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                    <text>TImEX

1965 EUROPEAN FIELD TRIP REPORT
Country
Finland (Sept. 13-16) . .
Sveden (Sept. 17-18)
Norway

(Sept. 19-22)

· . 13

·

Denmark (Sept. 23-26) .

.

The Netherlands (Sept. 27)
Germany (Sept. 28-29) .
England (Sept. 30-0ct. 2) .
Scotland (Oct. 2- 4) .
England (Oct. 5··6)

.

Ireland (Oct. 7-11).

· • 19

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. • • 60

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Northern Ireland (Oct. 12-13) .

• • 64
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                    <text>FIELD TRIP

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dr Ln d stnatJv leadership in Um.versity E en ion .
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imp!' s s e w~ t h hi mowledg of the Nat ional Agricu tUl'al Exten on
C nt r and his high r eg d f or it contribution to cooperativ ext nsion
dmini st ation lead r hip .
indicat d that t he
s dent and the
Chancellor have b n t kin
bout the need f or
r duate level t raini
p~ o r
f or Un'vel i t y Ext nsion . I n hi ju
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dicin, et c. to erve s ext n si on " p cialists" in t hes
spect ive f i el d . Rather, he ees the prime need fo~ administrator who
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th v lous col lege, and off-campu r egi onal or "local" univers'ty
cent er or offi ce . 'fhile speci fic dec isions have not yet been m de
in th Unive 'sity and di fferences of opinion need to b resolved, in
ner al hi s is t h
... r e etion that Me Teil se s t.in S oving . H feels
t. at t h cur re t ope rating unit known as the N t ':'onal A ricultural
E ~ en s i on Cente
needs to be restructur d within th Un':'vers t y and
l' - e
ed t o do t his n '
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th t Bob Cl ark i s not t h c iber person to provide this new leadership
and
I
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signm nt in H...gLri is a p t of the evolution
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new patt i: •

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sed on be al of t ll Uni v 1 sity appreciation f or the
Foundat... on ' suppor t of th Center and the high
ard in which th
Uni versity hol
the Cent l'
d i t staff . In Harr ington ' ju
ent , th
Cent l' ha
de a tr e dous contribut~on, not only in Wisconsin, but
n tonally nd i te n t ionally . II f e ls, however, that i t s m jor
now be n . cco plished and that it is now time to ove
contr.. . bution h
or ch 1 ngi
d ve~o ent in Univ l' ity Ext nsion .
o t o t his new d eve
H i ton
hasized t he t ro
co itment of th Unive sity to xten i on
d p 't i cula..: ly to t
t i aini
of lea ership . As h described th
ituat i on , i consin is t
f ir t of the
or in titut ions th t have
me Ce t h P'o r
0
Gene ... al Extensi on and Coope lative Ext ension i n
situ tion in which both servic s were highly deY loped. In other wo d ,
t &gt;lissouri where t hi s as done , they h d
stron Cooper t i v Ext ns i on
BervLc but vi tually nothin in G neral xt ens i on . On the other han ,
t Wi s consi n , the...·e has been
tron Cooperativ Ext nsion Servic and
co Ctu ently , a vel Y s i~i fi c nt progr
in Gene... al Extens i on . Hi to '1cally,
since t he arl y l~OO ' s , Wis consin has been
pi oneer and r eg ded s
in General Universit~ E tension . At t he time of t h mer ge , t h
1 ad
bud et in Coop r at ive Extension in ' i s cons i n was about six million
d the bu
t in Gen . al Extens 'on was bout six million doll
dol l ars
Thu~, th
merger of t h se t wo s elyices t e on di
sions of a jor
s1 if cance .

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                <text>W. K. Kellogg Foundation</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="448913">
                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/InC/1.0/?language=en"&gt;In Copyright&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                    <text>FIELD TRIP

WASHI

FEBRUARY

TO, D.C .

2~-25,

l~

RUSSELL G. MAWBY
The nurpose of the fi 1 trip w to con:er with 0 'f cials of th
A ociation of Junior Colleg , th Federal Extension S rvice, th
Of ice of Edueat~on and the National Educat~on A oeiation .

rican

U. S.

fl.rst ppoint ent wa wit'l Dr. E und Gleaze , Ex cutiv Director 0 th
rican Assoc~ tion of Juni I' Coll ges . The A oeiation offic s
now
loc ted t 1315-1 th St.eet N.W. Th telephone n ber i unchanged . Fb
expanding the staff of th A soc~ tion, they have 1 ased the entire fi t
. . loor of an palt:nent b~ild.ing.
hen the I' odelin° is e pleted, t. J will
h v very ad quate ' ace for sho t-term projected prog
ing. Over th
lon pull, they are intere ted in consideri
the po sibilities of s cc in
building which th Council of Education is consid ring . This would put the
A' ociatlon in prox
ty with oth r 0 ganizations concern d with education.

•fy

k

Ed reviewe 'or
of the pro
fo stimu1 t n ~d assisting
t~e d v lop ent 0
i-professional and technical pro I' ns in junior collI;;
~s, who was tormerly Vic
Pre ident of St . Petersburg
I
t Mr. K nneth
Junior Coll g .
up the program in alli d ed cal
tecmolo
Th other two sta ~ pol will b joinin th
ssociation Apr . 1
1. They are: M•• Do 1 s W. Burris, fo e 1 Dean o~ In tluction at Am _ie 1
Rivel Junior Coil ge in C iloLnia, who will b wor ing on busines - el te
techno10gie , and ~. Lewis R. Fib 1, Dean of the Colle iate T chnic 1
Div ... sion 0 Dutc esr. C unity College in Ne YOI' , ho will head up the
en in erin -rel ted tec~mologic~. Ed feels they have b en very iortunat in
~ecluiting a hi hly
ualified ta 'f and f ls th se thr e men w~ll or' w 11
tog th • and ill mak
tr cndous contribution .
In v siting with Sk

5, h
indlcat
~r ady g tting
any, many
re u sts for assist c in the con u tativ
and for pro ram involve ent.
He outlined his se edul 0... c
it_ents dur'n
rch and April which will t e
h~ l.nto
ny states. TIley, 0' course, w~ll b eoncentrati
to th extelt
pos ible upon or.in on a reeional an
tat b sis I' ther than dir ct1y w·th
indivi ual institutions. At tle s e time, th
'e aIlXious to arr
10
of sp eializat'on includi
n c SSal7 consultative s .~ice in variou l_~l
the
esti~n of qualiried consultants fIo
educ tion and the resp ctive
t chnical f~elds,
d th preparation of us ...ul publications.

Ed indicat
that t y also h ve the prospc . . t of st -ting a
jor pro •
r lated to student personnel serVlces t junior coll ges. They hav p... osp ct
0 . .' a rant to as ist in thi and to
ploy a per on who will provid 1 dersuip in th~s area . In a dition, they haY pop ct of support for a p 180n to
prov de 1 adership in th development of phy ical faci11t'es . If thes two
phases of A soc_ation Iforts m terialize, the progr . of service of th
A so i t~on to it
b
will be s1 i icantly enhanced.

�obl

of technic
and the cons i
of the Resi
Colleges of A

I

ht
0

rnativ

i th th sp cial
on and Policy ch
.Lur
youth . Involv
; Mr . Grant Shr

1£

now
too

an

n

al

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�-4Ba ically, two kinds of progr rna will b supported under Title 3. First
is Cooper tive Institutional Relationships in whLch the developing institution will establish a coope ative relationship ether with other developin
institutions or with" jor un iversitie" hose assistance can be beneficial
to th developin institution. This may involve such things as exchange
of faculty 0 student; aculty improv ment program utilizing trainin ,
education, internships, l' s
ch particip tion; introduction of new
curriculum and curricul
terials; develop ent of student cooperative
education p ogr . s; joint use of f c'lities; and other arrangement which
o f'f'e r promise of t r'e thenin the academic progrums of developing institutions.
ie second mt,jor el . ent of Title 3 will be ational Teaching Fellowships
w ich will prov.i de f or teaching fellows t the developing institutions.
Interested faculty •.e bers will apply to the institution for such a position.
In eneral, these will be f a cult y people from" jor institutions" who are
int I e ted in experience at a developing institution and feel they can make
contribution. Fellowships will not be av lable for faculty members of
the developin inst itution to study or a gr duate degree.

