled the trigger, there’s quite a few of us that died in those battles.
And I named some names before. Manuel, Pancho, Mark, Fred -- you keep on
naming ’em -- Martin Luther King, Malcom X, all these were killed in this war,
[01:09:00] and a lot of times others were tried. For me, how did they tear us
apart? The biggest weapon they ever used was drugs. And those drugs were
not introduced by our own people. In the immediate sight, yes; behind the
scenes, no. They couldn’t beat us with guns, they couldn’t beat us with force
because we fought back, the same way we fought back the day of the fiesta at
the church.
JJ:

Tell me about that fiesta. What was that all about?

29

�DRR: We were celebrating People’s Church, and we were having a big fiesta right
outside the church, and we had asked permission to [01:10:00] McCutcheon, as
a matter of fact, to give us permission to block Dayton Street on Armitage and
Dayton Street at the alley. That way everybody that lives on that side of the
church could come down Dayton and pull out on the alleys and go up to the other
streets. After they said yes, they said no. After they gave us the permission,
they said no, and they send out the storm troopers. The storm troopers came,
they arrested four or five of our guys that went out to get some gasoline for the
generators, and you -- they were looking for you, so you had to go into the
church, and everything going was crazy. But there must have been 200-300
policeman out there in riot gear, [01:11:00] plus the ones parked at the high
school waiting, hundreds more.
JJ:

Oh, so they had some at the high school.

DRR: Yeah, they had a lot of them. So that’s when you told me to go out there and
speak because the captain wanted to -- or the commander wanted to tell us to
break it up. And I did. And after him and I spoke, he ended up -- it was better to
close the street, give us our wish, let us have our party, leave a few of his
policeman there, if we promised to clean up and throw all the garbage away
afterwards. And I gave him my word that we would, he blocked off the streets,
[01:12:00] he blocked it off at the alley and on Armitage, and we had a wonderful
party.
JJ:

And a victory for the community.

DRR: Yeah, a big party for the community, yeah. And I got to hand it --

30

�JJ:

That’s the one that’s on the website of Grand Valley State University, that block
party, that’s on there.

DRR: That block party?
JJ:

That’s (inaudible).

DRR: Oh, that’s (inaudible).
JJ:

So what other things were you involved in with the Young Lords once they
became political?

DRR: My job?
JJ:

Once they became political, what other events do you remember?

DRR: Well, I went to speak at a few universities and picked up donations. I was
involved in the People’s Park.
JJ:

What was that? What was that about?

DDR: The People’s Park [01:13:00] was when they came down to tear up the -- they
tore down the tenement buildings, and then they decided they were gonna start
doing the groundwork, and we got hundreds of people to come that one night
and we formed a human chain right in front of Halsted and Armitage and blocked
the bulldozers from getting on the land. And then the next day, all through that
night, we worked moving rocks and things and cleaning up the lot. And the next
day, somebody donated a jungle gym and some swings and we made it into
People’s Park, a playground. And so that was a stand because we stood out all
night. [01:14:00] I remember doing camp fires out there with the people. I was
also involved with the Venceremos Brigade.
JJ:

Yeah, talk about that. What was that about?

31

�DRR: I was put in charge of looking for volunteers to go cut sugar cane in Cuba.
JJ:

Why were you doing that?

DRR: Because Castro was calling it the harvest of the ten million (inaudible), [la zafra
de los diez millones?]. They were trying to get at least ten million (inaudible)
sugar. Not only with their own macheteros, they were using macheteros from
here, volunteers. And 1970 was the first group, 1971 -- [01:15:00] I believe it
was ’70 I went to Cuba. We went down there with about 400 strong to cut sugar
cane from daylight to sundown to help them with their harvest. Also, my activities
with the Young Lords, my activities with the other countries also got me into a
committee called (inaudible) that took me to -- got myself invited to China, and I
went to Mainland China as a guest of the Chinese government.
JJ:

How long were you there?

DRR: I was there for about three weeks. That was in 1971. As a matter of fact, while I
was there, [01:16:00] that’s when Hoover died. J. Edgar Hoover died while we
were sittin’ in China because China was celebrating. They actually celebrated.
(laughs) I became very political and got to be well-known. And the things that I
did do, like speak at the universities, what happened at the church -JJ:

And your title in the Young Lords, what was it?

DRR: What?
JJ:

What was your title?

DRR: My title with the Young Lords? National field marshal. And you gave me that title
from the beginning, and to this day I wear it. I’ve been national field marshal for
now what? Fifty years? (laughter)

32

�JJ:

So your family, what happened after Lincoln Park?

DRR: [01:17:00] After Lincoln Park, well, my mother and father got divorced. My
mother bought a house in Lincoln Park. It was funny because we bought that
house for $24,500.
JJ:

Where was it at?

DRR: On Howe Street. Yep, $24,500. And when she passed away, they sold that
house for $110,000. That house a couple of years ago when we went down
there just on a memory lane trip, I think it was going for about a million and a
quarter. Same house.
JJ:

So the property went up through the years.

DRR: (laughs) It really went up.
JJ:

Are there any Puerto Ricans --

DRR: Very, very, very few.
JJ:

today at Lincoln Park?

DRR: Very few.
JJ:

[01:18:00] After the years went by, what do you think that they were trying to do
in Lincoln Park? Why did they want to kick out the Puerto Ricans?

DRR: Well, they wanted an area that was close to the lake, close to downtown. It had
two diagonal streets which was Lincoln and Clark, easy exit to the Gold Coast, a
short drive. They actually wanted a suburb, an inner-city suburb, you can call it.
And from there, they kicked us out to -- and pushed us out towards Humboldt
Park. And today, they’re kicking us out of Humboldt Park.
JJ:

How come the Puerto Ricans didn’t rebel? Why didn’t they [01:19:00] fight back?

33

�DRR: You know what I think it was? I believe that our parents came and they took
what they had to take because they didn’t know how to fight back or they feared
to fight back. It took us to fight what we really wanted for. And it took us
because, believe it or not, it damaged us in a lot of ways. And soldiers of
freedom fighters that we were. We took the beating in order for our children
today and our grandchildren [01:20:00] today to be able to go to school the way
they’re doing. We have children and grandchildren who are cops, lawyers, I got
one that’s a doctor because they were able to go to these schools that they
needed to.
JJ:

How many grandchildren do you have?

DRR: I got 36 grandkids.
JJ:

Any great-grandkids?

DRR: Yeah, about 16 of them. But today, I talk with them -JJ:

And they still call you a gang member?

DRR: (laughs) Well, one of them called me a sit under the tree, old type of grandpa.
But what I’m saying is that we took it so that our children can enjoy what they’re
doing. I speak with my grandchildren today, and I told them, “Did you know that
at one time you couldn’t go to the same restaurant and buy a hamburger where
this guy went?” [01:21:00] “Oh, come on, Grandpa.” “Did you know that
sometimes you couldn’t go to this school just because you wanted to?” They
didn’t know that. Thank goodness that somebody -JJ:

Why are you telling them that?

34

�DRR: It’s like you say, why did they stop fighting? Because they believe now that they
still have everything. And I hate to say it, but this guy, Trump, best thing he ever
did was run for president because he sure woke up a lot of people to reality and
what’s really going on. He woke them up with a slap in the face.
JJ:

On that note, I mean he woke them up. So the Young Lords [01:22:00] fought
back in Lincoln Park, but they kicked all the Puerto Ricans out of there. So did
the Young Lords win or did they lose?

DRR: You know, that’s a good question. I like to feel like I won.
JJ:

What do you mean? Why do you say that?

DRR: I won that battle, we won that battle.
JJ:

Why? What makes you say that?

DRR: Because if you look at today’s people’s lifestyles, our people’s lifestyles, they’re
100 percent better than what they were for us, and that’s because our children
and our grandchildren were able to benefit from what we fought for. [01:23:00]
We moved out, but we didn’t leave everything, we took a lot with us. And our
kids today are what they are today and it’s because of people like the Young
Lords. And half of us really didn’t know -- we knew where we wanted to go and
what we wanted, but we didn’t understand the impact of it all. How many Latino
policemen do we have today? Lawyers? Firemen? How many Latino judges do
we have? How many [01:24:00] Latino channels do we have? How many Latino
stores? Today even Winn-Dixie has Latino stores. And it all came back from the
Latino people, the Puerto Rican people -- let’s say Latino people -- because it
wasn’t just Puerto Ricans, it was every single Latino nation out there that fought.

35

�If we have all this today, our kids, our grandkids, that was because of people like
the Young Lords.
JJ:

Any final thoughts?

DRR: Don’t give up. Don’t give up, keep fighting, there’s always something to fight for.
There’s always something [01:25:00] that belongs to you, and you have the right
to have it.
JJ:

What’s the most important thing that you feel that the Young Lords contributed to
Puerto Rican and other people -- other oppressed people? Or just other people
in general.

DRR: What the Young Lords contributed?
JJ:

That people should know about.

DRR: That a group no matter how meaningless it may seem, how meaningful and
powerful it can be [01:26:00] if you’re fighting for what you believe in.
JJ:

Any more final thoughts?

DRR: I was going to say you can tell stories, we’d be here forever.
JJ:

I got one. How many grandkids did you say you have?

DRR: Thirty-six.
JJ:

And how many grandkids?

DRR: Great-grandkids?
JJ:

Well, yeah, great-grandkids.

DRR: Great-grandkids, about 16.
JJ:

So 16 and 36. So how many kids do you have? And we didn’t say their names,
what are their names?

36

�DRR: Oh, my children, I have -- there’s David, Jr. David II; there’s Latisha, there’s
Le’Von, biological. [01:27:00] My other children are Laura, Marianna, Diana -she’s with God -- and Chrissie, and Charlene. Those are my heart-so-logical
children.
JJ:

What do you want them to know about David Rivera Reyes?

DRR: Not too much, I hope. (laughter)
JJ:

What do you want them to know?

DRR: I just want them to know that whatever might have seemed crazy, if they see this
video, that they find out and keep it in mind that everything they have and the
power that they have today was because of people like their dad [01:28:00] who
were willing to sacrifice what they needed to sacrifice for them to have what they
have today, and the rights that they have today. And they have other rights
which they should continue to fight for.
JJ:

Okay, thank you.

END OF VIDEO FILE

37

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&#13;
The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Celso_Rivera
Interviewers: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 3/28/2011
Runtime: 01:16:45

Biography and Description

Celso F. Rivera was born November 11, 1949 in Coamo, Puerto Rico. It is a southeastern town of
the Island; agricultural with a history sugar cane production. He is one of five siblings. The
mother is Angelca and the father is Francisco Rivera. When he arrived in Chicago in 1954, the
family owned their first home at 1705 N. Fremont. He remembers how content they were living
amongst their own culture. The Grandfather put a barber shop in the basement. His older
brother built a makeshift roller coaster unto the back stairway. Kids paid a couple of pennies to
climb into a wooden crate and get pushed down into a ramp. It ended in the back yard. Next
door, inside another home was a Black church which filled up on Sundays and holidays.
He describes that the area was primarily a Puerto Rican enclave within Lincoln Park that
bordered Willow, North Ave., Halsted and Sheffield Streets. These enclaves later formed into a
much larger Puerto Rican barrio which went scores of blocks from North Ave. to Addison and
from Clark to Ashland.
Lincoln Park was a segregated area, he describes. There were Gypsy, Italians, Black, a few
Mexican families where he lived but primarily Puerto Ricans. The kids would play sports in
competition at the boys, but if they later crossed into another nationality’s territory; they

�would get beaten up. It was the same in Mulligan School, Newberry and at Waller High School
where the clubs turned into street gangs.
Celso was working as a Public Safety Officer at St. Elizabeth Hospital, which was changing over
from Polish patrons to more Puerto Rican, when he first translated for a woman that he
discovered was his sister from another mother. He and his older brother visited with her and
they talked as if they had known each other all their lives.

�Transcript

CELSO RIVERA:

My name’s Celso Rivera, born November 19, 1949. I was born in

Coamo, Puerto Rico.
JOSE JIMENEZ:

Can you -- think you can give me your name, date of --

CR:

My name, Celso Rivera. Born 11/19/1949. Born in Coamo, Puerto Rico.

JJ:

Okay, so what was -- when did you come to the United States?

CR:

My mom, the family arrived in Chicago in 1954. I want to say September,
October of that year.

JJ:

Okay, and where did you -- like what neighborhood in the city? Did you arrive by
yourself, or?

CR:

No, my mom rented a place on North Avenue near Willow and Dayton. It was
Assumption between Fremont, and she purchased a home there, probably about
a year after she arrived, [00:01:00] and we lived at 1705 North Fremont.

JJ:

Do you remember -- what was your mother and father’s name?

CR:

My mother’s name was Angelica Rivera, and my father’s name was Francisco
Rivera.

JJ:

What about any siblings, any brothers and sisters?

CR:

Yeah, so I was the youngest of five.

JJ:

What are their names?

CR:

David Rivera, the second oldest, Jose Rivera was the third oldest. Nelson Rivera
was the fourth, and my sister, Dama Rivera.

JJ:

Okay, and Coamo, Puerto Rico, you’re related to Orlando (inaudible)?

1

�CR:

Yes, Orlando was our cousin, and there’s a few other people that were here that
were brought up in the same area. Arsenio, and quite a few, and a lot of good
friends, like David. We arrived at about the same time here in the United States.
[00:02:00]

JJ:

So is Arsenio your cousin too, or no?

CR:

Yes he is.

JJ:

So he’s cousins with Orlando too, and --

CR:

There was a relationship there. Of course, you know, there’s always a lot of
parenthood in Puerto Rico. Sometimes you don’t realize your cousin too, but
yes, very close family.

JJ:

(inaudible) so you kind of arrived right at around the same time, in ’54, around
that time?

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

And did they all settle in the same area?

CR:

Yes, fortunately, we all -- Arsenio and them lived on Willow and Dayton, at the
corner. David lived on Halsted and, right off of Willow. It was really nice. It was,
predominantly in that area between Armitage, North Avenue, Halsted, Willow,
Sheffield, and that was a prime area for a lot of Latino people that came from
Puerto Rico, so.

JJ:

What do you mean, it was a prime area? What do you mean (inaudible)?

CR:

Prime I meant because when you [00:03:00] arrived there, it was -- exactly what
it was, was a lot of Spanish, you know, oriented people, and then as you spread
out further into the area, there were different types -- not types, but I mean other

2

�oriental-type people, there were some white people, there was Black people.
And I hate to say it, but it’s like, there was were like district in series, if you went
south of North Avenue, it was predominantly Black. Then you had CabriniGreen, and then if you went north of that. But if you went west of Sheffield and
up north, then you had the Italians, (inaudible) Romas, and there was other
names that we used to describe each other’s statuses.
JJ:

What you mean, names?

CR:

Like groups, the Italians and the Black, the wops, the spics, the shines was
another different big word that was used. There was always large [00:04:00] -- I
think everything was vying for their little areas to live comfortable. And yet there
was this thing that we couldn’t try to move into another area, because there
would be personality conflicts, or belief conflicts. It was nice, and yet it was very
tough, very tough. The Spanish people and the Black people had to really strive
to get to where they want to be and do things, and it wasn’t very easy.

JJ:

Okay, tough in terms of survival, or tough in terms of (inaudible) --

CR:

I think -- tough in survival, number one, and tough physically, because there was
a sense, like if you were having partial wars, like hey, we don’t want you in our
group, and you don’t want us in your group. And there was this difference that
sometimes led to physical altercations where, it was [00:05:00] like a norm that if
you went into a different area, you knew that you would be in a fight, or the only
reason you went over there was because something happened to either groups
or friends that you wanted to retaliate.

JJ:

You wanted to retaliate?

3

�CR:

Absolutely. It’s just a -- it was like, don’t come and hurt us, and we don’t come
and hurt you. But if you’re looking for trouble, we’re going to give you trouble.

JJ:

So, this came later, right, after you moved in? Or right when --

CR:

This was -- at the beginning, it was because we were young and didn’t realize it.
But as time went on by, my family, we stayed over on Willow and Fremont. That
eventually predominantly became Black, as we moved north into like Armitage,
Halsted, Ash-- Orchard, Burling, Sedgwick and the Lincoln Park area, [00:06:00]
that was predominantly Spanish, and there were crossing lines, except there
weren’t crossing lines that said that. But in your mind, you knew that if you were
going to an area, you knew there was going to be some kind of conflict.

JJ:

So let me get this -- so you’re taking about Sedgwick, all that -- towards the lake,
Sedgwick. And then all the way --

CR:

Almost -- all the way to Fullerton I would say, even Belmont. But beyond that
was --

JJ:

Okay, so from North Avenue up to Fullerton, Belmont, that area?

CR:

Yes, yeah --

JJ:

From Sedgwick and all the way up to West, how about West?

CR:

West, almost up to, I want to say California.

JJ:

All the way to California?

CR:

Yeah, and even further --

JJ:

At that time, (inaudible)?

CR:

-- at that time, that was pretty good. But even to--

JJ:

So that’s a big area, you’re talking about a huge area.

4

�CR:

Huge, yeah.

JJ:

And it was Hispanic.

CR:

It was Hispanic. You know, you say it now, but when you go back into time, I
thought it was a tough area, but I thought it was very nice, because you felt that
you were living in your own culture. And then [00:07:00] when you left Puerto
Rico, I was very young. But you felt comfortable. You know, you walked down
the street and you spoke Spanish, and your friends all used to eat rice and
beans. Our culture, really, and our natural cultures didn’t disappear. You know, I
still eat rice and beans, I’m almost 70 years old, and we still eat pasteles, and we
celebrate Christmas the way it was. And it’s hard because you were brought up
by your parents, and your parents worked very hard.

JJ:

What kind of work? What kind of work did you --

CR:

My mom worked for Carbit Paint Company, it was a chemical paint -- on
Blackhawk, and right off of North Avenue, it was -- fortunately, the company’s still
there.

JJ:

Do you remember the name?

CR:

Oh yeah, Blackhawk -- it’s Carbit Paint Company.

JJ:

Blackhawk paint company?

CR:

Yes, and my dad worked for some wood company, but I didn’t know much of my
dad -- when he left, I was like eight years or nine years old. He left and went
[00:08:00] back to Puerto Rico.

JJ:

And then, (inaudible) in the family and (inaudible) --

5

�CR:

Yeah, and maybe my oldest brother might know a whole lot more than
(inaudible), but I don’t remember much of him, so.

JJ:

So he never came back?

CR:

No, he never came back. In ’85, my mother told us that it was possible that we
had two other siblings from his second marriage, and we should go meet them.
And we did, and that’s when I first actually met my father where I knew that he
was my dad, in some relationship. He told us that we had two sisters over here.
At that time, I was working for a hospital administration. And they called me
down to translate, and --

JJ:

What kind of hospital, which hospital?

CR:

This is Saint Elizabeth’s Hospital, it was just a regular general practical hospital.
And it’s amazing, because he called me --

JJ:

And this is on Western?

CR:

Yes, on Western and Oakley, right between the -- right between Division and
North Avenue, which is --

JJ:

What did you do there?

CR:

That’s Humboldt Park area.

JJ:

And what did you do there? [00:09:00]

CR:

I was doing public safety for them.

JJ:

Public safety?

CR:

Yes, and it was really nice.

JJ:

As a security guard? You were a security guard?

6

�CR:

Yes, we were the head of the program, we had -- it was a wild area. Humboldt
Park was considered a gang-infected area as time went by. And they needed -the neighborhood’s clientele was changing from Polish to Spanish. So they
wanted Spanish-speaking people so they can communicate better with the
incoming crowds. And the doctor asked me to come down and translate. And
it’s funny cause he says, “You see that attractive young lady over there, Cel?” I
says, yeah. “I need help translating cause her son just, he fell out of the
window.” So I go okay, so I go over there, and she looked at my name, and she
goes, “Are you Rivera? Are you Rivera from Puerto Rico?” I says, “Yeah.” She
says, “Do you know anybody, you know Francisco?” And I say, “Well Francisco,
I know that he was my dad.” She goes, “Yeah, well I’m your sister.” And you
know, we exchanged [00:10:00] information on each other’s family, and that
evening, I says, “Why don’t you come over to my house? I just live down the
street from here.” And she goes, “That’s fine, give me the address.” And then I
call Nelson, and they were -- all, it’s like we knew each other forever, but we
didn’t really know each other. But it was -- even today, that sister’s living with my
sis out in California and North Avenue in the senior citizen’s home. She never
moved out of her neighborhood.

JJ:

So tell me, what school did you attend? What grammar school?

CR:

Grammar School, I went to Mulligan Grade School on Sheffield and Halsted.
And I used to cross Clybourn Street. One of the best times to go, even though I
was very little. Cause we went there from up to about, I want to say, fifth grade,
and it was four buildings, and it was maybe a block-and-a-half away, [00:11:00]

7

�maybe two blocks from my house, so we used to run home for lunch. So, I met a
lot of great people that I’m still in contact with, which is really, really nice. But it
was pretty mixed, and it was pretty tough. The kids coming from west of
Sheffield, or north of Fullerton, they had to deal I think with the same problems
we had to deal with, that we didn’t want the other cultures to mess with us, and
they didn’t want the Spanish and Black cultures to mess with them, because
(inaudible) -JJ:

Would you -- I’m sorry, I didn’t -- the school, I can’t hear, the school?

CR:

Mulligan Grade School.

JJ:

Mulligan, okay, so that a few people that I know went to that school, and I think
some of the Young Lords who were on that street.

CR:

Yes, absolutely.

JJ:

So what was Mulligan like?

CR:

Mulligan was -- to us, we were too young, and we knew there was a lot of
nationalities, [00:12:00] and you know --

JJ:

What were some of the many nationalities?

CR:

Spanish.

JJ:

You said Spanish and Mexican, Puerto Rican?

CR:

Puerto Rican, there wasn’t -- very few Mexicans lived in that area, in that
particular area at that time. And then you had the Italians, because they were off
of Sheffield and Fullerton, Belmont, west of that. And there was just a couple
grade schools at that time, so a lot of kids -- we had a big -- four floors. You
know, two small playgrounds, just like any other grade school at that time.

8

�JJ:

So, I know they lived with with a couple of Mexican families, (inaudible).

CR:

Yeah, Daniel [Samuyo?], which is, was one of them.

JJ:

Oh, you knew Daniel [Samuyo?] (inaudible)?

CR:

Oh yeah, we’re still --

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

-- (laughs) on Facebook. And of course, his sister, and we were real good
friends with them. We still are.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Yeah, we still talk quite a bit. And then there was --

JJ:

He lived on Dayton. We lived next door to each other.

CR:

Yeah, Dayton, then you had the barber right across the street on the other side.
Absolutely, [00:13:00] that’s the guys. And we knew Antonio Lopez, who was an
older gentleman. His kids were there even before we were. And, but there was
just very few -- you know, from Mexico.

JJ:

It was mostly a Puerto Rican --

CR:

Yes, absolutely.

JJ:

(inaudible) Hispanic (inaudible).

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

Okay, let me see something. Okay, if you wanna proceed.

CR:

Yeah, from Mulligan Grade School, it was -- nearby, we went to Newberry, which
was considered a middle grade school. So we were there, which down the
street, we walked, cause it was just about three-and-a-half blocks, right on Willow
and Newbury, and Burling. And so we --

9

�JJ:

Was there a difference? Can you tell the difference between the schools?

CR:

Yeah, you know what, it’s amazing how -- what difference the school was. It was
a bigger school, there was [00:14:00] more space, to do, there were better gyms.
Not a whole lot better, but you know, good size. And then the nationality
grouping was really, really different. Then you had the Black students, and then
there was a section there between Newberry and Orchard, but south of the
school was what we called Gypsy people. And they were there. And they too
were very tough, because they were always -- I guess they were always being
picked on by the fact that they wore different clothes, and different style. But the
Spanish culture still was a big presence in that area, because that’s the way it
was starting to get. And then right there from Newberry, there was a club called
Lincoln Boys Club, which was a stabilizing place. It’s unbelievable that when we
used to go there, it didn’t matter what grouping or nationality you belonged to.
You wanted to play ball and basketball, and end up -- the fight was competition.
[00:15:00] But then, as soon as that’s over, you saw each other in one grouping.
You know, just coming into the other side where you’re not supposed to be, there
was a fight, because you know, that’s our area. It just doesn’t change, it’s just --

JJ:

It’s like a peace treaty or something? (inaudible) There was no fighting over
there?

CR:

With peace -- you know, it’s amazing, the peace treaties --

JJ:

Right, and I call it peace treaty (inaudible) --

CR:

Yeah, no, no, but you’re right. We used to go and play ball, and with sports, it
was okay. But if you were there, just to walk around, and you think that you can

10

�do on their, what I call territory, they wouldn’t allow you to do that. You know,
that’s just the way it was. And then of course from there, we just -- we were still
over on the -- living on Fremont and Bissell, and we walked all the way to what
they call Arnold Upper Grade Center, which was on Orchard and Armitage
between Halsted and Orchard. And that still, [00:16:00] you know, was a
Spanish-oriented neighborhood. And then what happened then after -JJ:

(inaudible) sorry -- what happened then, go ahead.

CR:

Yeah, it was still Spanish-oriented, and we graduated. And then, my same -- the
same group, David [Pantoja?] and all these people were still the same together,
Cha-Cha, we used to know. And the guys we used to run with. So then we went
Arnold Upper Grade Center. Then we decided now we’re growing up. We’re not
growing up, 13 or 14, we’re going to Waller High School, and that--.

JJ:

So before we get to Waller, (inaudible) so -- how were the teachers in Mulligan,
and then how were the teachers in Newberry, and then Arnold?

CR:

You know, and to me, that’s a good acknowledgment of -- when you were at
Mulligan, predominantly staff was -- I’m saying White, [00:17:00] because that’s
the only way I would describe them. Because I didn’t know if they were German
or Irish, but to me they were just white-oriented people. When I went to
Newberry, it was the same thing. When I went to Arnold Upper Grade Center, it
was still the same thing. I don’t recall seeing another nationality, I would say
color-wise, other than white-oriented staff. When I went to Waller, it
predominantly was still the same. I only knew my biology teacher was Black.
The police administrator -- the consultant, and Franklin Lee [Toritino?], was

11

�Italian, so they had two policemen. But the culture of the school was, I want to
say maybe 30, 40 percent Hispanic, about 50 percent Black, which was still -[00:18:00] it was predominantly Black because -- and then we had the mixed, we
had a little bit of Italian people that lived outside of the Webster and north of
Belmont, in that area which was had to be bused in, Lincoln Park, Grand Ave,
and it was really diversified. And in even the school setting, we used to -- you
have to group and walk very careful. Say what you got to say. And be careful
what you say, because there was retaliation process, a retaliation process from
the groups. And you had to really take care of yourself, and take care of who you
thought were your friends. Fortunately for us, we had several groups and we had
several kids, we had a couple Polish kids that were brought up with us in the
neighborhood, so. But going into Waller, it was -- [00:19:00] (inaudible; break in
audio) -- be great. Yeah, so the time at Waller High School, my four years, the
outside environment was also taken care of by sorts of individuals that believed
that the area was territorial, and we -- and at that time, we had quite a few club
members, at that time they were considered gang members, as you see them
today, and you really look back, it was actually club members, I personally
belonged to the Continentals, and we were in the area -JJ:

How did this start?

CR:

Well the Continentals, I went to a softball game, and I --

JJ:

Where was the softball game?

CR:

Over at the Lincoln Boys Club, and over at (Eisen?) YMCA, which is on North
Avenue, and they asked me to --

12

�JJ:

Do you know what year?

CR:

Oh yeah, 1966, and ’67, because I was still in my high school, and we started -the Continentals [00:20:00] were -- a few guys were going to the same high
school I was and they asked me if I wanted to play ball, and I says, well I don’t
really want to join a gang, I just want to play ball. It’s not a gang, it’s a club. It’s
called the Continentals, we play ball, we play sports. And deep in my heart, I
knew it was -- we had to use those things so that we don’t -- be seen as it’s a
gang, but in the -- we used to play the Black Eagles, and Paragons used to be
around, Romas used to be around. The Latin Kings.

JJ:

So did you guys fight the Paragons?

CR:

It’s amazing that all these groups were in that area, and they were sculptured by
the Hispanic, but yet we saw differences, and we didn’t -- nobody wanted to go
past Dayton and Seminary or that area, because they belonged to a certain
group. The Continentals were on Larrabee, [00:21:00] North Avenue, and
Orchard. But all these groups, in reality, was just trying to make sure that
nobody from that outside perimeter would come into that area. I personally even
today think that if there were big groups, and we had to, let’s say defend our
territory, all these groups would get together by the fact that they were Spanish.

JJ:

Did that ever happen when (inaudible)? Did all the Hispanic groups get
together?

CR:

I don’t remember. You know, cause I was a little bit younger. But I do know that
if there was groups in one area, and people needed help, if Romas come over,
the Scorpions come over from Webster, and, that they were willing to, hey you

13

�know, the fact that you don’t belong here and this is our area. Yeah, we’re going
to run you out. You know, and then of course the Young Lords were a big party
of -- the scenario there, I [00:22:00] remember because my brother was involved
with them. I remember Cha-Cha was doing the interview. Manuel, I remember it
when they were starting to lose some civil liberties, responsibilities, I still
remember the day they killed Manuel over on Armitage, on Dayton and Fremont,
I’ll never forget.
JJ:

(inaudible) I think the --

CR:

The police killed him.

JJ:

Police killed him (inaudible), but (inaudible) they --

CR:

Your area, right. And then the People’s Church, which was a big part, of course
(inaudible) --

JJ:

(inaudible) remember (inaudible)?

CR:

Oh yeah, I knew Manuel. We played ball and we played softball. And then I
think they killed another person. And when we read about it, you know, we was
real sad.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Yeah, and People’s Church on Dayton was their locale to relate situations to their
neighborhood.

JJ:

How did you see People’s Church (inaudible)?

CR:

I thought it was a great thing. I felt that they were doing something [00:23:00] to
improve, just like it is today. You know, today it’s just as difficult, I think, as it was
50 years ago. You know, the profiling hasn’t really changed that much. They

14

�just do it in different ways. I remember still when they took over the DePaul
Theological -- (inaudible) the Seminary, which was right off of Halsted and
Belden and Fullerton, which is still there. And they strongly built a big social
service building on Halsted and between Willow and Armitage and that building, I
don’t know if it was still there. But it served as a service point for -JJ:

You remember when that happened McCormick Seminary?

CR:

I think -- I don’t exactly remember the date, but it had to be in ’67 --

JJ:

How did you feel about --

CR:

Oh I felt it was the right thing to do, because there was nobody going to
[00:24:00] do anything for anyone at a higher level of government. You know,
they -- it’s unfortunately that that’s what it is. And then, I think they really did it
the right way, and I think that sometimes --

JJ:

Your brother was part of that?

CR:

Oh yes, my brother David was a big part of that.

JJ:

So, how did you -- how did it resonate with your family? How did it --

CR:

Well my mom was only concerned that we didn’t get hurt, or we didn’t hurt
innocent people, which that never happened. I personally thought that they were
striving against the system itself. You were chased off the corners, you were
whiplashed if you were at the playground after eight o’clock. You had different
concerns, but the concern was to make sure that we didn’t either move or strive
out of that area. You know, and even though I did graduate from Waller High
School and went on to [00:25:00] other schools, the --

JJ:

What other schools?

15

�CR:

-- Waller was ranked 33 out of the 36 high schools, as far as academics. So they
knew that that school was set up for failure, you know. And I think the -- a lot of
the organizations as they grew up, like the Young Lords, were telling hey, when
are you going to do better for our people, our students? Which nothing really
much changed then. And today, Lincoln Park High School’s a big-time academic
school, so you see that.

JJ:

So now they call it Lincoln Park High School.

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

They changed it. Okay, so how do you see the -- you saw the Young Lords and
thought it was a positive thing?

CR:

Oh yes.

JJ:

You just worried that the people were not going to get hurt, anybody was going to
get hurt?

CR:

That was the big issue there. But our people did get hurt, yeah. [00:26:00]

JJ:

And you mentioned that you were a safety officer at --

CR:

At the hospital, yeah.

JJ:

So at that time, the Young Lords were kind of militant, and they were trying to
connect with the Black Panthers, and they were talking against the police and
that?

CR:

Absolutely.

JJ:

How did you -- where did you get the idea for the -- cause there was a lot of
police that came out of Lincoln Park.

CR:

Oh yeah.

16

�JJ:

(inaudible) people that grew up with us. But why did you get into that? I mean,
and why?

CR:

Well, number one, right after high school, ’68 was probably one of the roughest
years in -- it was all history for everybody. You had, Martin Luther King got killed
that year. There was the riots. You had the -- President -- not president, but the
president’s brother Bobby, Robert Fitzgerald Kennedy got killed. And then
[00:27:00] you had -- there was two other things that just -- you know, there was
just, nothing going on right. They had the Democratic riots in Lincoln Park, you
know.

JJ:

The Democratic convention?

CR:

Yes, and that was a nightmare. They had -- they did a curfew.

JJ:

Was that a big thing?

CR:

It was huge. I mean, half of Chicago got -- there were all kinds of disturbances,
there was a lot of rioting. Mayor Daley, at that time Richard Daley had sent out a
big message, telling the City of Chicago that if rioting and stealing and causing
damage would continue, that he’s giving the police the authority to shoot on
sight. Why would you go kill people knowing that basically what they’re doing, I
know it’s wrong, but they’re just taking things that they need, because they can’t - they don’t have the jobs, and we didn’t have jobs and the opportunities that
most people had. And then of course, going in the ’60s when I came back,
[00:28:00] I went to the service, I came back.

JJ:

You went to the service?

CR:

Yes.

17

�JJ:

What --

CR:

The United States Army, and it was no different there.

JJ:

Did you go to Vietnam, or?

CR:

I went overseas to both Germany and the other place. And there was no
difference. The Hispanic and Black population as you grew up, knew that there
was a reason to -- and you know it now because it’s been admitted by the
government, that at the time, there was a legal genocide to try to get rid of most
Blacks and most Hispanics by sending them to war. Because there was no
deferments for the Hispanic kids or the Black kids, but the white kids. And then
there was no National Guard, or Coast Guard, and they would go and serve
three months and get trained, but come back to the United States, where we had
our full time of service. Myself, David [Pantoja?] went to Vietnam, we came
back. Juan [Pantoja?], his brother went, my brother Jose.

JJ:

So you saw each other there?

CR:

Yeah, oh yeah, we knew [00:29:00] each other then, and we had very different
times, and my best friends, Eddie Nunez, came back [from overseas?], and he
was hooked up on drugs. He lasted seven months, and he passed away over
there on Halsted, and it was just not a nice thing. I know that we live here in the
United States, but the United States government at that time, and even
sometimes today, are not doing things that you think they should be doing.
When I came back in ’71, I went back to school, and that’s when I got into the
medical field, this is public safety. So I worked at Swedish Covenant. I was the
only Hispanic in the management group. And still the neighborhood was still in

18

�the process of going under big change, because I went back to live over there in
Armitage, and then I lived on Howe Street, which is just across the street from
Waller High School. So we lived there, and -JJ:

It went through a change?

CR:

Oh, big change. [00:30:00] The neighborhood now is not totally Hispanic now.
You know, and it got to the point where now --

JJ:

What time did the change (inaudible)?

CR:

Seventy-three, ’74, ’75, ’76, (inaudible), because I remember in ’77, I met my first
wife, and she lived in Humboldt Park. And so she says, why don’t you move
from Howe Street -- [from my ma’s building?] -- when she was still alive. And I
go, I have no problem with it, you know, if that’s what you want to do, so I did.
And then, I caught myself going wow, you know, I just left the neighborhood, it
was going through changes. But now you’re older, so now you’re thinking -- will
it be a good change or not a good change? And I go yeah, I think a good
change. It’s not the old neighborhood it used to be. And it’s amazing when I
moved over there to Oakley and Hirsch, it was --

JJ:

Did it improve?

CR:

Oh yeah, Lincoln Park, at this point --

JJ:

For the people that live there?

CR:

Yes, if you want to live there, you have --

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

No, (inaudible) very little Hispanic. (laughter) [00:31:00] They’re gone, you know.

JJ:

(inaudible) you can’t (inaudible). (inaudible) didn’t improve for (inaudible).

19

�CR:

It didn’t improve for us because we were still struggling with getting better
education, better jobs, and that didn’t happen for quite a while, even after that.
But you saw the affluent people, the people with money --

JJ:

I don’t want to put words in your mouth, [you understand that right?]

CR:

No, no, I totally agree. But the affluent people, people with money, bought out
Larrabee, and it used to be a low-income place, and now it’s gorgeous
townhouses. And people don’t put money into these areas if they don’t know
there are going to be changes. So it wasn’t like, one person bought a nice
house, and another saying oh, the white people are moving back in, let’s go buy
in Lincoln Park. No, it was situated to the point where we were going to move
the Black and Spanish people out of this area into areas, that’s where we -- I just
want to say settled, [00:32:00] it was like in the west, well now we’re going to go
to Humboldt Park, Division. And we did when I was -- there was a couple Black
families on my block. But the predominantly neighborhood was Hispanic. And
you got [Cooley?] High School -- Wells High School, all Spanish, and --

JJ:

This is by Wicker Park, or Humboldt Park (inaudible)?

CR:

Yeah, this is Humboldt Park. Now I’m leaving Lincoln Park, it’s --

JJ:

So people moved there.

CR:

Absolutely. You have a lot of people, just --

JJ:

Moving west?

CR:

Absolutely, where they can be more affordable, or they feel more comfortable.

JJ:

So when Lincoln Park was kind of big with all the Hispanics, so Lincoln Park and
Humboldt Park became (inaudible)?

20

�CR:

Oh, absolutely.

JJ:

It still had some Hispanic --

CR:

Oh, yeah, there’s, even today --

JJ:

-- but not as many as --

CR:

-- even today, you’re absolutely right.

JJ:

Is that correct?

CR:

That’s correct, that’s just the way it was. It was like, move out, in the old western
days, well we settle this, and we can’t [00:33:00] keep it, because we’re trying to
put new stuff there. Now we got to move and start again. And then when I was
at -- I moved right across the street from Tuley at that time was a high school,
and they made it into a grade school because the growth of population, Black
people and Spanish people, at that time, love to have big families. And they had
to make room for kids coming up. So Tuley became a grade school. They built
Roberto Clemente High School on Western and Division to support the high
school population, but they had Wells on Ashland and Division (inaudible). I
don’t ever forget these names because you (inaudible). And then, you realize it,
a lot of it’s still the same way. I go to visit my sister in California and right off the
beach, and you can see the Hispanic culture there. But you also see the bistros,
the outside chairs, which [00:34:00] would have never existed because people
had so much fear of what going to go on. And the gang-related. And you know,
at that time, you had the Cobras, you had still the Latin Kings, the -- a lot of
groups.

21

�JJ:

So before I ask you about, you mentioned how you kind of changed from the
public safety mindset that you had (inaudible). What I wanted to know is,
originally, why did you want to become a public safety officer?

CR:

Well again, what happened was --

JJ:

(inaudible) people became baseball players, whatever?