In visiting with Dr. Play r, she emph ized that on of the problems of
tJ deY l opi ng institution r is to _ecruit and develop qualified faculty
bel'S. Even with the v ious federal progr s, there ar very limited
oppo rt.unt.t.Ies 1'0:' faculty people f r om such institutions to study f o.l.'
u t e degrees . While the... c will be som opportunities for fellowsh'ps
und r various pro r s 01 the Office of Education, she feels these will be
...·el at i v ly limited in t rm of' the ne d,..for such opportunitie •
Iy inal appointment was with Dr. Robert M. Isenberg, directo' of the
Division of Rural Service of the Department of Rural Education, National
Education Assodation. Bob eels that just now the trend is running strong
r the establishment of inte ediate school dist ricts, very often on a
mult i - count y ba is in ural areas. He feels this
11 mak a tremendous
contri"'uution to the quality 0.1. rural education. W had opportunity lao to
discuss the ROCKY Mount in Area Project for Small High Schools which has
been fUnded by the Ford Foundation. TIlis proj ct is operated in Arizona,
Colo ado, Nevada, New 1exico and Utah and has been di rectly concerned with
I f-instructional
er'La.l.s nd devices ,'lith specific tt ntion b Ln rr
iven to use of pro l'
ed. aterials. I need to f i nd out n,~ r about
thi project since it m~ have relevance to our interest in rural education.

GM/lad

3/ 2 / 66

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                    <text>TRIP REPO

wASm rcTC&gt;N , D. C.

29, 1965

Russ	

11 G.

'Wby

purpo
ound t on

Thla

tl
..................n

disc

nd

u

re

nt ~ s snoc te C
sioner
itz I nni, Director of
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annf cozmnent d f'1 at on three points reg rd1
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tions:
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0

obs

a

Office of Edu tion
,
t 11 of the

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tr

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sdon

th

purpos

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Rec nt r or
Office of Edu~tion 11
ve
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its re tionohip to Fo
tiona .
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tion
r
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b
t of
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rs on 1 . v ,
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s
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C.

,"I'' 1r'AI1Lr.ion 1 crutiny of
cr
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0

tions of th

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to call on Fo
tions for advi ce
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vice w ch I nni felt
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Th n x
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r. J
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g 8,S:

1
.
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o
c
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c
to
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1963
.

2.
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espon
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f
r T
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conom
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r
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�- 54.	 Lib.J.ry servf,c
of th High r

con truct10n ro
ducu.t1o .cb ,

T tle II

5.
t

outs1 e the tr d1tional
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i p
o
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s
:
1.
	 Int
h
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ry
s
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cond
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r
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n
n
o
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t
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.

2.
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er
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q
u
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r
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y in
st
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o
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i
sh
.

3
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tri
nonp
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au
s
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4
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5.
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e
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                    <text>RT
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                    <text>D. C.
I
1 65
Rut3se ll G.

:wby

1

t
11y provi e
ougbout the co t ry .
en vor
to provid

to visit vi t h 4re v ry c
tent and
dir ct i ons f or Extension

rt\mi ties for

cr

ny o-r the

tive

n ew'

ble

�- 2 -

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t:'Uj';,II&lt;".~~t

Boc1at 1on

�- 3 Th

essenti 1 purpose of
in
eir words i th
nt 0 t
iculture,
rticul.arly t the
er
te colle e lev 1. To th1
ctiv1ties
d efforts of th A ociation re di rec d .

chi
a ll

of

Their con ct with the
nt of He lth, Educ tion and W lfare i with Dr .
Henry • Brunn r,
ci list tor
icult
1 011,
r ducatio 1
dmin1 tration B
eh, HEW . Th
work closely with RICOP of th
and rant
Colle
As oci tion . Current cha1
of RICOP is Dr . Keith
ct
ne, Dean
for Re id nt Instruction in the College of
iculture, Unive ity ()'f Minnesota .
In te
of t h ir specific
prioriti e:

1.	

s oci tion p

and n e

, they f el the f'ollow1

n1

of the
CTA Journal. To do thiS, they feel they
one who
rv
iter,
rbap on
part-t
rr their tandpoint, the most de irabl it tion
tull-t
As soci a t i on
loyee ho auld erv
Ex cutiv
ecretary nd
t -tim Editor of' the
They feel t
Journal is a very
etul
ium for
exchange of ide
r lat
to effective
r
te
chi
can serve
timulun
d reco
tion for
eff ctive te chin in
icultur . To accompli h the
purpo B,
however, om one n eds to gi v strong leaderahip to the Journal.
It cannot b
cc
li h d on
part-t
, vol\Ulteer
is
t
pr sent .

2 .	 Support f'or
r workshops, which would be 6-9 week in length
nd which would be design d tor those f' culty
mbers concentrating
on under- ad te t chi
in
iculture . Since
t euch teach r
nt institutions r on nine or ten- nth appointments,
t non-Land
fellow hip a is nce would be sa nti I to help in defray!
xpensea • They would nvision
uch workshops staffed by b at
uthorities in the vario
technical fie B of
iculture ,
well
uthorities on te ching technique, fundamenta
of' ducation, tc .

3 . A te cher r co

, which ould provide reco i tion for
eff ctive undergr d te t chi . Detail for such r cognition
would
v to be worked out but would probably be
rt of the
sect tion I
tructur , with particular ttention t the N tio I
Con ntion .

I in iC3.ted to t e n that I had vi it
with Dean Eldridge t Nebra. Ita
re rdi
the ssoci tion nd would be vi iting with others who might be
wle e ble bout the asocf tion a n it
ctiviti B . They ncouraged me

�to do th1
e lpf'ul. to

p
for
s
PurPO

d expr s d
willingn ss to provide any info
tion that would be
In turn, they vill be
ving further consi
tion to speci ic
nt of the As ociation's ctivities in lin with t ir c ntr 1
be explori
uch po sibil1ti
further with
Olm t10n .

It	
t th
1s
v ry s1
1cant probl
in
ducatio which relate to the q l1ty of lmdergr d t teaching.
st
institutions,
test
ha 1s
to center upon the r
arch function and
on
te te chi • Under
t tea.ching tends to et th
hort end. in
te
of r ourcea , caliber of faculty, and recognition . Th
fore, I ub cribe
fully to th a owed purpo e of thi Association . I 'll be exploring th1
urther
bec use it do
ee to be
significant conc rn , I
not ure wh ther thi
ociation i the best
di
for
king pro
as ,
on th 1 as , I
ve been
r
d with
ople in the Association and I
ressed
t nonr t
Univ r 1tie
doi
significant job with
ign1ficant n
er 0 students .

of pro
in which they fe 1 ther is re 1 interest and
ervin of Foundation consider tion, they
e ted the
1.

conomics in Health . They indicat d that in the nutrition
profe ion
s
significant pro
s,
rticula.rly
tetics . Most di titia.ns do have
fi1"th y
of t 1n1ng,
M.S . degr e . The
i not true in the g n ral health

2.	 H e cone cs in Welfare . They feel th re is re 1 potential
for contributions by
economist in pro
of social
welfare. Training for such
rk bas not been well developed,
lthough Minnesota has made
attempts in th1 direction .

3.	 Post-doctor 1 Studie for Bane Econ 1 ts .
prof sio 1 people in
ke P t
elve profes io
l' 1 s not nov
ppeni

4.

economic

lly

They fe 1 many
needs opportlmit1es to
tent
d current . Th1 they

of what hom
er n d to know' to cope w1th the modern
nvironment . Th y feel that no on has r lly provided
sy te tic
ly i of the needs of home
ers in te
of

�- 5 copi with th
stuiy needs to be
in turn w111 serve

nviro

19nificant

I

5.	
6.	

ork with

ity

the out-

De 10
nt of Sub-prof sio 1 Po i tio
eonomf.cs ,
Very	 littl
been don in -this d1r ct1
profes ional 1 ad r hip is not provid
ncouragement for such efforts .

7.	 A yst of accr
As oci t10n has c
pro

8.	

9.	

Un1v

c •

tanding

SB .

t10n of lleg of home eco
tte G work
on this
d is
on

Th

TIl

s1gnificant

con
cs
d with the

t coll

s s of h
r

ve rural

1 ne d to

curricula .
Studies

Brie er and Mrs . Gaines va. useful
e eco
cs pro ess10 1 field . I
de no specific grant for work in the he
conside tion to uch possibilities .
more from the Associ tion . I still
to be the central
se	 to be .
fi
seem to
def naive ,
It will be int
to see	 if
I

ie
question with th s tvo
ncb Lick Confer nce , They v r
responsible for fo llow-up ctiviti
nd that th Land rant Universities w re
xpr s 1ng n d for stat nta of concept in the ¥ rioue
conomica .
the standpoint of the A aoci tion, nd as
how	 ver, they f lt uch effort
s unnecessary or, if it w
de n who were concerned could provide the re ources neces	
job .

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                    <text>FIELD TRIP REPORT
White House Conference on Food, Nutrition &amp; Health
Washington, D. C., December 2-4, 1969
Russell G. Mawby
This Conference was held in the Sheraton Park Hotel. On registration we
were given a copy of the provisional draft of the Panel Recommendations to
the White House Conference on Food, Nutrition &amp; Health, a report of the
26th pre-conference panel which was about the size of the New York telephone
directory. In addition, we were provided a 40-page summary of these recommendations and a document entitled "Preliminary Views of the Voluntary Action
Task Forces." Each participant was assigned to a panel for discussion purposes
during the Conference. The Conference program was very simple with a plenary
session on Tuesday morning and a closing plenary session on Thursday afternoon,
with the time Tuesday afternoon, Wednesday morning and afternoon and Thursday
morning scheduled for panel discussions.
The opening plenary session on Tuesday morning was chaired by Dr. Jean Mayer,
Chairman of the Conference. The platform party included Walter Washington,
Mayor of the District of Columbia; Daniel Moynihan; Secretary of HEW Finch;
Secretary of Agriculture Hardin; Mrs. Virginia Knaur, the Presidential advisor
on consumer affairs; and Mr. Rumsfeld, Director of OEO. The President's address
to the Conference was forthright and ~e~fective, with no startling new ideas
presented. Essentially the President called for support of his welfare program.
The audience response was generally warm but unenthusiastic, and there was much
criticism in the hallways afterwards that the President had not used this occasion for some dramatic announcement such as a War on Hunger or a major expansion
of the food stamp program. Mayer in his remarks indicated that 3,200 invitations had been extended and that they had over 90 per cent acceptance, which
is extraordinary. I was impressed in visiting with participants throughout
the Conference with the range of interests represented. There were an announced
400 representatives of the poor, including blacks, Appalachian whites, Puerto
Ricans, Mexican-Americans, Eskimos, Indians, and Aleuts. There were also
representatives of the organizations of the poor. The most militant and visible
of these at the Conference was the National Welfare Rights Organization, which
tried to disrupt some of the sessions and which resulted in the calling of an
informal session of the Conference on Wednesday evening, at which the "poor"
and "representatives of the poor" could speak. The 3,000-plus delegates included
representation from education at the higher and secondary levels, social welfare
agencies, professional organizations, business and industry, government at all
levels, etc. One would have to say that it was a broadly representative group.
The panel discussions in general seemed to be very effective. The chairmen
whom I observed were competent and the members of the panel were exerting an
appropriate leadership role in the discussions, providing opportunity for candid
discussion by the participants. The only panel which seemed to be disrupted by
the militant groups was the panel concerned with "delivery of food," especially
dealing with food stamp plans and with the concept of a guaranteed adequate

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                    <text>FIELD NOTES
Washington State University
March 5-6, 1980
Russell G. Mawby
On March 5 and 6 I was at Washington State University in Pullman for the
annual PRI Public Forum. This is an annual meeting held by the Partnership
for Rural Improvement with participants from each of the cooperating institutions and organizations and from the various communities involved in PRI.
I was met early Wednesday morning at the Spokane Airport by Rich Hagood,
Director of PRI, who had flown up from Pullman so that we might drive from
Spokane to Pullman. With us for the drive was Bill Goetter, PRI staff
member at Eastern Washington University. The eight-five-mi1e trip through
the Palouse Hills gave an opportunity for me to see agriculture in eastern
Washington where grain, especially, wheat, is the primary crop. The weather
was cloudy and beginning to tum to mist and light snow as we left Spokane.
It got worse as we approached Pullman and was snowing heavily with very
slippery roads, by the time we arrived. This cut the attendance at the
Forum from an estimated 100-120 to about 80 full-time participants.
The Forum was held in the Compton Union building in the center of campus
which serves as the student center as well as conference center. The conference was very well organized and I sat in on sessions throughout the day
on Wednesday. The opening program was by Don Dillman, Chairman of the
Department of Rural Sociology and a fellow in the Kellogg National Fellows
Program. His presentation was ent itlea "Preference as in Packages: the
Quality of Life in Eastern Washington." He started with a very interesting
series of maps which were on slides and were obtained from the Department of
Commerce. The first gave a summary coded by color of socio-economic status
and showed eastern Washington to be in a high category relative to the United
States on per capita income in general socio-economic indicators. The second
was a slide depicting health status; third, family status; and fourth, alienation (measured by suicide levels and death by cirrhosis of the liver). In
these latter three categories eastern Washington did not fare well. In describing quality of life, Dillman referred to economic criteria (income) objective well-being (years of education, libraries, hospital beds, etc.) and
subjective well-being (individual and community satisfaction). He then
developed six points as follows: 1) Preferences depend on who we are (personal preferences may vary with the individual); 2) What we have and want
are preferences but what we get are packages; 3) There are limits as to what
we can get (medical care, income, etc.); 4) Packages come in installments and
we don't know the cost until delivery of the final component; 5) There are
some forces beyond our control and they keep changing (movements to and from
rural communities, women in the labor force, energy); and 6) We want to perfect what we have and the challenge is how we accommodate to changes. He
mentioned the book, Centennial, which describes changes through the years in
one geographic setting.

�I was much impressed with Dillman; he will be a very effective Kellogg
Fellow and his presentation provided a good base for the discussions
throughout the Forum.
On Thursday I met with Dillman and with Larry Hiller the other National
Fellow from WSU. Hiller is a landscape architect in the Department of
Horticulture. I described briefly the concept of the Fellowship Program,
visited informally about their interests, described the plans for the
initial Forum, and ur ged them to keep an open mind regarding their selfstudy programs. I also met Mrs. Dillman in the evening and mentioned to
both Dillman and Hiller plans to have spouses attend the November seminar
in Michigan. I was impressed with both men and think we should encourage
WKKF's staff visiting institutions to meet informally with Kellogg Fellows
throughout the period of their fellowship participation.
During the balance of the day I had opportunity to visit informally with
many PRI participants, both staff people from various institutions and
organizations and lay citizens of various roles and responsibilities.
All were enthusiastic about the PRI experience and feel it is indeed making
a difference in their communities and in eastern Washington. The first
session after lunch was a sharing of experiences where I sat in on a program
in which various indiv~duals shared specific examples of their efforts in
rural problem solving. The last part of the afternoon was a presentation on
the on-going evaluation of the PRI experience. It was presented by Olaf
Larson of Cornell and Pat Madden of Pennsylvania State University. The third
evaluator was Ed Moe of the USDA in Washington. Ed had to leave following
their two weeks in eastern Washington for the second evaluation go around.
Thus, Olaf and Pat presented the evaluation on behalf of the team.
J&lt;!' ..

.

.