CR:

Oh yeah, it was just something that happened, cause when I came back from
school, I was working for Domingo, I think you remember Domingo? He was in
charge of that Build program organization for social service.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

I did some work for him, and I was starting to realize, man, you know, the only
thing we’re trying to do is keep our kids out of jail, or if they’re going to [00:35:00]
jail, try to find them something to do, keep them busy. You’ve got -- I give thanks
(inaudible) Domingo for a quite a while. And the only thing I do remember is how
much good he was trying to do for the kids and keep them out of trouble, starting
sports --

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Did you? (inaudible) great, yeah. And the sporting equipment -- watching out for
kids to make sure they stay out of trouble, he would take -- his car or two cars,
and we’d go to parks, because we were much younger. And so, man, I don’t
want to do this for a living, cause that’s what I went to school for, social service.
So then I had a friend named Mick France who lived down on Halsted and
Willow, an Italian kid, one of the few, and he became a police officer. But he was
working at Illinois Masonic at security. He goes, Cel, why don’t you leave your

22

�job and come, and you got the education, you become one of the safety
managers. And I go, okay, so. And I liked it so much, because at [00:36:00] that
time, Illinois Masonic was still far north, but the – culture-wise was different. You
had some whites, some Spanish and Blacks, because it was changing. But then
eventually they asked me to go to Saint Elizabeth’s. And I told my boss, look,
I’ve been over here, and I went to Swedish, and why -- can I know the reason
why? Yeah, because it’s predominantly Spanish, also, and it’s changing. And
we need people who are going to be able to relate to the culture that we’re going
to be having. And he goes -- and I asked him really nicely, we’re not profiling
anything here. He says no, we just got to live, but the fact is that Humboldt Park
is almost going to become 80 percent Spanish, and your clientele going into the
hospital is going to be Spanish. So we wanted them to feel comfortable, and we
don’t want somebody, well, what are you talking about, what do you need, or you
know, can you get somebody -- able to translate for you? [00:37:00] And that
was a big thing for me. I felt, though I was in the public safety aspect and
communications, that I loved it because I was able to help my people. And I’m
saying “my people,” because I still believe that, I’m Puerto Rican, and I’m a
Puerto Rican diehard. So I would tell -- and I felt good doing that. Or anybody
who spoke Spanish, that -- cause I never ask, where you’re from, as long as they
understood and we would communicate, I was happy. And so was the hospital.
So then the -- at Saint Elizabeth’s, they asked me to go St. Anne’s. And St.
Anne’s was -- same process, changing, now we’re all the way to Lavergne and

23

�Cicero, now that the culture’s moving. So that’s when they had their big flea
market, and it was nice. So I stayed there for a few years.
JJ:

You said Lavergne and Cicero?

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Well, St. Anne’s was there. Yeah, but the culture was changing. So, and that’s
the same thing, was a predominantly white, white neighborhood.

JJ:

And then -- [00:38:00] (inaudible) --

CR:

It was Spanish and Black.

JJ:

So they keep moving.

CR:

Absolutely.

JJ:

The Hispanics kept moving.

CR:

Yes, and then from there --

JJ:

Was that after Wicker Park?

CR:

After Wicker Park.

JJ:

That they cleaned (p Wicker Park?

CR:

There -- yes, it’s just amazing how the process was of -- if they started to look
good here --

JJ:

(inaudible) I’m putting words in your mouth.

CR:

No, no, they started to look good in here, you got to move. But no, that was
normal.

JJ:

Can I ask you point blank, what -- that was the urban renewal program.

CR:

Yes, absolutely.

24

�JJ:

So what do you think about that program?

CR:

I personally thought that, they were trying to -- in my opinion, they’re trying to
control cities and, what do you call, precincts, for what they can and can’t do, as
far as political. But I think you know, you probably understand the politics more
than I do, because you knew it, you saw what they were really doing, where we
were just part of it. [00:39:00] Then when you started realizing, why is all the
Black people or Division and Halsted, or you got Robert Taylor, or you got
Clybourne, which was predominantly Spanish. And then you got Halsted still,
and then that area, and then it’s, people are moving out. And that’s what they
wanted, because they also knew that education-wise, even today, we’re trying to
get people educated to vote, to realize that we’re the only ones that can make
changes, and we’ve got that right. The ones they don’t, it’s unfortunate, but the
ones that we have, and there’s quite a few Hispanic people, you know. Then,
from there, I was moved to Swedish Covenant Hospital. But then, Swedish was
okay. And then we moved out of that area, and I was still going to the downtown
area. And then, that was it, just part of history.

JJ:

Did you have any children? Did you get married? [00:40:00]

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

What age did you get (inaudible)?

CR:

I was married, I got married in -- I’ll never forget, it was ’70 -- I didn’t get married
until ’79, but I had my first child at ’74, which was Felix.

JJ:

(inaudible)

25

�CR:

Felix was his name. He’s – an anesthesiologist now, he works out of Beth Neal
and Mercy Hospital. But he lives in Chicago. And -- but I had him in Humboldt
Park. And his wife -- my wife at that time, she passed away, lived in Humboldt
Park almost her entire life. So that’s why when she asked me to move from
Lincoln Park, it wasn’t so much because we were close to the hospital where we
both worked, because it was competing. It was that she didn’t want to take him
out of that culture range. And she told us, no I want me kid to learn, to be Puerto
Rican and be Spanish. She was a real proud lady, and spoke Spanish at home.
That’s -- I mean, I haven’t forgotten my Spanish.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Yeah, I (inaudible) speak Spa-- I mean, I [00:41:00] speak Spanish all the time,
and so does she. And then we had my daughter in ’77. Her name is Denine,
same thing, she wanted her to -- at least have them go into high school, and let
them make the decision if they wanted to go to the high schools in their areas,
like Clemente, or at that time Josephinum was right next to us. Or did they want
to go -- and I’m not afraid to say it, to go into a white culture environment, where
they -- they say, whatever you guys decide for us, we’ll go there. Our education
level to be is going to be, we want to go to college, and we want to become
somebody. Want to do -- but I also -- fostered two kids. One passed away ten
years ago from a sinus infection. But my foster daughter lives about 20 miles
from my brother David in Tampa, she lives in Lakeland, and she’s a CPA for
American Airlines, and she’s been down there 30 years, and [00:42:00]
everybody’s always asking me, Celso, why doesn’t she want to come? I says,

26

�because when I fostered them, I went to Puerto Rico to get ’em, and they’re
(inaudible) Puerto Rican, so they were eight and nine, and as they were growing
up here, they didn’t like the cold. They just said dad, you know, we’re not going
to like it here. I says, look, finish school, then you can go wherever you want.
So, that’s exactly they did, they both finished school, and they both went down to
Florida, one went back to Puerto Rico, my son. And then he went back to
Florida, he passed away in Florida with a bad sinus infection. But my daughter,
they felt the c-- not so much the culture, because -- but the environment. It was
hot all year round, you know, it was -- that’s what they wanted to do, they wanted
to walk on the shores, they wanted to go on the beaches. That’s what they did in
Puerto Rico when they were young, and they missed that, even at a young age.
But I didn’t stop them from (inaudible). I go down when I go see David, and I go
stop by and see them, so.
JJ:

Do you go Puerto Rico ever?

CR:

I’ve been [00:43:00] to Puerto Rico, jeez --

JJ:

Did you go back to live at all later, or --

CR:

No, I didn’t --

JJ:

-- cause you were born there.

CR:

Yes, I was born there. I never went back to live there. My brother Nelson did for
two years. My brother Joe, before he passed away, was down there for five
years. And I just, my kids --

JJ:

(inaudible)

27

�CR:

-- yeah, I stayed here, but we went to visit every year in February was our visiting
day for me and Nelson and go to see las fiestas patronales. So we used to go
there, and that’s where I met Miguel Rivera, he was there in Coamo, at his age,
was the same age as I. He would play a band in baños. One day we were
walking by, and he goes hey, I know you two guys!

JJ:

He was playing in a band?

CR:

He was, Miguel Rivera was playing in a band.

JJ:

(inaudible) in a band.

CR:

Yeah, music band, playing Spanish music, and we were at this -- not social club,
it was a resort. And he -- (inaudible) turned around and went, who the hell knows
us here? And he [00:44:00] goes, Celso, David, Miguel, Miguel! He says, from
Chicago. And so we went up, and we BS’d for the whole night.

JJ:

Well you’re not related --

CR:

No, not at all, we were just friends -- he grew up with us in Chicago and went to
high school with us, I’m pretty sure you knew him. So, and it was just nice to talk
to somebody, cause he was real close with Dave, I guess, not so much with me.

JJ:

So who else did you grow up with in Lincoln Park? What were some of the family
names?

CR:

The [Pantojas?].

JJ:

Was a family name?

CR:

Yes, Pantoja was a family -- David Pantoja, [Ismal?], Juan, [Isi?].

JJ:

And what groups were they (inaudible) --

28

�CR:

Juan Pantoja belonged to the Paragons. David belonged to our group, he was in
the Continentals, and then one time became the Golden Wings, because we
used to hang around --

JJ:

David Pantoja?

CR:

Yeah, we used to hang around on Halsted and Willow. They thought we were
the golden boys, and instead of calling us the Golden Boys, they used to call us
the Golden Wings.

JJ:

So Halsted and Willow was [00:45:00] you guys’ --

CR:

Yeah, that was our area. Not our area, but we hung around on Willow and
Halsted by Jesus’ house, Santiago. Who also became a policeman. With Carlos
Flores, yes. Carlos --

JJ:

Carlos Flores?

CR:

Yes, wow, Eddie Nunez was still there with them. Unfortunately, he passed
away shortly after he came overseas, he was introduced to drugs. Mickey
Rivera, another gentleman, Tony Velez, Miguel Rivera and his brother, Jose, I
just talked to Eddie Sanchez, I talked to Jose Nieves, about three weeks ago
after 50 years.

JJ:

Cause Joe Nieves later joined the Young Lords.

CR:

Yes, because of David.

JJ:

And he was my cousin.

CR:

Is that right?

JJ:

Yeah, Dave was your brother, right?

CR:

Yeah, I didn’t know that.

29

�JJ:

(inaudible) my cousin.

CR:

Yeah, and Jose.

JJ:

And Jose.

CR:

Yeah.

JJ:

And Carmelo.

CR:

And Carmelo. You know it’s amazing, what a small world, I didn’t even know that
[00:46:00] then, get to know him now. Yeah, he was -- we were the group, the
Continentals, [exactly?]. And the [Borgias?] were our cousins.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

You know, Raymond, and Jose. See, and we used to go over there, we used to
hang over there by – a lot over there by North Avenue.

JJ:

You remember any of the girls?

CR:

Wow --

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

The girls (inaudible). The girls I remember -- Danny’s girlfriend, don’t remember
her full name, but I know (inaudible) nice girl from Carlos -- (inaudible) was his
sister, I remember Miriam, Carmen, Candy, David’s wife, which was still Mary
Sonia. Ella Torres, used to live right there on Willow and Dayton. It’s amazing, I
can probably go through them here because we all went to high school together,
so.

JJ:

The yearbook.

CR:

The yearbook, yeah.

JJ:

(inaudible) put it up on your camera.

30

�CR:

Yeah --

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Waller 1968, and [00:47:00] it’s amazing, because --

JJ:

Look at that, we’re going to have to --

CR:

Yeah, absolutely.

JJ:

Make a few copies of it. That’s an important year.

CR:

It was -- ’68 was a big year.

JJ:

Everyone transformed.

CR:

Yes, it was a changing --

JJ:

So, did you notice the Young Lords before, and the Young Lords after?

CR:

No, I knew the Young Lords probably when you guys started it from the
beginning.

JJ:

From the gang days?

CR:

From the gang days.

JJ:

(inaudible) you remember, you didn’t remember the political?

CR:

Well I remember the political only, to that point where you had the big incident
with, you know, the People’s Church.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Yeah, DePaul, but I also knew that --

JJ:

When you say “the big incident,” what do you mean? What was the big incident
with the People’s Church?

CR:

Well to me the big incident was, remember, the head of police, the priest -- I don’t
know, I still say he got killed.

31

�JJ:

The one that got killed, (inaudible).

CR:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay, so how did you see that? How did the community see that?

CR:

The community saw that as, [00:48:00] even if we see it today, that if you got
somebody that’s trying to make changes, and the changes are not acceptable to
the -- what, we used to call the machine at that time, you know, out and about,
they’re gonna get rid of you, you know?

JJ:

Oh, so you saw them?

CR:

Oh, absolutely.

JJ:

I thought that people saw that, maybe they thought the Young Lords did it.

CR:

No, no, you don’t --

JJ:

Not the communities?

CR:

No, no, the community, you know, you gotta realize, and I’m still from (inaudible)
that even though we might see differences, but if -- even at that time, if a Puerto
Rican did something, I’m not gonna chastise them.

JJ:

What?

CR:

I’m not gonna chastise, I’m not gonna criticize some. Because I think that he’s in
the same boat we are, and we want to improve ourselves, we want to do better.
But that wasn’t allowed, you know. And to many years after that, when we had to
be a quota, or that company’s got to hire two Blacks and two Spanish or else the
government’s not gonna fund this or fund that.

JJ:

So it wasn’t allowed? [00:49:00]

32

�CR:

No, absolutely not. And anybody who believes that the opportunity for -- you
know, dream of yours, it’s never really existed. You had to go out and do what
you had to do. And even today, you know, there’s still quotas, you know. It’s
amazing that you don’t look that way. But when you go to schools, you know, at
U of I, I went to school on an education assistance program, because they didn’t
felt that I was smart enough to get into a regular program. You know, but you
gotta show them that okay, well if you want me to start and crawl up the way to
get to where (inaudible), I’m gonna do it. See, and they don’t like determined
individuals to take charge, because they think that they’re gonna change their
way of living. You know, and I don’t care where you’re living is, the white man
doesn’t want to give anything to anybody that’s his, or [00:50:00] if there’s a way
to stop -- of not sharing it because they don’t want to, they’ll find it. But if there’s
a government which is really -- you know, you have to have this, or else, you
know, equal rights, equal working rights, equal -- those things are still looked at
very heavy when you walk into any place. You know, and it’s -- and even today,
look what’s happening with our politics situation. You know, at one time, we
came here in ’54 and ’55, the only thing we wanted to do was -- and my parents,
was work and to provide a living for us. We weren’t asking for your block or your
neighborhood. We were just asking for something for us to do, to do on our own.
You know, and I -- no matter what you do in life, you still see that, and you see it
more often, because just the distribution factor is, you know, like Lane Tech.
[00:51:00] Lane Tech was on Addison and Western, I don’t forget. And I was
gonna go to Lane Tech, but I -- I don’t wanna go to Lane Tech. I want to go to

33

�my neighborhood school. I think I’ll have a more difficult time going there
because it’s predominantly white.
JJ:

So Lane Tech was predominantly white --

CR:

Absolutely.

JJ:

And you didn’t want to go there?

CR:

No, plus it requested --

JJ:

Were you afraid to go there?

CR:

No, absolutely not. I just --

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

I just -- no, I felt more comfortable with the culture that was brought up from little.
We came here, we were five, and the only culture that I knew was Black and
Spanish.

JJ:

So that makes sense. But what I’m saying is, did you -- you also were kind of
saying something about, you didn’t use the word discrimination, but you said that
we weren’t -- they didn’t want us to improve quickly?

CR:

Well no, there was --

JJ:

-- (inaudible) to improve slowly.

CR:

And that’s why those standards were set up by schools.

JJ:

So you said that there some form of holding us down? [00:52:00]

CR:

Oh no, I don’t think. You have to know by the fact is, you had districts, school
districts, districted out of the area, where you had to go live in those areas to go
there, why was it that at Waller High School, all the kids from Cabrini-Green were
allowed to travel? (inaudible) kids from Belmont, from as far as Armitage and

34

�Cortland and Western, we were going to Waller High School. But yet if you
wanted to go to Hirsch, or not to Hirsch, but to Lakeview, or to Gordon Tech,
which was a private school then. But Lane Tech, you had an 8.5, da-da-da-da,
and come on, how many kids coming from -- me, Puerto Rico, coming five years
old, are gonna reach levels of academic -- five years or eight years, from eighth
grade or first grade, to be able to read at a 9.1 or 8.1 level, you know, which
that’s what was required. [00:53:00] And I can understand if they wanted their
own profiles, but I don’t think they should have stopped the kids from going to a
school that they wanted to go to, why? You fail because you fail. And again, the
Board of Education, they didn’t do much to have Black or Spanish professors or
teachers in these locations. So I just thought that when I go to Waller, I was
within my culture. I felt comfortable, I didn’t have to please or feel that I have to
act more sophisticated when I walk down the hallways, because you got the kids
who were all dressed (inaudible), and I’m gonna wear my same jeans, and my
same gym shoes, or my same sweater, you know. Eliminating that process, I go
to school, see my friends. I enjoyed my time in school, and I go, and I get
educated, and I go on with my life. But my brother Nelson went to Cooley High
School, which was a vocational [00:54:00] school on Sedgwick and Division, right
across the street from Cabrini-Green. But yet, kids were getting bused and
transferred because it was a vocational school, so.
JJ:

And why did he go there?

CR:

He went there for --

JJ:

Did you guys (inaudible)?

35

�CR:

-- for mechanics, and for mechanical -- cause it was a vocational school, you
learned trades, yeah, just like Lane. And he did very well. He’s doing well now.
I mean, he went to college, he got his degree from DePaul, and then, and he’s
some VP for Honeywell Corporation.

JJ:

This is Nelson?

CR:

Nelson, yeah.

JJ:

Oh wow, he went to DePaul?

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

Graduated from --

CR:

Yeah, he got his master’s.

JJ:

He got his master’s?

CR:

Yeah, and --

JJ:

I’m getting my master’s now, (inaudible).

CR:

Good, yeah, good for you. But no, that was an unseen feature in our Hispanic
lives, it’s like -- you gonna go to college? It’s like, you finished college?
[00:55:00] And the double-take even gets bigger. Why, cause I’m Puerto Rican,
I’m not allowed to go school. (laughs) And that’s the way we looked at it. And
I’m pretty sure, I don’t know about you, but (inaudible). You know, I remember
my friends, Cel, you’re going to school? I says yeah, is that okay? How did you
get in? What you doing? You know, I just went and applied and take a test. It’s
not like you gotta go in there and applying for job, cause the process of going to
school is to learn, so how could they expect for you to know? And that was my
concept of -- you know, why am I going to school? Because I don’t know what I

36

�want to do, and you need to teach me, when you go to college. It’s the same
way when you go to vocational school. If you knew what you were going to do,
why go to these schools, you know? I can go fix a car, if I knew how to fix it, but I
don’t. An airplane, you know, my brother went to Air Force, and he came back.
JJ:

Your brother went to the Air Force?

CR:

Yes, and he become a aerospace engineer. [00:56:00] And he does, he got out
of that.

JJ:

Is that Nelson?

CR:

Nelson, yeah. And Jose worked for Union Ditson [Tracking?] Company the one
on Sheffield and Dickens, one of the hardest places to work. And when he told
us that he got a job there, I told him, you got hire at Union Ditson? And he goes,
yeah, why, Cel? I says no, no, I just -- I was just really surprised.

JJ:

You mentioned Willow and Fremont and was there -- did your grandfather have a
barber or (inaudible)?

CR:

Absolutely, he had it on the basement of --

JJ:

(inaudible)?

CR:

Yeah, those are things I’ll never forget. You know, that was his way of making
money. We got the house, my mom got the house, and I have to tell you this,
because it was -- she also used to go and clean this office. And it was the lawyer
[00:57:00] who told her, Angie, you have your home yet? And she goes, no, I
don’t have the money to put down on it. He says, well why don’t you find a
place? And she goes -- so she did, and it was on Fremont right off of Bissell.
And he was the one who gave her the $500, at that time it was a ton of money.

37

�Gave her the money for the down payment. And he trusted her enough, because
he knew that he was going to work, paid her back by, off payment and you know,
she was still working on Carbit [Camp?] company. And we rented the top floor,
we lived on the first floor, and then my grandfather made a barber shop on the
lower level. And he used to cut hair, he used to cut all our high school friends
cause of the ROTC program.
JJ:

I got my hair cut there too --

CR:

(laughs) It’s amazing history. He would be there, about from eight o’clock or nine
or ten o’clock, he never said no to --

JJ:

What’s his name?

CR:

My grandfather’s name? Gregory, Gregorio, yeah. And he had such a clientele
[00:58:00] that just grew up. And my grandmother lived upstairs, so we had to
make sure that we had his breakfast in the morning, lunch, and it was a big
porch, and we used to hang around. When you talk about it now --

JJ:

You had a rollercoaster (inaudible) --

CR:

Yes, my brother Nelson -- (laughs).

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Now that you mention it, yeah, that’s great.

JJ:

So (inaudible)?

CR:

My brother Nelson was such a creative guy. And he says, we got to find a way to
make money. And you know in Chicago, the backyards were huge, and the big
porches were huge. So he built a rollercoaster from the alley stairwell going up,
all the way to the porch, and he would charge two cents. And at that time, if you

38

�brought your Coca-Cola bottles back to the store, you got two cents for the small
bottles and five cents for the big ones. So he would accept bottles from the kids,
and he would put them in the box. And he would just [00:59:00] let you go down,
and then he would let you come back.
JJ:

And how did it look? (inaudible)

CR:

It was just one big ramp going down. I would say maybe 50 feet, and then 50
feet, it leveled off, and then it goes up about 10 feet, cause it landed right back
on our porch. That’s where you would -- he made a wooden cart with roller skate
wheels. He put ’em --

JJ:

The roller skate (inaudible)?

CR:

Yes, he made a frame, and he screwed them on, and then he put a backboard
on the board. Then you just put your two feet, and he just let you go.

JJ:

No seatbelt or anything?

CR:

No. (laughs) There was no safety. Even if you fell off, you knew the
consequences. Kids never complained, they just loved the fact that (inaudible).

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Yeah, you know, and you look at--

JJ:

And the neighborhood, all the neighborhood kids --

CR:

Every one of ’em, and that was --

JJ:

(inaudible) I knew my mother sold (inaudible).

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

A lot of families (inaudible) their own (inaudible) extra money.

39

�CR:

Just to make [01:00:00] extra money. And we had a Black gentleman who lived
right next door, who (inaudible) --

JJ:

(inaudible) I know that (inaudible) school (inaudible). (inaudible)

CR:

(inaudible) you know our history. We used to work for him, we used to work
selling tamales. In the summer, we used to sell snowcones.

JJ:

(inaudible).

CR:

Yeah, he would pay us a couple dollars here and there. I mean, people don’t
realize, you know, I was working when it was eight, nine years old, the plastic
company on the (inaudible).

JJ:

He would pay for you for work?

CR:

He would pay us for working, maybe 25 cents, but to us, that was a lot of money.
I mean we used to buy a tamale for five cents.

JJ:

And that was in the Black community (inaudible) --

CR:

That’s right, when that neighborhood changed from German to Black, and then
we were the only few Hispanics. It was me -- our families, our cousins. Arsenio
lived down the street. Pantojas just lived down -- we were, (inaudible) we weren’t
gonna move.

JJ:

(inaudible)? [01:01:00]

CR:

Yes, we weren’t gonna move. And so we grew up with, and we were never really
bothered by the Black people. So it was -- I made good friends with the Brooks’
families, the [Harby?], the Black girls across the street, Delilah, who’s a mean,
mean girl.

JJ:

And then, Orlando, where did he live?

40

�CR:

Orlando lived --

JJ:

And his family, didn’t they live on Bissell and (inaudible) --

CR:

On Bissell and Willow, right, that corner used to be a laundromat. And he -- they
used to live on top.

JJ:

So everybody kind of lived on --

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

-- on Willow Street, Halsted, Dayton, Fremont.

CR:

Willow, Dayton. Yeah cause Willow -- Bissell this way, Fremont, Willow. Then
you got Dayton, and then you got Halsted. Then you had Burling, Orchard. You
walked down there like if you were --

JJ:

Like a line.

CR:

Yeah, it was your town.

JJ:

And then it just moved slowly up.

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

To, before Armitage.

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

So it was like a line from North Avenue (inaudible) --

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

-- isn’t that correct?

CR:

Yes, you’re right. [01:02:00]

JJ:

And then it went to Willow, and then from Willow it goes (inaudible) --

CR:

And all the way to Larrabee.

JJ:

And (inaudible).

41

�CR:

That’s when everything --

JJ:

All the way to Larrabee --

CR:

Yes, I’d still say there’s some good memories. And when you talk about it now
the way we talk about it, it was probably the best part of our lives. And the
excitement, the changes. And today, you see people doing the same thing, but
with more discipline.

JJ:

There was also a club, right, out of Dayton and Armitage, that belonged to -- I
think Orlando’s family was part of it.

CR:

His father.

JJ:

Was it his father?

CR:

He owned that club over there on Dayton and Willow.

JJ:

Was that his father?

CR:

Yeah, that was -- (inaudible)

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

-- Arsenio owned it. And --

JJ:

Arsenio, but that’s not Orlando’s father?

CR:

No, but Arsenio and them owned it together. There was three of them. And
that’s where Arsenio shot somebody there. Yeah, cause (inaudible), [01:03:00]
and --

JJ:

(inaudible)?

CR:

Yeah. But -- cause -- (inaudible)

JJ:

(inaudible) was it Hacha Viejas or something? Some of them hung around there.

CR:

Yes.

42

�JJ:

Did you know them, or --

CR:

I don’t know (inaudible) you call each other or no, but Orlando I know real good,
and his brother, yeah.

JJ:

But you know (inaudible), okay, (inaudible).

CR:

But there was, if you remember Mario, Mario’s on Halsted?

JJ:

Yeah, Mario, (inaudible). (inaudible).

CR:

(inaudible)

JJ:

Are they related or no?

CR:

Yeah, Luis Rivera is Mario’s son at that time.

JJ:

Oh yeah, (inaudible), related to your family?

CR:

No, not at all.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

(inaudible), they’re from (inaudible). But we got along very well. Luri was a real
tough kid, so. (laughs) A well-dressed tough kid, (inaudible). (laughs) (inaudible)

JJ:

He’s got a restaurant now or something.

CR:

He does. And then the Carmen Figueroa was there, [Leila?] was there.
(inaudible) [01:04:00] (inaudible) you guys were there on Dayton and Willow on
the other side, as you walk out of there, there’s just a lot of people that we knew.
It was really good.

JJ:

(inaudible) kept moving up.

CR:

Yes.

JJ:

And I think everybody kind of moved in there around the same time.

43

�CR:

Oh yeah, cause we grew up a lot, and we’re almost all, you know, same grade
school, same high school.

JJ:

(inaudible) in ’56, because my father had a ’55 car.

CR:

Yeah, well we were there ’54, and my first (inaudible) --

JJ:

Yeah, you went in (inaudible).

CR:

(inaudible) Mi mama bought was ’56 or ’54 Chevy.

JJ:

(inaudible) brother, (inaudible)?

CR:

(inaudible) butcher shop, La Polleria.

JJ:

(inaudible) did you work there?

CR:

Yeah I worked there for --

JJ:

So can you describe that --

CR:

Oh that’s -- and again, you know --

JJ:

Recent one --

CR:

And doing a lot of separation, the owner was Jewish. But you know, today, even
today, I thought he was probably the [01:05:00] closest person to us because he
hired all of us. You know, we all worked. Nelson worked, David worked, Joe
worked, I was the last one who worked. David’s son --

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Yeah, and David’s son -- worked there.

JJ:

And it was called La Polleria?

CR:

La Polleria, yeah, and he (inaudible) -- live chicken, live ducks, rabbits, and
whatever was left --

JJ:

You killed them right there?

44

�CR:

Yeah, we killed them there, cleaned them there.

JJ:

Why didn’t people want (inaudible)?

CR:

Probably because he had -- a real rotation people who were really (inaudible),
because we had a clientele, there was a lot of restaurants. Martinez, and then
we had Ramsey Lewis’ mom who lived right there on, at, I want to say Orchard
and North Avenue, and she was coming back 30, 40 -- young pullets or young
chickens. And she would never go in, and she would ask us to go around
because she couldn’t stand the stench from the chicken. [01:06:00] And it was
great, and whatever was left over, he used to give it to us and take home. He
would pick us up, because, you know, we didn’t drive, and drive us home. So
sometimes, you know, I sit here, or even today I talk to people and go, I still have
my prejudices. You know, I’m not -- I don’t like prejudice, a lot of people don’t
understand that word, prejudice just means you don’t like, and that I didn’t like.
But this man, I loved, because -- and yet it was difficult for me, though I know that
he was Jewish and white, that I knew that that person was a different part of my
life, cause he treated us like the way we’re supposed to be treated. And then
when you cross over the line over on Halsted, past Armitage up to the other side,
you knew that you had to watch yourself.

JJ:

Past Armitage, so there was --

CR:

Yeah, Belden, north --

JJ:

They didn’t let you --

CR:

No, they didn’t like --

JJ:

-- (inaudible) Puerto Ricans?

45

�CR:

-- no, because that was still part of their -- we’re -- [01:07:00]

JJ:

So up to Armitage (inaudible) --

CR:

Yeah, we were going into the -- wrong way, you want to come back this way.

JJ:

I remember on Willow and -- but it could have been before you were -- I mean,
you were just going on --

CR:

Yeah.

JJ:

But on Willow and Dayton, there was the Dayton Street Boys, I remember that.

CR:

Yeah, and then they had the --

JJ:

Did you meet –- know any of them?

CR:

No, and then I remember the Folk Music -- the Folk Song Music Guitar Shop was
there, forever, yeah. It was there when we were walking on the streets. But
nobody -- they didn’t bother nobody, nobody bothered them. They just want to
know how to play guitar. I had a friend who went there to play guitar, so you
know. He’s just, (inaudible).

JJ:

Just like a little (inaudible) Dayton Street Boys?

CR:

Yes. The Dayton --

JJ:

Orlando had a fight with them, that’s how it started.

CR:

Yes, yeah.

JJ:

So what else (inaudible) --?

CR:

What was that?

JJ:

What else did the Continentals do? [01:08:00]

46

�CR:

Well the Continentals were -- you know, they mostly was at sporting events, you
know, we lived at Lincoln Boys Club, and of course, North -- what’s that place on
North Avenue by Wells Street, there was a church there.

JJ:

Old Town over there?

CR:

Oh yeah, Old Town we used to hang around --

JJ:

(inaudible) by Wells Street?

CR:

Yeah, we used to hang around, right on the corner before Wells Street, there was
a church. So we used to play softball in the back park. And it’s still there.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

And there’s where -- we used to hang around most of the time. And then, Lincoln
Park, Lincoln Boys Club was another place, cause we played a lot of ball there.

JJ:

So they were part of the Triangle Association. They had their own little center.

CR:

Oh yeah, yes, absolutely, and --

JJ:

That takes me to another thing. So the Triangle Association, and some of the
other neighborhood associations, they came up with a plan to [01:09:00] -- which
you kind of touched on it before, to get rid of the Latinos (inaudible) --

CR:

Oh yes, absolutely. And --

JJ:

How did that affect --

CR:

Well, it affect really us --

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

-- it affected us in a sense that our -- I want to say our common area was getting
depleted.

JJ:

Was what?

47

�CR:

Depleted, it was just being, slowly but surely moved away to a point where --

JJ:

I mean, did you think, some people thought it was an improvement.

CR:

It’s an improvement --

JJ:

I mean some of our people (inaudible) our parents, some of our parents thought
it was a good thing.

CR:

Yeah, but eventually, how many --

JJ:

I mean, (inaudible) -- without me putting words (inaudible) --

CR:

No, you’re not putting words in my mouth --

JJ:

-- I want to know what you thought about it--

CR:

I personally thought about it, that the improvement was, just strictly, and, oh wow,
look, the street looks nice. [01:10:00] Hey, but you know what, what happened to
the Nieves family who lived down the street down there? You know, their house
is getting remodeled and (inaudible), but they don’t live there anymore. Santino
family, the Dominguez family across the street from us, David Montoya?, I go,
hey Dave, what’s going on? My dad sold the house. Why? They offered him
money, and da-da-da. Then -- we never sold. We didn’t sell until my mom died
in ’85. And our building’s still up, but you know, and our next-door neighbors, the
Borgias, the girl Martha, her parents just, I’m not selling. When I sell, I’m getting
ready to sell --

JJ:

(inaudible)?

CR:

Oh yeah. Well we didn’t --

JJ:

And your parents didn’t want to sell?

CR:

No, my mom didn’t sell.

48

�JJ:

But she just (inaudible) --

CR:

She passed away there, and we -- and the only reason --

JJ:

Why was she adamant that she didn’t(inaudible)?

CR:

Because it was changing the culture of the neighborhood.

JJ:

So she wanted to keep the culture?

CR:

Oh yeah, absolutely.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Oh yeah, she didn’t --

JJ:

Amazingly, I mean --

CR:

She didn’t want [01:11:00] McNamara to move next door. She liked the way -Rodriguez sounds.

JJ:

Is that why she wanted to stay?

CR:

Absolutely. And I’m saying it now, just a simple life. You can’t be something,
another color, that you think it is, and it’s not. See Cha-Cha, you live, even today
when we moved -- when I moved in here, these people (inaudible) --

JJ:

(inaudible) very strong.

CR:

Oh yeah.

JJ:

In terms of their culture, they wanted (inaudible).

CR:

Absolutely, yeah.

JJ:

And nobody paid attention to (inaudible) --

CR:

No. Look what’s happening in Humboldt Park. They wanted to knock the flag
down. Oh, there was going to be a war about that flag. And you know that, and I
know. A lot of people don’t know that you just -- it’s not an ego thing, it’s a pride,

49

�it’s in the heart. You got people caring about what they are and what they do. I
made sure that my kids never forgot how to speak Spanish. I sent them to
Puerto Rico for a year to go to school and work. I said, no, you will talk, you’ll
learn your culture, period. That’s just what life is [01:12:00] all about. Now I
don’t care what they do with their kids, because it's a different world. But with
me, my grandmother, and you know my family, my grandmother wouldn’t allow
us to talk English at the dinner table. It was a smack to the jaw. Yeah, don’t talk
to me in English. And I still -- see that, where people get aggravated -- like the
Hindu people population’s getting big now in our schools, and us. But you still
see it when you say, hey, you’re in America. Yeah, the land of the free. Why are
you -- is it only the land of the free when it doesn’t affect you? Or because other
people are doing something different that you don’t do? And that’s -- to
understand what we do, you don’t understand our language, our habits, our
cultures. It’s hard.
JJ:

So David Pantoja and all these people, do you still see them?

CR:

I see [01:13:00] David, yeah.

JJ:

And where do they live?

CR:

David lives on Montana and -- in Central Park. Jose lives in Arkansas, which I’m
gonna see this, he’s gonna come up here at the end of the year. Who else do I
know that goes down there? My uncle still live on Fremont.

JJ:

On Fremont?

CR:

Yeah, my mother’s brothers, in Lincoln Park.

JJ:

They’re still living there?

50

�CR:

Yeah, and --

JJ:

Does anyone else?

CR:

Yeah, and --

JJ:

And he hasn’t sold it?

CR:

No, and [Martha Rovinas?], she’s in Puerto Rico, but her brother still lives on
Sheffield off of Halsted, two of those (inaudible) buildings. So we -- those are
people they knew that that’s what their life was. You know, and but [Ishmael?]
lives in [Latport?]. But his property is there, but his family lives there, his sons
live there. He’s just -- I’m not renting into -- I hate to say this, I’m not (inaudible)
anybody else that’s not in my family, [01:14:00] to say it nicely.

JJ:

(inaudible) like the majority of the people, where did they go to? After Lincoln
Park?

CR:

A lot of them went up north. A few went to Puerto Rico, [Ishmael?] (inaudible).

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Yeah, other -- and a couple went out to the suburbs. I went out to the suburbs.

JJ:

(inaudible)

CR:

Then I moved back here, which I like a lot. But there’s a lot of people still living in
Chicago.

JJ:

When they went to the suburbs, they went to the real expensive neighborhoods?

CR:

No, they just -- in Chicago, to me, there was really no expensive neighborhood.
It was a culture neighborhood. Because they can’t charge you any more than the
other guy who got the money for it, yeah. And I think they still --

JJ:

(inaudible) culture.

51

�CR:

Oh yes, well that’s big. You know, and my kids --

JJ:

And this developed in Lincoln Park (inaudible).

CR:

Yes, very strong. And even though it’s the youngest one, and I live -- today I
have more respect [01:15:00] for what you guys did, because I was too young to
understand what you were doing. But to see what’s going on today, I recollect,
oh this is the same issues that we had 50 years ago, see? And that’s what’s sad.
It doesn’t change.

JJ:

What are some final thoughts? For, you know, people that are gonna see this,
it’s a permanent thing, so their family are gonna see this(inaudible) --

CR:

I would personally let my friends know that this has happened, and when it
comes out, I want you guys to let me know. And they’ll probably say, oh, why
didn’t you call us, we would have gave some of our opinions. And David still
thinks the same way. Jose was a firm believer, because he used to be with you
guys, and with us, and I love Jose, and now he’s [01:16:00] in Arkansas, and he
was one of the biggest, firm believers that it’s going to be very, very difficult to
change the culture. And some of my friends have moved to Arizona, Eddie
Sanchez lives in Florida, we’ll see them. And I still think today that we have a
very long way to go, and the long way is that the school system has to change,
because in my time, they separated the cultures, and they set them up to fail, not
to succeed. And I believe that. I still do, yes.

JJ:

All right, thank you very much, I appreciate that.

END OF VIDEO FILE

52

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Maria Aviles
Interviewers: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 9/27/2018
Runtime: 01:01:38

Biography and Description

Maria Isabel de la Torre (maiden name), Maria Isabel Aviles (married name), was born in Rio Piedras,
Puerto Rico. She arrived in the US in 1954 to Rochester, NY, and migrated to Chicago in 1958. Her
parents were Josephina Davila Vazquez and Victor Manuel de la Torre. They remained in Puerto Rico.
She is one of four siblings which lived at 625 W. Webster in the Lincoln Park Neighborhood for about
eight years. The family then moved to the Lake View area. Her work experience included administrative
work with medical records, hospital admissions and translation (10 years); and retail. She became the
co-owner of Gaslight with her husband Wilfredo, and also retired in 2008.
Maria is the proud mother of four accomplished children. She describes the abundance of local dances
all over Lincoln Park and the adjacent Lakeview neighborhood which was the same barrio for Latinos
that stretched from North Avenue to Irving Park and between Clark Street to Racine in the late 1950’s
and 1960’s.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMINEZ:

Just start with your name, the date you were born, and where you

were born.
MARIA AVILES:

My name is Maria Aviles. I was born 11/21/47. I’m from Rio

Piedras, Puerto Rico.
JJ:

Okay. And who were your parents?

MA:

My mother was Josephina [Bache?] Davila. My father, Victor Manuel de la Torre.

JJ:

de la Torre?

MA:

Mmm-hmm.

JJ:

And how many --

MA:

(Spanish)? [00:00:32]

JJ:

(Spanish)? [00:00:33]

MA:

I have one brother, the youngest. I’m the oldest. There’s five of us.

JJ:

What’s your brother’s name?

MA:

Alan. We call him [Papo?]. You know how that is. Papo.

JJ:

With the nicknames, yeah. Okay.

MA:

And then after me is another -- there’s three girls and one boy and myself.

JJ:

Right. And what’s your name?

MA:

Okay. [00:01:00] I’m the oldest, and it’s Maria de los Angeles. My mother
named us. Then, there’s Yvonne, Marie, Josephine, and Alan.

JJ:

Maria de los Angeles. So your mother named you (Spanish). [00:01:13]

MA:

I guess, yeah. (Spanish) [00:01:16] Maria de los Angeles.

1

�JJ:

(Spanish)? [00:01:21]

MA:

(Spanish). [00:01:24] I don’t know. Don’t ask me why.

JJ:

Oh, don’t ask you why? Okay.

MA:

I find that a little silly, but that was her wish, you know.

JJ:

She wanted everybody to be Mary?

MA:

Yeah, Mary, but we all have nicknames too. I’m Betty. (laughs)

JJ:

Okay, you’re Betty.

MA:

From Maria, I went to Betty. And then my sister has a very odd name. Her
nickname is [Changele?]. Never heard of it. Then, the next one -- well, no,
Yvonne has always stayed with her same name. Then, Josephine is Cookie, and
then my brother, Alan -- he’s Papo, so [00:02:00] you know how...

JJ:

So (Spanish) --? [00:02:03]

MA:

It doesn’t matter.

JJ:

Okay. But Maria?

MA:

Maria, (Spanish) [00:02:08] because everybody, you know...

JJ:

Okay. So, Maria, did you say what year you came?

MA:

Oh, lord, that’s gonna be a little hard. I came to --

JJ:

(inaudible)

MA:

-- Rochester, New York first. I was about six years old, and --

JJ:

So what year was that about?

MA:

(laughs) In the ’50s.

JJ:

In the ’50s?

MA:

I would say, yeah.

2

�JJ:

Fifty-two, ’53?

MA:

Yeah. I was six, so yeah.

JJ:

Yeah, you were born ’47, so I would think ’53?

MA:

But Rochester, New York -- there was hardly any Latinos. There were no Puerto
Ricans. It was a very close-knit community ’cause there were hardly any Puerto
Ricans, so when I went to school, I didn’t know the [00:03:00] language. And it
was horrible, that I remember.

JJ:

So you spoke only Spanish when you came?

MA:

At that time, yeah. I mean, I’d go to school, and the kids would steal my lunch,
(laughs) and I couldn’t say anything. And then we went to a Catholic school, and
the nuns were not very nice. You know, they expected you to speak the
language. How could I speak a language if I wasn’t, you know, there to speak it?
And then also, I always remember I was the -- after I learned the language, I
always had to go with my mom to the doctor so we can translate and, you know -

JJ:

So you were the translator?

MA:

Right, mm-hmm. Correct.

JJ:

So your mother didn’t speak anything?

MA:

At that time, no. You know, the kids learned it faster, and there were --

JJ:

So you were the translator.

MA:

-- no bilingual schools either.

JJ:

You just needed somebody to translate it, you know.

MA:

You wouldn’t find anybody that spoke Spanish in Rochester, New York.

3

�JJ:

So how long did you live in Rochester?

MA:

Oh, I would say about two years [00:04:00] maybe --

JJ:

Two years?

MA:

-- then I came to Chicago.

JJ:

Okay. So the nuns -- you had a problem with them, or they had a problem.

MA:

With us, yeah.

JJ:

And then --

MA:

We came to Chicago.

JJ:

-- you were the translator for your mother, and then you came --

MA:

But then she learned the language when I --

JJ:

So why did you come to Chicago?

MA:

’Cause they wanted a better life and, like I said, almost all my mother’s family
lived here, aunts and uncles, you know. ’Cause in Rochester, we didn’t have
anybody.

JJ:

Okay. So where did you live when you came to Chicago?

MA:

We lived on Lincoln Avenue.

JJ:

Okay, you came straight to Lincoln Avenue?

MA:

Yeah, I remember the --

JJ:

And that was about what, ’53, you said? Fifty-four?

MA:

Yeah, it could be, or maybe, you know, a little later, ’55. I was in fourth grade, so
maybe, yeah. But the thing was we lived in a one-room apartment.

JJ:

On Lincoln Avenue?

MA:

On Lincoln Avenue.

4

�JJ:

And what other street?

MA:

[00:05:00] Oh, God, what is that?

JJ:

Were you on Halsted, or...?

MA:

Near Clark? Does --

JJ:

Okay, Lincoln and up there by Clark.

MA:

Near there. I don’t know if you remember Augustana Hospital. Many moons
ago, that hospital -- I don’t know if you know --

JJ:

Where was Augustana? Was that --

MA:

It used to be.

JJ:

-- closer to...?

MA:

It’s no longer. It was somewhere near Lincoln Avenue, I remember, Augustana.

JJ:

And was it closer to [Bell?] Lake?

MA:

Pardon me?

JJ:

Was it by the lake?

MA:

Almost, yeah, I would say, because my mother -- after we settled, we used to go
to --

JJ:

Oh, no, Lincoln Avenue. Augustana’s over by Armitage.

MA:

Okay, how, you know --

JJ:

Sedgwick and Armitage.

MA:

Right, around there.

JJ:

By Old Town, okay.

MA:

Right. And from there, we moved to -- at that time, it was a rented apartment
with furniture.

5

�JJ:

Yeah, you were right around Armitage. You were over there on Clark. You said
Clark, right?

MA:

Yeah. Then, we moved to [00:06:00] 625 West Webster; Lincoln and Webster
and Halsted. Webster was the street.

JJ:

And this was in the ’50s?

MA:

Yeah, ’50s. Then, I went to Lincoln School on -- I don’t know if you remember
that.

JJ:

Yeah, I know where that school is.

MA:

And then I went to Saint Clement’s Catholic Church.

JJ:

I don’t know where that’s at [or by?].

MA:

Well, there was hardly -- I used to walk on my own, but when my --

JJ:

So you told us the school. You went kinda fast. You need water?

MA:

No, that’s okay.

JJ:

And don’t worry, you can stop at any --

MA:

No, we went to Lincoln School. That was mainly where I graduated eighth grade,
and then I went to [Waller?] from --

JJ:

So if we could kind of backtrack a little bit, what do you remember of Lincoln
School?

MA:

Well, again, there were a lot of Latinos [00:07:00] at that time ’cause Webster
and Halsted was all Latinos at that time. We used to go to St. Vincent de Paul
Church. DePaul University had a basketball -- I don’t know if it’s still there.

JJ:

Yeah, it’s still there.

6

�MA:

And my girlfriend and I, when we were in high school -- almost every Friday, they
had a game. We’d go there just to go, you know what I mean? A girl thing.
Once I turned 15, 16, we had a routine. Friday, we’d do a little shopping. We’d
go dancing on Saturday, and Sunday, we’d go to (Spanish) [00:07:41] or San
Juan Theatre. See, nobody remembers those.

JJ:

No, I remember the San Juan.

MA:

No, I was saying, you know, I think that should’ve been left alone, the San Juan.

JJ:

So you and your friend went to that. Were there other friends, any particular
friends?

MA:

Oh, yeah, we all had -- [00:08:00] and my sisters --

JJ:

Were they Spanish?

MA:

We all got together on the bus --

JJ:

Were they Spanish too?

MA:

Oh, yeah, (Spanish). [00:08:04]

JJ:

(Spanish)? [00:08:05]

MA:

Yes.

JJ:

Okay. So did you guys go to the YMCA too or anything to the dances?

MA:

Well, once in a while -- when I went to those dances, they invited us. But mainly,
my sister -- that’s me, her --

JJ:

’Cause that was a different crowd. It seemed very different.

MA:

Right. We used to go a lot to -- oh, God, what’s the name of that -- Northwest
Hall.

JJ:

Oh, yeah, I remember Northwest Hall.

7

�MA:

Northwest Hall and Crystal Ballroom.

JJ:

Oh, the Crystal -- okay, I remember --

WILFREDO AVILES:

I remember it.

JJ:

-- it now. (laughter) You remember it? I didn’t know if --

MA:

He was in the service, so --

JJ:

Oh, don’t say that.

MA:

I don’t wanna tell you the story. One time, I called the men, and they told me he
was somewhere else. I said, “I’m not sitting at home,” [00:09:00] so my --

JJ:

I [would?] go from Washington over to Northwest Hall.

MA:

Yeah, Northwest Hall --

JJ:

Yeah, we used to go before that.

MA:

-- Crystal Ballroom.

JJ:

The Crystal Ballroom.

MA:

Those were the two ones.

JJ:

Those were the main places? Okay.

MA:

Right, and St. Michael’s.

JJ:

Yeah, and St. Michael’s.

MA:

And you know what? As women, we could get on the bus. No one bothered
you. We all got on the bus and went to the dances all the way to North Avenue
from Webster -- think about the trip -- all of us all decked out. We danced with
everybody. It was very respectful. We didn’t look at the guy. If he was big, little
-- you know, we just danced. We had a good time --

JJ:

’Cause there were a lot of dances at that --

8

�MA:

-- and then we went back home on the bus. That was it.

JJ:

’Cause there were a lot of dances --

MA:

Right.

JJ:

-- at that time. What year was it?

MA:

Oh, God --

JJ:

About?

MA:

-- the ’60s.

JJ:

The ’60s. Sixty-one?

MA:

Sixty-two, maybe.

JJ:

Sixty-three?

MA:

No, that was grammar school.

WA:

Sixty-five.

JJ:

Sixty-five.

MA:

Sixty-five, around there, yeah.

JJ:

Sixty-five.

MA:

When we were in high school. And, you know, there was no --

JJ:

This --

MA:

-- IDs for drinks. [00:10:00] We didn’t drink, but I don’t remember anyone ever
asking us for an ID, you know, never. When we went to the clubs, it was --

JJ:

What kind of music?

MA:

Oh, salsa, merengue, you know. That’s what we --

JJ:

No English music?

MA:

No, not at that time.

9

�JJ:

Never?

MA:

I used to do the English at school when they had high school dances at Walter,
or the YMCA.

JJ:

But you went with your friends to the Spanish dances?

MA:

Right.

JJ:

And it was the Crystal --

MA:

And then also, I had a girlfriend, Lydia [Laboy?]. I don’t know if you know --

JJ:

Oh, Lydia, yes.

MA:

Laboy and her --

JJ:

The Laboy family.

MA:

We used to go to dances a lot together, mm-hmm, and then we’d go to the
Spanish. And then when they had the Christmas dances at school -- we did
both.

JJ:

Did you go to the -- there was dances at -- where was that [one?]? The Imperial
Aces and Queens had dances on Dayton.

WA:

Imperial Aces?

JJ:

In the basement. Remember The Imperial? That was (Spanish) [00:10:59] were
part of that.

MA:

That? [00:11:00] No. They were younger to me.

WA:

Yeah, I don’t know them.

JJ:

But I mean, they were a club by that time.

MA:

No, I never --

JJ:

So St. Vincent is a different crowd?

10

�MA:

Right.

JJ:

Different kind of crowd. That was not a club.

WA:

St. Vincent had --

JJ:

But I’m just saying that there were dances at the church on [Clark and?] --

MA:

Oh, yeah, we went to the church dances.

JJ:

And there was another place on Webster.

MA:

Mm-hmm. We got married there, [Swiss Hall?].

JJ:

Was it Swiss Hall?

MA:

Yes, sir.

JJ:

That was the name of the [venue?]?

WA:

It used to be a donut shop or something.

JJ:

That’s right, Clyde’s Donuts, yeah.

MA:

My mother worked at Clyde’s.

JJ:

That was the donuts they used to give us every day. (laughter)

WA:

[That was the old days?].

MA:

See, all my family lived on Webster. My aunt lived on one floor. My mother lived
on another floor. Next door was my other aunt. You know, everybody lived
there.

JJ:

By Clark?

MA:

No, Webster near --

WA:

Right, that’s --

MA:

-- Waller High School.

JJ:

Oh, by Waller.

11

�WA:

Lincoln, maybe.

MA:

Yeah, Lincoln.

WA:

Lincoln and Webster.

JJ:

Lincoln and Webster, right around there?

MA:

Yeah, and my mother worked at Grant Hospital. [00:12:00] Yeah, she worked
there. I have a lot of memories. And then she would take us to North Avenue
Beach. That was the spot to all the Puerto Ricans. That’s all you saw there. I
don’t know.

JJ:

What was that like at North Avenue Beach? ’Cause I mean, if somebody had --

MA:

You felt at home because, you know, you saw everybody, more or less, that you
knew in the summer. My mother used to walk us from Webster to North Avenue
over the bridge to the beach, but we had to clean the house before we left.
(laughs) That’s the way it was, you know. Like you said --

JJ:

Okay, so you had to clean the house. So, you know, the women, basically, in the
neighborhood --

MA:

I resented every moment. (laughs)

JJ:

No, we basically saw them only at the dances, so were they kept at home?

MA:

Oh, sure, are you kidding? You couldn’t even laugh.

JJ:

I’m leading you on.

MA:

Well, at least with --

JJ:

I don’t wanna lead you on or anything. I don’t want --

MA:

[00:13:00] No, but we as women, Spanish, Puerto Rican, at least my mother --

JJ:

What was that like growing up as a woman at that --

12

�MA:

You couldn’t do this. You couldn’t do that. You know, you couldn’t go out with
guys like that like today. Are you kidding? I had to be home by 9:00. My mother
never let us stay overnight at anybody’s home, even upstairs. My cousins lived
upstairs. You didn’t go up and stay overnight. That’s the way it was in those
days, and you only went out with her, the girls, you know. That was --

JJ:

With your mother?

MA:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

So the girls only went out with her?

MA:

At that time, mm-hmm. It was very different. And then I had a job at Children’s
Memorial Hospital. I worked in the kitchen while I was in high school, almost all
of my four years of [00:14:00] high school, and --

JJ:

So you were cooking? What were you doing?

MA:

Well, every floor there -- not anymore, but they used to bring these big carts with
the food, and then you distribute it to each floor.

JJ:

Oh, okay, to the rooms and that?

MA:

Mm-hmm, yeah.

JJ:

And you did that for a while. What other jobs did you do?

MA:

Oh, wow. I worked at Montgomery Wards Catalog where you took orders over
the phone. I did that. I did the Kelly Girl -- I don’t know if you remember Kelly
Girl.

JJ:

I heard the name.

MA:

Let’s say someone needed someone in the office for a month to do stuff. Then,
you would go and file or answer phones. I did that. And then what else did I do?

13

�Babysat, stuff like that, then I worked at Frank Cuneo Hospital. I don’t know if
you knew that one.
JJ:

I heard the name of that one, [00:15:00] yeah.

MA:

I worked there; it’s a Catholic hospital. I worked there, mainly, 15 years.

JJ:

Okay. So what did you do there at --

MA:

I was an admitting clerk and did medical records. Mainly, I was more --

JJ:

A secretary for the --

MA:

They needed a bilingual person, and you know, I got the job.

JJ:

But 15 years, so that was pretty good. Good pay and everything? It was
pretty...?

MA:

Oh, no, I’m telling you I got good pay there at that time. I couldn’t complain,
yeah. But I remember, you know, times were very different from today.

JJ:

In what way?

MA:

Well, you know, you respected your parents. You couldn’t even talk -- in the old
days, your mother would tell you, “We’re going to visit so-and-so. You sit there.
If you want to use the bathroom, you let me know.” (laughs) [00:16:00] Today,
kids take over the house. You know, I don’t know. Maybe I’m wrong, but it was
very different whether or not --

WA:

This would never [be there?] today.

JJ:

What do you mean? You’d just sit there even if you had to use the bathroom?

MA:

That’s right. Unless she talked to you, you couldn’t get up.

JJ:

Do you think that was good, or today is better?

MA:

It was horrible. (laughter)

14

�JJ:

I mean, I don’t know. I’m not gonna judge it.

MA:

It was horrible. You know, and then we went to Puerto Rico to visit, you know,
my grandmother and that; also very strict, you know. You can’t do that. You
can’t do this. Today, the kids walk in the house like it’s nothing.

JJ:

So you think your mother learned from your grandmother?

MA:

Oh, sure. My grandmother was a tyrant. (laughs)

JJ:

And your daughter doesn’t [pay attention?]?

MA:

Well, they respected us, but I don’t think I was as strict, you know. [00:17:00]
(laughs) Well, in some respects, yeah, because our culture -- my oldest daughter
wanted to go to the mall all the time, and I told her, “You’re not going to the mall,
I’m sorry.” You know, you would go to the mall, and today, the kids go
somewhere else. Who knows where they go? So I already saw that, you know,
so they would get upset at me. But it’s very different, the bringing up.

JJ:

And you mentioned your brothers, so you mentioned your brothers’ names too,
right?

MA:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

So how were you with your brothers?

MA:

Well, I was the oldest, so I had to take care of these kids. (laughs) And I’m not
gonna say names. There was one that would be horrible. She would make fun
of me. “Oh, you have to do this.” “I don’t have to,” you know, things like that.
And my [00:18:00] mother worked Saturday and Sunday at a hospital, so I had to
take care of them. And then my great-aunt lived upstairs, so she would call my
mother when we got into, you know, fights and that, I’ll be honest with you. It

15

�was horrible, you know. Then, when my mother got home, oh, heaven forbid.
You know, you were responsible.
JJ:

Did your mother always work, or...?

MA:

Oh, yeah. My mother worked until --

JJ:

She had a lot of hours [she had to?] --

MA:

My God, after she retired, she worked. A practical nurse, she was, mm-hmm.
And for the --

JJ:

And, you know, you mentioned about translating.

MA:

Mm-hmm. And then she --

JJ:

And you mentioned that you had to take her to the --

MA:

Yeah, at the beginning.

JJ:

Okay, so that would --

MA:

And then she --

JJ:

Most of your life?

MA:

Well --

JJ:

You were like her assistant, you know, trying to...

MA:

But it was very different. I mean, [00:19:00] I respected my mother. Let’s put it
that way because my father lived in Puerto Rico, and my mother remarried. So,
you know, whatever she told me, that was it, you know? My other sister --

JJ:

You wanna share about what she told you?

MA:

Oh, no, she would tell me you can’t laugh at --

JJ:

And they split up, you know, with the --

16

�MA:

Oh, yeah. (Spanish)? [00:19:31] My mother was a very hard worker. That, I
must say about her, a very hard worker. She would make me laugh because -now, I laugh; I used to cry. She used to comb our hair the night before, and it
better be like that when you woke up in the morning. (laughs) Can you imagine?
Oh, my God. But she would leave your breakfast. She was very, you know,
homebodied, [00:20:00] yeah.

JJ:

But then she left, and then you were in charge of them?

MA:

Right. You know, when you got out of school, I had to make sure -- and I have a
sister that was horrible. She was very defiant. I was the nerd, and she was, you
know -- we won’t say who she... (laughs)

JJ:

So what sort of things did you do with your sister? With your brothers and
sisters, what sort of --

MA:

Well, we had chores, you know, when my mother was working.

JJ:

What kinda chores? I mean, that you --

MA:

Clean the house. Clean the bathroom. Make sure all the stuff is done, but there
was one that always made fun ’cause if they didn’t do it, I had to do it. ’Cause
then when my mother got home, I’m the one, you know?

JJ:

What about in terms of games and that sort of -- what are the --

MA:

Oh, no, we played, at that time, the jump-roping. [00:21:00] Some of the Spanish
games, I don’t even remember anymore, but -- (Spanish)? [00:21:04]

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:21:07] [You played?] (inaudible)?

MA:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

You played it in your house, that stuff?

17

�MA:

Oh, yeah, bingo. We played --

JJ:

It wasn’t legal.

MA:

Pardon?

JJ:

It wasn’t legal.

MA:

I know, but it was played. I had an aunt that loved that game, and she played it
all the time.

JJ:

But did people come over for it?

MA:

Oh, yeah, (Spanish). [00:21:24]

JJ:

Oh, (Spanish)? [00:21:26] So the (Spanish) [00:21:30] would come and sell you
numbers?

MA:

(Spanish). [00:21:31]

JJ:

With the numbers and everything?

MA:

Oh, (Spanish), [00:21:34] and (Spanish) [00:21:35] [Don Taco?] was his name. I
always remember him when I was a kid. He would come. “(Spanish)?”
[00:21:42] And then he’d take ’em out of his sleeves. (laughter)

JJ:

And then he told you your dream?

MA:

You picked a number.

JJ:

Did he tell you about your dream and all that?

MA:

Oh, yeah, and that was always (Spanish). [00:21:56] It never came out, but
[00:22:00] they still played it, you know. Then, I had a great-uncle. He would
take us on Chicago Avenue on Sundays. I think that little stand is still there, the
hot dog stand in Ashland.

JJ:

Chicago and Ashland, okay.

18

�MA:

Now, it’s called Duk’s --

JJ:

It’s gotta be --

MA:

-- but it used to be a little hot dog stand.

WA:

It would be in Ashland.

MA:

Yeah, and we used to go there --

WA:

And we’d go to --

JJ:

So that's by the Gaslight. So you guys were hanging out on Chicago Avenue
and Ashland?

MA:

It didn’t even dawn on --

JJ:

No, I don’t mean hanging out. I mean, that was the area you guys were from,
or...?

MA:

No, I’m mainly Webster and Lincoln.

JJ:

But you guys would go to Chicago Avenue.

MA:

Right. No, my uncle would pick us up. My --

JJ:

And take you there?

MA:

And take us on Sunday to eat hot dogs at --

JJ:

Because they had the bakery and all that right there, right?

MA:

Oh, yeah, (Spanish), [00:22:44] yeah.

JJ:

Yeah. Well, it was some kind of restaurant over there, no?

MA:

Where?

JJ:

On Chicago Avenue?

WA:

There’s a lot of restaurants.

JJ:

Yeah, a couple restaurants in that area.

19

�MA:

But the Puerto Rican restaurants -- there weren’t too many.

JJ:

Not too many? Okay.

MA:

[00:23:00] No.

WA:

You had that one in --

MA:

[One time?] --

WA:

Cafe Central .

MA:

Cafe Central, yeah.

JJ:

Cafe Central, yeah. That’s what I was gonna say, yeah. It’s been there – it’s still
there.

MA:

Oh, is it still there?

WA:

Yeah, it’s still there.

JJ:

Yeah, it’s still there.

MA:

We haven’t been around.

WA:

[Mike?], his wife, and his son took it over.

JJ:

Oh, the other guy? Okay.

MA:

Mm-hmm.

WA:

Yeah, when he [passed away?] --

JJ:

Yeah, I think I was gonna go there today.

MA:

Yeah, but the big thing for me was we used to go to the San Juan Theatre and
see all these people. See, people don’t --

JJ:

That was on Division, right?

20

�MA:

On Division. We used to see all the Spanish, you know, singers, actors. Mainly
Puerto Rican, and then The Senate. I don’t know if you’re familiar with The
Senate Theatre and (Spanish). [00:23:41]

JJ:

(Spanish), [00:23:43] yeah.

MA:

There was more Mexican down by -- what was the name --

WA:

Milwaukee Avenue.

MA:

Yeah, but the name of that big store.

WA:

Where, on Lincoln Avenue?

MA:

No, it was near the Catholic [00:24:00] church, that big Mexican church on --

JJ:

Oh, Guadalupe?

MA:

Uh-huh.

WA:

Roosevelt?

MA:

Right. What was the name of that?

JJ:

Oh, no, St. Francis.

MA:

Terry’s.

JJ:

Oh, that’s it. Okay, Terry’s. What was Terry’s?

MA:

That was a big department store.

WA:

Yeah, it’s a --

MA:

We used to --

WA:

-- clothing store.

MA:

-- go to mass and then go shopping in there.

JJ:

So you went to St. Francis Church?

MA:

We went to -- you know, it depended.

21

�JJ:

You went to that mass right next to Terry’s?

MA:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

So that’s --

MA:

St. Francis.

JJ:

-- Spanish because they had Spanish masses.

MA:

Right, in those days, yeah.

JJ:

And it was mainly Mexican, and Puerto Ricans went there too. Oh, you went
there too? My mother went there.

MA:

Yeah, and St. Vincent also was all Puerto Rican mass at that time because we
used to go --

JJ:

Right, St. Vincent would do Puerto Rican masses.

MA:

In those days, yeah.

JJ:

So they had a (Spanish) [00:24:43] there?

MA:

Right.

JJ:

[Yeah, that’s what I thought?].

MA:

They had a lot of dances there, yeah.

JJ:

So yeah, you didn’t --

MA:

It was Father -- oh, what was his name?

JJ:

So you were part of the (Spanish), [00:24:53] or you just went to mass?

MA:

No, we weren’t really --

JJ:

You --

22

�MA:

-- that attached to it. But we used to go when they had the dances [00:25:00] or
if they had some -- you know, they used to do a lot of baking and selling. We
would go. What was the name of the father?

WA:

Father [Reines?]?

MA:

No.

WA:

[I remember him?].

JJ:

Oh, you remember Father Reines from St. --

MA:

No, Father Reines from St. Michael’s.

JJ:

You’re thinking St. --

WA:

No, (inaudible).

MA:

Oh, was it?

JJ:

And now, it’s a --

WA:

Now, it’s a park.

JJ:

North Park, yeah.

MA:

Oh, what’s his name? He married us.

JJ:

Father Catherine, I’m talking about.

WA:

Oh, [he was?] --

MA:

No, he was Spanish. I forgot his last name. Guiterrez?

WA:

No.

MA:

I know that it was a Spanish --

WA:

Well, we got his name. It’s on the --

MA:

Yeah, but St. Vincent --

JJ:

He wrote it down on the paper. (laughter)

23

�MA:

-- was a big Spanish church at that time.

JJ:

Yeah, and it became --

MA:

’Cause Halsted was all Puerto Rican around there.

JJ:

Halsted and what?

MA:

Halsted and Webster, and all of those --

WA:

North Avenue down through Webster.

MA:

Because my uncle --

JJ:

Through Webster?

MA:

Maybe you know my uncle. I’m gonna --

JJ:

What’s your uncle’s name?

MA:

-- drop his name: Domingo Davila.

JJ:

No, you mentioned Domingo.

P1:

[Erica Imez?].

MA:

Erica, okay. He used to give a lot of [00:26:00] dances down there.

JJ:

Oh, that’s Erica’s uncle?

P1:

He’s our --

MA:

He’s my uncle.

JJ:

He’s your uncle?

P1:

-- great-uncle, her uncle.

MA:

My uncle, and he used to do a lot of dances down there.

JJ:

You mean in the --

MA:

Northwest Hall, Crystal Ballroom, and my girlfriend and I --

JJ:

So that’s who did the dances here?

24

�MA:

Some of the time, yeah. But the funny part is that he would give a --

JJ:

Now, this is not the guy with the large --

MA:

No, he’s very --

JJ:

Okay, not this guy, because he had a big --

P1:

Big beard?

JJ:

-- sideburns or something.

MA:

Who is that, I wonder.

JJ:

But that’s not him, then, that --

MA:

No.

JJ:

-- [you’re talking about?]?

MA:

He’s older than us. But the thing was that he would give us tickets --

JJ:

I think he bought Northwest Hall later, the guy I’m thinking about.

MA:

Yeah. He would give us tickets to go down Halsted Street and sell ’em. (laughs)
I always remember that.

JJ:

Well, for The Queen when they were --

MA:

Oh, don’t get me started on those ones. (laughs)

JJ:

What do you mean, on the tickets for The Queen? You sold those?

MA:

Oh, yeah, we sold [00:27:00] all of them.

JJ:

I heard something, but I don’t know what the --

MA:

Yeah, we sold that, and we --

JJ:

How does that work?

MA:

He did the Boys Club, my uncle.

JJ:

Okay, the Boys Club on --

25

�MA:

And we all got in -- pardon?

JJ:

On --

MA:

When they --

JJ:

-- Orchard, or...?

MA:

I don’t remember.

JJ:

[Verde?].

MA:

Maybe, because when they did the first Puerto Rican Parade, we were a part of it
because of my uncle.

JJ:

And you’re talking about in ’66?

MA:

Right.

JJ:

That one, okay.

MA:

We went down State Street, whatever it was, yeah.

JJ:

Okay. Oh, yeah, that was the first one on State Street. It went to State Street,
yeah.

MA:

We were part of that parade.

JJ:

That was the official --

MA:

Yeah, official parade.

JJ:

They had one in Holy Name, you know, but that was the first one here.

MA:

But now, you know, they don’t give it downtown anymore, I guess, so...

JJ:

Well, they don’t do it in the neighborhood anymore.

MA:

In the neighborhood on Division and --

JJ:

On Division into --

MA:

Been a while, mm-hmm.

26

�JJ:

So the Crystal Ballroom, [00:28:00] the Northwest Hall, Domingo Davila,
(laughter) and then the (Spanish) [00:28:09] and all that -- you’re involved in all
the --

MA:

Yeah, I’ve been --

JJ:

-- Puerto Rican stuff at St. Vincent’s. Okay, so that --

MA:

My mother, after she came from the hospital, worked a couple of nights at
Clyde’s Donuts. See, our house was right there.

JJ:

Right on Webster Avenue?

MA:

Right by --

JJ:

Yeah, it was all Puerto Rican.

MA:

Yeah, and then Swiss Hall --

JJ:

But now, it’s Oz Park. They made it a park.

MA:

Yeah, now that’s all a park.

JJ:

Yeah, it’s a --

MA:

We got married at Swiss Hall. Yeah, I remember --

JJ:

And that’s the one on Webster?

MA:

Right, Webster. We lived at 625 --

JJ:

Now, do you remember going to parties there?

MA:

Oh, yeah, they used to have a lot of --

JJ:

A lot of dances and that.

MA:

-- parties. Even that radio disc jockey, WLS, used to have parties in there. I
remember, as a kid, seeing them, yeah.

27

�JJ:

So what was it like? So [00:29:00] that’s an important area that we’re trying to let
people know about and describe what -- so you lived right on that block?

MA:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

So what was it like in summer --

MA:

Oh, it was really nice ’cause it was all Spanish, and we all sat at (Spanish)
[00:29:16] to talk.

JJ:

On the stairs and that?

MA:

And, you know, that was it. It was all families. And then if it got too hot, we went
to -- not Garfield. Where they had the flowers on Lincoln Park -- what is it?

JJ:

Oh, the flower shop?

MA:

The big flower --

JJ:

The big flower place right outside of it.

MA:

And they have a fountain.

JJ:

And the fountain --

P1:

And the fountain --

MA:

And my mother would take us there to cool off, and then we’d go home and go to
bed.

JJ:

Did you guys go swimming?

MA:

(laughs) Yeah, I’m --

JJ:

You jumped in --

MA:

-- being honest.

JJ:

-- the little pond, and that’s what --

MA:

We’d go in the pond around eight o’clock at night and then --

28

�JJ:

I jumped in there too.

MA:

Right, and then we’d go home, and that was our air condition, [00:30:00] you
know. That was it, and then we’d go home.

JJ:

And it’s just down the street from Webster, yeah.

MA:

Yeah, I remember that.

JJ:

And the zoo was free. Everything was free.

MA:

Everything, yep. And then remember, there were no seatbelts, so you got
(Spanish) [00:30:13] inside the car, (laughs) you know? I had one. You know,
the older kids held onto the little kids, and we just drove very happy.

JJ:

And then there were a lot of other families [living there also?]?

MA:

Oh, yeah. Like I told you, you know, we Puerto Ricans at that time had to take
the whole neighborhood. (Spanish), [00:30:32] and everybody went, you know?
Now, it’s like, “Let me call them first,” you know. It’s very different, you know.
That’s what I see, you know, that my kids -- one day, they’re gonna forget.
They’re more Americanized. One time, my daughter said, “Why did you come
here?” I said, “Your grandmother [00:31:00] brought me here. What did you
want me to do? I couldn’t do anything, you know?” We were brought by other
people, you know, and that’s the way life is, you know?

JJ:

Well, how did you feel about being --

MA:

Well, I was little --

JJ:

-- brought over here?

MA:

-- so you know, the first year, I was really crying, I’ll be honest with you, ’cause I
couldn’t talk the language. I remember I went outside, and my mother didn’t

29

�even think. I was playing with the snow. I froze my hands, you know, ’cause
that’s how it was, you know? No one told us anything, you know, so that’s the
way it was then. It was very different lifestyle to today. And then the holidays -you didn’t need to have a party. Everybody came over. You brought something;
we all cooked. We danced in a little house. Now, today, you can’t even visit
people ’cause, “Oh, no, [00:32:00] call me.” Not in those days. People used to
come, and little kids, big adult -- we all danced, everybody. Didn’t matter, you
know?
JJ:

Okay, the adults and the kids --

MA:

Oh, yeah, (Spanish). [00:32:14]

JJ:

So people were just into dancing?

MA:

For the holiday. Let’s say Noche Buena. You were preparing (Spanish),
[00:32:23] you know, everything.

JJ:

Well, I mean, what did you do, I mean, for Noche Buena, for example?

MA:

Oh, wow. My mother --

JJ:

What Noche Buena? Which one?

MA:

The 24th. Yeah, that’s Noche --

JJ:

So what did you do? How did you do it?

MA:

Well, we all got ready, you know, for that day. Like I told you, they all lived --

JJ:

What do you mean, ready? I mean, what did you --

MA:

Oh, we made pasteles. We did (Spanish). [00:32:46] At that time, there weren’t
that many big stores that sold (Spanish), [00:32:52] so my uncle -- I remember
him going somewhere far. I don’t know where he would go to purchase it, and

30

�then he’d bring it [00:33:00] and cook it. And we cooked there, and we just sat
around, you know, and danced. And that was it. That was our Noche Buena.
JJ:

In your --

MA:

In our house.

JJ:

Right there on Webster?

MA:

Right on Webster.

JJ:

Right on there?

MA:

I remember we rolled up the curtains if it got too hot in the house and opened
(Spanish), [00:33:21] and you had a good time, you know. Now, everything is,
“What are we gonna do,” (laughs) you know. It’s very different.

WA:

[Some people?]...

JJ:

Trying to add -- so how was school? Tell me about your school.

MA:

It was Waller. I wasn’t --

JJ:

You went to Waller?

MA:

Mm-hmm. I went to Waller.

JJ:

Did you graduate from Waller?

MA:

Yeah, mm-hmm. I was the last class that graduated in January. [00:34:00] I
don’t know if you remember that they used to have classes graduating in January
and one in June. I’ll never forget Jose [Sias?] was so --

JJ:

Jose Sias?

MA:

Jose Sias. (Spanish), [00:34:13] they used to call him.

JJ:

Oh, that was (Spanish)? [00:34:16]

MA:

Yeah.

31

�JJ:

That’s what I thought. But were they related, [Louis?] Sias --

MA:

Oh, yeah, they’re brothers.

JJ:

They’re brothers, okay.

MA:

Oh, yeah, and he graduated --

JJ:

Oh, so one was called (Spanish). [00:34:25]

MA:

(Spanish), [00:34:26] yeah.

JJ:

Okay, I remember that.

WA:

Five brothers in the family.

MA:

Mm-hmm, and we graduated together. And Lydia Laboy graduated with me, and
I think --

JJ:

So there were a lot of people in the Laboy family, right?

MA:

Right. Louis --

JJ:

Louis and --

MA:

-- Lydia, Michael. I remember --

JJ:

So you guys grew up together?

MA:

We went to school together at Walter.

JJ:

What do you remember about them?

MA:

Oh, Lydia and I were very good friends. It’s a shame. Now, we don’t keep in
contact, but her and I worked together. We went out together. She slept at my
house, you know, and [00:35:00] things like that, yeah.

JJ:

Where are they from? Do you know where they’re from, or...?

MA:

No, I don’t know.

JJ:

Okay. But they were just good friends from school?

32

�MA:

Yeah, from school, her and I. Lydia, mm-hmm.

JJ:

So you had a few friends that kinda hung around. What did you guys do?

MA:

Like girls being girls, we used to get together at somebody’s house and just listen
to music and talk, you know, stuff like that.

JJ:

Spanish music?

MA:

Yeah, Spanish or English.

JJ:

Or English. I mean, what kinda English songs did you listen to?

MA:

Oh, God, all the popular ones.

JJ:

Who were the popular ones? Do you remember any?

MA:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

“It’s twine time!” (laughter) I’m just kidding.

MA:

There was so many, oh, my God.

JJ:

Were the --

MA:

“The Mashed Potatoes”, Chubby Checkers.

JJ:

Oh, Chubby Checkers and “The Mashed Potatoes”. We all knew that.

MA:

Brenda Lee.

JJ:

“Wipe Out.”

MA:

“Wipe Out”, yeah.

JJ:

So you guys remember that?

MA:

Yeah, sure.

JJ:

I know you had to remember ’cause we were at the same dances.

WA:

[Yeah, just about?].

MA:

Yeah, I [00:36:00] used to listen a lot to WLS, Dick Biondi.

33

�JJ:

Oh, Biondi, that’s who it was?

MA:

At that time, yeah.

JJ:

So that’s why I asked you about that church on Lincoln. It was The Peoples
Church [later?], but they used to have dances there with the Imperial Aces and
Queens. And I remember walking in there one time. Everybody was doing
cartwheels and everything.

MA:

Oh, really?

JJ:

Yeah. You know, they used to do the split and all that. Did you do all that?

MA:

All the guys, yeah. I remember --

WA:

We never went to that church.

JJ:

You never been there?

MA:

No, but we went --

JJ:

And then there was that -- in Webster too, they did it.

MA:

Yeah, on --

JJ:

It was the same crowd.

WA:

[It was?] --

JJ:

At Saint Teresa’s, they had dances, didn’t they?

MA:

Oh, yeah, Saint Teresa. You’re right.

JJ:

So you went to Saint Teresa?

MA:

Some dances, yeah. It was mainly, like I said, St. Michael’s, St. Vincent, yeah.

JJ:

So there was dances all over that area over there?

MA:

Yeah, that was --

WA:

[And the?] --

34

�JJ:

Do you remember that too, [00:37:00] Freddy, the dances?

WA:

I mean, not all of them besides the --

MA:

(Spanish) [00:37:02] San Juan --

JJ:

[And you went together?]?

WA:

Yeah, (Spanish). [00:37:04]

MA:

-- used to have a lot of dances too. (Spanish) -- [00:37:05]

JJ:

That’s right. (Spanish) [00:37:06] San Juan had a lot of dances.

WA:

[There was a lot?] we used to go to.

MA:

I think that’s why we kept busy, you know, ’cause there were a lot of activities.

JJ:

So was it a community, or...?

MA:

Yeah, I would say a community.

JJ:

Well, what does that mean to you, community?

MA:

Well, that you knew each other. When you went there, you knew everybody, you
know? The majority of the people, you would know, so you knew there wasn’t
gonna be any problems, you know, ’cause you knew each other. Like I tell you,
we used to go to the dances, get on the bus, just the girls. We never had any
problems with anybody on the bus, or that they’d look at you strange, you know.
Never had --

JJ:

So there really wasn’t a gang there?

MA:

No.

JJ:

It was more like a --

WA:

Never.

JJ:

-- community with projects --

35

�MA:

Right, community.

WA:

That’s what I said.

JJ:

-- and dancing and sports and...?

MA:

Right.

JJ:

So, you know, like Freddy was saying, sports. And you’re saying about the
dances that the girls went out to dance and [00:38:00] just had a good time?

MA:

Oh, our routine was -- like I said, Friday, we’d go shopping for what we’re gonna
wear Saturday to go dancing. And then Sunday, we’d go to one of the theaters;
(Spanish), [00:38:13] San Juan, or Senate. One of those three, we would go.
The same crowd that we --

JJ:

And were they mostly Puerto Rican?

MA:

Oh, yeah, mm-hmm.

JJ:

So you said before that Halsted and Webster, that whole area, was --

MA:

It was all Puerto Ricans.

JJ:

All Puerto Rican. You mentioned North Avenue up to Diversey or Webster?

WA:

Yeah.

MA:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

How big was the Puerto Rican community around that time?

MA:

I would say by us, it was, at that time --

JJ:

From what street to what street?

MA:

Lincoln Avenue --

JJ:

Around there?

MA:

-- Halsted, Dickens.

36

�WA:

Yeah. [Ralph Comiez?] used to live on North Avenue and Halsted.

MA:

Yeah, all that would cover --

WA:

I had a lot [of family that was?] --

JJ:

North Avenue and what?

WA:

[00:39:00] And Halsted.

JJ:

And Halsted? So from North Avenue to Halsted to...?

WA:

All the way to Walter.

JJ:

All the way to --

WA:

Or Webster.

JJ:

To Webster?

WA:

Yeah. Well, into --

JJ:

And then from --

MA:

You know where --

JJ:

From Clyde to where, to Southport or Racine?

MA:

No, Southport wasn’t --

JJ:

No Southport?

WA:

No, sir.

MA:

Southport --

JJ:

And then what’s up north?

WA:

It’s to Clark East.

JJ:

(inaudible).

MA:

But I would say --

JJ:

Oh, from Clark to Racine, would you say, or...?

37

�WA:

No.

MA:

I would say the Puerto Rican community was up to Clark where the Century was.
Remember the Century?

JJ:

Uh-huh.

MA:

There, it became more -- you know, it was different. But from Webster up to
Clark -- ’cause I remember my mother would take us to the AMP there, and it
was a little different crowd, you know what I mean? But I would say once you hit
the Century, it was more white area.

JJ:

Right, okay, ’cause that’s by Diversey.

MA:

Right. I remember when we’d go to the Century, [00:40:00] it was a little different
atmosphere. People would look at you funny like, “What are you doing here,”
you know? (laughter)

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:40:07] hanging around by the Century.

WA:

[He knows I?] --

JJ:

He knows what I mean.

MA:

It’s true.

JJ:

I’m joking.

MA:

Yeah, no, but it was like that. It’s true. You know, out of your comfort zone, you
know, that you had to be...

JJ:

But from Clark --

MA:

Halsted.

JJ:

-- at least to Sheffield.

MA:

St. Vincent -- yeah, Sheffield. Yeah, it covered all --

38

�JJ:

So that’s a big area.

MA:

Oh, yeah, it was. I remember Halsted was all Puerto Rican, the majority, at least
that I saw. Lincoln Avenue --

JJ:

And everybody just moved down and --

MA:

You know, I don’t know what happened. I don’t know.