It was a very useful, practical, and direct evaluation, generally favorable.
They did make a number of suggestions and points, however, which will be
useful to Washington State and others in the PRI partnership. Their report
will be forwarded to Q~K either directly or through Hagood.
The evening banquet was chaired by John Slautter, Provost and Academic Vice
President of WSU; President Terr ell had the flu and was indisposed for the day
and evening. My presentation was well received by the audience of abouL 140,
with the PRI Forum group augmented by campus representatives.
On Thursday noon I met with members of PRI's Regional Coordinating Committee,
with representatives of agencies and organizations involved in PRI. Dillman
served as chairman of this meeting since he is chairman of the Coordinating Committee at the pre s ent time. I asked them to comment informally following the
luncheon and prior to their executive session regarding the PRI experience
to date and their plans for the next phase of the partnership. The following
points were those which they stressed in their informal discussion. They
described some of the unanticipated changes which had occurred in eastern
Washington during the period of the initial phase of the partnership and the
impact of those changes on the partnership program. They indicated that th ey
now feel a number of a ddi t i ona l such ch a nges , some of which may be anticipa ted
to some ex te n t bu t many which ar e unsusp ected and in eitner event the magni tude
of which cannot be contemplated, would mark the decade of the 80's. For

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3

�education, churches, retail services, social services, etc. The second
question that I raised in some of the discussion groups and informally
related to the realities of community and regional development. The Grand
Coulee Darn is in eastern Washington and has made a tremendous impact there
as well as serving as a power source for the West Coast. I asked the
question, "If the Grand Coulee had not yet been built, should it be built
and could it be built"? The answer was yes it should be built--the benefits
to society have far exceeded the negative impact on environment, threatened
species, etc. But, while it should be built, it could not be built because
of legal constraints, environmental considerations, activists groups, etc.
All in all, PRI is an effective and impressive program. Our support should
be continued but it seems to me the second-phase budget as submitted is
unrealistically high and indefensible. GWK should adjust this before we
consider presentation to our Board.
As a part of the review on Thursday, Hagood had arranged for me to meet with
several deans involved with PRI. Participants were John Robins, Agriculture;
Carl Hall, Engineering; and George Blair, Education. Also attending was
Wayne Bath representing the Cooperative Extension Service, Bill Lassey also
of Extension, and John Cronland of Continuing University Studies. The attached
statement, "Major Themes for the Future: Implications for Continuing Education
at WSU," summarizes their thinking at this point. They asked me specifically
about the possibilities of assistance from WKKF for construction of a residential
facility. I described our historic involvement briefly, the fact that we probably could not provide assistance for additional construction, and shared with
them certain of our experiences and observations. I indicated that they should
feel free to be in touch with AEE about their plans but that we could not be
encouraging about the possibility ofwFQundation support for either construction
or program.
Appointments had been arranged during my visit with President Terrell and also
with Dr. Young, Director of the Cooperative Extension Service. We met Young
at Spokane that evening since he was en route horne from a meeting in Washington
where he is Chairman of ECOP. Both are supportive of PRI and of the developments of the Continuing Education Planning Committee under Hagood's chairmanship.
I also met during my visit with Bob Howell, Extension Sociologist. He had
requested this opportunity to visit to bring me up to date regarding plans for
the National Conference scheduled in Spokane in May, "Rural Leadership for
Rural America: Building on Success." Plans are moving forward well for that
meeting and there seems to be substantial interest. He also discussed with
me the Homemakers' proposal which has been forwarded in draft to GWK. He
indicated that they are anxious to have some reaction and expressed concern
that considerable time had passed with no feedback at all. I indicated that
I would raise this point with GWK.

RGM/bjc

4

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: William E. Dunbar
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 7/15/2012

Biography and Description
Billy Dunbar is a member of the Chicago Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense
(BPP). He is from the south side of Chicago. He keeps up with all the political events related to the BPP
and the Rainbow Coalition, including the era of their origins. Mr. Dunbar is also a founding member of
the Illinois BPP History Project, which is currently conducting oral histories to document the Chicago
Chapter, so that the work of their members is not forgotten. Their project also wants the public to
remember the impact that BPP Chairman Fred Hampton not only had on the African American
community but on other communities of color and the poor. Mr. Dunbar is also a businessman. Today
he owns a copy center.Chicago BPP Chairman Fred Hampton and BPP member Mark Clark were
murdered in a predawn raid on December 4, 1969. Prior to his death, Mr. Hampton started a Rainbow
Coalition, which was nurtured by Bobby Lee. The original members included the Young Patriots, a group
of Hillbillies or southern whites from the Uptown neighborhood of Chicago of whom many had migrated
from Appalachia and other southern areas, and the Young Lords from Lincoln Park. The Young Lords
first met Fred Hampton at John Boelter’s and Ralph Rivera’s home and joined the Rainbow Coalition
directly through Fred Hampton. Bobby Lee who was the BPP Field Marshall then began working more
directly with José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez and the Young Lords in Lincoln Park.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Okay, so we’re going to start. And again, like I said, just kind of

relax. Give me your name, Billy, and date of birth, and where you were born.
WILLIAM DUNBAR: I could’ve had all this prepared. Yeah, my name is Billy Dunbar. I
was born on the South Side of Chicago in 1949 in September, a longtime South
Side resident. I’ve lived between the neighborhood, the community Chatham
and South Shore. Going to have to keep asking questions.
JJ:

Chatham, South Shore.

WD:

I attended Harlan High School from 1963 to 1967, and Harlan High School was
the equivalent of what Whitney Young is today, a college prep. We had a number
of National Merit scholars. We had a good sports team, a good academic
program. We were good Americans. [00:01:00]

JJ:

What about the grammar school that --

WD:

Well, we kind of integrated the grammar school, Burnside Elementary School,
90th and Langley on Chicago South Side. Went there.

JJ:

What do you mean you kind of integrated?

WD:

Well, we moved to 8900 South in 1961, and the South Side of Chicago was
pretty well segregated, meaning that as whites moved out, Blacks were able to
move in. In some areas –

JJ:

What areas?

WD:

Give you an example, the area where we lived was at 89th near King Drive. It
was South Park Avenue. Black people did not live in any significant numbers

1

�west of Halsted at that time, and those Blacks who did move into the area, let’s
say, 7900 South and [00:02:00] Western -- I mean Halsted -- is 800 West,
anybody that moved across that line was subject to having their houses
vandalized, their garages burned down, crosses on their lawns, Knight Riders,
the whole business, as if we were in the South.
JJ:

What year was this?

WD:

This was 1957 through ’64, ’65. There was a lot of racial turmoil in those
changing neighborhoods.

JJ:

So, in ’57, ’59, around there, nobody’s west? You said west?

WD:

No significant numbers of Black people lived west of Halsted in 1958, and as late
as 1965, they would still -- although Blacks were then attending Morgan Park
High School, which is far south in Morgan Park. Calumet High School, which is
where Doc Satchel attended, that was a school recently [00:03:00] integrated.

JJ:

Doc Satchel was a --

WD:

Doc Satchel was a minister of health in the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther
Party. He attended there before he became a Panther. That school was a
hotbed of unrest because this was a new area for Blacks to attend in any
significant numbers. Calumet High School was 80th and Racine, around in that
area. I don’t remember the exact address.

JJ:

It was a hotbed of unrest, you said.

WD:

Yeah, a lot of racial turmoil there.

JJ:

Was it racial turmoil? Or you were young; was it gang or racial?

WD:

No, it was race.

2

�JJ:

It was race.

WD:

Another school that’s been solidly Black for a long time is South Shore High
School. In 1966, it was predominantly white. Now it’s predominantly Black and
has been probably since 1969. [00:04:00]

JJ:

Okay, this is 79th Street and that, but then later on, you get The Woodlawn
Organization, What were they doing? Were you familiar with them? TWO. Is that
what it’s called?

WD:

TWO was probably established as a significant entity about 1965, ’66.

JJ:

This is later.

WD:

This is later, like I said. Actually, the first house I lived in was 6741 South
Avenue, which is in Woodlawn. TWO’s main focus area was 63rd Street, which
was a main artery, Cottage Grove, which is a main street. In fact, my parents,
Black people didn’t live south of 63rd Street when my parents were teenagers, so
the spread of [00:05:00] Black population in the city of Chicago has been gradual
but steady.

JJ:

So, on the South Side, what was the first area of the Black community, the
African American community?

WD:

Famous Black Belt, Black Metropolis around -- actually, it started south of the
Loop, and it spread southward from there year after year after year after year,
47th Street, just incrementally block by block by block as whites moved out.
Integration, I mean, not integration, the migration from the south is where the
Black population in Chicago came from.

JJ:

So, they’re starting near the Loop somewhere because of downtown jobs?

3

�WD:

South Loop was because that’s where the train ended. That’s where you got off
the train when you came from the south. There’s actually information on the
books that tells you that Blacks from Mississippi and Alabama got off of one train
and lived in one area, and Blacks from other southern states got off a different
train and lived on the West Side. So, I don’t [00:06:00] remember which group
lives where, but that’s kind of how that’s spread out. Jobs are incidental to that.

JJ:

Okay, so it didn’t have anything to do with jobs.

WD:

Not particularly, no. It’s a matter of living where -- you know, you get off the train
here within that area. Who’s already there? You know people, and you live
around your own kind.

JJ:

What’s your mother and father’s name?

WD:

My parents were both born and raised in Chicago. They both went to Englewood
High School. I think DuSable was the other name. DuSable, Wendell Phillips,
and Englewood were the three major Black-attended high schools. There were
restrictions, and this is going back to 1945, 1943; there were restrictions for
where Blacks could attend school as well. These things weren’t written down,
but they just wouldn’t let you transfer in. So, for instance, my mother, who lived
on 67th and Evans, was closer to Hyde Park [00:07:00] High School, but she had
to travel all the way to Englewood, which is 67th and Stewart, a considerable
distance west, because that’s where the Black students went.

JJ:

And what school was that?

WD:

That’s Englewood High School.

JJ:

Englewood, okay. And what was your mom’s name and your dad’s name?

4

�WD:

Carlotta Dunbar and Wayne Dunbar.

JJ:

Okay, and your siblings, or were there any?

WD:

I have no brothers and sisters. I’m an only child.

JJ:

Okay. Wait, you said she had to travel? Who was going to travel?

WD:

Well, it was, you know, you got on the bus. My mother traveled and my father,
well, my father lived in Englewood. My father lived on 61st and Racine, so for
him, going to Englewood was a matter of coming back east. My mother lived at
67th and Evans. It’s a block off of Cottage Grove, so she had to travel west.
Englewood was about 400 East on 63rd Street.

JJ:

So, how was it growing up then? I mean, [00:08:00] you were growing up in the
African American community, right?

WD:

Right.

JJ:

And (inaudible) segregated.

WD:

No. And I guess my life was pretty comfortable because everybody in my
neighborhood was Black. By the time we bought houses south of 87th Street, the
neighborhood was changing, and I think there was one white family that lived
within a block radius, and maybe there were a couple white kids that went to
Burnside School with us when we were there, when we graduated. We were part
of the Black baby boomers. You know, they don’t really consider, count Blacks
as baby boomers, but we were there. And Harlan High School was built in 1963.
When it opened, it was, I think, supposed to house like, say, 1,600 students. By
the time I got there in 1963, it was overcrowded to the point that [00:09:00] there
were 4,600 students. There were over 600 people in my initial graduating class,

5

�and they had mobile units, and they had periods, 1st and 9th, 2nd through 10th, 3rd
through 11th, and 4th through 12th, 12 periods of classes to accommodate the
volume of students that were there.
JJ:

And was it gang infested, or was it more stable? Or was it middle class or what
type of neighborhood?

WD:

The area that Harlan High School is in was a middle-class Black community.
There was some gang activity, but the gangs were not significantly developed at
that time. You had some folks that would hang out because again, like I said,
Harlan was pretty much a college prep institution, [00:10:00] so you had students
who were really preparing themselves to go to college. And then you had the
folks who just wanted to go and get high, smoking up in the washrooms, nothing
unusual. Gangs did not really get organized in Chicago until after the ’60s,
middle of the ’60s, when they started trying to train the gangs. What was it
called? What kind of money did they get from the City? They had some kind of
training programs where they tried to --

JJ:

Oh, job training programs.

WD:

Job training programs.

JJ:

We had the YMCA (inaudible) program on the North Side. I don't know.

WD:

Well, no, they didn’t call it that on the South Side. They did have a lot of training
programs, and they gave this money -- the most famous story is about Jeff Fort
and how much money they got to initiate training programs for their membership,
to rehabilitate them.

6

�JJ:

But I mean, if they had training programs, that means that they already had some
kind of inkling of the gangs.

WD:

Well, the Blackstone [00:11:00] Rangers.

JJ:

Are you trying to say that it was the poverty programs that started the gangs?

WD:

No. You know, gang’s a group of young men who hang out because they
appreciate each other’s company, and they do things that are a little bit outside
the law from time to time. Maybe they’re breaking curfew. Maybe they’re
gambling. Maybe they’re drunk and disorderly. You know, maybe they don’t
respect the law. Maybe they’re not being as respectful as they should be, but
they were not set up to be criminal institutions, which they became after the ’60s.
There was a change in focus among the gangs to consolidate their power, and
they actually had connections and affiliations. There were all sorts of little
subgroups of gangs all over the South Side, in each little [00:12:00] quarter. In
various different communities, they had some type of different thing.

JJ:

They tried to go in branches or something?

WD:

Those subgroups of folks considered themselves to be Blackstone Rangers or
whatever, and I don't know the gang history that well, but at a certain point, the
Rangers consolidated subgroups and formed the Black P. Stone Nation, and by
that time, if you look at the records, they were a criminal institution. They were
doing the extortion. They were selling drugs, more than just marijuana. They
were probably selling hard drugs, but I don’t have the information. I can’t speak
on that. I was never a gang member.

7

�JJ:

But do you remember what I’m saying? They were around, what street, 63rd
Street or --

WD:

There was gang activity everywhere. There was gang activity from -- I mean,
Chatham, Chatham is one of the most solid middle-class Black communities in
the country, and until [00:13:00] my eldest started passing on their properties to
grandchildren, it’s been Black, well maintained, no boarded-up houses. Take
exception to this latest real estate issues. There were limited foreclosures, so it
was very stable. Yet still, you had areas. You had some folks still trying to be in
a gang around Tinley Park, which is 90th and King Drive. You had gang activity
along 95th Street, Syndicate Rangers up there. It was just cropping up. It was
just a reality.

JJ:

It just started cropping up in the mid-’60s.

WD:

In the mid-’60s.

JJ:

Was it becoming unstable in the neighborhood? Did that contribute to it, or was it
still stable when you got there?

WD:

The neighborhood remained stable until maybe as late as the ’80s. And then
[00:14:00] at this point, I think there was more shootings. I think the harder drugs
may have changed attitudes, and again, it was more a business venture, and
then some turf issues.

JJ:

The drugs contributed, or no? Something must’ve contributed to making it more - I mean, there’s always youth hanging out together. But you don’t think
something contributed, some outside force?

8

�WD:

I couldn’t speak to it. I don’t even have a theory on it. I just know that there was
a rise in violence.

JJ:

And this began in the mid-’60s.

WD:

Yeah.

JJ:

Ok, but other than that, before that, the neighborhood was fine, good place to
live?

WD:

Well, the gangs never got the best of Chatham. It’s probably worse now than it
has ever been. Now we’re concerned that we don’t have safety in our own
communities because the youngest people who have no respect for the law, nor
do they also have no respect for the community. So, [00:15:00] where they’re
trying to settle a beef with one another with a .22 or a .38 pistol, they’re just
shooting into a crowd and shooting across the street. They’re kind of
indiscriminate. And their gang affiliations don’t hold them in any way responsible
for their actions. You know, there’s no OGs; there’s no old guys that can come
and say, “Hey, you’re claiming to be P. Stone,” or, “You’re claiming to be
Blackstone. We need you to cut this out.” They just do not respond, and that’s
the current phenomenon. But there was never, in Chatham, any significant gang
activity that disrupted the community.

JJ:

And you’d never joined the gang.

WD:

No.

JJ:

How did you look at the gang then?

WD:

Well, I recognized their presence, but they weren’t doing anything I was
interested in doing. And they were self-serving. They were people who were at

9

�a point in life and getting drunk and hanging out and [00:16:00] getting drunk the
next day and hanging out, and that’s all they wanted to do, get their hustle on,
get some money. That didn’t appeal to me.
JJ:

So, what was appealing to you then?