JJ:

-- made all their money and left.

MA:

It must’ve been, yeah.

JJ:

And what happens --

WA:

I don’t know. I mean --

JJ:

What do you think --

MA:

I think --

WA:

The areas I lived in --

MA:

-- it got too expensive.

WA:

Sure, it did. That’s how you [00:41:00] drive people out if they can’t handle it.

MA:

And think about it. That used to be all homes, and now it’s Oz Park. That’s
where we lived, right there.

JJ:

So, I mean, how do you feel -- that was your neighborhood.

MA:

It’s sad, you know, but that’s the way...

JJ:

That’s the way life is?

MA:

Yeah, you know, everything goes in a circle, you know.

WA:

Gentrification, you know?

MA:

It is.

JJ Like Freddy said, gentrification, so...

39

�WA:

Gotta go with the new.

JJ:

“We’re gonna buy another house.”

MA:

(laughter) No, we’re done.

JJ:

I’m joking.

WA:

I’m done.

JJ:

I’m just giving -- no, gentrification. That’s what it is.

WA:

That’s it.

MA:

Yeah, that’s what it is.

JJ:

It’s ridiculous. [I mean that?].

MA:

Yeah. If you can’t afford it, you gotta move, you know?

JJ:

So do you feel any anger, or no?

MA:

You know --

JJ:

I guess not ’cause it’s not --

WA:

You can’t be remorseful because --

MA:

Well, you know what?

WA:

-- in those old days, there was no (inaudible).

MA:

Certain neighborhoods, I would’ve really loved to have stayed, I’ll be honest with
you. I would’ve liked to stay by Byron when we lived on Byron [00:42:00] and
Southport.

JJ:

That’s Freddy Aviles, your husband, speaking [out of you?].

MA:

(laughs) No. I can’t tell you the story --

JJ:

He’s trying to speak for you. (laughter) I’m kidding.

40

�MA:

No, I always liked the house there. You know, I would’ve retired there on
Southport, but you know, life has other plans for you, so...

JJ:

So you guys had a house on Southport, is that right?

MA:

Southport and Byron, yeah.

JJ:

Okay, yeah, he mentioned that.

MA:

And it’s still there, and they haven’t done a thing with it. That’s what makes me
laugh, (Spanish), [00:42:32] Fred?

WA:

Mm-hmm.

MA:

They haven’t remodeled it. They haven’t done anything with it.

JJ:

So were there any dance contests? Now, I’m taking you away from that.

MA:

Oh, there was all -- you know what? I don’t think there were any dance contests.

WA:

There weren’t any dance contests, no, that would --

JJ:

Besides Freddy, who else was a good dancer?

MA:

Oh, God, a lot of the guys were good dancers --

JJ:

Yeah, the guys were?

MA:

-- just like the girls. There were a lot of people that would go dancing.

JJ:

Which girls were good dancers?

WA:

[00:43:00] Half of them, who knows, were there.

MA:

You know, like I said, we all danced. I don’t know.

JJ:

Now, do you remember ever going out to other places besides the dancing?

MA:

Oh, yeah, we went places.

JJ:

Were there picnics at the high school?

MA:

Oh, no --

41

�JJ:

School picnics?

MA:

-- we had picnics from school, yeah.

JJ:

From the school?

MA:

No, we did our own picnics --

JJ:

In the neighborhood?

MA:

-- in the school.

JJ:

In the school?

MA:

We called it a school picnic, but we did it --

JJ:

Okay, so --

MA:

-- the kids.

JJ:

-- [you did it?]?

MA:

Yeah.

JJ:

But I mean some Puerto Ricans going out and kind of --

MA:

Oh, no, we did a lot of that, yeah.

JJ:

A lot of that?

MA:

(Spanish) [00:43:34] San Juan did a lot of that.

JJ:

So (Spanish) [00:43:37] San Juan did some picnics?

MA:

Yeah. And the Puerto Rican Police.

WA:

Police Association.

JJ:

Oh, the Puerto Rican Police Association?

MA:

They did picnics, yeah.

JJ:

They would have picnics?

MA:

Oh, yes.

42

�WA:

The Puerto Rican Chamber of Commerce.

JJ:

Okay. And you guys were both together with them?

WA:

Yeah, sure.

MA:

Mm-hmm.

WA:

I was involved with ’em.

JJ:

With the Puerto Rican Chamber of Commerce?

MA:

Mm-hmm.

WA:

Sure.

JJ:

Okay. Were you involved with the Puerto Rican --

WA:

The parade.

JJ:

-- Police Association? Oh, with the Puerto Rican Parade Committee. [00:44:00]

WA:

(Spanish), [00:44:00] yeah.

JJ:

You were with them?

WA:

I was in the parade. I was a director there also in the Chamber of Commerce.

JJ:

In the Chamber of Commerce?

MA:

Mm-hmm.

WA:

I was the treasurer.

JJ:

Okay. And did you go to the YMCA also with him?

MA:

With me? I think I --

WA:

I think twice, yeah.

MA:

-- went to a couple of dances, but no. But my mother had my uncle pick me up at
10:00 when the fun was going on. (laughter)

JJ:

[Not even at midnight?].

43

�MA:

I’d be so embarrassed because I’d see him looking for me. At ten o’clock?
Come on. (laughter)

JJ:

“Give me a break, man!”

MA:

Yeah. So the way --

JJ:

But that’s the way the women at that time --

MA:

Well --

JJ:

Or just you?

MA:

Just me.

JJ:

[They didn’t let?] --

MA:

We won’t go into my sisters. (laughs)

JJ:

Your sisters could stay?

MA:

They didn’t listen.

JJ:

Oh, they didn’t listen. They just stayed.

MA:

They did whatever they wanted. [00:45:00] Hey...

JJ:

I mean, do you think that that helped? Was it too strict?

MA:

You know what? I’m not gonna blame anyone. I did whatever they told me; let’s
put it that way. I shouldn’t blame other people. You know, it’s just, you know,
your character, I guess. I don’t know. You know, I didn’t wanna see my mom
worried about us, you know. She already had enough to worry, you know? But
my sisters had a great time in life.

JJ:

So why do you think they were that strict? I mean, what was the --

MA:

I don’t know. I believe that’s the way they were brought up. I think it repeats
itself.

44

�JJ:

So you didn’t understand why you were --

MA:

At that time? No. I was not very happy. (laughs)

JJ:

You were not happy, and you didn’t understand why?

MA:

Right.

JJ:

Did you try to do that with your children?

MA:

You know, you’d have to ask them. I think I wasn’t [00:46:00] as strict as my
mother was. At least my daughters used to go out, you know, with me or with -you know who she only let me go --

JJ:

They went out with you, though?

MA:

Yeah.

JJ:

That’s what your mother said. You’d go out with her.

MA:

Right. You know who she believed in letting me go out with? My husband. She
wouldn’t let me go out with any other guy but him.

JJ:

But Freddy?

MA:

(laughs) I swear to you. I don’t know.

JJ:

He had a way with her.

MA:

Right. She liked him right away.

WA:

She said, “He’s a good person with, you know, a good face. He has a great
face.”

MA:

Little did she know.

JJ:

That he was the worst guy you knew. (laughter)

MA:

(Spanish), [00:46:44] you know.

JJ:

So little did she know that he wasn’t that (inaudible).

45

�MA:

Right. But if Fred would come pick me up, it was okay.

JJ:

But at least, hey, 51 years, you’ve been married.

MA:

Oh, right. I’ll never forget I had a friend --

JJ:

Fifty-one years, you’ve been married. That’s pretty good.

MA:

Yeah, but then I felt embarrassed. I had a [00:47:00] friend -- he was just a
friend. It was nothing -- so he came and asked my mother, “Well, can I take
Betty to a dance on the South Side?” “Oh, yeah, tomorrow after she cleans the
house.” Well, I got up and cleaned that house, boy. (laughter) The guy comes to
pick me up. She says, “You’re not going anywhere.” And, you know, I would not
argue. And I felt bad for him ’cause he came from the South Side to pick me up.

JJ:

Now, wait a minute. Freddy mentioned the South Side.

MA:

No, this was before I met Fred, you know. I was --

JJ:

Oh, no, I don’t mean that. But you guys mentioned the South Side, so where in
the South Side?

MA:

I really don’t --

WA:

Fifty-fifth.

JJ:

On 55th? That was a Puerto Rican --

WA:

That area used to be on 55th, and there used to be a lot of Puerto Ricans.
Matter of fact, you got --

JJ:

Yeah, there was a lot of Puerto Ricans. (Spanish)? [00:47:54]

WA:

No, at the (Spanish). [00:47:57]

MA:

The [00:48:00] (Spanish), yeah.

WA:

And just down by Midway Airport.

46

�JJ:

By Midway?

WA:

(Spanish) [00:48:07] ’cause we went to --

JJ:

So Midway Airport --

WA:

-- Capital Bank or something.

JJ:

-- had a lot of Puerto Ricans.

WA:

In the Midway Airport.

JJ:

And for what year?

MA:

The same, the ’60s.

WA:

Well, this is now, recently in the --

JJ:

Oh, recently, yeah.

WA:

Yeah, in the ’80s till now.

JJ:

Now and the ’80s, but I mean at that time?

MA:

No.

WA:

At that time?

JJ:

The ’50s?

WA:

When I came from Puerto Rico, I landed at Midway. You had to walk from the
airplane to the house where you pick up your luggage and that.

JJ:

So, yeah, Midway used to be the airport ’cause there was no --

WA:

There was no O’Hare --

JJ:

There was no O’Hare, yeah.

WA:

-- when we came here.

47

�JJ:

But, I mean, I know that in the late ’40s during World War II, they had an
assembly line in the factories for the planes at the Midway. And a lot of Puerto
Ricans [00:49:00] were hired for that.

WA:

They called them (Spanish). [00:49:00]

MA:

Yeah, that was the --

WA:

That’s what they were.

JJ:

(Spanish)? [00:49:04]

WA:

Yeah.

JJ:

So there was a group called that?

WA:

Yeah.

MA:

You know how we --

JJ:

In the ’50s?

WA:

No, I don’t know if it --

MA:

You know who used to be in that area?

WA:

-- was that. But I know it was next to --

MA:

(Spanish) [00:49:13] Yvette.

WA:

Yeah, and she’s still on 55th --

MA:

In front of our --

WA:

-- with Louis Sias.

P1:

But what year?

JJ:

Oh, Louis Sias?

MA:

In the ’60s.

WA:

No, it’s more like the ’70s.

48

�MA:

Well, after we got married, yeah.

JJ:

The ’70s.

MA:

In the early ’70s.

JJ:

Yeah, the ’70s because I remember they moved all over, but there was always
something there.

MA:

Yeah, that’s --

WA:

[Yeah, that’s before?] --

MA:

-- how he met his wife. She was from the South Side, Puerto Rican.

JJ:

So you’re talking about -- in the ’70s, they were going over to the South Side,
okay.

WA:

No, in the ’70s, she was not going to the South Side ’cause we got married ’66,
so --

MA:

Well, that’s when we --

JJ:

She wasn’t allowed?

MA:

-- met (Spanish) [00:49:46] Yvette. Then, they got married --

WA:

They got married.

MA:

-- on the South Side.

P1:

No, he was asking when you were --

WA:

When you were going.

P1:

-- going to the South Side to the dance.

MA:

Oh, I see.

JJ:

So you went in ’65, yeah.

WA:

Before she was married, yeah.

49

�MA:

Right, but I never got to go [00:50:00] because my mother --

JJ:

You had to clean the house. You were scrubbing the floor.

WA:

Well, that’s the way it is. In the old days, they --

MA:

Who knows? You know what? Maybe --

WA:

I mean, I was 16, 17. I’m in high school, and I had to be home at eight o’clock at
night. I’m not kidding you when I tell you that.

JJ:

Okay. So they --

WA:

That’s the way it was.

JJ:

-- were strict with the men.

WA:

I was not a person that was out doing bad things ’cause I didn’t get --

MA:

He didn’t have the time.

WA:

-- you know, to go out there. I was home already.

JJ:

I think he’s trying to tell me something.

WA:

Well, no, it’s true. A lot of the guys [in the?] --

MA:

See, the thing is he was the oldest in his family. I was the oldest in my family, so
I think the oldest kid always is -- they’re more strict with you. I don’t know, you
know.

JJ:

Okay. So the oldest --

MA:

In my head.

JJ:

-- person in each family had a responsibility?

MA:

More responsibility, I think.

WA:

Sure, I used to --

JJ:

Is that what they were doing?

50

�WA:

My brothers, Ruben --

MA:

(Spanish). [00:50:51]

WA:

-- and Sixto, I had to wake up in the morning. “Come on, get your butts up for
school.”

MA:

Yeah, that’s the way it was.

WA:

And, you know, I used to --

JJ:

You had to do that?

WA:

Yeah, I would.

MA:

You didn’t have a [00:51:00] babysitter. You didn’t have anybody coming for --

WA:

My mother and father would get up at 5:00 in the morning to go to work.

MA:

Yeah, that’s the --

JJ:

So that was part of family?

MA:

Right, it was a family thing.

JJ:

The oldest person --

MA:

My mother got up --

JJ:

-- had to do it.

WA:

You have a responsibility for the --

MA:

My mother left by 7:00. Like he says, I had to get them ready for school. What
could I do? I was 12, 11, you know. We walked together. No one walked us to
school, you know.

WA:

Today, everybody drives their kids to school. They live two blocks, they drive
their kid to school. I walked to school. I had to take buses when I went to high
school, and you know, 20 below zero didn’t mean nothing.

51

�MA:

Yeah, you had to --

WA:

You waited there for the bus, and that’s it. Just make sure you’re dressed warm,
you know. That’s the way it was. But I bought my first car for 75 bucks, a ’53
Mercury. Two-door hardtop with the Hollywood bumpers and all that, my own
money.

MA:

When we first got married, we got paid every two weeks, so --

JJ:

Oh, really?

MA:

[00:52:00] -- we didn’t have enough money between us. And the bus was 25
cents with a transfer, and we didn’t have that. And I was too proud to ask, and
he was too proud to ask, so what he would do -- he had a car. He’d take me to
work, then come back or -- oh, it was a big mistake.

WA:

We had money to go to work, but then I would come back home and pick up the
car, and then I would go pick her up at work. No lunch. We had breakfast at
home, and that was it, so you know...

MA:

And people would say, “Oh, aren’t you gonna eat lunch?” (laughs)

WA:

You got to, you know, earn points, and that’s the way we did, but thank God.

MA:

But I think there were a lot of --

WA:

Today, you know...

MA:

-- people like that, a lot of Latinos, you know, that did that. It wasn’t just us. I
believe that very much.

JJ:

Did you see it, or no?

MA:

I believe I saw, you know, a lot of people sacrifice.

JJ:

Like your friends?

52

�MA:

[00:53:00] Oh, yeah.

JJ:

Oh, they did? Okay.

WA:

It was --

MA:

Mainly, I would say my family; my parents, my mom, and my aunts and all of
them. They were very hard workers too.

JJ:

They just ate breakfast. They didn’t eat lunch?

MA:

Right, yeah.

JJ:

No lunch?

MA:

No lunch, as far as I know, you know, yeah. On the weekend, they used to cook
a lot because, you know, that was the thing to do. We’d cook, and then --

JJ:

So when they cooked, I know that -- was it rice and beans and that?

MA:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

I mean, they didn’t --

WA:

Puerto Rican favorites --

JJ:

Puerto Rican families --

WA:

-- in those days, sopa de pollos and everything.

MA:

We used to go to his mother’s house every Sunday to eat or my mom because
like he said, one lived on the first floor and second. And we’d go with the kids,
and one of them would cook one Sunday, and the other one the next Sunday.
That’s what I’m saying. Today is, “Let me call and see if I can come over,”
[00:54:00] you know? In those days, you just came over. It wasn’t like now. And
then it was all Puerto Rican food all the time. (Spanish), [00:54:14] what time is
it?

53

�WA:

I know, yeah.

JJ:

Okay, yeah, so we’re gonna kinda wind down. Okay, so what’s the biggest thing
you remember about growing up in Lincoln Park?

MA:

That mostly, it was all Puerto Rican, and we all got along. We never had any,
you know, “Don’t go walking on that side of the street,” or, “Don’t look at him.”
We all got along perfect. And, you know, of course, there’s always a little mishap
with people, but it wasn’t to that degree that you had to call the police or -- you
know, everybody tried to get along with each other. Today, it’s hard, you
[00:55:00] know? Neighbors are not that friendly. Everybody keeps to
themselves, you know?

JJ:

Did you like Lincoln Park, or...?

MA:

Oh, yeah, I was happy there.

JJ:

That’s a trick question. That’s kinda a leading question.

MA:

No, at that time, you know, I was a kid. Those are memories that -- we had a
family. What was their last name? Puerto Rican. They lived on top of Clyde’s
Donuts. They had 22 children, so we had all kinds of kids to play with. (laughs)
You’ll never guess -- and that’s the guy, Bendito. He was a very -- they all sang.
They played guitar, (Spanish), [00:55:44] Fred? They were unbelievable, these
people. They were from my mother’s town, Cidra. I don’t know if you’re --

JJ:

Oh, the 22 were Puerto Rican. And he played guitar on the [side?]?

MA:

They had their own band.

JJ:

Folk music, [00:56:00] or...?

MA:

No, they had everything.

54

�JJ:

(Spanish) [00:56:01] and all of that?

MA:

And I remember the daughter --

WA:

And one of them --

MA:

-- sang beautiful, Anjelina.

WA:

-- was a pilot in Puerto Rico.

MA:

Yeah, some of them moved back to Puerto Rico.

JJ:

So you know who else lived on Webster? This guy named [Ito?]. Do you
remember him?

WA:

Oh, Ito, yes.

JJ:

What do you remember about Ito?

WA:

Man, Ito, Maria.

MA:

(Spanish)? [00:56:23]

WA:

(Spanish). [00:56:23] You know, he passed away.

JJ:

Oh, no, I didn’t know that.

WA:

Yeah, Ito died. He was a tall guy. We called him Ito. [That was his name].

MA:

I used to remember [Fransico?].

WA:

No, but Ito --

JJ:

Oh, Elvis Presley. Wasn’t that Elvis?

WA:

Well, Ito was the one that was in --

JJ:

Wasn’t he Elvis Presley in the neighborhood?

WA:

I don’t know about Elvis Presley, but --

MA:

My cousin used to be Elvis Presley.

JJ:

[Oh, he was?]?

55

�MA:

He used to love Elvis Presley.

WA:

He did, yes.

MA:

Hector.

WA:

Hector, yeah.

JJ:

Hector?

WA:

Her cousin.

MA:

They had a band. I’m pretty sure you knew them.

JJ:

What’s the name of that band?

MA:

I forgot the name of the band. [00:57:00] It was him, my other cousins like I told
you, David --

WA:

They were first cousins.

MA:

There used to be there with you guys, your --

JJ:

Oh, us, with the Young Lords?

MA:

Yeah, they had a band.

JJ:

David --

MA:

Johnny [Bettencort?] --

JJ:

Vicente, the dancer?

MA:

That’s another guy.

JJ:

That was another band.

MA:

Yeah, I remember that name.

JJ:

His brother had --

WA:

Yeah, so --

MA:

But Hector and them -- what were they called? Darn it, I forgot.

56

�JJ:

And there was some that dressed up like some kind of vampires or something
like that, (Spanish) [00:57:28] or something like that.

MA:

Right, yeah. But that’s one --

JJ:

But Ito used to get on the stage and sing Elvis. You don’t remember him --

WA:

Maybe I do.

JJ:

-- and the dances? Ito used to get on the stage --

MA:

Oh, I believe you, but I don’t --

JJ:

-- and sing Elvis. You don’t remember something? Okay.

WA:

Yeah, I don’t know.

JJ:

But you said something?

WA:

He did Elvis?

MA:

Yeah, my cousin was a little --

WA:

Hector.

MA:

Hector. He played in a band, and they used to know the Young Lords. It was
David Bettencort --

JJ:

(Spanish). [00:57:56]

MA:

-- Louis Bettencort, Johnny [00:58:00] Bettencort. They were three brothers and
him, Hector Sias. He was part of the group.

JJ:

Okay, so they had --

WA:

He played the keyboard.

JJ:

Okay, so I know that they had bands. Some of them looked like The Beatles.

MA:

Yeah, I think it was in Westley.

WA:

Yeah, they used to dress like that.

57

�MA:

I think that was them, yeah.

JJ:

Yeah, that was them.

MA:

They used to dress with the black arrow. They had, you know, the little...

WA:

Yeah, it was the --

MA:

Yeah, that was them.

JJ:

Yeah, ’cause we had our own bands in the neighborhood, all different bands.

MA:

Yeah, Swiss Hall, they used --

JJ:

At Swiss Hall, yeah.

MA:

-- to play a lot.

JJ:

That’s where I --

MA:

I remember that, yeah.

JJ:

So that’s them. I think [it was that band?].

MA:

But I don’t --

JJ:

And there was another group called The Vampire. It was a different group.

MA:

Oh, that one, I don’t know. But I forgot their name.

JJ:

And then they had salsa bands that were starting at that time too with Caribe
Ruiz. He was [up there?].

MA:

Oh, yeah, he was a big part of the community.

JJ:

Did you go to the Puerto Rican Congress?

WA:

(Spanish). [00:58:52]

MA:

Oh, yeah, (Spanish). [00:58:53]

JJ:

Did you go to the (Spanish)? [00:58:55]

MA:

Oh, yeah.

58

�WA:

It was down on North Avenue.

JJ:

What about The Post? Do you remember the [00:59:00] Legion Post for the
soldiers?

MA:

No, that, I don’t --

WA:

No, that one, (inaudible).

JJ:

They had [that on?] --

MA:

But yes, (Spanish) Caribe [00:59:07] was very --

JJ:

Yeah, he was one of the --

MA:

-- influential with the Puerto Rican...

JJ:

Yeah, that’s right because you said you sold tickets for the parade.

MA:

Mm-hmm. No, but --

JJ:

And that’s what they did at the (Spanish) [00:59:16] back then?

MA:

Right, yeah, once.

WA:

Yeah, at (Spanish). [00:59:19]

JJ:

Okay. Did you sell for that, or...?

MA:

No, I don’t --

JJ:

Not for the -- okay. Now, there was a thing -- do you remember that St. Michael’s
had a carnival? And I think there was a big fight.

MA:

Oh, yeah.

WA:

There was a big carnival.

JJ:

One year, there was a big fight. What do you remember of the carnival?

MA:

(laughs) I remember the fight.

JJ:

Oh, you remember the fight?

59

�MA:

Don’t you remember the fight?

WA:

No.

JJ:

It was a --

MA:

Wasn’t that the one with (Spanish) [00:59:45] Miguel, Louis Sias?

WA:

No.

MA:

Fred, I remember.

WA:

The one that you’re thinking about --

MA:

Was it somewhere different?

WA:

On North Avenue.

MA:

Oh, on North Avenue.

WA:

Miguel’s uncle lives in that area. It’s the north area way [01:00:00] west.

MA:

Oh, okay, maybe I’m getting confused.

WA:

I can’t think of the street. Was it North Avenue?

MA:

I know there was a carnival, and there were some Italians or --

WA:

Yeah, it was an Italian area.

JJ:

Oh, yeah, by the gang lords of (Spanish). [01:00:12]

WA:

I don’t know, but I know that’s by where the race track is. But I forgot the name
of the race track already.

JJ:

Oh, that’s the race track?

WA:

On North Avenue and --

MA:

Wood.

WA:

-- Cumberland.

JJ:

Cumberland? Okay.

60

�WA:

That’s where it is, in Cumberland.

MA:

Yeah, I know where you mean.

WA:

That’s where --

JJ:

The Hawthorne race track?

WA:

Not Hawthorne, though. It was in --

MA:

It was in Oakwood or Maywood.

WA:

Maywood, yes.

MA:

Maywood.

JJ:

Maywood, yeah. That’s what I mean, that one, yeah.

WA:

Yeah, it was --

JJ:

There was a fight in there?

WA:

-- in that area out there, yeah. There was a fight, yeah, and it was my (Spanish),
[01:00:40] Miguel Claudio. I don’t know if you remember Miguel, Sean’s father.
And --

MA:

Somebody --

WA:

-- he didn’t do anything.

MA:

Right, but they --

WA:

And actually, it was a guy from the Paragons.

MA:

Yeah, I didn’t wanna say nothing, but...

WA:

And they blamed my (Spanish), [01:00:56] Miguel. And Frank Regio, you know -his [01:01:00] uncle had done that.

JJ:

Oh, Miguel, Crazy Johnny’s brother or somebody?

WA:

No.

61

�JJ:

Okay, so that --

WA:

He didn’t know Crazy Johnny. See, he only had two brothers, and it wasn’t him.

JJ:

Oh, okay, that wasn’t him.

WA:

Yeah, but it’s the --

JJ:

No, Johnny was the Gonzales [family?].

MA:

Oh, yeah, I remember him.

JJ:

You remember him?

WA:

Johnny, yeah.

MA:

Johnny Gonzale, yeah.

WA:

That’s Jose Gonzale’s brother. Johnny was in (Spanish). [01:01:21]

JJ:

Right, (Spanish), [01:01:23] yeah

WA:

That’s Jose’s brother.

JJ:

Mm-hmm. Anything else you wanna add?

MA:

No, that’s all.

WA:

[We gotta get outta here?].

JJ:

I want to thank you very much.

MA:

You’re welcome.

JJ:

Thanks so much.

MA:

You gave me a lot of -- to look back. (laughs)

JJ:

Yeah, you can --

WA:

Yeah, to remember.

JJ:

Okay, stop --

62

�END OF VIDEO FILE

63

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&#13;
The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Wilfredo and Maria Aviles
Interviewers: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 9/27/2018
Runtime: 01:13:03

Biography and Description

Wilfredo Aviles was Born in Manati, Puerto Rico. He arrived in the US on July 1955 to Chicago, IL at Clark
and Division Streets or La Clark Neighborhood. His Parents were Angelina Tirado Aviles &amp; Sixto Aviles,
and he has three siblings. He lived in old town/Lincoln Park for about 10 years, then moved to the Lake
View area. His work experience included the U.S. Army, and retail in the family owned business, The
Gaslight Men's Shop, and eventually became the owner (43 years). He retired in 2008.
Wilfredo was also a civic leader. He was the first Latino President of Erie Family Health Center Board (2
years); Treasurer of the Puerto Rican Parade committee (5 years); Puerto Rican Chamber of CommerceTreasurer (5 years); and the Chicago Avenue Business Association-President (5 years).
He was a member of the Caballeros de San Juan. During his youth he belonged to one of the many
sports clubs which often played baseball in Lincoln Park. A few times members of his group joined with
other Puerto Rican youth to protect themselves from roving white ethnic gangs which had existed in
Lincoln Park previous to Puerto Ricans arriving there.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

So this is just a test. If you can give me your name, and the date

you were born and where you were born? Go ahead.
WILFREDO AVILES:
JJ:

Wilfredo Aviles. April 7, 1945.

Thank you. And --

MARIA AVILES:

And where were --

JJ:

-- where were you born?

WA:

Manati, Puerto Rico.

JJ:

Manati?

WA:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

Okay. Let me just see something.

(break in audio)
JJ:

And the day you were born. Go ahead.

WA:

In English?

JJ:

In Spanish, English, whatever.

WA:

Well, I’ll say it, you know -- my name is Wilfredo Aviles. I was born in Manati,
Puerto Rico, April 7, 1945.

JJ:

Okay, Wilfredo, you look at me. And who are your parents?

WA:

My parents? Sixto Aviles and Angelina Tirado.

JJ:

[00:01:00] Tirado?

WA:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

Okay. And how about your brothers and sisters?

1

�WA:

No sisters. I have two other brothers besides me, and --

JJ:

And their names?

WA:

[Ruben?] Aviles and Sixto Aviles, Jr.

JJ:

Okay. And did they come to Chicago too at the same time you came?

WA:

No. I came to Chicago like six months before they did.

JJ:

When did you come to Chicago?

WA:

July of 1954.

JJ:

July of 1954? Okay. So can you kinda describe what was going on? How old
were you when you came?

WA:

Eight; I was gonna be nine. Actually, yeah, eight.

JJ:

And what was going on in Puerto Rico then?

WA:

Actually, I was nine --

JJ:

Oh, nine? Okay.

WA:

-- I meant to say. Yeah, nine, because 54 and 45 [00:02:00] is nine.

JJ:

Okay. And can you tell me about something in Puerto Rico at the time that you
guys could come in?

WA:

In Puerto Rico? I was in school. I went to grammar school there for up to third
grade. And my parents migrated to Chicago, and they sent for me. I came down
here, and we lived on Division and Clark.

JJ:

Division and Clark?

WA:

Yep, Division and Clark. And --

JJ:

Do you know in what house, or...?

2

�WA:

Well, we lived at 1320 North Clark across the street from the Windsor Theatre in
those days. And then from there, we moved to 1154 North Clark a little bit south
of Division Street.

JJ:

So the Windsor Theatre was, you said, across the street.

WA:

Right from where I lived, yeah.

JJ:

What street was that about?

WA:

Clark Street.

JJ:

Okay, Clark. [00:03:00] But I thought they just had the Newberry Theater, and
then they had the Stranahan --

WA:

No, that was out by Chicago Avenue.

JJ:

Oh, that was --

WA:

That was south, yeah.

JJ:

Okay. But the Windsor was more up north?

WA:

Just North of Division Street, yeah.

JJ:

Oh, was it?

WA:

In 1300 block --

JJ:

That was the Windsor Theatre?

WA:

-- of Clark Street. Windsor, yes.

JJ:

Okay. And so did you go to that theater, or...?

WA:

Actually, I went more to the Newberry. (laughs)

JJ:

Oh, the Newberry instead of at --

WA:

I’m sure that I went across the street too, but Newberry was the one that was --

JJ:

Better than --

3

�WA:

-- by the post office.

JJ:

Okay. There was a post office there?

WA:

Yeah, right next to it.

JJ:

And so you were eight or nine years old. What was school like in Puerto Rico?
Do you remember that, or...?

WA:

Well, you learn a little English. You learn about pencil, pen, chicken, (laughter)
hen --

JJ:

Hen, right.

WA:

-- you know, stuff like that, so you studied a little bit of English. [00:04:00] But I
didn’t speak hardly any English when I came, I mean, at all, you know. But then
on the other hand, you pick up fast because, you know, you’re around people all
the time, and you gotta learn the lingo. And I did, you know?

JJ:

Okay. And so they told you you had to come over here, but you wanted to come
’cause your parents are here.

WA:

Sure, yeah. I mean, the --

JJ:

You weren’t afraid or anything?

WA:

Nope.

JJ:

And --

WA:

Never been afraid. (laughs)

JJ:

Okay. So you came, and then you grew up in this place.

WA:

I grew up. I went to William B. Ogden School on Oak Street between Dearborn
and State, which is a very, you know, highly upper --

JJ:

Upper class area.

4

�WA:

-- class area, yeah.

JJ:

So it was a good school?

WA:

Oh, yeah.

JJ:

And did you feel important [00:05:00] because it’s upper class?

WA:

Well, I can’t complain about how fast I learned. I mean, I learned a lot of things,
you know. We didn’t have, per se, big Latino students at that time. It was very
few.

JJ:

Oh, they didn’t have that many?

WA:

Very few, yes.

JJ:

In ’54?

WA:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

Okay. But the neighborhood -- there was some Latinos, no, or...?

WA:

Not around there.

JJ:

Not around Oakland?

WA:

They were mainly, like I said, you know, by Division. Most people lived in the
South Side of Chicago at that time, most of the --

JJ:

But where did they live?

WA:

-- Puerto Ricans and the, you know...

JJ:

Where did they live?

WA:

South of Chicago Avenue, you know, and they lived west by the Humboldt Park -

JJ:

At that time?

WA:

-- area, you know?

5

�JJ:

By --

WA:

Yeah, there were a few Latinos in that --

JJ:

But they were living at that time? ’Cause there used to be a neighborhood there,
no?

WA:

Yeah, but --

JJ:

At Clark or something? Do you know about that?

WA:

Well, there was a Latino [00:06:00] group, but believe it or not, they were more
from my family from Manati. They were by Diversey and Clark Street.

JJ:

By Diversey and Clark?

WA:

Yeah.

JJ:

Oh, from your family. Or was it --

WA:

Well, not my family, but friends and some relatives.

JJ:

By Diversey and Clark, there was a lot of Latinos and Puerto Ricans? Okay.

WA:

Latinos, yes, at 2835 North Clark. It was a whole Puerto Rican building there.

JJ:

Twenty-eight --

WA:

Everybody was -- yeah, 2830--

JJ:

Is that in [Westchester?] too or no?

WA:

Huh?

JJ:

Oh, no, that’s on Diversey.

WA:

Yeah, 2835 North Clark.

JJ:

And this is 1954?

WA:

Yep.

JJ:

(Spanish)? [00:06:32]

6

�WA:

(Spanish) [00:06:34] -- to be honest, my uncles, my father’s brothers, and my
cousins, you know --

JJ:

That’s where they lived?

WA:

Yeah.

JJ:

Were there any stores around there?

WA:

There’s some stores vaguely, I remember, I mean, like Latino stores. The only
Latino store that [00:07:00] was on Clark Street was [Mario Rivera?].

JJ:

Mario Rivera. I remember that.

WA:

Okay. Mario Rivera was right across the street also by the Windsor Theatre, the
1300 block on Clark Street.

JJ:

Because he had --

WA:

He had a grocery store.

JJ:

He had a grocery store. I know he had (Spanish) [00:07:20] on Clark. Do you
remember that one?

WA:

I remember Spanish American food.

JJ:

His Spanish American food, yeah. I remember when he [brought it?] on the radio
one time.

WA:

Yeah, that was --

JJ:

What radio station was that? Do you remember, or...?

WA:

In those days?

JJ:

Is it --

WA:

Man, I don’t know. Pelencho, maybe?

JJ:

Pelencho or Chapa, all that --

7

�WA:

Pelencho, yeah.

JJ:

Pelencho.

WA:

And then (Spanish) [00:07:42] also was a local duo that -- Raul Cardona was
another radio announcer, you know, so there was not a lot. And there were a
[00:08:00] lot of Hispanics where my grandmother used to live and my aunts.
They’re from --

JJ:

They lived where, on Diversey?

WA:

No, they lived on Fifth Avenue by Harrison Street in the South Side up there.

JJ:

Oh, on the west side.

WA:

West, yes.

JJ:

Or Southwest.

WA:

Southwest, yep. They had --

JJ:

Okay. That’s where your grandmother lived?

WA:

Yeah, there were Latinos around there too.

JJ:

So at Madison, some of them had --

WA:

Yeah, south of Madison.

JJ:

Yeah, right around there?

WA:

Yeah. Now, you got the Eisenhower running through 290. (laughs)

JJ:

Right. At that time --

WA:

In that time, the --

JJ:

So were you there, do you remember, before the Eisenhower was built?

WA:

No, it wasn’t built yet when --

JJ:

Oh, it wasn’t built yet.

8

�WA:

-- I was here before, yeah.

JJ:

So where the Eisenhower was, there were Puerto Ricans?

WA:

Well, there was a highway there now, but I don’t remember seeing --

JJ:

But Harrison was there?

WA:

Yeah, the streets were --

JJ:

And your grandmother was there?

WA:

Yeah, Fifth Avenue was my grandmother --

JJ:

[00:09:00] Did you say your grandmother’s name? Did you give me her name
yet or no?

WA:

I didn’t give you my grandmother’s name.

JJ:

Can we get her name? It’s up to you.

WA:

It’s from my mother’s side. Actually, you know, it was a stepmother, so that was
the grandmother that I’m talking about. But my grandmother from my father’s
side -- [Agracia Ramon?].

JJ:

Agracia Ramon, okay. So both of your brothers are here now too, right, at the
same time?

WA:

Ruben and Sixto? They came down, yeah.

JJ:

In ’54?

WA:

No, they came in ’55.

JJ:

Fifty-five?

WA:

Yeah.

JJ:

Was there anyone here before ’55 from the family?

WA:

From my family?

9

�JJ:

Yeah.

WA:

No, just --

JJ:

They all came in ’55?

WA:

No. Fifty-four was my father, and then a couple of months later, I came.

JJ:

Okay. And your father came for what reason?

WA:

Looking for a better [00:10:00] way of living; a better life for themselves and for
us both. I’m glad that I came to United States. (laughs)

JJ:

Mm-hmm. So what do you remember by the Windsor, growing up there?

WA:

Oh, not much ’cause we only spent about -- I want to say in ’57, we moved to
1308 North Cleveland, okay? And Cabrini Green was not there yet. This is
before Cabrini Green was built on Division Street by the projects there, what they
used to call them. And we lived a couple of blocks north of there on Cleveland
Avenue.

JJ:

Who lived there at that time?

WA:

(Spanish). [00:10:50]

JJ:

(Spanish)? [00:10:51]

WA:

Yeah, and two Spanish families. You remember Nestor Hernandez?

JJ:

Yeah, I know Nestor.

WA:

Nestor was across [00:11:00] the street from me. He lived at 1309; I lived 1308.
That’s how it was, and then also Hector Molina.

JJ:

Oh, you knew Hector Molina?

WA:

Yeah, tall guy.

JJ:

That’s a tall guy.

10

�WA:

They lived on Evergreen.

JJ:

(Spanish). [00:11:17]

WA:

Yeah, on Evergreen, so that’s our neighborhood in the ’57 era. And that one --

JJ:

So any problems with the Italians?

WA:

No, we’re family. Nobody came and messed around, and plus the Italians had
the dogs and everything. (laughter) Nobody came to mess around there. People
there in those days -- everybody knew each other.

JJ:

[Like a family?].

WA:

Everybody sat outside. It didn’t matter; Puerto Rican, Italian, whatever. But
Spanish families were the first ones in there. And then on North Avenue and
Cleveland, my (Spanish) [00:11:57], Sebastian [Ramiri?] --

JJ:

[00:12:00] Oh, Sebastian.

WA:

[Sebby?] lived on North Avenue in there with his parents in the house and --

JJ:

So that’s the one that used to box?

WA:

Yeah, he used to box.

JJ:

So he boxed for -- was it CYO, or...?

WA:

CYO, yeah.

JJ:

And were they doing any work in the neighborhood, or...?

WA:

No. I mean --

JJ:

I mean, I didn’t --

WA:

-- we played ball. We had teams, YMCA. We went to [Action?] YMCA. That’s
where we belonged when we did our stuff, and we played baseball, mainly, you
know, softball. And it was --

11

�JJ:

So you had a team?

WA:

Yeah.

JJ:

What was the name of your team?

WA:

Well, we were, at first, the Flaming Arrows.

JJ:

Okay. You were in the Flaming Arrows, huh?

WA:

Yep, the Flaming Arrows. The best team they had (laughter) because I made
sure they practiced and --

JJ:

You mean you were the coach for --

WA:

I was the captain of the team, yeah, and I --

JJ:

So did you get voted in? [00:13:00] How’d you get that?

WA:

No. I was a little bit more knowledgeable in that area than other people and --

JJ:

In the sports thing?

WA:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

And so you became the captain of the Flaming Arrows. And Sebastian was part
of that team?

WA:

No, Sebastian was with the -- actually, he hung out more with the Italians, believe
it or not.

JJ:

Oh, he did?

WA:

Yeah, he was more with the Italian guys, you know. The Latinos, most of us,
were -- well, Frank was Italian, Frank [Regio?].

JJ:

Frank Regio, yeah. [I know him?].

WA:

Yeah, but you know, he’d speak Spanish like Puerto Rican and he spoke Italian
too, you know. And he lived across the street from me too. Actually, Nestor and

12

�him lived in the same building, so that’s how it was on Cleveland. And then in
January of ’61, I graduated [00:14:00] from grammar school, eighth grade, and
went to George Manierre.
JJ:

Oh, you went to Manierre.

WA:

After Ogden, I went to George Manierre School, yeah. And then from there, I
graduated --

JJ:

What was Manierre like at that time?

WA:

It was mixed. There were a lot of Latinos ’cause I remember we used to get
people that lived a little bit south of us from Division Street and around Hill Street,
I think it was; the little street on the subway, I think. And the church we went to
was St. Joseph, I think it is.

JJ:

St. Joseph?

WA:

The one right on the corner almost by -- this is the church that we used to go to,
most of us.

JJ:

So was there a thing for Puerto Ricans at St. Joseph, or...?

WA:

They had Spanish masses.

JJ:

There at that time?

WA:

Yeah, they had Spanish masses in those days, and we went there. We --

JJ:

Any activities for Spanish people?

WA:

Well, I think most people kept to themselves more than anything, to be honest,
about it even though they knew each other. And [00:15:00] when they met, and
there was some kind of a dance or something, everybody would know about it or

13

�something, you know. But one thing about it is friends. There were no gangs
laying around, I mean, at least that we didn’t know.
JJ:

[Moving to the?] gangs later -- but you said everybody stayed to the --

WA:

Yeah, one thing about my neighborhood -- it was a clean neighborhood. It was
no garbage laying around. People were clean. That’s the way it was.

JJ:

So everybody took care of their own apartment and their own houses.

WA:

Yep, everybody took care of it.

JJ:

And everybody got along. You said they hung out on the porches.

WA:

We did have block parties, you know, for the block that we were in, you know, but
that was, you know, just for the block party. And we used to go to festivities at
Cabrini Green when, you know, the church and all the staff had festivities up
there, [00:16:00] so...

JJ:

So Cabrini Green was all Black at that time, or...?

WA:

No, it had a lot of Latinos in there too. [Migos?] Claudio lived there with his
whole family.

JJ:

Oh, Migos Claudio [lived there?]?

WA:

Jose [Reyes?] lived there with his family.

JJ:

Toothpick? (laughs)

WA:

Toothpick’s brother, Jose, yeah. Well, Toothpick too because Toothpick was
there. They all lived together, and the two sisters. They all lived in Cabrini
Green. A lot of Puerto Ricans lived in Cabrini Green.

MA:

A lot of [Puerto Ricans too?].

JJ:

A lot of Puerto Ricans lived in Cabrini Green?

14

�WA:

Yes.

JJ:

And this was in what year?

WA:

Oh, now, we went to the --

JJ:

And what do you --

WA:

Fifty-seven --

JJ:

Fifty-seven.

WA:

-- to the ’60s, more or less.

JJ:

When a lot of Puerto Ricans were living in Cabrini Green?

WA:

Oh, yes.

JJ:

But what part of Cabrini, by Division?

WA:

By Division, yeah --

JJ:

The white projects?

WA:

-- and Orleans.

JJ:

They called it the white projects or something like that?

WA:

I don’t know if they called it the white projects, but --

JJ:

Okay, Division and Orleans. I don’t want to put words in your, you know...

WA:

Well, because we didn’t call it the [00:17:00] white --

JJ:

Okay, I asked that --

WA:

I just know that it was Cabrini Green, and it was made for people that were
underserved a little bit, you know, families that didn’t make enough money. And
they had to go to those places and get an apartment that they didn’t have to pay
as much.

JJ:

And then --

15

�WA:

I graduated from Walter High School in January of 1961.

JJ:

But you went to Manierre. To eighth grade, or...?

WA:

To eighth grade, yeah. I was about in fifth or sixth grade when I went to
Manierre.

JJ:

And so you said Manierre was okay, and it was mixed?

WA:

Yeah, it was mixed.

JJ:

No fighting, none of that at all?

WA:

It was the Italian --

JJ:

No gangs, or...?

WA:

That’s the thing. In the old days when we’d fight, you know, you did something to
me -- if I’d beat you up, we’d shake hands, and it was over. There was no
holding any grudges. There was no grudges at all, you know, and [00:18:00]
nobody got into the fight. It was just you and whoever the guy was, and I grew
up like that. We didn’t have 10 guys jumping on one guy. No, that came later
on, but --

JJ:

So that was respectful --

WA:

Yeah, it was a handshake after the fight.

JJ:

And it was just people [getting up to something?]?

WA:

Yeah, that’s the way it was.

JJ:

Okay. So what else do you remember about Manierre?

WA:

No, that’s about it. A couple of girls had fights, you know.

JJ:

That’s the --

16

�WA:

But here, again, it’s one-on-one. It’s no bunch of people fighting, you know,
jumping in.

JJ:

A couple of girls, one-on-one, were fighting over [you?]?

WA:

Yep. They’d take off their bras, and some of them --

JJ:

Oh, the girls would fight each other.

WA:

Yeah, and the guys just enjoyed the fight. We would wait and watch. [00:19:00]
(laughter) Those days were not like today. You didn’t have people coming with a
knife or a gun. None of that stuff existed, you know? The worst thing you ever
saw was somebody took a bat, and that’s the worst weapon anybody ever did in
those days, you know, so...

JJ:

I know that here, we were a little different, but I always know you guys were more
into sports, you said, as opposed to --

WA:

Yeah, we were about sports. Actually, at the Action YMCA, we had basketball.
We had dodgeball. We had the baseball teams, you know, and we competed
with each other, you know. But everything was done -- you know, even if you
push me or something, I’ll push you back, and that’s [00:20:00] it, you know?
And there was no, “Yo, I’m gonna beat you up,” or something.

JJ:

But it got a little rough around the edges, though, sometimes.

WA:

Oh, yeah, if it was something rough.

JJ:

Because, I mean, in some neighborhoods, people don’t even push each other.

WA:

No, they didn’t.

JJ:

So it was a little -- was it getting rough? When did it start turning rough?

17

�WA:

Not during the grammar school days. Grammar school was not rough. It started
from the high school area.

JJ:

In the high school era?

WA:

When you got into high school, then you had Walter, for instance, you know,
which is Lincoln Park West right now. But in those days, we were known as the
school that had every nationality you can think of. I mean, you name the
nationality, we had it.

JJ:

At Walter?

WA:

Yeah. [00:21:00] You know, but the good thing about the Latinos -- we were the
neutral group. And the reason we were neutral is because the whites didn’t like
the Black, and the Blacks didn’t like the whites, and we like everybody.
(laughter) So if they had a fight or something, they’d run away -- let’s say we’re
gonna fight the Blacks. Okay, the whites will come. If we’re gonna fight the
whites, the Blacks will come and help us, you know? But like I said, again, you
didn’t have the guns or anything like that. That’s the good thing about it. And
usually, it used to be --

JJ:

And what did they fight about, the Blacks and the whites?

WA:

Nothing, because people are like that, I guess. You know, some people don’t
like Black, and some people don’t like white. And some people don’t like Latinos,
so...

JJ:

So some people didn’t like each other because of --

WA:

Their race, maybe.

JJ:

Their race?

18

�WA:

Yeah. Mainly, it was the race issue, but [00:22:00] I don’t know. I guess --

JJ:

But that’s why they fought? They didn’t fight over girls or anything like that, or...?

WA:

Not to my knowledge. Did they fight over girls? Sorry, my --

JJ:

About race, or...?

WA:

Yeah, I think somebody had, you know, some --

JJ:

So can you give me an example of when they said something about race? Can
you talk about --

WA:

A Black person can call another Black person a nigger, but a white person
cannot call a Black person a nigger, you know, so they would say that. Or the
Italians were dagos, so they didn’t like being called dagos. You know, that's the -

JJ:

So people used words like dago and spic --

WA:

Yeah, spic --

JJ:

-- and stuff like that?

WA:

Yeah, stuff like that. Yeah, that was --

JJ:

And they would fight?

WA:

Yeah, ’cause if I’m Puerto Rican and you’re Puerto Rican, and I call you spic,
well, you’re not gonna do nothing. But see, if a white person calls you a spic, or
a Black guy, you know, you might wanna [00:23:00] do something about it.

JJ:

So was there any certain parts of the neighborhood you couldn’t go to?

WA:

Not in my time.

JJ:

No?

WA:

We could go anywhere.

19

�JJ:

Was there any certain parts of the neighborhood that you had fights in?

WA:

No, because --

JJ:

And let me give you a good example. At North Avenue Beach, we had a
baseball game --

WA:

There was a baseball game that we had, and we played baseball in Lincoln Park.
And somebody came in. We had these white guys come in, and they took us out
of our diamond. We were already there first. At that time, you had no
appointments. If the diamond’s empty, you -- and we used to practice. We had
both teams, and we would practice. And the only experience I ever had was
these white guys, which were already adults, most of them, college kids or
something. You know, we were still high school, a little smaller, but we were not
afraid either. [00:24:00] So, you know, they came in, and Darwin Fuentes,
another (Spanish) [00:24:05] of mine -- I don’t know if you know Darwin.

JJ:

Oh, Darwin.

WA:

Yeah, he has a shop --

JJ:

He was a business guy.

WA:

He had a --

JJ:

He had a business.

WA:

-- clothing store on Broadway, yeah.

JJ:

Clothing store on Broadway, uh-huh.

WA:

And he used to work for Herb’s Men’s Shop on North Avenue and Mohawk, the
little, nice store on North Avenue. And he doesn’t keep quiet, so you know, he
right away got smart with one of those guys. And we see they're bigger than we

20

�are, so you know, we’re not gonna attack, you know, and get beat up for no
reason. So the funny thing is that in those days, we had the Braves baseball
team, and these were adults. They were not kids, you know. They had their own
kids, you know? And they saw what was happening, and [00:25:00] right away,
they told one guy a couple of bad words, and the guy punched him in the face.
And he went down, and he got up again and said, “You guys --” he punched him
again, and he cut him a little bit. So we grabbed Darwin and pulled him to the
side, and said, “Look, leave it alone. You know, they’re bigger than we are, and
you know, they want it. Let them have their diamond.” But all the adults were
practicing also, the baseball team. They came over, and they started the rumble.
Those guys ran across Lakeshore Drive. They’d rather get hit by a car than fight
the guy -JJ:

Running on Lakeshore Drive?

WA:

Yeah, right inside Lincoln Park. But they jumped over the fence and over
Lakeshore Drive, and that was the only big fight I ever really --

JJ:

And then the --

WA:

-- participated in that was something like that. But they’re the ones that started it.
I mean, we were there already, and we were younger kids.

JJ:

Now, I thought that you were involved with the Black Eagles.

WA:

[00:26:00] Well, I wasn’t that involved with the Black Eagles. When [Louis Sias?]
used to be the president of the Black Eagles, and the Flaming Arrows broke up
when the Paragons came from New York.

JJ:

Paragons came from New York?

21

�WA:

Yeah.

JJ:

Oh, I didn’t know that.

WA:

Yeah, they came from New York, and these were wild guys, you know.

MA:

Don’t mention them.

WA:

Why?

MA:

Don’t mention them.

WA:

So anyway, these guys came, and they started -- you know, they thought they
were bad, I guess, you know, being from New York or something, and they
brought bad habits with them. And some of the guys -- we broke up and --

JJ:

When you say bad habit, what do you mean?

WA:

The weed. I mean, I personally didn’t --

JJ:

Didn’t do --

WA:

I didn’t smoke or drink or anything like that.

JJ:

-- drugs or something like that?

WA:

Yeah, they --

JJ:

I remember that, [when they’d come?], yeah.

WA:

Yeah, so you know, [00:27:00] they were into the gangs and stuff like that, you
know. And so we had broken up the Flaming Arrows, but what happened is that
some of the guys went to the Eagles. Some guys went to the Paragons, you
know, and that’s how the thing started, so...

JJ:

But I thought that you had become president for a while of the Black Eagles, no?

WA:

No.

JJ:

Oh, never? Okay.

22

�WA:

No. I, again, kept, you know, the team, though, the baseball team, ’cause that’s
the only time they started winning baseball games. (laughs) I was always the --

JJ:

But you were the captain of the --

WA:

But I had a voice, and I would, you know, put in my two cents. If I’d see
something that wasn’t right, I’d put in my two cents and I’d say, “No, that’s not
how things are.” But outside of that, hey, listen, I graduated and thank God I
went to the armed forces in ’65. I got drafted.

JJ:

So tell me about that. Tell me about the armed forces.

WA:

Well, I got drafted in ’65. I was one of the last group, I think, that got drafted
during Vietnam, [00:28:00] and I went to Fort Knox for basic. September 1965, I
got drafted, and we took basic at Fort Knox. And then I took advanced --

JJ:

What’s that like? I don’t know what that is.

WA:

Well, you learn how to shoot the rifle. You learn how to fight, you know, with the
[bungee?] --

JJ:

Physical?

WA:

No, no fists. (laughs) They got the --

JJ:

Oh, the rifle, okay.

WA:

-- rifle that’s set, you know, so stuff like that and shooting at a target, you know.
That’s what I learned there, and you know, a little bit of self-defense, and then I
went to advanced training in Fort Bliss, Texas. And in Fort Bliss, Texas, I wound
up with 16B20 MOS, and that was artillery. So I finished my artillery. I [00:29:00]
made sergeant in 16 months.

JJ:

[Congratulations?]. That’s awesome.

23

�WA:

And I never went to Vietnam either, so I was lucky. I worked with the Nike
Hercules. That was my M1, and I was assigned to the warhead of the Nike
Hercules. It’s only eight of us that was in that group. We had no back check.
We didn’t belong to the 333rd Artillery. This is a individual group, so you know, I
was lucky. You know, I fell in the right places, you know, and I had good grades,
I guess, when they took my test. (laughs) So that kinda helped me with that, you
know, but as far as hurting somebody just for the heck of it, I would never do that.
I mean, I have my -- but like I said, again, in those days, we had our own fights.
But we shook hands at the end of the fight, and it was over.

JJ:

So you mentioned [00:30:00] Action YMCA.

WA:

Action, yeah.

JJ:

What do you remember from that?

WA:

Oh, that’s where we did all our sports; swimming, everything. Action was the
home for -- after school, you know, we’d go there. In the summer, we had, like I
said, the baseball teams. You know, we’d never played soccer, but we’d play --

JJ:

So who else was in the baseball team? What are their teams?

WA:

Well, the Paragons was a team at that time. The Black Eagles were a team. In
the days before the Paragons came, we had the Flaming Arrows, and we had the
Black Eagles. What other team? I think maybe the [Youngers?] might have
been around --

JJ:

Yeah, the Youngers were around [back then?].

WA:

-- at that time. I think they were in there too.

JJ:

So you --

24

�WA:

Like I said, they were younger kids.

JJ:

Right, they were younger back then.

WA:

Yeah, but the older guys -- that’s what we did, mainly.

JJ:

But some of these people turned into gangs later. [00:31:00] Didn’t they turn into
gangs, some of them, the young boys or any of the...?

WA:

Well --

JJ:

And the Paragons turned more into gangs, huh?

WA:

Well, yeah, but you see what happens. A lot of them are dead doing their own
things, you know, but --

JJ:

Weeds and drugs and stuff like that?

WA:

Yeah. You live the life, you --

JJ:

So why do you think they got that deep involved? I mean, you were there. Why
do you think they went from, you know, playing sports to --

WA:

Doing those other things?

JJ:

Yeah, doing those other things.

WA:

Well, by that time, I was already out of there.

JJ:

Oh, you was out there?

WA:

Out of the neighborhood. I was --

JJ:

So you don’t remember? Okay.

WA:

I always grew up, I’ll be honest, in a nice neighborhood. I never lived in a
neighborhood that was bad, so I got to give you that. That’s one thing I always
deal with myself. Since I have my kids now, they can’t say they live in a bad

25

�neighborhood. We always lived in a good neighborhood, had a home, you know,
so...
JJ:

And who did --

WA:

We --

JJ:

-- that? Who made sure that you did that, [00:32:00] you or her?

WA:

My father. If I wasn’t home by eight o’clock at night, I got whipped, so --

JJ:

When you say whipped, what do you mean? How did he whip you?

WA:

With the belt.

JJ:

Oh, it was a belt.

WA:

Hell, yeah. He’d say I was supposed to be here at 7:30, not eight o’clock.

JJ:

Was that normal? ’Cause today, that’s (inaudible).

WA:

Today, the kids come home at 12:00 midnight, but that’s why that you gotta --

JJ:

But when you grew up, they --

WA:

Oh, my mom and dad were strict. And in my house, not one guy gets whipped.
It’s three of us, and my father whipped all three. Even though the other two [had
nothing to say?], he said, “That’s in case you guys want to laugh about it,” you
know, so that’s the way he was. That was good ’cause Sixto, second after me,
never cried. And I always used to tell him -- ’cause my dad touched me one time
with the belt, and I’m screaming. But Sixto would just [00:33:00] take it. He was
very hard. He would not cry, and I would say, “Man, just cry.” But Ruben and I
would start crying. One hit, and I’m crying, you know, so you don’t get --

JJ:

To get him to stop?

WA:

Yeah.

26

�JJ:

But he wasn’t --

WA:

No, he just did it because, hey, what he says -- in those days, you respect your
parents. I mean, you know, you don’t just tell your parents this or that in those
days. You know, I never swear. I even tell my kids, “You never hear me swear,
but you swear.” That’s the way it is, but that’s the way they come up. But, you
know, that’s --

JJ:

What about church and that? Where did you guys go to church at?

WA:

We went to Holy Name. I made my first communion --

JJ:

Holy Name Cathedral?

WA:

-- in Holy Name Cathedral, yeah. I made my first communion there, and I did my
-- the one that comes after the...

MA:

Confirmation.

WA:

Confirmation, [00:34:00] also. I did my confirmation at Holy Name --

JJ:

At Holy Name?

WA:

-- Cathedral, yeah.

JJ:

So --

WA:

So Holy Name. St. Joseph was also --

JJ:

Were there Spanish people there at Holy Name?

WA:

Yeah, sure, there were Spanish.

JJ:

So there was --

WA:

I went to the cathedral in my days in Ogden School ’cause it’s Ogden and State,
and the cathedral was on Chicago Avenue and State.

JJ:

So you went to public school, and then you went to Catholic church?

27

�WA:

Catechism.

JJ:

Catechism.

WA:

I had catechism. Yeah, that’s where I went to -- [well, also?] the Lawson YMCA
on Chicago Avenue, you know. We went there also. I was in the swimming
team there too. We had --

JJ:

Were there other Spanish people there?

WA:

Yeah. We had really --

JJ:

That’s awesome. But [what was the?] year?

WA:

Huh?

JJ:

What year was that?

WA:

This is ’55, ’56, yeah.

JJ:

And the whole neighborhood was Latino?

WA:

Yeah, mm-hmm. And also, like I said, we went to [00:35:00] St. Joseph --

JJ:

On [Clark?]?

WA:

-- in Orleans, yeah. They had Spanish masses there, yeah.

JJ:

Were there any activities? Did anybody organize anything?

WA:

Not too many functions. Most of the activities was at St. Michael’s on Cleveland
and North Avenue.

JJ:

What kind of activities did they --

WA:

Everything. My wife and I, when we were high school friends, went to dance
there. All the guys used to go dance there. I don’t know if you remember Jose
Rodrigeuz, Joseito.

JJ:

Oh, Jose?

28

�WA:

Yeah, that’s the --

JJ:

Actually, he’s my third cousin.

WA:

Is he really? Okay. And his brother, you know, passed away. Was it Manny?

JJ:

Carmero.

WA:

Carmero.

JJ:

Carmero.

WA:

Carmero used to be a teacher at Roberto Clemente, and his wife. So we were
the dancers. We were the guys that knew [00:36:00] all the steps with --

JJ:

Oh, you were a dancer [back then?], huh?

WA:

We used to practice, yeah. (laughs)

JJ:

But did you dance Spanish or English?

WA:

Spanish, mainly. That’s what it was ’cause that’s where you do some nice steps,
you know. English is, you know...

JJ:

And Jose danced particularly good too, yeah?

WA:

Oh, hell yeah. All of us were. Carmero --

JJ:

[All of you?] too, huh?

WA:

We used to practice together. We used to practice dancing, you know, so --

JJ:

Oh, the cha-cha-cha and --

WA:

-- all the girls would want to dance with us. (laughs)

JJ:

The cha-cha-cha, [you did also?]?

WA:

Yep, I danced everything. I used to be good. I still got a little swing.

JJ:

(Spanish) [00:36:36] had a lot of dances.

WA:

Oh, we had a lot of dances there. And then also, we had it --

29

�MA:

At (Spanish). [00:36:41]

WA:

(Spanish) [00:36:42] had one, the one on Clark and Southport where it comes by
Wrigley Field.

JJ:

Oh, at Wrigley Field.

WA:

Yeah, there used to be that --

JJ:

So they had dances?

WA:

-- (Spanish). [00:36:53]

JJ:

Oh, (Spanish) [00:36:55], I see.

WA:

(Spanish) [00:36:56] used to be there.

JJ:

That’s the best one.

WA:

I played ball for the (Spanish). [00:37:00]

JJ:

Oh, you did?

WA:

In the old days, yeah. And I played for (Spanish) [00:37:03] at St. Michael’s.

JJ:

Oh, you played at St. Michael’s too for (Spanish) -- [00:37:07]

WA:

Yep, and then I played for the Puerto Rican Parade. I played for the -- what was
those [things that?] --

JJ:

What did you play?

WA:

Third base.

JJ:

Third base, [that’s the one?]?

WA:

Third base, yeah, the hot corner. (laughs) Good reflexes.

JJ:

Actually, the ball goes higher than third base. That’s the way they are.

WA:

Yeah, that’s --

JJ:

You have to be good to play that.

30

�WA:

It’s a basic corner.

JJ:

Yeah, basic corner. (laughs) So you played a lot of sports?

WA:

I was into sports, yeah. I was very athletic in my young age. That’s why my kids
-- whatever kinda sport they wanna play, I tell ’em, “When you go to high school,
whatever sport they have, get in it. Join. You know, try to play.”

JJ:

Can you describe, because somebody that’s never been there at that time -[00:38:00] what were the games like? I mean, if you went to the game -- I
remember we went and [saw pasteles?] and stuff like that, so that was our thing.
But other people were -- I heard noises and people singing, I mean, chants and
[other things?]. [00:38:16] I mean, what do you remember?

WA:

Well, we had a good team, so people used to like us. I mean, a lot of people
went to see the games there. They were always pulling for us. Whenever we
played our games, they pulled for us, yeah.

JJ:

So what do you mean, they pulled for you?

WA:

I mean, you know, they’d cheer us more than the other -- we had a good fan, you
can say --

JJ:

Fans?

WA:

Yeah, we had a lot of fans.

JJ:

Were there a lot of families that came, or...?

WA:

Yeah, families always were there. My wife and my kids would come to see me
play ball, you know. Sometimes they would walk around by North Avenue Beach
and that ’cause we used to play ball [00:39:00] always at Lincoln Park. And then

31

�we’d play at Humboldt Park. You know, we also played there. I played
organized leagues, you know.
JJ:

So you played at Humboldt Park and Lincoln Park. And then --

WA:

I played at a lot of parks.

JJ:

Yeah. Your wife went to the beach while you guys played?

WA:

Well, they’d walk around the park if we had the kids and that, but you know, she
would go and stay there or walk around.

JJ:

So were there a lot of Spanish people at that time, then?

WA:

Yeah, a lot of Spanish people.

JJ:

What does that mean?

WA:

A lot. At that time, we already had, at Clemente, Puerto Rican. I had Puerto
Rican friends that were policemens already, you know, and a lot of the guys that I
grew up with are policemens and detectives and what have you, you know, so...

JJ:

Some of the guys from the Flaming Arrows -- were they policemen or --

WA:

Yeah, Frank Regio.

JJ:

Frank Regio?

WA:

He’s the sergeant in the police department. He retired as a sergeant down there.

JJ:

Who else from the neighborhood was a policeman?

MA:

Louis.

WA:

There’s so many, and I can’t --

MA:

[00:40:00] Louis Sias.

WA:

Well, Louis Sias, yeah. He was a policeman --

JJ:

Oh, Louis Sias?

32

�WA:

-- too, yeah, Louis.

MA:

And Pete Rivera.

WA:

Huh?

MA:

Pete Rivera.

WA:

Oh, Pete Rivera. (Spanish), [00:40:08] yeah.

JJ:

Oh, yeah, [that’s the?] --

WA:

(Spanish), [00:40:10] we used to call him. (laughs)

JJ:

I was gonna interview him.

WA:

Pete? Yeah, he was one of the --

MA:

Down at the --

WA:

-- counselors in that time. He was one of the counselors for the Latinos and stuff
like that.

MA:

Helped them out with everything.

WA:

Helped the kids, you know. He was involved with all the kids.

JJ:

You mean with the YMCA?

WA:

Yeah, The Y and everything.

JJ:

He did that? Okay.

WA:

He’s always been involved with us. That’s, you know, always -- I don’t know. My
thing is if you do the right thing, things good are gonna happen. That’s the way it
is. If you’re doing the best thing, the best things are gonna happen, you know, so
that’s...

JJ:

So you would tell people to do that, or that’s just --

WA:

Sure, I would.

33

�JJ:

-- the way you do [everything like that?]?

WA:

Yeah, I would tell ’em that. [00:41:00] You know, it’s like I do with my grandkids
right now. You know, I tell ’em, “This is this, and this is that.” And you can only
tell ’em. You know, like they say, when the kids are out, you don’t know what the
heck they’re doing. You only know when you’re watching them, and that’s it. But
if you show good morals --

JJ:

Good morals, uh-huh.

WA:

-- they’ll come up with good morals. That’s the way to --

JJ:

What other things do you try to tell the grandkids?

WA:

Study; go to school. Don’t lie ’cause lying is the worst thing you do. Once you
become a liar, that’s it. People don’t believe you for anything. Be responsible.
Be motivated. Always, you know, move yourself and move others with you. You
know, that’s what you gotta teach ’em. Those are the things that you teach your
kids right off the bat ’cause there’s three things I live by. It’s responsible ’cause
[00:42:00] when I had to be at work at nine o’clock in the morning, I was there at
a quarter to 9:00 ’cause if you get there at 9:00, you’re late. That’s what I tell my
kids. So I got there a quarter to 9:00 so I knew that I was not late. Okay, that’s
responsibility. Honesty. A guy left 10 dollars on the table? He’ll come back, and
the 10 dollars will still be there. That’s another thing that I always say, you know,
and then don’t lie ’cause those three things are the ones that are part of, you
know, doing things the right way.

JJ:

Did you learn that in school? Where’d you learn that at?

34

�WA:

I learned that in school. I learned how to be a businessman at Walter High
School ’cause in the old days, you went to high school. And if you paid attention
and did things the right way, you gonna learn to do things. And I always wanted
to be a businessman. And when I went to [00:43:00] Walter, they had how, you
know, to be self-employed and have your own business, and how to run a
business. I learned that in high school.

JJ:

And they had business classes, or...?

WA:

They had a business class, and then I had my -- one class was in the classroom,
and the other class was with a job. I worked, so I went and I practiced work while
I was learning. So I was selling when I was in high school. Already, I had a job
at work. When I finished high school --

JJ:

And what were you selling? You already had a job.

WA:

I was selling --

JJ:

Selling what? I mean --

WA:

I was a salesman. You know, what I had, mainly, is clothing and jewelry, and I
learned, you know, how to promote a sale, you know.

JJ:

How did you get the job of selling?

WA:

Well, you have to get a job in order to --

JJ:

Oh, to be a part of that program?

WA:

’Cause one half of the credit is [00:44:00] on job training, and the other half is in
the room. The teacher would test you in this and that, and you learned how to
promote a sale. You know, let’s say you would come in the store. You want to
buy a suit.

35

�JJ:

Oh, man, don’t get that on tape.

WA:

And I look at you, and I already know what size you --

JJ:

Don’t put that on the tape. (laughter)

WA:

He owes me a suit.

JJ:

“That guy owes me a suit!”

WA:

Yeah. And, you know, I always told my guys at work, “When a customer comes
in, two things you don’t do is don’t ask him what color he wants, and don’t ask
him what size. ‘Cause when you [tell him the things?], you take the tape
measure to his waist, and now you know what he is.” You know, if you come in
and you say, “I want a shirt,” my salesman will say to you, “Well, what size do
you need?” See, you don’t have to know. You should measure that person. Let
’em know you know what you’re doing, okay? [00:45:00] So I tell ’em, “You
measure the person, and then you say, ‘Okay, here’s what I have in your size, all
this here.’ Don’t say, ‘What color do you need,’ ’cause if he asks you for a royal
blue, and you don’t have it, you lost the sale already without starting the sale.
But if you show him shirts, he’ll see a bunch of colors. ‘Oh, yeah, I like this one.
I like that one.’ Let him be the guy who picks the stuff, you know? You just show
him, ‘Here’s what I got in your size.’” And, you know, instead of some guys -they’re 34 waist, and God forbid you give them a 36 because I see a lot of guys
come in and tell me, “Oh, yeah, I’m 32.” You say, “Okay, no problem.” So I will
just give them a [purple?] and say, “Here, try this one on and see how it fits.”
“Oh, yeah, this fits nice.” “Oh, okay. You want me to measure the length for
you?”

36

�JJ:

“You’re a 38.” (laughter)

WA:

’Cause that’s the way it is, you know? I knew. I can look at you, and I know what
size you wear in a suit, you know, but that was my business. [00:46:00] That’s
what I learned. I can sell ice to an Eskimo. That’s the way it is. (laughter)

JJ:

But you learned that in Walter. You didn’t learn that --

WA:

At Walter.

JJ:

-- from your family?

WA:

No.

JJ:

That’s the --

WA:

I learned at Walter the underground -- in other words, the knowledge for it. But
on the job is where I learned the real thing: what’s going on and how you gotta do
things like that.

JJ:

So Walter High School was pretty good at that time?

WA:

Sure. I had printing shop. I’d read backwards because of going to printing shop.
I had wood shop. I used to make a lamp, you know, out of wood and all that, the
base and the legs and everything else. There were a lot of things when I was at
Walter. I took a lot of shop classes, so it’s why I’m handy. When I do something
at the house, I [00:47:00] know how to take care of it. You know, I don’t have to
get men to come and do it. I do it myself.

JJ:

So they had a lot of trade?

WA:

Yeah.

JJ:

And you tried to --

WA:

It wasn’t a trade school, but they had a lot of --

37

�JJ:

They had a lot of [elective work?]?

WA:

-- things you could learn. If you want to be a mechanic, you have to go to Tuley.

JJ:

Oh, Tuley had mechanics [courses?].

WA:

Tuley had the mechanics, yeah. They had --

JJ:

What years was this? So the schools were --

WA:

This was in the --

MA:

Sixties.

WA:

-- early ’60s.

JJ:

Early ’60s from --

WA:

Yeah, from ’60, ’61, so --

JJ:

Tuley had mechanic shop, and Walter had print shop and --

WA:

Yeah, we had the --

JJ:

-- business?

WA:

-- print shop. Yeah, we had all that stuff.

JJ:

And home ec?

WA:

Business courses, typing. I’d type. I used to do all that stuff, yeah. I also did
mechanical drawing; could’ve been an architect.

JJ:

So how far did you go into Walter?

WA:

All the way. I graduated.

JJ:

You graduated?

WA:

Yeah.

JJ:

So other people from the Flaming Arrows -- where did they graduate?

WA:

Well, the ones who did was from Walter, maybe.

38

�JJ:

The ones --

WA:

Some from Wells High School, [00:48:00] you know, but the ones that didn’t
graduate --

JJ:

But when you look at the Flaming Arrows, you’re looking mainly at the sports
team, right?

WA:

Well, that’s what we liked to do. That’s what we had. We were not into fighting
or smoking or drinking. That’s not what we did. We did the opposite.

JJ:

That’s true. That’s what I [gathered?] about --

WA:

Hey, listen, to stay healthy -- I wanna be 103, so...

JJ:

Well, when there was a little thing you guys did, the whole neighborhood
sometimes got together and had a fight or something, no? You mentioned the
baseball game.

WA:

Well, usually, you didn’t have fights in baseball, but the fights were -- this group
of guys that were older than we were came in and, that same day, showed up
around there after that. And --

JJ:

And then baseball usually gets --

WA:

Yeah, that was the only time --

JJ:

It was just one time.

WA:

Yep, it was a one-time thing.

JJ:

So did you guys go around Halsten and Dickens?

WA:

Oh, sure.

JJ:

What was that like?

WA:

Walter High School [00:49:00] is right there. How can we not be --

39

�JJ:

So what was Halsten and Dickens like?

WA:

Well, I didn’t hang around there. I went there, but I didn’t hang around. I mean --

JJ:

Where did you hang around?

WA:

I didn’t hang around. (laughs)

JJ:

Not even hanging (inaudible)?

WA:

No.

JJ:

Just sports, and that was it?

WA:

Sports. I’d come home and, you know, do my homework and that, and that was
it. I didn’t do too much hanging around.

JJ:

It was more the Paragons and all of them?

WA:

Yeah. Well, we had dances also at the YMCA.

JJ:

So what were the dances at The Y like?

WA:

All the high school guys.

JJ:

So the high school guys and them --

WA:

The girls --

JJ:

-- [would go to these dances from Walter]?

WA:

Yeah, they went to Walter and --

JJ:

So they were decent dances?

WA:

Yeah, in those days, it was.

JJ:

No big fighting or anything?

WA:

No, that’s what I mean. We were a fun group. Nobody was looking for any fights
or anything, you know. Everything was normal, you know, not...

JJ:

Did the neighborhood change at all?

40

�WA:

[00:50:00] Where?

JJ:

At Lincoln around North Avenue?

WA:

Well, sure. Right now, it’s a very good neighborhood.

JJ:

That good?

WA:

It costs a lot of good money to buy a house around here.

JJ:

And the other Puerto Ricans neighborhoods are not so good today? (laughter)

WA:

Yeah, well, it’s --

JJ:

I’m joking.

WA:

Yeah, I know, but there’s still a lot of Puerto Ricans holding onto their --

JJ:

To their properties?

WA:

-- properties, yeah. The guy who owned just about the whole neighborhood
there was the hardware store, Frank.

JJ:

Frank.

WA:

Remember Frank’s hardware store across the street from the church there?

JJ:

At Armitage, yeah.

WA:

By, yeah, [Sheffield?] and that.

JJ:

He owned the whole block?

WA:

He owned the whole neighborhood.

JJ:

Really?

WA:

He owned, you know, almost every home, building, [shops?] around there.

JJ:

Frank?

WA:

And then, you know, what’s his name Carlos Flores -- he’s dead -- had that
corner building on Armitage by --

41

�JJ:

Oh, he took me to that building.

WA:

Yeah, a big building he had there, so you know, some Puerto Ricans --

JJ:

Did Mario Rivera have any --

WA:

-- did all right. Mario --

JJ:

At this point.

WA:

Junior or the --

JJ:

Junior.

WA:

Junior has (Spanish). [00:51:00]

JJ:

(Spanish). [00:51:01]

WA:

But his father is the original. On Clark Street, he was the original in the ’50s.

JJ:

And who were some of the other businesses that you remember? Who gave
haircuts?

WA:

Oh, man --

JJ:

The barber.

WA:

-- we used to go to -- I forget its name, God.

JJ:

Well, who is --

WA:

We lived in the same building on Sedgwick. We lived on the third floor, and he
lived on the second floor. And then he went to Puerto Rico with his wife and
daughter. Well, [Omelina?] --

JJ:

Omelina.

WA:

-- was his name, and I can’t think --

JJ:

Oh, yeah, Omelina.

42

�WA:

Yeah, and that’s it. And then I used to also get haircuts on Clark Street by
Chicago Avenue. It was owned by Puerto Ricans and that in those days, but I
don’t remember their names, really.

JJ:

Okay. So [00:52:00] we talked about the school, and then we talked about when
you got married. How did that happen?

WA:

I told Maria if she wants to get married... (laughter)

MA:

That’s such a --

WA:

I was in the service, and we were going out, you know, when I went in. And I
came out in September of ’67, and we got married in November of ’66,
November 5. And that was it. Decided we wanted to get married, and so we got
married. And at that time, my mom lived at 2250 North Lincoln.

JJ:

Lincoln?

WA:

Lincoln Avenue, yeah.

MA:

It was already changing.

WA:

Yeah, it was already getting (inaudible) [00:53:00] in the late ’60s. Well, when I
came in ’67, we rented an apartment at 1341 West Addison. That was my first
apartment ever ’cause I always lived at home with my family when I was a kid. I
went straight from the house to the Army, so you know, I never lived alone. First
time alone was when I went in the Army, so you can say that my upbringing was
because, you know, in the Army, I learned, you know, a lot of hard work. When
they tell you, “Clean the latrine,” you clean the latrine and make sure that it
shines when you get outta there. You don’t want to have no complaints, and
that’s always been my motto. When I do something, I make sure that I clean

43

�after myself. I keep it clean. Right now, when we’re together, Maria and I, I’m
always washing because I like, you know, keeping things clean. It may be two
cups only, but [00:54:00] you know, I’ll make sure that they’re clean and put ’em
away. So it’s a habit that you learn, and I always carry myself that way. When I
do things, I do it the right way. I’m not gonna do a sloppy job, and that’s it. So
we got married, and hey, it’s been 51 years.
JJ:

Congratulations.

WA:

Fifty-one years, yeah. And of course, the product that we have raised are
beautiful. (laughs) And they’re all smart, and they have a good head on their
shoulders. And it’s because, you know, I always said that, “You gotta go to
school, you know. You wanna be somebody? You gotta do your job and do the
best you can, whatever you are. You wanna be a garbage man or whatever?
You make sure that you’re the best there is because that’s the way it is, you
know?”

JJ:

What’s the best thing that you liked about growing up there in that neighborhood?

WA:

[00:55:00] The neighborhoods that I grew up in?

JJ:

Well, yeah, the neighborhood --

WA:

Chicago?

JJ:

Yeah, Chicago Avenue and --

WA:

Well, I’ve always lived in a nice neighborhood, I’ll be honest. I never lived on
Chicago Avenue, you know? I always lived north. Like I said, my first apartment
was in Wrigleyville on Southport and Addison, 1341. That was my first

44

�apartment. My second apartment was 3624 North Wayne a half a block north of
Addison and a half a block east of Southport.
JJ:

So you were living in Lake View?

WA:

Lake View area, yeah, always.

JJ:

Okay. But I meant in Lincoln Park.

WA:

Not Lake View area. That’s --

P1:

No, that’s right.

WA:

-- Wrigleyville.

JJ:

Wrigleyville.

P1:

More like --

WA:

Wrigley, yeah.

JJ:

That must’ve been somewhere just --

P1:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

WA:

Lake View, yeah.

JJ:

But I meant in Lincoln Park, what was the --

WA:

In Lincoln Park when I --

JJ:

What do you remember about Lincoln?

WA:

Oh, Lincoln Park’s been a beautiful park. It’s always been a nice park. It’s --

JJ:

I mean the neighborhood.

WA:

[00:56:00] The neighborhood’s always been nice. It’s not a bad neighborhood. I
mean, you had how many Puerto Ricans on Wieland Road, Irish --

JJ:

On Wieland?

WA:

Wieland, yeah.

45

�JJ:

So did you always live around Puerto Ricans when you were there?

WA:

Yeah, my neighbors were Puerto Rican.

JJ:

So, I mean, there was a lot of Puerto Ricans around you?

WA:

Not when I -- see, when I got my first home that I bought --

JJ:

I’m putting stuff in your head. I don’t want to do that.

WA:

No, the first home I bought was my second move. We moved from that
apartment that I got when I came out of the Army into this home rented, okay?
This was in ’68 that we moved to that house. Sixty-eight or ’69? Sixty-eight.
And Maria went first before me and talked to the landlord or the owner of the
house ’cause they had the apartment for rent, and [00:57:00] she said that she
wanted to move there. And then Maria went and talked to the lady. “Oh, yes, I’m
gonna bring my husband in the evening.” So I came with her, and when she saw
me, (laughs) she said, “A little bit darker than...” And I --

JJ:

Something about you being Black?

WA:

Yeah, well, you know, Puerto Rican.

JJ:

They didn’t like that?

WA:

Well, her sister has a building in your neighborhood.

JJ:

Who’s that?

WA:

The Germans, Streitenfeld. Her sister had a building on Dickens --

MA:

Halsted.

WA:

-- and Halsted right in that area.