WD:

Well, you know, I was in high school, preparing for the future. Where it was, I
didn’t know. Biggest issue for me was Vietnam. I had the unique occurrence of
watching footage of Vietnam and the civil rights activities in the south on the
news every night. As part of the news segment, there’d be these statistics on
how many people were killed in Vietnam, troop movements, this, that, and the
other, and then they might do a spot on the civil rights struggle in the south. And
[00:17:00] at 16 and 17, Vietnam is very far away; the war is very far away, but at
18, we were required to fill out our Selective Service forms. We were required to
register with the government our whereabouts as part of the Selective Services
and then have our names entered into a lottery if we weren’t in school. And our
names would be drawn, and then we would be conscripted to fight, or
conscripted to join the Army. That was a little disturbing, so by the time I turned
18, I had to decide whether or not I was going to go to war or go to college, so I
opted for college. But again, watching these things unfold on television, it didn’t
make sense to me that I would go to Vietnam and fight for freedom for
Vietnamese people in Vietnam when Black people couldn’t go down south and
drink from water fountains and couldn’t eat at lunch counters. You know, they’re
still living in houses with no running water, that [00:18:00] things significantly
hadn’t changed since --

10

�JJ:

This was talking to community, or this is something that you’re reading?

WD:

Well, this is something that I saw on television. These were things that were
coming together in front of me.

JJ:

But they’re hitting you.

WD:

They’re hitting me. And the conversations that we were having in school
primarily centered around the war. You know, we’d had our skirmishes, and I’d
had friends who were, quote/unquote, run out of white business areas like
Roseland. They literally were chased out of Roseland at dark by white kids, and
I didn’t have that particular experience, but I was confronted with white people,
white kids in other areas when we traveled on the bus and things like that.

JJ:

You were experiencing prejudice and --

WD:

Prejudice and racism, yeah.

JJ:

But then it’s your government, or it’s your country. How are you looking at it?

WD:

(laughs) [00:19:00]

JJ:

Are you looking at it like, “This is my country, my beloved country”?

WD:

Well, up to the point. Now, you know, I didn’t have a significant world view. I’m
living in an insulated community, working-class community where you’ve got
teachers, bus drivers, steel mill workers, housewives, people going to college,
people with college education. You’ve got just a rich mix of working-class people
in my community and I’m seeing all the time, and so that’s what America’s all
about. Now, we happen to be Black, so for me to go to 95th and Western and be
confronted by white kids who are calling me nigger and say, “What you doing
here,” and this kind of stuff, to go and file an application for a job and have them

11

�put it in the garbage, you know, [00:20:00] those kind of things contrast greatly
with the American ideals.
JJ:

Was the discussion related to this, what you’re saying now? You said you were
having discussions in school.

WD:

Conversations finally came to that. I kind of came to my own political sense by
myself. We were looking at things more individualized as students. In 1966, at
Harlan High School, there was no Black Student Union. There was no particular
historically based Black consciousness movement. We were aware that we were
Black people, but it wasn’t based on study. It wasn’t based on our understanding
of history. It wasn’t based on our understanding of our relationship with white
people, but we just knew we were Black, [00:21:00] and in certain cases, we
were catching hell because of that. We could always hear stories from our
parents about their confrontations with white people.

JJ:

And they grew up in Chicago, your parents.

WD:

Yeah. Well --

JJ:

They were having the same problems?

WD:

They were having issues with discrimination on the job. Their issues, for
instance, again, like I said, we moved at 8900 South in about 1957, and there
was a local savings and loan, Chesterfield Savings and Loan. They declined to
allow my parents to have a savings account there, based on race.

JJ:

Clear.

WD:

Straight out. “We won’t let you put --”

JJ:

“Don’t put no money.”

12

�WD:

What excuse do you have when you won’t let somebody put money in your
bank? And we’re not talking about a checking account; we’re talking about a
savings account.

JJ:

They just basically told them, “You can’t come here”?

WD:

“We’re not going to accept you.” Yeah. “We’re not going to do business with
you.” [00:22:00] So, in all the most subtle forms, and that was a conversation
that I heard from my parents; they talked about racism in the north as being
extremely subtle. They said, “At least (audio cuts out) stand with white people.”
So, these were things that were just common to me. And again, I don’t
remember having a lot of discussions about civil rights with my classmates, but
among the young men, the war was preeminent because we all knew we were
going to have to deal with that at some point. I do know people that joined. I
know I lost a cousin to Vietnam. He was in the country like six months and got
killed in a helicopter. I have classmates that didn’t return.

JJ:

(inaudible) you had to go through school?

WD:

Well, I didn’t go to Vietnam. I didn’t join the service. I didn’t participate in the
Selective Service system because I joined the Black Panther Party, and I actually
sent in my [00:23:00] Selective Service card and told them I couldn’t participate.

JJ:

What do you mean?

WD:

I sent a letter in. I told them. I was like, “Hey, I’m in the people’s army. Our rules
state clearly that we cannot be in any other army, and consequently I will not be
able to participate in your war.”

JJ:

Just like that?

13

�WD:

Just like that. I may still somewhere have in my files a copy of that later.
However, that wasn’t what got me out of the military. But that is what I did. I
knew people that had fled, were conscientious objectors, and at least one brother
did some time for that.

JJ:

So, now, this is ’68 because of the Panthers and --

WD:

Yeah, this is ’67, ’68. I joined the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party in
1968. They were doing organizing in the summer of ’68, and I kind of put my
name --

JJ:

When you say they were organizing, what do you mean?

WD:

They had not established a headquarters, but they -- [00:24:00]

JJ:

They hadn’t established a headquarters.

WD:

In the summer of 1968, there was no headquarters for the Illinois Chapter. There
was no leadership cadre. There was no structure in the summer of 1968. They
were just forming a structure, the basis for the party.

JJ:

So, how was the organizing? How were you forming?

WD:

It was word of mouth. There were some people who were Panthers who were
making themselves known, and they were looking. I guess you could say they
were recruiting.

JJ:

So, they were recruiting on a door-to-door basis or just a friend thing?

WD:

I found out, I was on a college campus.

JJ:

So, the campus in the colleges?

WD:

Yeah.

JJ:

They were recruiting? Okay.

14

�WD:

They were recruiting, I guess, to some extent, on college campuses, and I was
fortunate, the summer before I started college, to be on campus and get to meet
some upperclassmen and to see [00:25:00] actually a poster, a flyer on a bulletin
board that said the Panthers were here. So, you know, I said, “Well, where are
they? I don’t see them.” One day, a guy comes up, and he puts his hand on my
shoulder, and he says, “Are you Billy Dunbar?” I was like, “Yes.” He says, “Are
you interested in learning about the Panthers?” I said, “Yes.” He said, “Come
with me,” and that’s how it all began.

JJ:

So, they had specific people that were just organizers?

WD:

Yeah.

JJ:

And they were in the students. Now, there was a lot of speaking too, right? Was
that related to the recruitment?

WD:

At the time I joined --

JJ:

It was just word of mouth?

WD:

Right, it was word of mouth. At the time I joined, it was based on what little I
knew about the party from television, from the newspapers, and I’m going to
have to say I must’ve read a newspaper, a Black Panther Party newspaper and
then made aware of their 10-point program because it was very concise,
[00:26:00] and it spoke to a lot of issues that Black people had been coping with
in America for a long time. And then it had the most important part, the tenth
point that talked about the UN-supervised plebiscite, where Black people would
get a chance to determine, or to speak on their own national destiny. (car alarm
beeps) I don’t know if you want that horn in there.

15

�(break in audio)
JJ:

You were talking about the plebiscite. Do you remember that?