JJ:

Oh, they had the --

46

�WA:

Oh, you know, and that’s all Puerto Ricans around there at that time. And oh,
she was so upset that, “These people are so dirty and [cockroaches?].” I said,
“Well, listen, ma’am. I’m only a half a block away from here. Go check our
apartment. See how it is. We’ve been there already for a year, you know,
[00:58:00] living there.”

JJ:

So you just talked bad about my neighborhood. (laughter)

WA:

Yeah, well --

JJ:

But anyway, at this point --

WA:

-- ’cause she thought that I was that type of a person. Right away, you know,
they brand you by the neighborhood.

MA:

On my own, [they didn’t happen?], and they were very nice.

JJ:

Oh, they [were good to you?]?

WA:

They brand you in a minute, you know, but what happened is they did rent to us,
you know.

JJ:

So you told them, “I don’t live with those people”?

MA:

No.

WA:

No, it's not that. I want you to --

JJ:

But you let ’em know at that time.

WA:

Yeah, and you know what?

MA:

[It had started?] --

WA:

You can say what you want. I said, “But, you know, we’re not those type of
people. You can see my apartment, how my wife and I keep our house. And we
--”

47

�JJ:

Yeah, ’cause that’s the --

WA:

“-- have a little girl already, Melissa.” So they didn’t even come to see the
apartment. They just took my word for it.

JJ:

And they took your word for it.

MA:

[And that’s what they wanted?]. (laughs)

WA:

And I told them that I worked in, you know, the clothing store and all that.

JJ:

You know, the reason I say that is because that actually happened to me. You
know, I went, and they told [00:59:00] me they had an apartment. And then
when I got and brought my mother, then she said, “No, the apartment is rented,”
because maybe they don’t [allow that?]. And they said it was okay, but then
when I brought my mother --

WA:

“She’s like me.” (laughter) So that’s what happened with Maria --

JJ:

You know how --

WA:

-- but you know what’s nice about it?

JJ:

So was that going on?

MA:

Oh, sure.

WA:

Oh, sure, it happened. She right away said, “Oh, no,” and she started telling me
the story about her sister with the building in Halsted. And I said, “I want you to
know that I graduated from Walter High School, you know? And yes, there is
people like that in that area, but I’m not like that. And you don’t have to believe
me, but you can go to our apartment if you want to check references.” And we
wound up getting the apartment, so we rented that apartment. And the first
winter -- the owner used to come and clean the snow and everything. But then

48

�[01:00:00] what happened is that whenever it snowed, I would get up in the
morning early and clean up the side. I’d clean up the front ’cause I didn’t want
Maria and the baby to fall or something going down the stairs. So every time he
came, the place was clean already, you know. Two years later, he decided he
wants to sell the house, so he says, “Yeah, I’m thinking of selling the house.” But
in the meantime, he lived on Lawrence and Hamlin.
JJ:

And Hamlin?

WA:

Lawrence and Hamlin, a corner home. Real nice home, and he invited us for
dinner, so we went to have dinner at his house. So we talked, and we made the
deal on the house. And at that time, you know, Maria and both worked, and we
had like 5000 dollars saved. So I told him, “Well, I got 5000 dollars that I can put
down, and I’ll see if I can get the bank to [01:01:00] give me the...” At that time,
the house was 21,300 dollars, so he says to me, “I’ll tell you what. I’ll give you a
personal loan for three years for 5000 dollars more.” So now, I got 10,000
dollars to put down on the house, and I only had to finance 13,000 dollars on that
house. Double lots. Bought that house; we made the deal. I paid 171 dollars
mortgage a month. I used to make 230 dollars in rent from the two apartments
downstairs.

MA:

Those were the days, man.

WA:

Oil heat, 18 cents a gallon, but I used to clean the furnace myself. I used to do
everything. I would come out blacker than the shirt you have on, you know,
because when you’re with all the carbon and all that stuff, my face and
everything was, you know... [01:02:00] And then I’m wearing gloves and a long

49

�sleeve sweater because otherwise, I’d really be -- and from that house, two years
later, we bought another home. And I still kept that house, and I bought it on
5837 North Spaulding by Hollywood Park between Kedzie and Spaulding. So
that’s my second home. Then, we sold that house, and we made a profit on it.
In the meantime, we had a fire at the house on Wayne, and so the whole place
had to be emptied. So what I did is I had the first floor opened up, you know,
’cause in the old days, they had small rooms. And the living room is small, the
dining [01:03:00] room -- you know, so I knocked down walls inside the house,
you know, ’cause the insurance gave me 30,000 bucks to do the work. And they
put new windows and everything in it. I didn’t care about the money. The
insurance is giving me money anyway, and I had, you know, the insurance that I
paid. But they did everything the way we wanted it, so we moved back into the
house there.
JJ:

And the house was located where?

WA:

Thirty-six 24 North Wayne.

JJ:

North Wayne, that’s right.

WA:

Mm-hmm. And then it came out that (Spanish) [01:03:34] Louis Sias and his
brother had a building at 1409 West Byron, and they were gonna sell the
building. So I bought that building from them, and I still kept the house there.
This is in ’72, ’73, around there. And the building had three apartments because
they had a basement apartment, and they [01:04:00] had the first and second
floor. So I was getting rent from the building, so it pays itself. I didn’t have to pay

50

�too much, you know, and I bought it because I put her mother on one floor and I
put my mother on the other floor. So I had my two -MA:

Look out.

WA:

(laughs) Both of my moms --

MA:

(Spanish). [01:04:20]

JJ:

(Spanish). [01:04:23]

WA:

So I had my two moms together, you know, and then the one apartment, I rented
to this Dominican guy. He’s a CTA bus driver, so he picked up almost the tab for
paying the mortgage on the building and everything because, you know, he had
reasonable rent. And the area is a nice area, you know. And that building -- I
sold it in 1998. I paid 115. We sold it for 400,000, but Uncle Sam killed me with
the --

JJ:

All the --

WA:

-- tax, [01:05:00] so I said, “What are you gonna do?” But what happened after
that is that before I sold the building, the store where I worked at, Gaslight, came
up for sale. So I needed 50,000 bucks cash to buy half of the store. So since I
already had fixed up the house on Wayne and lived there, the bus driver -- you
know, I told him that, “I’m gonna need that apartment.” So I gave him two free
months’ rent and, you know, said, “I’ll give you two months to move, and you
don’t have to pay me anything.” And, you know, he was a nice guy. We had a
good relationship, so he moved out, and I went in and I took that apartment. I
sold my house on Wayne, and I got the 50,000 to buy Gaslight, that 50 percent.

JJ:

What year was this?

51

�WA:

1978.

JJ:

Seventy-eight? Okay.

WA:

Seventy-eight.

JJ:

And [01:06:00] you just got into the business of clothing?

WA:

Yeah, but I’ve been doing it all my life.

JJ:

But you were doing it all your life, so --

WA:

Since high school, I’ve been doing this --

JJ:

Yeah, you were selling it.

WA:

Yeah, selling and buying.

JJ:

But was Darwin connected with you at the time?

WA:

I had my stuff before (Spanish) [01:06:14] Darwin.

JJ:

Before him?

WA:

No, he was not connected with me at all.

JJ:

Okay, so he learned from you. I mean, he got connected with --

WA:

No, he worked at Herb’s on North Avenue. He --

JJ:

Oh, that’s right, Herb’s.

WA:

Oh, yeah, he worked for a long time also in the store.

MA:

And my brother worked for him.

JJ:

Oh, your dad worked for him?

MA:

No, my brother --

JJ:

Oh, your brother.

MA:

-- worked for Darwin.

JJ:

For Darwin?

52

�MA:

I don’t know if you know him. Alan or Bob used to work there.

WA:

Yeah, he worked with Tony.

JJ:

I meant that one, then, ’cause he had it there on Clark Street, didn’t he?

MA:

Yeah, Taurus.

WA:

It used to be The Windjammer --

MA:

And then Taurus.

WA:

Yeah, but Taurus was his business when he opened it. But he worked at Herb’s,
and they moved to Belmont in Central Park.

JJ:

Oh, Central Park, [01:07:00] okay.

WA:

And it became The Windjammer at that time, the store.

JJ:

But they have one on Clark Street, don’t they now?

WA:

Huh?

JJ:

It was on Clark Street?

WA:

No.

JJ:

Or was it --

MA:

Maybe he worked there?

WA:

No, The Windjammer was on North Avenue.

JJ:

I’m trying to figure out -- then he must’ve worked for somebody. Okay, but --

WA:

Yeah, he worked on North Avenue. When he was in high school, he was
working for Herb.

JJ:

You mentioned North Avenue, but I’m saying I saw him around Clark Street or
something like that.

53

�WA:

Well, yeah, ’cause that’s when he opened up his own store. It was on Broadway,
though.

JJ:

On Broadway.

WA:

It was on Broadway, yeah.

JJ:

It was Broadway, yeah.

WA:

Yeah, just north of Diversey.

JJ:

Yeah, north of Diversey.

WA:

Twenty-nine Hundred North on Diversey.

JJ:

Yeah, that’s where I saw him.

WA:

He had --

JJ:

So that was his store.

WA:

Yeah, Tauru, T-A-U-R-U.

MA:

Yeah, Tauru.

WA:

Yeah, actually, that’s his month that he was born, a Taurus.

MA:

His birth sign.

WA:

His birth sign, yeah, Taurus.

JJ:

A Taurus?

MA:

Mm-hmm.

WA:

Yeah. But no, in ’78, I was a pioneer --

JJ:

But he went to your group? I mean, you were all friends. You grew up together
in Lincoln --

WA:

I taught him how to ride [01:08:00] a bicycle.

JJ:

You taught him how to ride a bicycle?

54

�WA:

At Ogden. Him and I both went to Ogden School.

JJ:

So you lived in the same block?

WA:

No, he lived by --

JJ:

But you went to the same school?

WA:

Yeah, we went to the same school, but he lived more by Chicago Avenue. I was
by Division and --

JJ:

Oh, he lived by Chicago Avenue?

WA:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay, I get it.

WA:

So, you know, yeah, I taught him how to ride a bicycle. But, you know, we’ve
always been -- you know, growing up in --

JJ:

Did he hang out at Halsten and Dickens?

WA:

Huh?

JJ:

Did Darwin hang out at Halsten and Dickens?

WA:

Oh, sure, he’d hang out wherever he wanted, that guy.

JJ:

He was one of those peoples that I don’t know.

WA:

Yeah, he’d hang out all over.

JJ:

I don’t know him, okay? (laughter)

WA:

But no, I kept most of my friends who are still, you know, there. You know, but
that’s what happened in ’78, and then we had a contract that if anything
happened to him, his wife would have to sell me the other percentage. And if
[01:09:00] something happened to me, she had to sell back to him whatever, you
know -- but he passed away in ’82. And then I bought out the balance of the

55

�store in ’83, and that’s it. But I’ve been running the store since ’78 by myself. He
bought a motel in Florida.
JJ:

Okay. That’s where he’s at right now?

WA:

No, he’s six feet under.

JJ:

Oh, that’s right. He’s dead.

WA:

He died in ’83, yeah. But his son had the motel, and they sold it. They got rid of
it, you know, but he lives in Florida. His son’s still alive. He’s 65 now.

JJ:

And you kind of retired now. You’re just --

WA:

I retired in ’07.

JJ:

In ’07? Okay.

WA:

Yeah, 10 years already, I’ve been retired. Actually, it’s gonna be --

JJ:

So what are you doing now in your retirement?

WA:

Nothing. I mean, when you retire --

JJ:

Okay, well --

WA:

I’ll tell you what I do.

JJ:

Fishing or anything -- you don’t fish, or...?

WA:

I don’t fish, no. That’s a boring --

JJ:

That’s boring for you.

MA:

For him.

WA:

I play golf.

JJ:

Oh, you [01:10:00] play golf.

WA:

I play golf, yeah. That, I do.

JJ:

I don’t know anything about that.

56

�WA:

Yeah, I play golf.

JJ:

Okay. I got friends that play that. I just don’t know anything about that.

WA:

Yeah, see, I picked that up also early in life. I picked it up in the ’60s or early
’70s. I mean, I stopped playing baseball in ’71. That’s when I started picking up
golf, when I stopped playing baseball, because now, you know, I had the full-time
job at the store and I couldn’t. The salesmans used to take me out, and I would,
you know, play golf with them and all that, so yeah.

JJ:

Okay, so let’s kind of go to kind of finish up the interview and that. What’s the
main thing that you want people to remember about growing up or anything like
that in Lincoln Park or -- you know, not, [01:11:00] you know, to remember you
by, but that you think are important?

WA:

I don’t care what they remember me by.

JJ:

Anything that you think are important?

WA:

All I can tell you is that if you do things right all your life -- you’re gonna make
mistakes here and there, but nothing that is critical. Mistakes can be remedied,
and that’s no problem. But when you go into making mistakes that are
astronomical, you know, I mean, it’s out of this world, then, well, you know... But
if you think, especially young couples -- they get married and have kids, and then
they’re father absentee or mother absentee, you know. You gotta be there for
your kids always, no matter what. They’re never too old. You always gotta take
care of your kids no matter what, and my bottom line is that. I don’t want my kids
to take care of me. I wanna take care of them, you know. That’s the way it is.

57

�And educate because that’s the most important thing; [01:12:00] got to have an
education. Doors open up when you’re educated.
JJ:

And what’s the most important -- what do you remember the most of Lincoln
Park, the neighborhood?

WA:

The most I remember is the good times I had. It was great growing up in Lincoln
Park, I’ll be honest with you. I had a good time playing ball, and people were
nice. I cannot complain. People always say, you know, “If you’re nice, they’re
nice.” I always smile for one reason: so I can give you a smile. When I give you
a smile, I don’t care if I don’t even know the person. I always smile, and it’s, “Hi.”
And then they’ll look at me, but they’ll smile, and that’s one thing I always take
with me. I give you a smile, and I get a smile. (laughs)

JJ:

And no negative things --

WA:

Nothing.

JJ:

-- about Lincoln Park?

WA:

Yeah, nothing.

JJ:

About Lincoln Park, the neighborhood.

WA:

No, that’s --

JJ:

Nothing negative?

WA:

Nothing negative, nothing.

JJ:

All positive? Okay, thank you, I appreciate it.

WA:

No problem.

JJ:

Can I interview your [01:13:00] wife?

WA:

It’s up to her.

58

�MA:

I’m not a very good --

END OF VIDEO FILE

59

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Ada Nivìa López
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez and Melanie Shell-Weiss
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 8/24/2012

Biography and Description
Ada Nivìa López was born in Puerto Rico and moved to Chicago with her family in 1956. She describes
life in Lincoln Park in those early days, including her father’s leadership in Latino community and his run
for alderman in the early 1960s. She became active in her community at an early age and describes how,
shortly after starting college, she and a group of students approached the local ASPIRA Association
office, to demand that they become more accountable to the local community. ASPIRA responded by
offering her a job, which she accepted. Ms. López continued her activism throughout her college years,
working closely the Young Lords. She ultimately earned a B.A., cum laude, and a master’s degree from
the University of Illinois at Chicago, specializing in cross-cultural communication and bilingual
education.Ms. López was a founding member and commissioner of the Mayor’s Advisory Commission on
Latino Affairs, which was designed by the Young Lords and created in partnership with Mayor Harold
Washington’s office. The group later became the Chicago Commission on Human Relations. She has
served on the Chicago Board of Education. In 1992, Ms. López became the first Latina to win a statewide
election to the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois where she was instrumental in positioning
the university to play a prominent role in addressing urban issues. She is currently a liason between the
National Conference on Puerto Rican Women and the National Hispanic Leadership Agenda, promoting
policies on education, health, and employment. She is also a nationally and internationally renown

�specialist on issues pertaining the Latino community and women.Ms. López’s current work, a significant
photography collection and anthology entitled, …y así somos/who we are, focuses on Puerto Rican life
both on and off the island.

�Transcript

MELANIE SHELL-WEISS: Okay. So my name, for the record, is Melanie Shell-Weiss.
And I’m here today talking with Ada López at her office on LaSalle in Chicago,
Illinois. It’s Friday, August 24, 2012. And Ada, for the record, would you mind
spelling your full name?
ADA NIVÍA LÓPEZ: Ada, A-D-A, Nivía, N-I-V-I-A, López, L-O-P-E-Z.
MSW: Terrific. And tell me about where you were born and when, and where you grew
up.
AL:

I was born in Arecibo, Puerto Rico. And do you want me to tell you about that, or
just --

MSW: Please.
AL:

-- talk to you? And I lived with my mother and grandmother in her home as part
[00:01:00] of an extended family. Nearby were a couple of uncles, and it was a
community, on the north shore, you know, by the ocean. My -- during that time,
during the time when I was a young girl, I knew that my father was abroad.
Later, I understood that my father was serving in the US Army during Korea. And
when he went back to Puerto Rico, he found unemployment, like many did. So
he started -- he had been corresponding with a friend that -- a man that he
befriended in the army, an Italian [00:02:00] American. And this Italian American
was encouraging him to come to Chicago. At the same time, the recruitment for
the steel mills was taking place in Puerto Rico. This was early ’50s. And I think - you know, I never spoke to my father specifically about this, but I think what

1

�happened is that he responded to the recruitment effort, and he came, and my
uncle came with him. And it was in 1959. I was about seven, six and a half,
when he sent for my mother and myself. But by that time, he was no longer
living in Indiana and [00:03:00] working in the steel mills. By that time, he had,
through his friend’s help, he had found an apartment in what is Ukrainian Village,
at the border of the Italian neighborhood, and the Ukrainian neighborhood, and
the Polish neighborhood. So that triangle there was still predominantly ethnic
White, what we call now ethnic White.
MSW: And this was in Chicago at this point?
AL:

This was in Chicago in the -- next to Division Street, except Division Street was
the port of entry, and most Puerto Ricans were either coming to Division Street or
that surrounding -- you know, surrounding Division Street, or if they were very
Black, if they were dark, they sometimes were at Cabrini. You know, because
[00:04:00] one of the things I think happened is that because of the different
phenotypes, we had access to different neighborhoods. My mother, being very
fair and European-looking, and the Italian helping my father broker the
apartment, that gave us access to the neighborhood, where otherwise we
wouldn’t have been able to move in. It was common for me to walk to school and
walk in the neighborhood and see the rent signs, for rent signs, in the ethnicities
of language, you know, mostly in Polish or Ukrainian. And that was a signal to us
that we were not welcomed, not to even bother knocking [00:05:00] on the door.
So it was a harsh reality in many ways, because the racism and the rejection of
Puerto Ricans was very overt. You know, that’s not to say that there weren’t

2

�individuals who, as this Italian American, who did welcome people just based on
their goodness, and maybe their past experiences, also, because at that time,
the Italians were not seen as, you know, as the same as other ethnicities that
were blonde or blue-eyed. I mean, that’s the whole history of race in the
[00:06:00] U.S., how groups like Italians and Jews and others were not even
considered Whites until a certain point in history. So that was my experience.
And I came here at a very interesting time, because for one, Puerto Rico was
more Latin American, and I say that in the sense that our culture -- we were
conscious, aware, that our culture was Latin Americanist, that our roots were in
Spain. It was also a time when you did not have access to the technology that
you have today, the world wide web. We did not have the connection with
Hollywood and the [00:07:00] media, the U.S. media, that you have today. Our
Hollywood was Mexico City. And through Mexico City, we would be able to get
the films. We would be able to see films, you know, Jorge Negrete, Pedro
Infante, Libertad Lamarque, the Argentinian. And we saw these musicals of very
Hispanic-looking people, by the way. You know? So the world for us was
Hispanic, right? And culturally, we still dressed like they did in Spain. We still
strolled in the plaza like they did in Spain. And as a family that had access to the
city, [00:08:00] because we weren’t that far, we participated in that world. And I
remember, on one hand, I had the rural experience, because my grandmother
was a widow and had a small farm. My uncle had sugarcane and hired my other
uncles who had nothing. So right there in our family, we had a difference. I have
an aunt who had her own store. My mother was the youngest and the first one

3

�who worked outside the home in the needlework industry, which was award
winning in Puerto Rico, the fine needlework of the women in Puerto Rico at that
time. [00:09:00] So my mother was the one who had the opportunity to work in
the industrialized, more urban industrialized. She was one of the first. So this
was, you know -- so I had no television. I could walk to my uncle’s home, the
one who had the store and the sugarcane, and look at television when it was
available. We listened to the radio, and the family provided its own music and
entertainment, you know, by playing instruments, and singing, and telling stories.
And some of my favorite memories are of me standing [00:10:00] while my
grandmother sat in her rocking chair at the end of a very long day that started at
five o’clock, and I could -- and I remember standing and just looking at her head
of hair, standing behind her, and then just looking at how the moon highlighted
the silver strands of her very gray hair, and the silkiness of that. This might have
been at six, six-thirty, when it’s dusk. And then she would tell me stories. That
was my favorite time of the day. Sometimes she would send me up to the attic.
It was an attic not like American atti-- not like the attics we know that are finished,
but this was a cross-space between the wooden ceiling and the roof, and they
used to hang tobacco. [00:11:00] And she would send me up the ladder to fetch
her a tobacco leaf, so that she could smoke her only rolled cigarette after dinner.
And of course, that was my greatest adventure, because sometimes you had
bats up there, and I had to dodge the bats.
MSW: (laughs) Right.
AL: So, you know, this was life, and this was entertainment. And the extension of the

4

�home, you know, the outdoors was the extension of a home, and it was my
playground. Of course, I had my pets, the hen that was my pet that no one could
eat, and the other hens that I chased for dinner. This was my life. So when my
father sends for us [00:12:00] in -- we -- I started first grade here. My mother had
taught me enough of what she thought would be kindergarten, and then I started
first grade. My first experience with the African American was a negative one,
because it was a little first grader that would bully me. So my aunt had sent me
an umbrella from Puerto Rico, a cute little girl’s umbrella from Puerto Rico,
plastic, transparent plastic. And one day, I came home crying, and my father
said, “You have to learn to stand up and defend yourself. You can’t come home
[00:13:00] and cry like this. You have to learn. You have to remember that your
name is Ana Nivía López. Do not be embarrassed. You have to go out there
and be” -- you know, so he gave me a pep talk like that. So next morning, I beat
her with the umbrella (laughter) when she bullied me. And that was the -- I
skipped a part there, because that was the first time we came. Then we left to
Puerto Rico. When I came back, that’s when I was a little older then, and we
came back to the Ukrainian, Polish, and Italian area.
MSW: Just let me interrupt you for one second just to clarify. So how old were you
when you first came to Chicago? Was that 1959?
AL:

Six and a half.

MSW: And that was about 1959?
AL:

No, that was --

MSW: Or earlier?

5

�AL:

You know, I can’t remember really well. But I remember in -- [00:14:00] I think
what happened is that we moved there first, and then we moved to the area I
was telling you.

MSW: And so where did you first -AL:

So I was still like six, six and a half.

MSW: Ok.
AL: Yeah. And then by the time I -- then when I was a little older, like, I don’t know,
seven or so -- I have to check with my mother, who has a great memory, better
than mine -- then I moved into the Ukrainian Village area. So we went to what is
now Uptown first, Lincoln Park. That’s where Lincoln Park comes in, because
that was Uptown. And my sister was born there. And the neighbors were very
nice people, and they were from Wisconsin. And I remember that I [00:15:00]
didn’t know any English at all, and it was the first time I had seen a television with
English in it, being spoken. And I thought, This is an interesting kind of radio,
you know? Because you see the people, and they’re different. And I remember
the cultural experiences. I remember that the little boy in the front door, the
apartment in front across the hall, was -- a little boy was there, and I was little,
too. And he signaled with his hand, you know? And I went running. And then he
pushed the door in my face. And the reason was because he signaled with his
hand in a way that means “come here” in Spanish and in Puerto Rico, [00:16:00]
but here it means “bye-bye.” So these were my first -- so as a young girl -- I
guess my point is that as a young girl, I arrived at a time when you had no
exposure to English, so English was stranger and foreign as foreign can be to

6

�anyone. And I don’t even think that there’s any place now where you have those
experiences, because in the most remote mountains, somebody will have a TV, a
fax, a computer, and there’s an exposure to the world that did not exist for us at
that time. So I come here, and it’s the first time I hear this foreign language, first
time I see this, and that’s when my cultural -- my training in cross-cultural
communication begins.
MSW: Absolutely.
AL: You know? [00:17:00] And I always felt more comfortable with the Italians, of
course, than with the Polish or Ukrainian. I never understood why until I was
older. But still, we had -- the majority of people in the school were Polish or
Ukrainian, and some Italian, and we had to deal with that environment. There
were only three girls in the school, three Latinas. This was Chopin School, which
must be like a hundred percent Latino now. And there were three Latinas. Two
were the daughters of another veteran that my father had met and had also been
able to move into the neighborhood. And the other was me. And early on, I
remember that [Rosa?] became [Rose?], and she kept insisting that I called her
Rose. And I was experiencing all of this. But then when [00:18:00] I got home,
my father would always help me pronounce my name correctly, and tell me not to
be embarrassed of who I was, and my mother would teach me Spanish, written -and reading in Spanish. I was not allowed to speak English at home. And
without knowing it, they were creating the greatest immersion Spanish-language
program that you can have. But I didn’t understand most of this. I just obeyed,
because it was a time when you just obeyed your parents. Otherwise you felt

7

�that the sky would open and you would be punished directly by God. So you just
obeyed, you know, and you trusted them. You know? You trusted the parents.
And what you didn’t understand, you looked upon with awe, but you didn’t
[00:19:00] go any further. So this was my life. And then at one point, I
remember my -- I hang onto memories, and I realize how important, and this
goes back to what we were talking about, how important the environment is in
the construction of one’s identity. I remember this Polish American teacher
asking me to tell her my full name, how I pronounce it. And I did, you know,
timidly. And she said, “Well, that’s a beautiful name, and it’s so different.” And I
hung on that for the longest time, because usually it was just people struggling to
say my name, you know? But I collected these memories, [00:20:00] and they
end up serving as support, as lifesavers in the ocean as you hang on to these
things. And I remember my experience of just not understanding anything,
moving my head up and down and just going for trial and error. And without
remembering how, I eventually learned English, you know, and the rest is history.
But you know, later, when I was high school age or after high school, I was
already an activist. And I think that came about through the civil rights,
[00:21:00] because my father had -- during that time that he was here, my father
was always looking to organize the community. So he was a respected
community organizer.
MSW: And what was your father’s name?
AL:

Graciano López, Graciano López. Graciano López Agosto, yeah. The mother
from Utuado, and the father from Arecibo. So he had -- as I’m in school and I’m

8

�living this life of struggling to do the cultural brokering and find my way, he’s
participating in the American Legion, the Boricua Post [00:22:00] of the American
Legion.
JOSÉ “CHA-CHA” JIMÉNEZ:
AL:

Expand on that.

And the Boricua post served as a center of the community. It was also a cultural
hub where the families would gather, and besides having the meetings, the
American Legion meetings, they also used it to celebrate the family traditions.
You know? They would do fundraising. They would help each other. People
would walk down the street, and if they spotted someone that looked Puerto
Rican that was freezing, they would make sure that person got a coat. They
would -- got him a pair of shoes, [00:23:00] and they would just serve as a -- they
would welcome and serve as a support group for others. We had -- we
celebrated the birthdays, the Christmas parties. And it was our cultural centers,
you know, in the community.

MSW: Where was it located?
AL:

I don’t remember, but some of them were -- I don’t remember, but as a child, I
remember that there were families around Polk and Western Avenue, and they
were going -- the parish was Precious Blood, and [00:24:00] there was a
community there. But because the leadership lived in different places, also,
although not that far by today’s (laughter) standards, they also reached out
across the communities. My father -- the Caballeros de San Juan had their first
parade -- and this has always been debated, who was really the first, right? So
the Caballeros de San Juan, I think, had their first parade on Madison Avenue,

9

�because that was a community. There was a Puerto Rican community there.
And I remember I even went to Precious Blood at times, although we were from
Holy Family -- [00:25:00] no, not Holy Family. Holy Rosary on Western and
between Grand and Chicago. That was -- and then Saint Mark’s, they had -people were going -- Puerto Ricans were going to Saint Mark’s, but that was a
very harsh experience, because initially, that was Polish and German, and
whatever else, a little Irish. And originally, they were not allowed into the church.
They had to -- they gathered in a tent outside the church. So, you know, it was a
hard time with a lot of overt racism. The people like my father who -- I think
they’re the ones that, kind of, landed on the beach [00:26:00] and took the beach,
make sure that it was safe enough for the other troops to arrive, you know? But
they confronted a lot of overt racism. Paradoxically -JJ:

Talk about your father. Talk about him.

AL:

So my father was -- had a lot of leadership qualities, and my father was one of
the ones that had the most formal education. Not that he was the smartest, you
know, I’m, sure, but (laughs) that he had the most formal education. So people
looked to him a lot to serve as a bridge between the community and what we
would call today the grassroots, and the [00:27:00] city officials and other
institutions. And they respected him a great deal. He also had friends who then
went on to Waukegan, but still, they continued their relationship. And when the
Caballeros de San Juan joined my father’s group, and they got together to
continue with this Puerto Rican parade – and now I’m in the early ’60s, right?
The people of Waukegan, like Sebastian Rivera, would come to Chicago and

10

�have meetings. [Edwin Montalvo?] would come to Chicago and have meetings,
and together, they would work [00:28:00] on the Puerto Rican parade and also
on developing their organization, Puerto Rican Association or something, in
Waukegan. So, you know, when my father was in the hospital dying of -- you
know, I asked him -- oh, he said, “You know, what I can’t understand is why, now
that there are so many educated Puerto Ricans and people that are active,
Puerto Ricans, and there are so many resources, it seems so much more difficult
to organize,” he said. And all I could say was, you know, I said, “You know, I
think it’s because [00:29:00] you had your own communities, and the dynamics
was as it is for any –- you know, as human, right? You have your own families,
your own community, your own ways of doing things.” But I said, “But it’s like a
house with walls. And during your time, the walls were low, and you could still
look across the way. The fences were low. And now they are of a greater
magnitude.” And I think -- that was an interesting observation for me, because I
thought it was so wise, and it was right on target, you know? And it caused me
reflection. But they did a great deal. They created about -- I think I counted, on
my father’s resumé, about, I don’t know, 15 or 20 [00:30:00] organizations,
Puerto Rican organizations, because the reality was so harsh that it -- I think it
was clear that if you didn’t organize and take care of others who were less
fortunate or were having a harder time, there was no other institutions. You
didn’t have the infrastructure. There were no institutions that would do it for you,
so you had to take it upon yourself. And in the early days, the Catholic Church
was very difficult to work with, but a lot of these people were people of a great

11

�faith who brought their Catholicism from the mountains of Puerto Rico. And they
were people of great faith, [00:31:00] great strength, and I admire them, because
they really made an impact and transformed those churches and made them
more welcoming for everyone. And if you hear about Saint Mark’s story of how
they started in the ’50s in outdoor tents because they weren’t welcomed, and
how then through their efforts, they opened the door for themselves, and they
transformed the culture of the church, and the church became richer and
recognized it. Then later, Saint Mark’s was known for the cathedral [00:32:00] of
the Puerto Rican people in Chicago, and that was where you knew you had to go
to get baptized. You knew you -- everyone would come from all over to Saint
Mark’s, and they called it the cathedral of the Puerto Rican community. And it’s
to the credit of the people who came who were -- who came not because they
rejected their culture, not because they rejected who they were -- not all of them.
I’m sure there were some, right? But the leadership did not reject the culture.
The leadership came because it was clear to them that they had to find economic
opportunities. They had to find jobs. But that was their motive. It’s not that they
were trying to discard their heritage or their culture. So this combination, then,
[00:33:00] you know, gave them a great deal of resolve to not only find their way,
but also not discard their culture and insist on being represented in other
people’s agenda. You know? Not because they were assimilating passively, but
because they also felt pride. So then now you -- well, from Saint Mark’s
Cathedral, which it was called, to masses in Spanish, to then deacons, Puerto
Rican deacons that came out of Saint Mark’s. So that’s just one example. If you

12

�use one institution, that’s one example. Now, the Puerto Rican parade in the
’60s, when my father was organizing it, going back to that, [00:34:00] you see the
same kind of parallel, you know, in that institution, where my father and others
see that there are parades, ethnic parades and others. And then they form a
delegation. You know, they were not aldermen officially, but they form a
delegation. They figure out how to organize the community and how to enlist the
support of city hall and the other officials in organizing a parade that would
highlight the pride and the -- what they considered the best of the Puerto Rican
culture. And my father then became the first president of that parade. You
know, people always say he was [00:35:00] the founder and first president of the
first parade, but if you say it’s the first parade, then you find people that will say,
“Well, no, there was one on Madison Avenue.” So you know. But I think that he
represented an interesting juncture where you see the transformation of what
was more spontaneous of a parade to a parade that bases -- that roots itself or
bases or finds itself connected to the formal social political agencies and
structure.
MSW: The infrastructure.
AL:

The infrastructure. So they connect themselves that way. [00:36:00] That’s how
I see that juncture. And there, too, you see how, again, it’s to be involved. Like
my father used to say, to show our pride, the best of our culture, and be involved
in the civic, social, and political life of the city. And that was the goal. But never
denying one’s roots. You know? And then in 1975, he ran for -- he decided to
run for office as alderman. What [00:37:00] I think -- well, after that, there were

13

�the Puerto Rican riots in 1966, and my father was -- I think my father was
president of the parade. I’m not too sure. But if he wasn’t president, he was
surely still the main player, one of the main players. During that time, I was going
back to school to college. And I didn’t live near Division Street.
MSW: And where did you go to college?
AL:

I started at University of Illinois at Chicago. And I remember I used to listen to
the radio. And that evening [00:38:00] of the riots, I heard Elias Diaz y Perez -Elias? Yeah -- switch his program and start reporting spontaneously from -about the riots and all that. So I called my father. I called my father and said,
“You know, there’s something happening,” and he went out there. Now, I didn’t
go. I wasn’t out there. But he went out there. And then out of that came a
different type of effort to -- that was intensified. I think that their awareness of
and their desire to serve the community through social and civic activities, that
meant doing dancing, and fundraising, and helping the church, and helping
[00:39:00] through the American Legion, these efforts, again, moved to a
different level. Now it moved to -- and the frustrations came to a head. And they
knew they had to then work with the city in a different way. When I was -- you
know, and I say this because if you look at it, it’s -- I don’t think it’s just my story,
’cause I talk to people my age, and a lot of ’em say, “Oh, yeah, my parents didn’t
let me speak English in the house either, you know? And they kept their
language, too, you know?” And I think it’s really -- if you see it, it’s a parallel, I
mean, [00:40:00] between our individual experiences and what’s happening in
the communities and in the city, and in the world. There’s an interesting parallel

14

�that one doesn’t really see. At the same time you’re living it, you don’t really
understand it, but you look back and you say, “Oh, no wonder.” You know? And
this is all interesting for me, because it’s -- when I was starting to study, I got a
job -- this is in the ’70s, you know, ’70, ’71. I got a job at ASPIRA, and a parttime job as a club organizer. The way I got that job as a club organizer is that
[00:41:00] we went to confront the ASPIRA office that was at Ogden and Chicago
Avenue. And we went to confront them and ask them, what did they have in
mind in terms of meeting the needs of the students, of the college students, you
know?
MSW: Now when you say we, who is we?
AL:

Well, it was a group of -- it was all part of what we were doing, I think. It was part
of the -- you know, ’cause my generation -- see, now, I was talking to you about
my father. But at that point, we’re -- well, let me finish with my father. So my
father then -- [00:42:00] after the Puerto Rican parade, my father ran for
alderman in 1975, right? Okay. So that -- before that, we were aware of the civil
rights movement, the Vietnam War, the women’s movement, and then, of course,
in Lincoln Park -- we had friends in Lincoln Park, and we knew that the Young
Lords were in Lincoln Park, and that that was an effort for some of the same kind
of social justice, to realize this idea of social justice that, for many of us, had
started when we first came here and experienced the difficulties [00:43:00] with
the language, the poverty, the -- and the struggle to make our way and to realize
those ideas of having a job and providing for the family. And not all of it was as it
was painted, because of course, in the recruitment of -- to the steelworkers and

15

�others, it was all painted very -- it was all made to -- the people were told that
they would come and find all that infrastructure and all those jobs, and the good
paying jobs, and all of that. And they found a very harsh reality. But anyway, so
our generation, the first [00:44:00] generation here, sons and daughters of
immigrants, we have this experience that shapes our worldview and our sense of
what is right. And even today, there are people who may not even know
Spanish, but if you talk to them, you know that they have that sense of pride, you
know? And I say it’s because, you know, they came, but they didn’t come
because they were -- they came to find a living, but they were not -- they didn’t
buy into denying who they were. You know? Not all of them, of course. I’m just
talking from my experience and the people I know.
MSW: Sure. (laughter)
AL:

[00:45:00] This is really nonscientific.

MSW: But can I ask you this for a minute? At what point did you realize -AL:

Jump in and ask me questions, ’cause I’m just --

MSW: No, this is wonderful.
AL:

–- I’m reminiscing. (laughs) (inaudible)

MSW: This is exactly what I want you to do. At what point did you realize that what your
father was doing and what you were experiencing in your household, your
worldview, was part of this larger generation? At what point for you did you make
that connection and realize this was part of something that was not individual?
Was there a moment or a series of moments that you can think of?
AL:

You know, I think that in those ’60s, I think it was a combination of -- you know,

16

�during this period leading up to the riots, but because of -- [00:46:00] and the civil
rights movement, because the civil rights movement, you know -- I think for a lot
of Latinos, the civil rights movement threw us into -- forced us to -- called us to
reflect on our own reality as Puerto Ricans, and then -- and you start trying to
understand the civil rights movement, which was on television, at the same time
that we are, in our communities, also struggling for these kind of human rights.
[00:47:00] But we begin tying it to a homeland, you know, Puerto Rico. And
that’s where this idea of self-determination not only applies to the here and now,
you know, and the communities, what Stokely Carmichael called the internal
colonies of the U.S., and the activity in the Lincoln Park area, but also, it also
throws in another dimension, which is the race question. You know? And it gets
us to become more aware of that bigger picture. But of course, you know, all we
have to do is then reflect. All I have to do is then remember [00:48:00] how
difficult it was for my parents, for my mother. My mother got sick and invited a
Puerto Rican friend to babysit us while she was in the hospital for two days. And
the landlady chewed her out, because she was allowing Blacks to come into the
apartment. We all looked at each other, and we said, “Blacks?” We didn’t know
what she was talking about. And then I, as a young girl, I realized that she was
talking about [Leti?], my mother’s friend. And we thought Leti was Puerto Rican,
but now I learned that she’s Black. So we start -- this country has made our
[00:49:00] consciousness of color more of a -MSW: A dichotomy, yeah.
AL:

-- dichotomy, Black and White. Whereas -- you know, I tell people it’s like falling

17

�in love with someone that’s ugly, you know? People see that they’re ugly, but
you don’t. You know? And, it’s like, you’re blind. You’re blind, in that sense,
because other attributes of the person is what you perceive first. But anyway.
So, you know, the civil rights reminded me then of those experiences, too, you
know? And made us more aware of the bigger picture in the United States, and
the war in Vietnam, and how the Puerto Rican men were being drafted tied us to
the war in [00:50:00] Vietnam, how people who had no idea of English, didn’t
know any English, they were drafted, and there they were, you know, trying to
understand English through those walkie-talkies. (laughter) So that tells you a
little bit about me. I continued working at ASPIRA and studying.
MSW: So I want to make you back up a little bit, though. So going back to how you got
the job at ASPIRA. So you and others marched down to the offices.
AL:

Yeah, and said, “Here we are.”

MSW: And these were classmates or other friends from the neighborhood?
AL:

No, these were students. At the time, we started at Loop Junior College, which is
now Harold Washington Community College. [00:51:00] And while we were
there, we organized a group called HOLAS, I believe it was, HOLA or something.

JJ:

Yeah, HOLAS.