WD:

The important part of the 10th point, the 10th point of the 10-point program, is that
it speaks to a need. It speaks to the fact that Black people, who were brought to
America in chains and forced to work for generations without any economic
compensation, had never been allowed to choose their own destiny collectively.
[00:27:00] Nobody’s ever asked us what we thought about being here. Nobody
ever asked us, did we recognize ourselves as a group? Nobody ever gave us a
thought one way or the other, and we need to be able to collectively decide our
future. Malcolm X pressed the issue of our condition as a matter of human
rights, and the Black Panther Party came after Malcolm X and carried that issue
forward again. Everything that the Black Panther Party has done has really
based itself on human rights issues as opposed to civil rights issues. So, when I
looked into scope of the platform of the program, I said, “This is what I want to
do. This is where I need to be.” You know, a lot is made about President
Kennedy, and he's a hero and [00:28:00] progressive and all the rest of this stuff,
but one of his statements that he made is that, “Ask not what the country can do
for you, but ask what you can do for the country.” And so, the concept of making
the world a better place than you found it was appealing, and it was progressive,
and it inspired a lot of people. So, as I said, even though I was a young Black
man growing up in America, insulated in my Black community, I felt like I would
have an opportunity to do the best for my country that I could do. And when my
country rejected so many Blacks offhandedly, as evidenced by the civil rights

16

�struggle, then I shifted focus, and I said, “Well, you know, maybe we should be
doing for ourselves. Maybe we should at least investigate that part.”
JJ:

So, this was a whole thing of self-determination?

WD:

Self-determination, [00:29:00] exactly. The best thing, one of the best things that
happened by joining the Black Panther Party was the reading that we were
required to do. Reading Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, which is
probably the basis for Black Panther philosophy and ideology, simple concept
that Huey and Bobby looked to the Black people in America as a colony, similar
to all the colonial states that Europe held in Africa, but Black people were a
colony within the boundaries of the United States. And so, from that principle, we
had not been allowed to achieve our own self-determination. The relationships
were very similar, especially if you go by the outline of Frantz Fanon, the
relationship between the colonists and the colonizer, because we certainly were
colonized. All of our value structures were based on white people’s visions
[00:30:00] and views. Even though we weren’t white, we used the same value
structures that they used, except they could use it against us. So, The Wretched
of the Earth is a primary source of reference, and it still holds true to today.

JJ:

When you did these readings, was it like a study group or (inaudible) classes?
How were they run?

WD:

When the chapter finally got a headquarters in November of 1968, and --

JJ:

This was on Madison?

WD:

This is on West Madison, Madison and Western. They started having political
orientation classes. And some classes were just general political information

17

�classes for the public, and then there were other classes that were a little more
detailed, which required reading, for people who were going to become party
members.
JJ:

Oh, so it was a division that became the --

WD:

Pretty much, because there was like --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) classes, and [00:31:00] this is more disciplined.

WD:

Right. They couldn’t require that people who were coming in who were curious
about the party program, couldn’t require that they read the Red Book, read up
on Marxism and Leninism, Frantz Fanon, various other pamphlets, Malcolm X.
They couldn’t require that of the public, but if you’re going to be part of the
organization, you had to be knowledgeable.

JJ:

So, you had to read the Red Book.

WD:

You had to read. There were assignments.

JJ:

Leninism and all that.

WD:

Now, when I finally got to Madison and Western, that’s when I met Fred
Hampton, and at that initial time, I’m not sure if Che was the minister of education
or not, because they had another brother teaching political orientation class. I
want to say --

JJ:

This was Billy?

WD:

Yeah, Billy “Che” Brooks. He was the minister of education, but they had another
brother we called [00:32:00] Teach, who actually taught class. And someone
asked a question of Fred once, “Well, this political orientation class, what’s that
about?” He said, “How long does that take?” And Fred explained that that was

18

�where you would learn the ideology of the Black Panther Party. That’s where you
would learn the principles. That’s where you would learn to understand and
explain the platform and the programs of the party. And so, somebody else is still
asking, “Well, how long does that take?” He says, “Well, think of it as a six-hour
college course, where you’re going to be able to learn the basics of the party.”
And so, I took it at that.
JJ:

Had you heard of Fred Hampton before?

WD:

No. I was not familiar with Fred Hampton until I got to Madison Avenue. And
then conversation --

JJ:

(inaudible) to this conversation.

WD:

Right. So, conversations after that around who was in charge, who was
chairman, the structure [00:33:00] and all that, then that was presented to me.
And shortly after I heard Fred speak, then I began to understand why he was in
the position he was in. Initially, all the brothers was just brothers. You know, it
was just some knowledgeable people serious about making a positive change to
the Black people, and it was all good. But when Fred spoke, you could see his
understanding of things. You could get a feel for his sincerity. He was extremely
motivational.

JJ:

Well, you wanted to join the Panthers why? Some people draw an issue
(overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

WD:

It was the most important group to be with. I didn’t see myself joining the
NAACP. I didn’t see myself joining Corps. Operation Breadbasket, which was
Jesse Jackson’s organization --

19

�JJ:

What was the problem with the NAACP? They’re a good organization.

WD:

Too conservative. Corps, it [00:34:00] wasn’t for me with them, but they were
more job oriented, not that Corps was a bad organization; they just weren’t,
quote/unquote, progressive enough for me. Breadbasket --

JJ:

You definitely wanted to do something (inaudible).

WD:

Right. I was motivated to do something. Again, I’m 18, 19 years old, and my
options are Vietnam or -- so, I’m not going to be a conscript and go fight for rights
of other people when my people don’t have rights at home.

JJ:

So, that was clear.

WD:

That was my choice.

JJ:

That was clear in your head.

WD:

That’s clear in my head, and that was it.

JJ:

“There’s something wrong here, and I’m not going to do it.”

WD:

It’s the biggest wrong I could see.

JJ:

“You’re not going to force me into the service.”

WD:

Right.

JJ:

Okay. And so, now you’re looking for involvement.

WD:

Right.

JJ:

Had you been an activist before then? [00:35:00]

WD:

Nope, no activism.

JJ:

And no demonstrations or anything?

WD:

Nope, no politics whatsoever.

JJ:

Just, you were reading or --

20

�WD:

Huh?

JJ:

So, you were reading. I mean, out of nowhere, you --

WD:

Well, no. I mean, this is a matter of, I’ve told people in recent years that there’s
about a --

JJ:

They weren’t paying you. The Panthers were not paying.

WD:

The Panthers did not pay a dime. We were volunteers. And let me go on record
of saying that for my comrades, the people that joined the Black Panther Party
are some of the most courageous individuals that have ever lived. No matter
what the contribution, when you put the [tam?] on, when you put that Red Book
in your pocket, you were a marked individual, and you stood for principles that
the US government only espouses and never backs up. The Black Panther Party
is one of the most important volunteer organizations to ever exist. Okay,
[00:36:00] so many times, you hear about people who do heroic acts; they see a
car on fire, and they snatch the door open and pull somebody out. Well, when
you join the Black Panther Party, you’re basically doing that. You’re basically
putting yourself between the police dog and the police and the citizen, and you’re
showing Black people how to defend themselves and define themselves. And
hands down, nobody’s done what we did. Nobody did it before then. Nobody’s
done it since. Garvey has still on record the largest political organization of Black
people in America, but he did not interface; he did not defend the masses of
Black people. He did not educate them so they could defend themselves. He
did not provide them any kind of short-term programs, but he was building a

21

�nation overseas. But again, the Panther Party members, my comrades, are the
most courageous people that [00:37:00] I’ve ever met.
JJ:

You mentioned something important now. You said that he did not educate them
so they could defend themselves. So, the Panther Party, was that one of their
missions?

WD:

Well, I’m not sure. The Black Panther Party originated in 1960 as the Black
Panther Party for Self-Defense. Right now, I’m a member of the Illinois Chapter
history project, and that’s given me an opportunity to communicate with members
of the original central staff of the Black Panther Party to learn and understand
how the Black Panther Party came into being, its principles, its practices. And
so, to your point, the Black Panther Party originally was the Black Panther Party
for Self-Defense. It was responding to police brutality and oppression in the east
Oakland area, which is not uncommon, which was not uncommon in Chicago,
Boston, [00:38:00] Atlanta. In every Black community, we’ve had some kind of
conflict where the police were trying to suppress the masses of Black people, so I
think that self-defense is the primary human right. After 400 years of overt
oppression and slavery, the question is, when they marched in Memphis, they
had signs that says, “We are men.” We’re still trying to assert our humanity 400
years after the fact, and we’re still battling the same battles against racism that
we’ve always battled, and it’s not going away. So, for the police to be a tool of
oppression, Black Panther Party spoke for self-defense. They said, “We’re going
to patrol. We’re going to make sure that if the brother’s wrong, he did a crime,
you’re going to take him to jail, but you’re not going to break his head before he

22

�gets there,” and that’s how they started. So, in Chicago, we had conflicts with
[00:39:00] the police as well. They were brutal. They subjected to take you in on
a traffic stop and beat you up, extort money from you, and my father’s friend has
suffered that indignity. I was aware that I’d been harassed as a young man,
driving my father’s new car.
JJ:

Your father told you that he had been beaten up or --

WD:

Friends, his friends and associates, they’ve talked of past stories, many stories
about that. We still --

JJ:

Like white groups or vigilante groups or --

WD:

We’re just talking about interfacing with the police.