AL:

HOLAS. And that group is the one that continued participating in the community
and with community groups that were organizing, you know, like Young Lords,
because at that time, you have to -- you know, you have to remember how the
’60s were. I mean, they were really quite different than now. And we saw -- we
were the first generation that went into these -- that had this consciousness and

18

�went into the universities. And as our parents had gone -- just like our parents,
we were breaking new ground in these universities, because it was really the civil
rights [00:52:00] movement and all that effort, all those who participated in civil
rights, and all the different groups that participated in human rights, civil rights,
those were the ones that got the policies in place that then were transformed into
programs. You know? Affirmative action programs. And the affirmative action
programs opened the door, and there were monies allocated. So I was studying,
and I wanted to be a lawyer, because my father wanted to be a lawyer, and I
thought that -- and at home, they always said that I argued a lot and that I should
be a lawyer. So I was convinced, you know, and I wanted to be a lawyer. And
[00:53:00] I took a -- as a young student -- I mean, it’s amazing how young I was,
right? As a young person -- I must have been in my early 20s, mid 20s -- I took a
job translating for a lawyer at Cook County Jail, ’cause I wanted to get my first
insights, right? And I saw so much brokering and so many 20-dollar bills being
switched from one pocket to the other that I thought, This is not about justice, you
know, social justice. This is not what I thought it would be, and I’m not sure I
want to do this. You know? And not having any counterargument, you know, not
having any -- like what we call today role models or lawyers that could give me a
different perspective, I stayed with my doubt. And then when I was -- when we
confronted [00:54:00] ASPIRA, that’s when my life started to change career-wise,
because we were at the meeting with ASPIRA, and Sylvia Herrera [de] Fox was
the first director. They hardly even had furniture yet. They had just opened the
office. But we had heard about this new office that was opening, and that they

19

�were going to work with students. And we said, “Well, wait a minute. Here we
are, and no one has contacted us. What kind of work are they prepared to do? It
must not be so smart if they have not even (laughter) called us!” You know?
’Cause I don’t think we were even sophomores, so, you know, this is how you
think when you’re a student, and it’s the ’60s, and you’re, you know, standing
ready to change the world. [00:55:00] So we went, and she was very gracious
and sat back with a big smile, and asked what she could do. And we started
giving her our presentation. And she listened to all of us. And then she said,
“Well, you know, what you describe as a program is exactly what our mission is.”
And then she was very clever, because she offered me -- she offered us jobs.
And she said, “And you’re welcome to work with us.” You know? And, you
know, and just –- I guess not clever. Clever’s not the right word. Seriously, she
was very sensitive to us, and of course, she understood her mission [00:56:00]
as it came from our voice. You know? Which was the way it should have been.
It was perfect. And again, it’s one of those times when you have people -- this
time it was from New York -- and you had us in the schools, in the colleges, and
then the Young Lords were still in the neighborhood, and we were all finding a
new vehicle, a place to shape the same type of work. And I continued studying,
and I took a job part time. And then one day -- as I worked part time, I was able
to use my own experience with the -- [00:57:00] you know, I used the sensitivity
that I had developed as a person not knowing the language, as a person here,
and all the community activities, I was able to use that organizing the ASPIRA
clubs. My favorite was Saint Michael’s, because they were an all-boys school,

20

�and they were always ready to, you know, start up a revolution against the nuns,
(laughter) who they found were very oppressive and insulted them by saying
things like maintaining that Puerto Rico did not speak standard Spanish, that we
were a dialect. You know? Because these are the things that people thought. I
mean, and it’s amazing. It wasn’t that long ago, and when you read those texts,
it’s amazing what people were learning [00:58:00] in the universities. So one
day, when I was working, Sylvia Herrera Fox sat me down, asked me to come
into the office and said, “You know, I’ve been working with UIC, the federal
government, and one of the nuns,” from the same school (laughs) or some
person that she -- a friend. They had written a proposal to prepare a group of
teachers. This group of teachers were to be the first teachers prepared in
bilingual, bicultural education. And she said, “They’re going to give a merit
scholarship, and this merit scholarship will also provide for a stipend [00:59:00] to
live, and it’s a great opportunity.” And I said, “Yes, except I don’t want to be a
teacher.” But she persuaded me, because she said, “Ada, as a teacher, you can
influence and you can teach the people that you have been supporting and the
students. You go in as a club organizer, but imagine what you can do as a
teacher.” And I said, “I’ll think about it,” you know? And what really sold me, to
tell you the truth, is that then she said, “And besides, Ada, you’re young. If you
don’t like it, you could always come back, and you can be a lawyer.” And I said,
“Okay, that” -- so I took back the two ideas, right? The difference I could make
as a teacher with my sensitivity [01:00:00] and all my -- and my experience that I
was bringing to the table, and this idea that, hey, I can discard it and do what I

21

�wanted to do, which was be a lawyer. Okay. So I thought about it, and I read up
on it. And I thought -- and then one evening, I thought, My God, I’m interested in
Puerto Rico and self-determination for Puerto Rico. I remember my father’s
lessons well, even if he, in his later days, may have forgotten them a little bit and
became more a part of -- (laughs) you know, and thought I was too radical. But I
remember them, and my mother’s lessons well, too, and I could do that for
others. And then I read some more, and I said, “Ah! I could help. [01:01:00] I
could help the students to guard themselves against this cultural assimilation and
domination (laughter) that is happening in the schools.” So I got this big idea,
you know? And that really motivated me, because I said, “The decolonization of
the mind,” I thought, (laughter) and granted, I had not even studied pedagogical
anything or educational philosophy, but I thought of -- you know, I guess because
I had teachers. You know, my parents, my extended family were my -- as, you
know -- I mean, it sounds like a cliché, but it is true. They were my first teachers.
And [01:02:00] they were the ones who provide that environment at home. No
English. Learn the Spanish, and my mother teaching me. The trips to Puerto
Rico all the time, the ties with the family. And of course, when I got to Puerto
Rico, my aunts were so proud of me. You know, they would show me off. Like,
“Look how she speaks Spanish,” you know? Not like others who come and are
ashamed. You know? So I was encouraged a great deal, and this is what I
wanted to give to my students. You know? And if they didn’t want to follow my
path or feel the same way I did, because for whatever reason, I still wanted them
to have an appreciation, and I wanted them to do it consciously, not just to forget

22

�of their cultural value, what is [01:03:00] of value, just because they were under
pressure. You know? So I wanted them to have a teacher that would pronounce
their name correctly and say, “That’s a beautiful name.” You know? Because
that was an accident, but what a nice -- because she was, I think, Polish
American, but she had the sensitivity to say that to me, that teacher when I was
in, like, seventh grade. And she had the sensitivity to say that to me. And a lot
of good teachers. There was no Latino anything at the time, but there were good
people, and if they happened to say the right thing at the right moment, it would
take you a long way. You know, great music teachers. I remember one teacher
that really kept my idea of -- my passion for [01:04:00] social justice and doing -and she was Italian American. You know? And she was in love with Italy and
her cultural roots, and would teach us Italian and Italian songs. And she would
talk about her pride and about her -- but it was interesting, because what I
understood from her -- I mean, was that what I felt was also valid, because that’s
how I felt about Puerto Rico. So, you know, this thing is transferrable. This love
of home and all that, these values are transferrable. So this was encouraging.
And I did well. I did well in school. But I always knew that doing well did not
mean that I could -- [01:05:00] that I needed to discard, you know, what my
family valued and what I considered beautiful of my homeland and of my history.
So that’s -- and I became a bilingual teacher, bicultural teacher. It was one of the
most -- and I think -- and between all this time, though, I’m participating in the
neighborhood with the Young Lords, and not -- but because I’m so busy, you
know, I wasn’t -- I didn’t dedicate a lot of time, but I would be supportive. I would

23

�be supportive in different ways. And at the time, it was -MSW: Can I ask how you would provide support?
AL:

Yeah. It’s -- well, Cha-Cha would -- we would -- [01:06:00] I would rely on ChaCha to pull me into certain activities. And he would draw me into activities that
had to do with children and with food, and culture things of that nature. And I
remember the meetings we had, and participating in the meetings. But as I said,
I wasn’t in charge of any one program or committee, because I was studying, and
I --

MSW: I’m sure doing student teaching at some point too.
AL:

And I had -- yeah, and my daughter, Deborah, was small. And I was managing
all that.

MSW: That’s a lot.
AL:

And I was organizing on campus too. So -- but at that time, during this period,
[01:07:00] all over the world, you saw that the students on campus would spill
over into the neighborhood, because we did not see ourselves disconnected from
the community. We were aware from the get-go that the reason we had been
able to enter the university, being -- well, anyway, that we were able to enter
because of the movements that had taken place. So when we go into the
university, we go with a social consciousness, and a sense of fairness, and a
commitment to give back that was not there with -- let’s say your foreign students
who came from Latin America, or [01:08:00] Puerto Rican upper middle class, or
other Latinos in the US who had been totally assimilated into the American way
of thinking, and that they had bought into being White Anglo-Saxon Protestant,

24

�and took pride in not remembering how to speak Spanish, and took pride in not
remembering where their parents were from. And of course, there were people
who encouraged that, because it was their way of survival. And, you know, all
over the world immigrants take two routes, you know? Either one where they
want to keep some of their ties to the homeland -- hopefully now with
globalization, there will be more -- [01:09:00] and others who want to just
assimilate and forget. And sometimes they leave realities that are so harsh that
that’s the only way they could survive. But anyway, so I became a teacher. So
I’ve always had this parallel, three-tier life: my personal growth, the professional
and the community. And I’ve always worked them together, parallel. So it’s very
difficult for me to talk, because I’ve always done the three. Like, you know,
three-layer chess games, you know, like three chess games at the same time.
So it’s been very rich. [01:10:00] So I become a teacher. It was the most
controversial thing at the time, because bilingual education was seen as unAmerican by the mainstream. It was seen as a way of -- people said it would
balkanize the communities. And it went against the heart of the American
individualism. It also went against, unknowingly, it went against what the African
American community was doing, because they wanted to -- it was Brown v. the
Board of Ed. And they were looking to integrate, and we were talking about
creating classrooms [01:11:00] where our children could speak Spanish together,
so they sometimes saw it as segregation, because they were going into the other
spot, you know. It’s like when people think we should be a state, because they
think that’s the maximum, most ultimate, wonderful thing you could do for a

25

�country, and we say, “Well, wait a minute. There’s more.” You know? “There’s
more. Stop, there’s more.” And this is the same thing. They saw it as, if we can
assimilate and get into these schools. And of course, that was part of the history,
and that’s what they felt was needed. And I admire their struggle. But we were
looking for our own answers. Again, that idea of succeeding, but not forgetting
the language and knowing our history, and all that. So that was very
controversial. So I became an activist, you know, for [01:12:00] bilingual
education, and on my own time, after teaching.
MSW: And where did you teach, if I could press you on some of those details?
AL:

In Humboldt Park, in the Humboldt Park area.

MSW: What was your first school?
AL:

I organized my first school.

MSW: Yeah?
AL:

Yeah. It was Lakeview Community School, because it was a storefront we found
in Lakeview. And again, these were ideas that were prevalent in the ’60s, to
organize your own school, and that again, the Young Lords, in one way or
another, supported, because it was about self-determination. It was teaching
one’s self to counteract the negative, the -- [01:13:00] to resist being defined, you
know, by a culture that was antagonistic to all that was home to us. It was, you
know, a struggle for maintaining our self-esteem and for being part of
constructing our own identity, and not just being labeled and categorized and put
on a shelf, in a book by someone else that is antagonistic. These were the days
when scientists were studying how we were incapable of abstract thinking. What

26

�was that guy in California? Jensen, I think, was his name, who became a failure
later on [01:14:00] in life. And the guy who he sued, the Black person who he
sued, became an extraordinary doctor. And then this was -- and check all this
when I say, because I don’t remember very well the names. But it was also a
time when I sat in the classroom, in the university, and we were -- and we studied
these culturally deprived groups of people.
MSW: So even as you’re studying to be a bilingual, bicultural educator, you’re being
taught something that would really run against this. (laughs)
AL:

I’m learning to become this bilingual, bicultural educator, because the federal
government is responding to the social forces. [01:15:00] And ASPIRA has this
vision and grabs on to this money, and then this is housed at a university, who
wants the grant. And we’re housed there, right? And then they brought an
anthropologist from Mexico, a mathematician from Canada, a historian from
Puerto Rico, an American Indian from the Southwest, a Black woman from the
South Side of Chicago, and they formed an interdisciplinary cohort group of
professors to teach us. Right? Because no one knew what this was about. The
world knew about bilingual education, but the U.S. did not know that much about
bilingual education. And this [01:16:00] was going to be a model. So I really
loved the way I studied with all these incredible scholars and people who had a
really wonderful worldview, open mind. And what was your question? You
asked if I had --

MSW: My question was about -- exactly that.
AL:

Oh, yeah. I was talking about this, how hurtful that was, how hurtful that was. So

27

�here I am with only one other Latina in a classroom of 150 or so, and we’re sitting
there feeling odd, as if all eyes are on us. My friend from Texas, Maria Mangual,
who went on to found and lead the Mujeres Latinas en Accion, she was the only
[01:17:00] other Latina. And we both had dark hair, but she was more than look-she was darker, you know, and had a black head of hair. And I could just pick
her from far, and I knew it was -- and then I looked at her, and we became
friends, you know, like two children in school looking for each other, because
there was nothing. And there were walls around the university, you know, brick,
keeping everyone -- the city out. The university was an enclave, mostly of
downstate Republicans. But it was a great -- it’s always been a great university.
But anyway, so then this becomes part of -- so again, there’s a duality. There’s a
dual consciousness that is always there. There’s a duality. You know you have
to [01:18:00] work hard and succeed in this environment, which constitutes your
concrete reality and all that. But then at the same time, you know you have to sift
through what is being taught, because what’s coming out of the books and out of
-- is not your -- does not represent your reality. You know? It’s something that is
being done by others from the outside. And I worked as a teacher for many
years. I was part of the union. I was active in the teachers’ union, so I was prolabor. And then I became a bilingual coordinator, you know, went up -- I studied
epistemology, because I was rejecting the idea that our [01:19:00] students could
not learn, and so I wanted to understand how man learns, you know, and I
wanted -- I was always interested in the big questions. Why do people drop out
of school? You know, all that stuff. So I enjoyed my teaching years a great deal.

28

�I really enjoyed it. Many times, many times I thought how lucky I was that I did
not go back to ASPIRA and ask for help to become a lawyer, because I was
really happy with teaching, and I recommend it now to everyone. It’s the only
place you can close the door. You close the door, and you’re the CEO instantly,
you know?
MSW: (laughs) That’s true.
AL:

So -- my work, my professional work as an educator, has been very rich, and not
because the opportunities were there all the time, but because [01:20:00] I made
them. And as a professional, I gave up salary, and I gave up opportunities that
would lead to more salary, because I had to feel that I had the balance of -- that I
had to have the space for being creative and interjecting some of my thinking and
my worldview, and making a difference. So my work has been creative and
avant-garde, and I’ve really enjoyed it. Now, in 19--

MSW: Just to ask you for a second real quickly now. Your work has not only been
creative and avant-garde, but you’ve been a renowned leader in the field of
education in so many ways, as well, right, including serving on the school board?
AL:

[01:21:00] Well, yeah. Now we’re getting closer.

MSW: And other positions, so...
AL:

We’re getting closer to Cha-Cha. You have to bear with me, but I did --

MSW: Not at all. This is perfect.
AL:

-- (laughs) I did -- and then --

MSW: No, this is exactly right. This is about you.
JJ:

[You’re doing well. This is?] (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

29

�AL:

Yeah, and then please edit --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

AL:

-- almost everything except the good stuff. (laughs)

JJ:

(Spanish).

MSW: But this is about you. This is exactly what -JJ:

Yeah, [this is what we want?].

AL:

So this -- so then I -- in 19-- let’s see. In the 1980s, early ’80s, then there’s -- we
hear of this man who -- a Black man who, the rumor is, is interested or could be
mayor. And I knew a little bit through my [01:22:00] work in bilingual education,
through my civil rights work in the community, with the Black community a little
bit, through the -- well, following the women’s issues and the union and all that, I
knew that this congressman was -- had supported the same causes. You know?
So I thought that was a really good, interesting proposition. I was very skeptical.
I really didn’t -- at that time, I really didn’t see that it would happen. But it didn’t
matter, because I never participated in electoral politics. You know, we often -we saw. We saw what happened in the electoral politics, the gerrymandering,
the exclu-- you know, [01:23:00] the manipulation of the ballot boxes, and we
didn’t -- and it wasn’t -- it wasn’t something that we saw -- I mean, that I saw as -electoral politics at that time didn’t seem to be a vehicle for making a difference.
You know? I mean, this was civil rights. Right? Blacks weren’t voting, and
Puerto Ricans were voting sometimes. So I wasn’t that keen on electoral politics.
But when this man -- when the talk started, then I thought, Well, I don’t know. It
doesn’t seem -- it’s a long shot, but on the other hand, it’s still an interesting

30

�[01:24:00] thing to do, because it’s an exercise in democracy, you know, in trying
to expose. I thought it would be interesting. And then one evening, one night -then I started hearing that Cha-Cha Jiménez, José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, was
back and was looking to become alderman, and that he also was involved with
Harold Washington. And then Reverendo Morales at San Lucas. And it started
to -- the groundswell began. And to make [01:25:00] these stories shorter, I -MSW: You don’t need to.
AL:

No? (laughs) Okay.

MSW: No.
AL:

I went to -- one evening, I was called to a meeting. And I don’t know if you called
directly or I got word. I don’t remember that exactly, but I know it was the
evening. And I went to a meeting that Cha-Cha had convened. You know,
typically -- I mean, in his typical style, I don’t remember him saying much, but he
had, like, a big idea. He had a big idea. And you knew he had a big idea. And
you knew that he was gonna say something simple, but it was a big idea, and it
was profound, and it was well thought through [01:26:00] someplace in his mind,
’cause we -- and you kinda trusted that, you know? You trusted that, because he
wasn’t one to waste your time. That’s my experiences. So I remember him
saying, “Ada, there’s talk about a commission. I’m participating in talks. And
there’s a commission that may be formed to work with Harold Washington. And I
thought of you to represent us. You have the background. You know how to
work at that level. And I think [01:27:00] it would be really good,” or something
like that, and just kinda wrapped it up like that. So I said, “Okay.” And I started.

31

�You know, and I started. I attended meetings on Pilsen, Little Village, on 18th
Street. And this was different community leaders. Rudy Lozano was one of the
leaders within that group. And we started developing the idea of a commission,
how the commission would -- how we would represent the different issues; at the
same time, represent the different ethnicities within the Latino community,
[01:28:00] and the different areas of the city. And we wanted the people at the
table to have that capacity to be polyfaceted, multifaceted, and to be able to do
this in the different layers. So of course, I was representing Puerto Ricans. I
was representing the area, the general area of the Northwest, you know, Lincoln
Park, as much as we could, and education, and woman, gender. So, you know,
we tried to get people that could do all of those, who had all those voices. And
we -- and it was [01:29:00] difficult, because at the same time, there were Latinos
who had already gotten in on board with the -- because I think -- well, Harold had
been elected. I know you were active in mobilizing in your area, and he was
elected in ’83. And then we were working the idea of the commission. But there
were other Hispanics that were -- other forces that were already trying to work as
brokering, as bridging, Latinos like us with the mayor. And of course, we rejected
that type of process, because [01:30:00] we wanted to have a meeting with
Harold himself, because we felt we were empowering -- you know, we were
offering him something very unique and extremely powerful at a time when we
only had one alderman, Miguel Santiago, and that alderman had become
alderman through a different historical process that did not include the
empowerment of the Latino community. So we wanted to get Harold to meet

32

�with us. And we developed an idea for a commission, which was and still is very
unique, because our idea was to democratize [01:31:00] policymaking. And the
way we envisioned ourselves democratizing policymaking was to have town hall
meetings in the different communities with a facilitator. That input from the
different grassroots and also what they call grasstops, you know, leaders, the
more professional agency types -- we would take their input, their voice, give it to
another person, and that person would translate it into policy recommendations
for the mayor. And the mayor [01:32:00] then would have his commissioners
meet with committees that came out of those town hall meetings. We would form
committees right there, and then those commissioners would meet with those
committees and our facilitator. So we were not only gathering the input of the
community leadership, translating -- formulating the policy recommendations,
giving it to the mayor, but then the facilitator would meet with the community
group and go before the commissioners to have a say on the execution. Okay?
So if you look [01:33:00] at all the mayoral commissions in the country at that
time, there’s nothing like it.
MSW: No, that’s right. This is really [unique?].
AL:

And there’s still nothing like it, I don’t think. And it was just pure genius that
came out of this group. And then what happened is that that commission then
created opportunities for others to see themselves working in city government.
So some of the commissioners, like Jesús Garcia, the former senator who is now
Cook County commissioner, he became commissioner of the water department.
And [01:34:00] Miguel del Valle became a senator. Now, a lot of this was done

33

�by the guys. The women did not participate as fully as they did. You know? So
when they were talking about Miguel del Valle being senator, that was done in
the meetings, and then we would hear about it, but we were not, like, there all the
time, you know? But anyway, that’s the gender question.
MSW: Why was that? Why the difference in what men and women were doing?
AL:

Well, that’s just your typical gender, you know, phenomena. There’s -- [01:35:00]
you know, it’s the cultural spillover, if I can just sum it up that way. It’s the
cultural spillover. I think that if you look at the times, if you look at it in terms of
the times, some of us had more participation than our mothers did. Our mothers
cooked for the activities, and they did a lot of things that were tied to their role in
the home. You know, and others were more entrepreneurial and had sales
ability, so they would sell things, too, to fundraise. You know, the women also
had a lot of talent, and it was diverse, but in terms [01:36:00] of the hardcore
strategies, I think we had less participation than men, but more than our mothers,
I’d say. But I say that because, you know, if you ask me more than what I’ve told
you, I won’t know. That’s why I said that. (laughter)

MSW: So it’s a disclaimer, is that the -AL:

Yeah, that’s why I said that, ’cause I kinda wanted to tell you more of how that
happened, but no, I can’t. I wasn’t there. But it was a very exciting time. We not
only -- our commission -- oh. So the way this commission was established was
that one evening, we called the mayor and said, “We’re ready with our plan,” and
he said, “Well, we’re going to send So-and-so over.” And we said, “Oh, no, we
need to meet with you.” And he says, “Well, let me see.” And then other people

34

�became involved and started [01:37:00] trying to persuade us differently. And
they came to Pilsen, where we used to meet, and it was a long, long meeting.
We were there under some kind of rainstorm. There used to be -- I remember
snowstorms and rainstorms while meeting at night, and a picket, also, from the
opposition of Harold Washington. Someone picketed, and we were being
picketed. So it was significant, you know, and people knew it was significant. So
then we said -- we caucused, and the guy waited outside, and we caucused. He
came back in, and we said, “Here’s the deal. We’re going to be on the second
floor of City Hall at ten o’clock Tuesday. And we’re calling a press conference.
Let [01:38:00] the mayor know that he can be there or not, but we’ve got to go
through with this, because it will also discredit him if we don’t go through with
this, because he’s enjoyed our support, and this is something that we know is
important for our community, and it goes along with what he promised.” So we
did do that, and the mayor came in with a big smile, because, you know, there’s
one thing about Mayor Harold Washington. You knew that he was mayor, and
he couldn’t speak openly -- he couldn’t speak as if he were a community
organizer. He was a mayor. He was a statesman. [01:39:00] But you always
knew that he admired the people when they came together and when they
spoke, as he used to say. He used to say, “Ada,” when I consulted with him
because I had some concern or didn’t know how to go about something, he said,
“Ada, let your people speak.” And, you know, he was not afraid of knowing that
the community, the Puerto Rican community, was organizing, that the Puerto
Rican community had demands. He treated us with respect, and he knew it was

35

�the -- like the right thing to do, because -- he didn’t say this, but you sort of knew
that he was sensitive to it, and that he saw himself in that other chair once upon
a time. (laughter) [01:40:00] And we had difficulty. I mean, it wasn’t easy for us
sometimes, because we admired the mayor and his intelligence, and the way he
was bringing the different groups together in the city, but -- and people were just
more comfortable with being differently -- different ethnicity was being
comfortable with each other. And the African community would be more open
and ask me about the difference between one Latino group, another Latino
group, and there was a more open -- I would ask them about, “Tell me about the
South Side history versus the West Side,” and there was an openness that his
leadership allowed for. [01:41:00] Once in a while, I would call Cha-Cha. Once
in a rare while, I would call him or see him somewhere, and give him a little
report on what I was doing. I’d say, “You know, that was really” -- I think once I
went to your office, right? I said, “You know, I’m working on that, and it’s really
important. And this was wonderful that we did that.” And so we follow like that.
Right? But it kinda -- I knew he knew I was doing my work, and I knew he was
doing his thing, and thinking about another big idea. So my role as a
commissioner of the Mayor’s Commission on Latino Affairs is another, in a way,
[01:42:00] consequence of all the leadership that was developed in the Lincoln
Park area and in the -- because I think it was through the Lincoln Park and the
Young Lords that we had the space to ask the questions that had to do with
community self-determination, empowerment, the status of Puerto Rico. And
these were the harder questions and the more controversial questions that the

36

�other groups that were working at the same time in a parallel fashion, that the
other groups shun away from, because for whatever reason, either they had
committed to the agenda of the church that they belonged to and they [01:43:00]
were -- and their activity was framed by that agenda, like the Caballeros de San
Juan, although they did very similar things. You know? They visited people in
the hospitals. They dealt -- you know, the food was a concern, the health care,
people not having translations to go here or there, referrals, serving as a bridge
for people with agencies. The groups did a lot of similar things. But I believe that
it’s only the Young Lords that puts the big questions, and at the time the more
controversial questions, on the map for the Puerto Rican people, and reflects
more of what was happening in the ’60s in terms of -- [01:44:00] I should say I
saw -- I remember seeing it as parallel. The work was parallel to a lot of the
other groups that were also active in organizing at that time. So there was this
ethos in the city and in the country that allowed for, again, moving forward
historically even to a greater degree of consciousness, you know, of who we are.
And, you know, we become more aware of diaspora, that word that is being used
so much, the diaspora. We started becoming more aware [01:45:00] of this,
because then the people from New York came to Chicago, and they created a
Young Lords in Chicago and in other cities, and now we see how we can -- the
same way as the Chicanos in the Southwest and others, we see how we the
Puerto Ricans can take a point of view and some guiding principles and extend
them in the United States. You know? At the same time that you’re positioning
some of the people that share this worldview in key positions. So later, when --

37

�after the mayor died, [01:46:00] the board of education -- well, just to sum it up,
as a member -- to be a member of the board of education, I had to resign my job,
’cause I was a teacher and I was a bilingual coordinator. I had a nice
administrative position. And I took a risk, you know? I took a chance, and I
resigned my position. That’s why earlier I said, some of these -- we have to
sacrifice in some of these things. It costs you money. And the reason I resigned
is because I went through a selection process that the mayor had created, where
you went before [01:47:00] a committee of mainstream leaders. And I thought I
did a great job at the interview, because I prepared well. And I had made the
decision to take a leave of absence, because others had done it that way, and I
had researched it. So I went. I did an interview. I thought it was fine. And I
didn’t go through. I was not selected. And I couldn’t figure out why. So they
opened the process again, so I resubmitted, and I thought, I’ll do a better
interview. And I gathered letters of support from the League of Women Voters to
the women in trades, to everyone that felt they had not [01:48:00] had a voice.
You know? I got a letter from them. I mean, all walks of life, all ethnicities, all
kinds of leaders and organizations. I had the most letters that anyone ever had
had of support. And it took -- and one evening -- the second time, I [didn’t?] go
through. So then I called around. And someone said, “Well, you have some
opposition from an organization, a Latino organization, not a Puerto Rican
organization but a Latino organization.” And I said, “Really? Well, are you guys
meeting?” This was a political meeting. This was at Raymond [01:49:00]
Figueroa’s office on Pulaski and North Avenue. So, you know, I turned to my

38

�husband, Otto Pikaza, who was a founder of Latin Americans studies at the
University of Illinois and a history professor, Latin Americanist. I turned to him,
and I said, “You know, don’t worry about me. I’m gonna take the car. I’m gonna
go west on North Avenue to Pulaski. I’m gonna make a right. And Raymond’s
office is right there.” This was the days of no cell phone, right? “So Raymond’s
office is right there, and I’m going to go in there, because I want to know what’s
going on, ’cause so many people want me, and then I can’t get through.”
[01:50:00] Oh, ’cause the mayor also kept throwing back names, too, you know?
He -- every -- so then I found out at that meeting -- so I bogart the meeting. I sat
at the table. I said, “I’m not moving until I get an explanation. I gotta know
what’s going on.” So I did get the explanation. And then I got angry. This is to
tell you why. In the next time I went, the third time before the committee, you
know, someone looked at me sinist-- someone looked from across the table and
said, “Well, you know, I think we can -- I don’t have any problem selecting -- you
know, voting for you, but we talked, and we need you to resign from your
[01:51:00] position, because this could be embarrassing for the mayor, that you
are still an employee.” And I said, “Yeah, but Alderman Eisendrath didn’t have to
resign. He took a leave of absence.” He says, “No, but we have to.” And as I
argued the point, I saw that the guy was feeling relaxed and happy, and I then
looked at him straight in the eyes, and I said, “No problem. I’m happily married.
My husband will be happy to support me.” And he almost fell off that chair. And I
-- you know? So I had a good tenure. I had seven schools built. I rolled up my
sleeves, ’cause [01:52:00] I wasn’t working, right? (laughs) So I worked. I rolled

39

�up my sleeves. I had seven schools built. I worked with youth guidance, and we
got Pritzker, the father, to -- and the CEO of the old Bell and Howell company,
and we went to work. And we established the culinary arts program at Clemente
High School. And that was the first, most wonderful partnership, three-way
partnership, that was done, and it’s a partnership that is the way they should be,
you know, where the people aren’t [01:53:00] subsidizing anyone, but it’s truly a
partnership for the good of the school. And things like that occurred. Partnership
with the park district. And I like to think that -- and this was before the talk of
partnerships, because now, I mean -MSW: Now it’s everywhere. (laughs)
AL:

Yeah. In ’99, I mean, I don’t know. Under Bill Clinton, I remember, it was made
into a movement. But this wasn’t a partnership of just PR, you know? This was
real. And, you know, again, these are ideas and things that seemed so natural to
do, because of our experience in the community, because if you look at them, it’s
really essentially the same thing, the same ideas, right, of collaboration, because
[01:54:00] I don’t -- despite the tensions that sometimes ensued and the direct
action and demonstrations of the times, there was a lot of negotiation, there was
a lot of collaboration that existed, that perhaps is not highlighted as much,
because of course -- but there were -- otherwise, you know, things wouldn’t have
been -- programs wouldn’t have been established, or the influence wouldn’t have
been there. So that was -- I had a great opportunity serving as a board -- first of
all, being a commissioner, and then later on the board of education. And then in
1992, [01:55:00] through that same community work and those same

40

�relationships, I learned that there was going to be an election for trustees of the
University of Illinois. It was a statewide election. And I consulted both with
Puerto Rican community, others, you know, that I -- at that time, I was more
involved in a city, in citywide -- and with the African American community. And
then I decided to run for office. To my surprise, because after the worst strikes in
history on the board of education, [01:56:00] and the mayor dying, and my taking
from an incredible fall, I said to myself, “My gosh, you know, I must be nuts. I
can’t do this again.” You know? But then I started thinking, Wow, to be a trustee
of the university, a university that I studied in, that became part of my identity,
and that still has a long ways to go, I thought, I could do so much to support the
programs like LARES, Latin American Recruitment and Educational Programs
[Services], the Black Studies programs, all these programs that were created on
campus. So I thought of an opportunity. My husband was founder of the Latin
American studies program, and [01:57:00] so there was always that connection
and that familiarity with the campus, and the professors, and the issues, and all
that, because he was an activist, too, a professor slash ac-- and this was a great
time, you know. A great deal has been contributed. And I did what I set out to
do. Not all of it, you know, because I did want to transform the curriculum for
teacher preparation to make it more multidisciplinary, because I thought the way I
studied was the way that this globalization, this global world, this world needs to
prepare teachers. Anyway, and I think teachers are --[01:58:00] poor
communities not only need wonderful doctors and homes, but they need the best
teachers --

41

�MSW: Absolutely.
AL:

-- that a country can provide, you know? So I didn’t do that, but I did -- I was able
to give real support to all those programs. And in light of the movements to do
away with ethnic programs and affirmative action and all that --

MSW: Right.
AL:

-- they were -- they’re still there. We no longer talk about affirmative action on
campus, but -- and sure, I think that ground has been lost, because we know that
diversity does not mean the same thing.

MSW: Right.
AL:

But I think that, you know, the voices are still there. We’re still vigilant.
[01:59:00] And there is a lot of programs that exist to help the communities. I
think those linkages between the people in the institutions and the community,
and that camaraderie or mutual respect that existed between those who
organized and those who were part of institutions -- I don’t think that exists in the
same way. There are efforts, you know. But I still see them more traditional,
where professors come and do the research, and then -- and the proposals are
written. But there’s leadership in [02:00:00] the community that is not free, you
know, free to organize in the same way, don’t feel free to organize in the same
way. I think the system has become more centralized in many ways. You know,
not necessarily better or worse, because if we compare social injustice now and
social injustice then, I’m not sure how that compares. You know, I haven’t done
that. But just through our daily living, when you want to find someone who can
serve as the voice of a community or provide the consensus, and who do not

42

�have any ties to the institutions’ or the foundations’ limitations, [02:01:00] you
know? They’re not limited by those -- for me, it seems harder to find that now.
And before, it was a wonderful time when it was happening. It was bubbling from
the bottom up, and it was -- and we were searching for creative ways of dealing
with this. Whether it was institutions or outside, we were all part of a process
where we had to find the answers we didn’t know. It wasn’t about, “Go talk to
this bilingual teacher.” It was about, like, Bilingualism? What’s that? And then
the courts, you know, the cases going into court and the Supreme Court, Lau v.
Nichols. You have to teach the children in a language they can understand. And
it’s been -- and all that was happening. [02:02:00] Recently, I saw a
documentary where John [sic] Marshall speaks of how the couple, the Latino
couple in California -- Westminster, or something like that?
MSW: That’s right, yeah.
AL:

Yeah, were the ones who, thanks to them, a Puerto Rican woman, Mexican
husband, how they were the ones who created the foundation for the African
Americans to integrate the schools.

MSW: It was Thurgood Marshall’s first desegregation case, and it was the foundation for
Brown v. Board of Ed. Right.
AL:

Yeah, yeah. And as we grow and we go from the more specific to -- and take
[02:03:00] a long view and a wide view, we can see how program initiatives and
movements that start pretty much spontaneous in a community like Lincoln Park,
how that has ramifications and manifests itself in so many ways later on, as
people grow and occupy different places in the society. But, you know, you have

43

�those experiences. I mean, I think those experiences in the Lincoln Park
community were very transformational. I was at a point in my life where I
thought, you know, [02:04:00] boiling, frying, and mashing beans was something
quite strange. You know? And then you go to Lincoln Park, and there, there’s
Cha-Cha Jiménez, and there’s Free Puerto Rico, and the self-determination of
the Puerto Rican people, and all this is happening. But you have a mix, you
know? You have a mix of ethnicities. And wow, what -- how awesome is that,
you know, to be a young Puerto Rican and see that a Puerto Rican, another
young Puerto Rican, is a leader and is moving an agenda that is both [02:05:00]
local and attracts different ethnicities and races, but is also committed to Puerto
Rico, the homeland, and how the Puerto Ricans can be leaders that can move
the agenda of what is best for their homeland and have others join in that
movement. So I think those times were transformational. You know? I think
they were transformational. And I think that the work that we do to -- whether it’s
in teaching, to make sure that students have a clear consciousness, that they
can make choices, not to allow themselves to be indoctrinated, [02:06:00] ideas
about democratic classrooms. We didn’t invent those things, but certainly we
were thinking in the same lines. You know? And health care. The Mayor’s
Commission on Latino Affairs created the position for the first Hispanic top
executive to work parallel, to work hand in hand with the commissioner on health
in the city. You know? So there’s a lot of -- the history is with us. History is with
us. And the gentrification. You know, there are [02:07:00] still -- that’s still
something that communities are having to deal with, and the Young Lords serves

44

�as a point of reference for the first struggle. For many years, they were the first
point of reference. You know, remember the corner of Halsted and Armitage,
what was to be a tennis court. And sure, you know, when you struggle against
big business and government forces, sure, you lose many times, [02:08:00] but
that doesn’t make your struggle any less worthy or admirable. So that was a
point of reference, you know? And then later -- now later in history, we see it on
Division Street, where people are working with Paseo Boricua, but we know it
well, because it started in the ’60s. And when we see it in Puerto Rico, you
know, over there by Canteras, Santurce, in that prime land, when we see it in
Loíza, it’s still -- you know, has it really changed? Has it really changed? It has,
[02:09:00] in a lot of ways, in form, but essentially, has it really changed? You
know? And I hope that others take -- I hope that others, when they look at the
history, they take away some inspiration, and they look at the models, not
because we can repeat them, you know, because it’s a different world, but that
they take the essence, and they understand, and they can look at one essence,
another essence, and then find their own way of continuing to struggle for social
justice and for making sure that we have a homeland that is -- [02:10:00] where
people have a clear sense of their identity, and that it’s an identity rooted in the
history of Puerto Rico going back more than 500 years, and that they don’t allow
-- just like the Young Lords did not allow, when they raised questions -- that they
do not allow for the media or the big business or the marketing people to define
what is their identity and who they work for, and who they should work for. And
when they get up in the morning, what is their purpose? That they’re not defined

45

�by [02:11:00] others, but they say, You know, how far does my heritage go?
Who am I, and what is the value of having my language? And what can I
contribute to the world as a Puerto Rican? And if I want to be bilingual, and if I
want to be bilingual bicultural, how are other countries doing it, like Italy? How is
Italy being bilingual? How is it that they learn English but have no problems
being Italian? You know? So I -- this is why I feel, you know -- that I regret that I
didn’t have time enough to work on [02:12:00] those teachers, because the
teachers are very, very important. (laughter) How teachers are prepared, you
know? And the theories that drive the elite schools of the country, you know, the
Latin School here in Chicago, the Montessori schools, the schools founded at the
University of Chicago by John Dewey’s philosophy, those were all meant for
everybody. You know?
MSW: That was supposed to be the promise of American public education. (laughs)
AL:

That was the promise of American public education. That’s right. And I hope
that in Puerto Rico, the promise -- you know, that there are some that can point
to that. And is education going to be to democratize, are our institutions going to
be to democratize, or are we going to have, you know, more and more [02:13:00]
centralized government? And do Puerto Ricans start emulating the elite schools
and turn their back on the others? What are we going to do? And it’s good. It’s
good that we have a history, you know, that we can reflect on. It tells us that it’s
not impossible, that things aren’t impossible. It tells us that we can do great
things when we organize, when we come to a consensus, and when we have
coordinated action, whatever that action is in that particular moment. I mean, the

46

�saving of Saint Francis -- I was gonna tell you about that. Well, I was -- as a
trustee -- [02:14:00] you know, as a trustee, I worked hard to be fair with
everyone, because as a trustee, that’s what you have to do, right? So I took my
charge very, very seriously. I wasn’t a Latina and I wasn’t just a Puerto Rican. I
was a trustee. But because I’m Hispanic, first of all, I ran for office statewide.
The Democratic Party arranged for me to go around the state of Illinois
campaigning. I had the opportunity to campaign with all the -- many of the
people that were campaigning at the time, because it was a presidential election.
So Bill -MSW: And what year was this?
AL:

Ninety-two.

MSW: Ninety-two.
AL:

[02:15:00] So Hillary Clinton was Bill Clinton’s surrogate, and she was the one
that campaigned with us in Illinois. But Dawn Clark Netsch and other leaders of
the Democratic Party. During my campaign, I would speak to the advance
people, and I would ask them -- and I just asked them -- I would just suggest that
since I was going to a certain place and there were Latinos there, that if they
could please arrange for having Hispanics there, too. You know? So I -- so
speaking about accessing people and democratizing, that’s the first thing. First
thing in campaigns, I would go, and I’d see one group or another group. And I
said, “Wait a minute. I want to campaign with different community -- [02:16:00]
go be for different communities.” Right? So I even went before the women’s
group at the East-West Corridor, which is a Republican area. You know, but out

47

�of respect, I went before that group, and I campaigned. And some of the women
came to me afterwards and said, “You know, I’m going to vote for you.” So -MSW: Marvelous.
AL:

Yeah, you know? Because people really need to hear. So I really enjoyed
campaigning. It was very hard, and sometimes I wondered if it was sane, what I
was doing, because it’s volunte-- there’s no salary attached to that, and you do
kind of risk your life on the airplanes. But I campaigned. And then the first issue
was getting -- addressing [02:17:00] an issue that followed me. It was -- because
the students had protested against what they considered racism on campus in
Urbana. And they were very angry, and they protested. It was a student protest
that included Asian and Blacks. I didn’t follow. All I knew is that it had been very
-- how do I say -- confrontational, and that the students were protesting for things
in Urbana that we already had on the Chicago campus. And I thought, Well,
that’s not that hard. It’s 1992. (laughter) It’s not that hard. There must be a
misunderstanding or something. [02:18:00] And I didn’t want to deal with it on
the campaign trail, because I didn’t know enough. But then when I was elected, I
did. And then I had the discipline procedures reviewed, and their records were
expunged so that they would not have a record. And then the other thing -- and
then there are many ways that I think I contributed. Affirmative action, more
women and more Latinos in faculty, strengthening programs at a time when the
university was under a lot of pressure to do away with all programs. So it was -but one of the things that I will always remember is the controversy around Saint
Francis. Saint Francis is a Catholic church that had landmark status. It was the

48

�first church in Chicago that gave [02:19:00] mass in Spanish. And this was a
church that had a large Puerto Rican congregation, because these were the
Puerto Ricans that I talked to you about that were, like, around Madison Avenue
and Roosevelt, and many of them had worked their way up into Chicago from the
steel mills, also. And then the church was, before that, Italian; before that, it was
-- it had other groups that had gone there. But a beautiful little church, you know,
that served as a point of reference. Four thousand parishioners. They have to
take turns. They start mass on Fridays, because they don’t fit, and there’s so
many people that come. So this is a thriving -- this was a thriving church, unlike
others in the area. And [02:20:00] when the University of Illinois decided to have
its master plan for expansion, part of the plan was to level -- to take away
Maxwell Street, and this church is right there, you know, between the university
and Maxwell Street. So that was part of the plan. The parishioners began to
contact the Latino elected officials, and they also contacted me. So as a trustee,
I took this very seriously, and I started looking into it. And it seemed that the
university, the city mayor, and the archdiocese had all agreed to close this
church, level the [02:21:00] property, so that the development could start there
on Roosevelt instead of starting half a block inward. Well, it got the point that -where the parishioners started protesting. Well, one of the roles I played was to
have the parishioners come before -- now, I was elected with almost three million
votes statewide, so it was a political process, although I believe it was more of a
democratic process than it is now, ’cause now you get a phone call from the
governor. They changed the law, you know. And now you get a phone call from

49

�the governor, and before, you had to really work at it, you know, and put yourself
out there, your position out there. But anyway, but because it was a political
process, [02:22:00] I was able to get support during another election on the
board of trustees so that we could review that process. Speaking again about
democratizing the process, you know, from those past experiences, I had
meetings with the parishioners, and I had to explain to them what the board did,
the board of trustees did; what our role, our responsibilities were; what we could,
what we could not do. And they learned a great -- I mean, they learned how the
meetings worked, and they got a petition of [02:23:00] four thousand people and
brought it to the board. That’s part of what they did. And then the dynamics
changed, and the archdiocese abandoned the property, and there was an
opportunity for the university to buy it. So I said to the congregation, “As a
trustee, I don’t feel comfortable going against the idea of purchasing land for the
university and allowing a developer to buy it.” And they said, “Okay. We’ll have
to think of what to do.” And that was my role in it. But what happened next is
that they occupied the church for about -- speaking about occupations of
churches -- they occupied [02:24:00] the church for about thirteen days in the
coldest winter. This church had no heat nor benches nor windows. It was
stripped of all that. The bulldoze-- they were in the church. They had a
committee come. They had different committees come and give them water,
electric, heat, and all that. And then the bulldozers came. In this coldness of
dark and winter, you know, in January, the bulldozers came, and the people
stood. The congregation came. They stood. They held hands. They prayed.

50

�And they stood there in the cold until the bulldozers withdrew. And then I helped
the group. I connected the group -- [02:25:00] you know, I facilitated the early
meetings so that the committee that was working with the community -- a
committee of more sophisticated parishioners then started meeting with the
university, and they did a land swap. And they built a little more. By that time, I
was off the -- I was no longer a trustee, because I was a trustee for six years.
MSW: Okay. And this was what years?
AL:

This must have been like 1996 or something like that. So that would be, like,
when that master plan -- but this was very difficult for me, because what
happened is that the Latino groups who had an interest in that expansion and
were working with the developers [02:26:00] organized against me, and went to
City Hall and had a press conference denouncing me for being against
affirmative action, which was silly, because I was the chair of affirmative action,
’cause nobody wanted to do it. (laughter) Yeah. No, and people appreciated,
because I didn’t -- I wasn’t angry about affirmative action. I was working within
the paradigm of the institution and their mission, and I knew how to work on this,
because we had done it so often before, you know, with the mayor of the city,
with the board of education. I mean, I had experience. So I had no difficulties in
the committee. But I did know the law. And when they wanted me to come out
and promise [02:27:00] jobs, I knew that was not the law of the land at the time,
and I knew that the university couldn’t deliver either, so whoever promised them
that, you know, was not correct. So it was very difficult during that time. But the
church people prevailed, and the church is still there. And that’s the story of

51

�Saint Francis. It’s another example of how, in another -- it’s another example of
what happens when you can work in a coordinated fashion, you know, and with
the community, with communities. And it’s the way [02:28:00] that institutions
can be democratized, by allowing the voices of the people they serve to translate
into policy. And sure, it has to be rational, and you can’t satisfy everyone, and
there are conflicting goods, so you can’t do it all, but it’s better than the
alternative, which is making decisions in an alienated fashion and playing one
community against the other by pointing the finger and saying, “Well, you don’t
have anything because the other community has everything.” You know? So it
might benefit others, but it doesn’t benefit us. So those are some of my stories.
MSW: Those are wonderful.
AL:

You’re hungry? You want to go downstairs?

JJ:

(Spanish) -- if we have anything else to add, we’ll add it, any further [thoughts?].

AL:

Yeah, or you could call me on the phone.

JJ:

No, no, no. No, no.

MSW: [We could?].
AL:

Oh, you can come back?

JJ:

[02:29:00] Should we eat?

AL:

Let’s go downstairs.

JJ:

Should we eat, or...?

MSW: Absolutely (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).
AL:

Let’s go downstairs.

JJ:

Because we still gotta get the -- we still got some stuff we gotta --

52

�MSW: Okay.

END OF AUDIO FILE

53

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The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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                    <text>Young	&#13;   L ords	&#13;  
In	&#13;  Lincoln	&#13;  Park	&#13;  

Interviewee:	&#13;  Linda	&#13;  Turner	&#13;  
Interviewers:	&#13;  Jose	&#13;  Jimenez	&#13;  
Location:	&#13;  Grand	&#13;  Valley	&#13;  State	&#13;  University	&#13;  Special	&#13;  Collections	&#13;  
Date:	&#13;  2015	&#13;  
Runtime:	&#13;  00:38:33	&#13;  
	&#13;  

	&#13;  
	&#13;  

Biography	&#13;  and	&#13;  Description	&#13;  

Oral	&#13;  history	&#13;  of	&#13;  Linda	&#13;  Turner,	&#13;  interviewed	&#13;  by	&#13;  Jose	&#13;  “Cha-­‐Cha”	&#13;  Jimenez	&#13;  in	&#13;  2015	&#13;  about	&#13;  the	&#13;  Young	&#13;  Lords	&#13;  in	&#13;  
Lincoln	&#13;  Park.	&#13;  
Linda	&#13;  Turner	&#13;  was	&#13;  born	&#13;  in	&#13;  1941	&#13;  and	&#13;  became	&#13;  an	&#13;  activist	&#13;  in	&#13;  1965	&#13;  after	&#13;  viewing	&#13;  the	&#13;  movie	&#13;  Judgement	&#13;  at	&#13;  
Nuremberg	&#13;  which	&#13;  she	&#13;  said	&#13;  was	&#13;  followed	&#13;  by	&#13;  news	&#13;  about	&#13;  police	&#13;  beating	&#13;  demonstrators	&#13;  during	&#13;  the	&#13;  civil	&#13;  
rights	&#13;  March	&#13;  to	&#13;  Selma,	&#13;  Alabama.	&#13;  She	&#13;  later	&#13;  joined	&#13;  the	&#13;  Congress	&#13;  of	&#13;  Racial	&#13;  Equality	&#13;  (C.O.R.E.)	&#13;  in	&#13;  Chicago	&#13;  
headed	&#13;  by	&#13;  James	&#13;  Foreman.	&#13;  	&#13;  
Her	&#13;  first	&#13;  action	&#13;  was,	&#13;  her	&#13;  and	&#13;  others	&#13;  chaining	&#13;  themselves	&#13;  in	&#13;  a	&#13;  circle	&#13;  at	&#13;  McCormick	&#13;  Place	&#13;  in	&#13;  downtown	&#13;  
Chicago	&#13;  protesting	&#13;  what	&#13;  was	&#13;  going	&#13;  on	&#13;  down	&#13;  south	&#13;  with	&#13;  violations	&#13;  of	&#13;  the	&#13;  civil	&#13;  rights	&#13;  of	&#13;  Blacks.	&#13;  
She	&#13;  went	&#13;  to	&#13;  Cuba	&#13;  as	&#13;  part	&#13;  of	&#13;  the	&#13;  second	&#13;  Venceremos	&#13;  Brigade	&#13;  of	&#13;  about	&#13;  800	&#13;  volunteers	&#13;  that	&#13;  went	&#13;  to	&#13;  help	&#13;  
in	&#13;  the	&#13;  sugar	&#13;  cane	&#13;  harvest.	&#13;  Upon	&#13;  coming	&#13;  back	&#13;  she	&#13;  participated	&#13;  in	&#13;  the	&#13;  Young	&#13;  Lords	&#13;  Manuel	&#13;  Ramos	&#13;  March	&#13;  

�and	&#13;  also	&#13;  entered	&#13;  McCormick	&#13;  Theological	&#13;  Seminary	&#13;  during	&#13;  the	&#13;  full	&#13;  week	&#13;  take-­‐over	&#13;  led	&#13;  by	&#13;  the	&#13;  Young	&#13;  Lords	&#13;  
with	&#13;  the	&#13;  Puerto	&#13;  Rican	&#13;  Community	&#13;  and	&#13;  other	&#13;  Lincoln	&#13;  Park	&#13;  activists.	&#13;  Linda	&#13;  joined	&#13;  the	&#13;  People’s	&#13;  Information	&#13;  
Center	&#13;  which	&#13;  like	&#13;  the	&#13;  Young	&#13;  Lords	&#13;  had	&#13;  community	&#13;  programs	&#13;  modeled	&#13;  after	&#13;  the	&#13;  Black	&#13;  Panther	&#13;  Survival	&#13;  
Programs	&#13;  and	&#13;  they	&#13;  supported	&#13;  the	&#13;  Rainbow	&#13;  Coalition.	&#13;  She	&#13;  describes	&#13;  a	&#13;  political	&#13;  base	&#13;  of	&#13;  activists	&#13;  being	&#13;  
formed	&#13;  around	&#13;  Halsted	&#13;  from	&#13;  Armitage	&#13;  to	&#13;  about	&#13;  Lincoln	&#13;  Avenue.	&#13;  	&#13;  	&#13;  
Linda	&#13;  would	&#13;  help	&#13;  design	&#13;  flyers	&#13;  for	&#13;  Chairman	&#13;  Fred	&#13;  Hampton,	&#13;  sold	&#13;  the	&#13;  Panther	&#13;  newspapers,	&#13;  but	&#13;  most	&#13;  
important	&#13;  she	&#13;  transcribed	&#13;  depositions	&#13;  of	&#13;  Red	&#13;  Squad	&#13;  spies	&#13;  for	&#13;  the	&#13;  People’s	&#13;  Law	&#13;  Office	&#13;  while	&#13;  they	&#13;  were	&#13;  
being	&#13;  prosecuted,	&#13;  and	&#13;  she	&#13;  said	&#13;  that	&#13;  she	&#13;  was	&#13;  able	&#13;  to	&#13;  witness	&#13;  many	&#13;  of	&#13;  the	&#13;  infiltrators	&#13;  who	&#13;  she	&#13;  had	&#13;  
thought	&#13;  were	&#13;  activists	&#13;  but	&#13;  were	&#13;  in	&#13;  fact	&#13;  paid	&#13;  spies.	&#13;  	&#13;  
	&#13;  

�Transcript

LINDA TURNER:

-- this little suburban Evanston girl.

F:

(laughs) There you go.

LT:

Yeah.

JOSE JIMENEZ:

(inaudible) A suburban what?

F:

You asked about --

LT:

No, so when are you starting? You got to say all go or --

(break in audio)
JJ:

Okay. Okay, Linda, if you want to give me your name and maybe the age and
where you were born and that.

LT:

My name is Linda Turner, I was born in 1941. You do the math. And I became
an activist in 1965. I remember precisely because it turned out to be a very
momentous moment (laughs) for a lot of northern people to get involved in the
civil rights movement that was going on down South. That was the first
nationwide showing of the film Judgement at Nuremburg and when it ended and
the, if you know the movie, it’s about the trial of Nazis who were responsible for
exterminating millions of people in Germany, Austria, around. [00:01:00] Not only
Jews but gypsies and communists and political enemies and gay people. Lots of
folks. And at the end, you’re left with the message that if you care about people,
you have, you can’t just sit back and let it happen. You have to be like the few
good Germans and do something about it. Right after the movie ends, on comes
the news and what’s on the news but Alabama state troopers plug, clubbing

1

�demonstrators on the Pettus Bridge in -- is it Alabama? Was it -- now I’ve
forgotten -- Selma. They’re on their way to Selma, Alabama and that was my
signal. I immediately connected. If I feel upset about people sitting by and not
doing anything about injustices to someone, I had to get involved in this. So the
next morning, I joined CORE. And within a week, we were at McCormick Place
at the boat show that they, [00:02:00] the tourism show they held every year. I
think this was the old one before that one -- I think it’s the one that burned down
eventually. And we chained ourselves in a circle in front of the Alabama booth
with the state trooper standing there. We ran a chain link through our coats so
you didn’t see the chains until we got there and padlocked ourselves. So, the
front page of the Tribune the next day was cops carrying out, because we went
limp, carrying out these demonstrators (laughs) like sacks from McCormick
Place. And we were jailed, got out the next day, we went back, did it again. No
security there. They let us back in, we did it again. I remember the story
because that night, I ate Chinese food and got a fortune in my fortune cookie that
said you feel refreshed after a relaxing weekend and ready to tackle [00:03:00]
the world. So, my feeling was I was active in CORE for a long time. From there,
it kept growing. The anti-war movement, from the civil rights movement to the
anti-war movement just like Dr. King and start making the connections between
them. And I think once you’re an activist, it’s hard to stop being one. You’re
always -JJ:

What kind of work did you do in CORE?

LT:

Oh, I did in the ’80s, oh, well, ’70s, I went to Cuba. I’ve been to Cuba five times.

2

�So, when they make a big fuss about Beyonce and Jay-Z going to Cuba,
anybody can really go to Cuba now. You can say, “I want to investigate the arts
and culture of Cuba,” you can go. But I wish they would stop the blockade
already. I’ve been involved in various ways of trying to end the blockade against
Cuba for all these years. I was part of the Chicago Cuba Committee which did
work on that that was, it was an educational organization. I went on the second
[00:04:00] Venceremos Brigade; there were 700 of us. We cut sugarcane and I
still have a picture of Fidel with his machete talking in this big circle of people and
that was the brigade that I was on. We left just after Fred Hampton had been
murdered, December of ’69, and we returned after cutting sugar cane and touring
the island just before May Day of 1970. And when we returned, we were
confronted with the fact of Manuel Ramos’ death. I don’t remember all the
details. He was killed at a gigantic May Day march. Somewhere in my files of
memorabilia, I have pictures of it with banners and everything. It was really
beautiful. And we felt like we were, that was a connection between the struggle
of the Cuban people, the Puerto Rican people, and all oppressed people, in
Chicago, everywhere. [00:05:00] it was very moving. I went on to, at that time, a
storefront community organization called the People’s Information Center opened
and I became a part of that along with several other friends. We did programs
that other participants in the Rainbow Coalition did. The Young Lords also.
Breakfast for Children program, worked on a free people’s health clinic, just all
kinds of good things in the community.
JJ:

Where was it located?

3

�LT:

This was in Lincoln Park right on Halsted Street. On one side of us, we had the
People’s Law Office which is a whole other story, and a few doors down, we had
the women’s liberation, Chicago Women’s Liberation Union office. So, it was a
very progressive block. And in fact, after urban renewal cleared the land
between I think Dickens and [00:06:00] Armitage, there was a People’s Park built
and I remember specifically a 26th of July celebration where we roasted a pig. I
won’t describe how the pig was attired. And it just went on. I went into, I came
into an organization of activists that did a lot of work against US intervention in
Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, for many years called the US Anti-Imperialist
League. It was after -- there was initially many years ago an anti-imperialist
league and that’s what it was named after. But we did a lot of film showings and
sponsoring speakers, educating people. There were lots of demonstrations at
consulates. There was always something going on. I’m trying to follow this
chronologically [00:07:00] because for -- what else did I do during those years?
I’ll probably remember later. I’m 71 years old so you gotta cut me some slack,
you know? Every detail won’t be there in the right order. But about 12 years
ago, I had to move to Las Vegas -- actually, I live in Henderson -- because my
mother who at the time was almost 96 could no longer live alone. So, she moved
from Florida and I moved from Chicago, leaving my daughter and my little
grandbaby behind. And stayed with my mother and she lived another five years
because she finally had her family around her. My brother lived there already so
for the first time in many years, my brother and I and my mother were all together
in the same neighborhood. So, it was a very good five years for her. She almost

4

�made it to 101. Now, I find so many of my friends are taking care of their
mothers. It’s usually [00:08:00] the mothers. So that’s another link I have with
friends is the experience of the reversal of the mother becomes the daughter and
the daughter becomes the mother in a way. So that’s where I am now. I come to
Chicago every year for a week to see my friends and family. But I’ve, my skin
has got, my blood has gotten too thin to live here all year-round especially in the
winter. So that’s why I am where I am. And there, whenever MoveOn has a
demonstration whether it’s against gun violence or whatever legislation is coming
up, I work on campaigns, work with OFA which has been, had many incarnations.
Obama for America, Organizing for America, now it’s Organizing for Action. So, I
just keep doing that because I feel that if I [00:09:00] stop doing that, I lose my
connection with the world. And it kind of, it’s good exercise. Walking a picket line
never hurt anybody if you can put one leg in front of the other so...
JJ:

So you came to CORE, from CORE --

LT:

Yeah.

JJ:

-- in the, in ’60- --

LT:

Right. I joined from CORE the next morning. It was headed by James Forman
at the time.

JJ:

And was that located in Chicago?

LT:

In Chicago, yes.

JJ:

Okay.

LT:

And for a time, I was secretary of the organization and then there was Northside
CORE, Westside, Southside, they had various branches.

5

�JJ:

But I don’t understand. What was the difference between them and some of
other civil rights --

LT:

Well, Congress on Racial Equality didn’t limit itself to students. It was for all
ages, it was very integrated. But there came a time, it was after the Black Power
Movement, when there was pressure for white people to take, to especially step
down from leadership positions. That it was time for Black people to lead their
struggle. [00:10:00] I had no problem with that, so I did. Other people took
office. But it didn’t mean that we weren’t supportive, white people who no longer
officers or whatever in CORE. I liked the organization and I liked James Forman
and it was very active at the time.

JJ:

What was he like in the --

LT:

Well, I only met James Forman once very briefly. There’s actually a movie, I
should press my brain and try to remember, that talks about his youth. Denzel
Washington played a union organizer in it. The Young Debaters. If you ever get
a chance to see it, it’s great because there’s a kid there who was a son of a
minister who grows up to, who’s James Forman. And this kind of shows you how
his introduction to things like the labor movement and debating. He was a very
articulate and powerful speaker. He was part of the Black colleges debate that
ended up win-- [00:11:00] beating the Ivy-League schools and winning a
championship in debating. It’s very good skill to have so...

JJ:

Now, you mentioned Manuel Ramos and then you mentioned Fred Hampton.
What do you recall of Fred Hampton?

LT:

Oh, I, because I knew him. I mean, I think it wasn’t even weeks, not even a

6

�week, before his death that I was the one that took a flyer that we had designed.
There had been an attack by the Chicago police on the apartment that -- it wasn’t
Fred Hampton’s apartment; it was an office or something. And let me think. So,
there was a big rally planned on behalf of the people who had been injured and
jailed from that raid, not the one that killed [00:12:00] Fred. So, we designed a
flyer to be passing out to mobilized people -JJ:

The Information --

LT:

Now, this is before the internet.

JJ:

The Information Center?

LT:

Yeah. Well, yes, it was. I took it over to the office on Madison and showed it to
Fred and he’s the one who changed the location. It was going to be a different
location, I don’t remember which, but it ended up being at the church on Ashland
where they had many events and a few minor little changes and took it back --

JJ:

On Madison -- Ashland and Madison?

LT:

Well, there was a church on Ashland near Adams, I believe. It wasn’t far from the
electric workers’ union hall. It was that, there was a strip there and that’s where
the rally was scheduled to happen. So went back, made the changes, went to -this is maybe a day later. Went to the printing press, Omega Press, progressive
printers in Hyde Park. And I was, I spent the night waiting for the flyer to be
[00:13:00] done. And in the morning, about 6:00 in the morning, I got a phone
call from Sue Jan telling me what had happened. Chairman Fred had been
murdered. So needless to say, everything but the heading, the header came off,
all the illustration, everything else stayed the same. The place, the time, and it

7

�was reprinted and I waited for it and brought it back north. And yes, I remember
that.
JJ:

How did it impact you and some of the other organizers?

LT:

Well, we were just about to leave for Cuba and I remember one of the things that
people decided that the brigadistas would do -- because we did various
community service kinds of things in training before we left together -- was to
stand guard, to stand witness at the Panther office on Madison. So, we’d stand
up and down the stairways, in case there was a [00:14:00] attack or something,
here’d be all these people standing there waiting, watching. I remember that.
And I knew a lot of the Panthers because we, I was one of the people like many
of us at the Information Center who sold the Black Panther Paper all the time.
So, I would be the one who would drive my little Toyota over there and would
load it, John Preston would load up the car with Panther papers, take them back
north and sell them at El stops and everywhere. Good paper. And then as I say,
there, between the, there was a Young Patriots organization, later there was
Rising Up Angry, there was the Panther Party, there was the Young Lords,
people’s information, all these groups that were really showed an example of the
Rainbow Coalition by our skin and by our politics. The solidarity [00:15:00]
among the peoples in the community and that was what --

JJ:

How would you describe that? I mean --

LT:

Well, I mean because you could see organizations and individuals working
together toward common goals following the -- especially for white people -following leadership of third-world people. Or you know, Black People, Puerto

8

�Rican, Mexican, whatever. Brown people, Black people, that we followed their
example. The Panther Party started the Breakfast for Children programs, the
Serve the People programs, STP. So that, I think, in itself sent a message in
terms of who, of leadership not being for people like me. Formerly white
suburban kids at one tine to come in and feel that somehow, we could run it. And
no, we couldn’t, because we didn’t have that contact with the community, that
[00:16:00] understanding of what needed to be done. So, it was a great learning
experience for a lot of people to work with the Panthers, the Young Lords, no
matter what it was about.
JJ:

You said contact with the community. What do you mean?

LT:

Well, like even in Lincoln Park. There was a, there were a lot of Puerto Rican
people in Lincoln Park, the place where I lived was pretty white. It was like a
merging of -- they call it the base now, a political base. That that became
everyone’s base. All the progressive factors in a community. So, I just thought it
was important for people to see that when the politics are right, it can pull people
together, to work together to accomplish good things.

JJ:

What would, geographically, what would be a base?

LT:

Well, when I talk about Lincoln Park, I talk about that area between, because it
had, oh, I’d say Arm-- between [00:17:00] Armitage and Belden even in terms of
where people were located. Because you were, the Young Lords’ church was on
Dayton and Armitage, the People’s Information Center, the People’s Law Office,
the Women’s Union were all on Halsted between them so those were some basic
organizations. People lived in lots of places.

9

�JJ:

What were some of the demonstrations like?

LT:

Well, I remember when -- wasn’t it the Young Lords who helped take over
McCormick Seminary? We were there, too. It was saying a lot in terms of what
McCormick Seminary should give back to the community. It was, it got a lot of
media coverage. And in fact, in the end, McCormick Seminary did acquiesce to
do some, I can’t remember exactly, but I know that in some [00:18:00] way, that
sit-in, that occupation was successful in that it did rest some power from that
institution in the community.

JJ:

Were you inside or...?

LT:

Well, I had been in there. I didn’t occupy, no. I didn’t live in there. Occupation,
the occupy came later. I was part of occupy in Las Vegas.

JJ:

Okay.

LT:

Occupy Las Vegas, what better place to occupy? (laughs) Occupy a casino. But
that’s what I remember. And that was very important and I think it kind of set an
example that institutions in a community have an obligation to support the
interest of the people in the community, not just -- it was, in fact, walled-off. It
had this black, wrought-iron fence all the way around it. Do you remember? And
tried to be like an isolated island in the community and I think people showed that
it couldn’t be. It had to relate to the community it [00:19:00] existed in.

JJ:

Now, you mentioned Manuel Ramos. What do you remember of that?

LT:

Well, I’m, I was trying to rack my brain to try to understand. I think I must have
met him at least. I didn’t know him well. But I know that by, when we returned
from Cuba just before May Day, that’s what we learned. In Cuba, we heard

10

�nothing about what was going on back in the States. I mean, we didn’t have cell
phones (laughs) or the internet or anything like that. So, this is what we were
told when we got back that he had been killed by police. Was it a police? I don’t
remember the details but I do remember the turnout. That it was just this very
impressive -- there were pictures that showed people six abreast walking down
the middle of the street. I don’t know if it was Division or what it was. But I
remember that occasion because it seemed so apropos to come back from Cuba
[00:20:00] and see this massing of progressive people demonstrating against the
kind of attacks that police were pulling off. In fact later, when I actually held a 9to-5 job, I worked on the Red Squad spy suit and a lot of the people who spied
on activists in Lincoln Park and elsewhere were, the lawyers got special
permission to do, not court reporters which were so expensive, but actually have
tape-record the depositions of these spies and I was one of the people who
transcribed. That’s the first transcription job I ever, transcribed those depositions
so that we -- and I could see people walk through the office at the Better
Government Association to their conference room for their deposition and
recognize -JJ:

These are police?

LT:

-- me and I would recognize them.

JJ:

These are police, undercover police?

LT:

Yeah. The Red Squad started I think in the ’30s and they initiated to spy
[00:21:00] on labor, labor unions, infiltrate them. Report to the police. It went
through the peace movement, the anti-war movement, the civil rights movement.

11

�It was always there. In fact, I think Michael Moore had a movie that talks about
those kind of, that kind of infiltration. Of cops going to meetings and everything.
And people who -- when they walked through that conference room and I looked
at them and they knew who I was, because they’d spied on me and a lot of other
people, it was, it just kind of this feeling like, “We got you now. We know what
you are. You’re not a progressive person, you are a spy for the cops all this
time.”
JJ:

So, you actually saw your name in the files or...?

LT:

Well, I was part -- oh, yeah. I was part, I have my file. Of course, when you get
your file, did you ever get your file? It’s all redacted. Big black lines through
everything that would [00:22:00] indicate who it was that was reporting this
information about you. And there was a cop who every time I came out of
Montana Street apartment, [Maurey Daley?]. He’d be sitting in a, unmarked car,
waved to me, followed me wherever I went. That kind of intimidation. It was just
kind of -- some of it was just silliness.

JJ:

So, you were saying they were going through to the meetings? What are the,
what else did they do?

LT:

They went to, they came to meetings whether it was civil rights or community
meetings or whatever as if they were ordinary people. I don’t want to name
names --

JJ:

No, no.

LT:

And then, once this --

JJ:

But can you describe some of the things that they were --

12

�LT:

Pardon?

JJ:

Can you describe some of the things they were doing?

LT:

When they came to meetings, and demonstrations, they didn’t stand out from
anybody else. It was a nice person, a teacher maybe, who believed in, claimed
to believe in something and came. And showed up with a sign or whatever. But
they were there to take names down. Who was at the meeting? Who said
[00:23:00] what? That kind of stuff. And it happened all over the country but
we’re familiar with it as the Red Squad. So, and back in the early ’80s, that was
my job at the BGA. I was transcribing those things and working solely on the
suit. And the files of people who were spied on and the spies were all stored
there. So, I could walk into the file room with dozens of file cabinets in it and my
file was in there, my Red Squad file. So, I was part of the class action.

JJ:

So, what about, is that COINTELPRO? Is that the same thing or...?

LT:

Not exactly. I mean, it, in a way it was because there were other suits at the
same time.

JJ:

I mean, what do you, can you describe COINTELPRO? What is that?

LT:

That was uncovered in the Percy hearings, I think. What, weren’t they? That it
was a national, run by the FBI especially. COINTELPRO was [00:24:00] Counter
Intelligence Program and they tracked the plot to kill Fred Hampton through
COINTELPRO. The Red Squad thing was a different thing. I really have no idea
or recollection how much of the local operation was influenced or mandated by
national COINTELPRO. I only know what happened here. And at the same
time, we also had a suit against military intelligence and the FBI so different

13

�offices handled different aspects of the lawsuit. The lawyers’ committee to
defend a bill of rights I believe had the suit against the FBI. And another
organization, I can’t quite remember which it was, that had the other part. So, I
didn’t, I did a lot of the typing of the brief for it. I mean, being a secretary had its
advantages. I was also the secretary in the Hampton civil suit. [00:25:00] And I
still have the fly page from the notebook that the People’s Law Office gave me.
This was before computers. I did it on my IBM electric typewriter; it was red.
They would come to my house every night and sit around my dining room table
and edit pages and I’d have to go and cut and paste and put the document
together. Basic-- the NACP gave them a grant only for secretarial help like that.
So, before the lawyers saw a penny, I was being paid which I kind of felt bad
about because -- but then again, I was earning a living. But they didn’t get paid
till the settlement happened.
JJ:

And what were some of the things that came out in the trial in the ’70s?

LT:

Well, in the -- the documents --

JJ:

(coughs) Excuse me.

LT:

-- were, it was the complaint against the Chicago Red Squad. It was [00:26:00]
incident after incident of evidence of police spying on people exercising their
constitutional rights. We hear a lot about constitutional rights today. Freedom of
speech, freedom of assembly, and the police were harassing. Many people lost
jobs because they would go to your boss and say, “Did you know that your
employee did this or that?” It was a big, big thing; don’t ask me to recite it. But it
existed and I did that.

14

�JJ:

But I heard they sent letters to different people and --

LT:

Pardon?

JJ:

To spouses, they spent, they send letters or...?

LT:

There were a lot of -- I don’t remember exact circumstances.

JJ:

So, they weren’t just collecting information, they were --

LT:

No, they were collecting information, but they also caused problems for people.
It was an intimidation. [00:27:00] I mean, telling your boss that your employee is
a, I don’t want to call names. A communist or who the heck knows? That can
get you fired so it was harmful. Many people suffered direct injury from it. But
the most of the class were any people who were intimidated from participating by
presence and knowledge that the Red Squad was afoot spying on you even
though we didn’t know exactly who it might be that was the spy. And not to build
it up to sound like international spies but they, some of them were the kind of
people who were firmly against what we were doing, the kind of causes we were
involved in whether it was peace, civil rights, anti-war, whatever. And some of
them might’ve been people who did it in exchange for cops dropping a charge
they might’ve had. Somebody gets caught doing something they shouldn’t
[00:28:00] and they said, “Are you willing to do this?” And they say, “Sure, I’ll do
that. Just don’t arrest me for whatever I did wrong.” They came to it in a lot of
ways so...

JJ:

And was this brought up like in court like some of the --

LT:

Well, I actually never went to court. It was only the lawyers who went to court.
The --

15

�JJ:

No, but I mean this case, this information that the Red Squad gathered, was it
used against individuals? Or I mean --

LT:

For it to be in their files, it meant that the whole police department could look up
somebody and know what they were about. And whether they wanted to harass
people individually like going to their bosses or spouses or whatever, or whether
they wanted to sabotage the work of organizations. Sometimes, there’d be agent
provocateurs. They weren’t just reporting; They were suggesting things that
might be illegal [00:29:00] to try to get people to do things they shouldn’t so they
could be arrested. There was a whole array of dirty tricks that they did. And I
only mention it because from being a victim myself although not harmed as much
as other people were to being a person who could sit there and watch these
spies kind of be called to justice, they were outed. Suddenly, the whole
movement knew who these people were. Just to be at that desk before the
conference room as they walked in and looked at me and I looked at them as if to
say, “Now I know what you, who you really are.” So...

JJ:

What about did you hear anything about Reverend Chris Johnson?

LT:

No, no.

JJ:

No?

LT:

I know I had met him when the Young Lords were in the church but I knew
nothing about what went on there.

JJ:

I say that because it [00:30:00] happened just about a month and a half before
Fred Hampton’s death.

LT:

Really? Oh, it had happened before?

16

�JJ:

Yes.

LT:

I remember that it’d happened but I knew nothing about the details.

JJ:

That’s September 29th.

LT:

Did they ever find who did it?

JJ:

No but actually, it’s still a cold case.

LT:

Still a cold --

JJ:

They haven’t found it. (inaudible).

LT:

No.

JJ:

I think they want to find out but --

LT:

Yeah. Were they trying to blame the Young Lords?

JJ:

No, we were, the Young Lords weren’t blaming us.

LT:

Uh.

JJ:

I mean, they were at least insinuated. Yeah.

LT:

Yeah. I mean, through the years, you might’ve remembered the Lincoln Park,
what was it? Remember Dick Vision?

JJ:

Sure.

LT:

Yeah. I remember his, because that was, that struggle was against urban
renewal within the community. And I was friends with Dick. In fact, I went up to
Cana-- when my daughter was born, Maya -- we took a trip up to British
Columbia [00:31:00] to visit him and his wife and his little daughter Revie for
revolution. Revolutionary, Revolutionary Hope. Turns out her name was really
Hope but that’s what they called her, Revie. And we stayed up there -- talk about
cold. I’m never going back in February to British Columbia but it was beautiful.

17

�Yeah, he was a good guy. And then he went to China to teach English in China.
And the last I heard, he married a Chinese woman. I think he’s still there. Yeah.
JJ:

And I had a recently -- it’s another issue.

LT:

Have we covered everything?

JJ:

I, what else? What do you think?

F:

I think it’s pretty complete.

JJ:

I forget. Is it pretty complete? I don’t know. How about the People’s Law Office?
Did you, what did you recall of that? (laughs)

LT:

Well, I work with the People’s Office, Law Office on the Hampton suit. I mean, I
did the, I typed the complaint [00:32:00] for it at the, and it was, as I said, the
NAACP who paid for that. Yes, I was close. I mean, Flint and Jeff and Jeff wrote
a wonderful book, The Assassination of Fred Hampton, which I have an
autographed copy of. And I still sometimes check Chicago papers and Flint’s still
involved in fighting for justice on all kinds of fronts. And now, a big thing is The
Innocence Projects all over the country. When I worked at the BGA, the guy who
started it at Northwestern, David Protess, I worked in the same office with him.
Then he went on to start the Innocence Project at Northwestern and now they’re
everywhere. There’s even an Innocence Project in Las Vegas. So, I think that’s
a great thing, trying to fight for freedom of people wrongly incarcerated.

JJ:

So, what do you think were the main, the most important aspect [00:33:00] of that
era? (inaudible) --

LT:

Of the era? I think it was always, there had to be the fight against racism.
Because no matter where you turned, that was very central to a struggle. Yeah.

18

�I remember later, I worked with an organization that had a newspaper called
Frontline on the Frontline Against War and Racism. That those were the twin
anchors of the progressive movement and they really were. When you talk about
U.S. military intervention in Central America, that’s the war aspect and as well as
racism. The idea that the United States government could dictate to other
countries how they could, how they should run their, govern their countries and
things like that. Mm-hmm.
JJ:

Now, you went in the church several times or...?

LT:

Oh yeah, I’ve been in the church.

JJ:

What was it like? Can you describe the...?

LT:

Well --

JJ:

[00:34:00] What was it like to you?

LT:

Pardon?

JJ:

What was it like to you?

LT:

It was like a church. (laughter) I don’t know. I remember I was there when the,
you had the clinic in the church. I remember visiting the clinic, I remember you
had a Breakfast for Children program. Yeah, it was, that’s the parts that I
remember. But mostly I remember that it was just this, that in the community, the
activists in the community, because we had -- at the People’s Information Center,
we had a breakfast program. At the Church on Diversey, there was the Fritzi
Engelstein free people’s health clinic and the mural is still there on that church. It
just made the whole larger community so much more, the, these progressive
aspects so much more visible. Whether you were on Armitage of Diversey or

19

�Halsted or whatever, you got the impression that there were [00:35:00]
progressive people doing good stuff in this community so...
JJ:

A base like something.

LT:

Yeah, it was a base. Of course, you know what urban renewal did to that. When
I drive down Halsted and see the fancy, expensive housing that took, that was
build on People’s Park or whatever, it almost makes it, makes you wonder did all
that other stuff really happen? You see it so transformed. But it was a special
era and I don’t see, I haven’t seen anything like it since then. I think it was very
unique; it was. People had a sense of power, that they could do stuff. And I don’t
see it that way now. There’s so much separateness between the environmental
movement or the anti-war movement or the anti-nuke movement or whatever.
Some [00:36:00] activists circulate among all of them but they, there’s no coming
together with the kind of coalition that worked in Lincoln Park and around
Chicago then.

JJ:

And what in terms of the Women’s Movement, how did that fit in?

LT:

I was probably less active in the Women’s Movement than I was in any of the
other stuff. And it’s ironic because a new movie’s coming out that would -- did
you ever know my friend Ethan Young?

JJ:

No, I haven’t heard the name, yeah.

LT:

Yeah? He’s a writer, he’s in New York, he lives in Brooklyn, and his wife, Mary
Dore, has just collaborated with another filmmaker to make this wonderful movie
about the Women’s Movement in the ’70s. Which was really, I mean, the
Women’s Movement didn’t just start then. It’s been going on since before

20

�suffragettes. But it's really great because there are a lot of Chicago faces in it.
I’ve seen the trailer for it. It’s called She’s Beautiful When She’s Angry. And
that’s [00:37:00] the name of the film. It should be out within a month. But I
wasn’t as active in that as I was in whether it was Cuba or breakfast program or
all the other stuff that was going on in the community?
JJ:

Was there any work being done at all?

LT:

Pardon?

JJ:

Right? You said there was a woman’s group.

LT:

Oh, there was. Oh yes, I just wasn’t as active in it --

JJ:

Oh, okay.

LT:

-- myself personally. Yeah. Oh yes, they were very much, yeah. If you see, if
you kind of keep a tabs on it and Google the movie when it comes out, you watch
it online and you’ll see, “Oh, there’s so-and-so.” You’ll know faces. It’s a good
thing.

JJ:

We’ll kind of taper it down but I mean, any final points?

LT:

Not really. I just think that there’s always something to be done. Maybe it’s kind
of like an electoral campaign. Not everybody can walk, knock doors. [00:38:00]
Not everybody can cold call people in a phone bank. But people can write
Letters to the Editor, people can make comments online articles, people can
individually find a demonstration to go to or a forum to attend or a donation to
make. There’s always something people can do to strengthen that movement.
And they should do it.

JJ:

All right. Thank you.

21

�LT:

You’re welcome.
END OF AUDIO FILE

22

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&#13;
The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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