JJ: Oh the police.
WD: There were cases in terms of, I talked about how Blacks were not able to live in
certain communities until the whites moved out. And so, as one Black would
move on the block, then you’d be subject to harassment from whites who didn’t
think Blacks should be there. [00:40:00] And so, there were stories that I
overheard of how you would have to call back and have your neighbors, your old
neighbors come and your family members come, and literally in one case,
surround your house, showing your weapons, and let the locals know that you’re
going to live here and you’re going to live here and defend your house because
you have a right to do so. And that’s ahead of the Black Panther Party. That’s
local Black citizens asserting themselves. And so, again, this is all part of what
I’m aware of as a young man. And again, as it comes time to fill out that
Selective Service card and join the Army, I’m not doing it. It was a big leap in a

23

�short period of time, but it made all the sense in the world for me to join the Black
Panther Party. I was familiar with Black fraternities on campus, I went to Chicago
State College at the time; [00:41:00] it’s now Chicago State University, and they
had a big presence. They had Kappas; they had Sigmas; they had Alphas, and
none of them had progressive programs for the Black community, and none of
them interacted with high school students. None of them interacted with the local
community. Even at that time, Englewood was a poorer community. It was still
middle class, but it was lower middle class in terms of income, and it was a big
issue between being money poor and values poor. In the ’60s, all Black people
basically had the same values. As time has gone by, there’s been a shift in
values across the country and in our community, which is why young people are
disrespectful, which is why young people don’t have respect for life, which is why
they shoot randomly, which is why they talk poorly, why they don’t show any love
for their children or themselves. But that’s a whole nother issue. [00:42:00] The
point I’m making is that there were some changes in the world, and the party had
a place in all of that.
JJ:

So, now you’re a member of the party. What’s your volunteer? What kind of
volunteering were you doing?

WD:

Well, initially everyone in the party sold newspapers and worked in the breakfast
program, based on your abilities and your --

JJ:

The first step was --

WD:

The first step was newspapers and then --

JJ:

-- sold newspapers and worked in the Breakfast for Children program?

24

�WD:

Right. I think probably the Breakfast for Children program even before
newspapers because that way, we had to be there at probably -- what was that -like five o’clock in the morning to be there to handle the children, open up the
facility, prepare the food.

JJ:

Where was the breakfast program ran?

WD:

I worked in Madden Park, which is [00:43:00] basically 37th and Indiana, no, not
Indiana; it’s closer to Cottage Grove. And there was one; the initial program was
at Better Boys Foundation, but I didn’t go to that because I was the South Side.
They gave me some leeway.

JJ:

Was that in the Better Boys Foundation?

WD:

Yeah, it was actually in the Better Boys Foundation. So, as I understand --

JJ:

I think they’re located around Kedzie.

WD:

Yeah, they’re Kedzie. They’re 1500 South on Kedzie. In the first six months or
so, I think we probably had four programs going. Again, I was just at Madden
Park. And just like in any other organization, you kind of know the work you did,
and you know the people you’re working with. You don’t necessarily know
everything that was going on in that organization. I wasn’t --

JJ:

You were doing what, dishes and (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

WD:

We did dishes. [00:44:00] We served kids. You might have a turn to cook. They
find you couldn’t cook, you didn’t cook again, but you know, food preparation or
serving the children or cleanup or security, any combination of those things.

JJ:

Was there any interaction with the kids?

25

�WD:

Yeah. There was some conversation and talk. There was politicizing that you
were letting them know what was going on, who was doing this, why we were
doing it. In some cases, you might engage in a conversation and find out why a
child would be coming to breakfast. We didn’t make a requirement that they fill
out a form based on their income. We didn’t ask them how much money they
had. They showed up; they were hungry; they got fed. It wasn’t a social center,
but it was a social service to them. At that time, there were no free programs of
the sort in the country. No federal, no state institutions were feeding children in
the morning. [00:45:00] This is before Head Start. This is before free lunch
programs. This is before free eye testing. The only thing that was going on
comparable to what the Panther Party did was free immunizations. They were
giving kids like shots for whooping cough and measles and that kind of stuff.
That was free, because I went. My mother took me down, and I got those shots.
But the breakfast program, that kind of stuff, dental care, none of that was going
on in 1968, 1969, 1970, didn’t exist.

JJ:

How did you raise money for the breakfast program, and what methods were
used for that?

WD:

One of the people who joined shortly after I did was Wanda Ross, and she was
given the task of setting up the breakfast program. We would get instructions
from [00:46:00] the coast. We would get instructions in terms of what party
programs and what initiatives should be undertaken. And then we would have to
carry those things out. So, Wanda Ross was responsible for coordinating, setting
up the program and coordinating the program, meaning that she managed to

26

�create a methodology by which she solicited donations, cash money, or food.
She helped set up locations, and she helped distribute the food to the locations.
The money that she collected for the food for the breakfast program went to
purchase supplies for the program.
JJ:

You said these were donations?

WD:

These were donations.

JJ:

So, did they have like (inaudible)?

WD:

They actually had to set up a not-for-profit organization in order to take the
checks and process this money. The money did not go to the Black Panther
Party. [00:47:00] It went directly to the not-for-profit organization. It was
chartered by the State of Illinois. It was called Free Services, Inc., and Wanda
still has those documents to this day.

JJ:

Now, are these meetings with people with money, basically what I’m saying,
they’re meeting in people’s houses? Are these fundraisers, or are these like
collections that are done on the ground? I remember more like what Lucy
Montgomery, to her house, we (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

WD:

The collection of funds happened on many different levels. At each rally, we
talked about the programs that we had initiated, and we asked people to make
contributions. In [00:48:00] parallel to that, individuals who registered at party
programs would sponsor meet-and-greets at their homes.

JJ:

Meet-and-greets, they were called?

WD:

Right.

JJ:

I think they called them coffees.

27

�WD:

Right, coffees, whatever, the meet-and-greets, where you go, and somebody
would have a social gathering.

JJ:

They were called meet-and-greets?

WD:

I believe so. And people who were interested in supporting the party, contributing
to the party would be in attendance, and party members would go and mix with
the crowd and hopefully leave with donations. (audio cuts out) were in
attendance who would donate to parties, party chapters all across the country
anonymously because they couldn’t afford to be directly associated with the party
because the government was trying to suppress us. I didn’t participate in any of
those type of fundraisers. I do know, in cases where Model Cities grants, Model
Cities was this City of Chicago program, and they took money from the [00:49:00]
Model Cities program and gave that to the gang members. They were using that
money for job training for gang members, and that’s part of what happened with
the gangs in terms of them establishing a more prominence and a more
independence. They saw the money, and they went to work to secure it, and
they turned that money into something else for themselves.

JJ:

So, Model Cities was giving the gang members money.

WD:

Mm-hmm, through the Model Cities.

JJ:

It was also creating urban renewal. (inaudible)

WD:

Yes, which is why -- think about Model Cities. I talked about the expansion of
Black people living in Chicago on the South Side. So, they spread from the
Black Belt, which was south of the Loop, 35th and Cottage Grove, east and west
to State Street to the lake, and they moved southward, so 43rd Street, 47th Street

28

�[00:50:00] Regal Theater was a hub of activity, was a hub of the Black Belt, up to
51st Street and Grand Boulevard. That was a solid Black community all through
the ’30s and ’40s. The Regal Theater has its own fame. Forty-seventh Street
and South Center was just a hub of activity. It was like Harlem. And as Blacks
moved further south into Woodlawn, again, my parents talk about 63rd and
Cottage Grove being a borderline. You couldn’t go west of Cottage; you couldn’t
go south of 63rd Street. So, my parents eventually were able to live at 67th and
Evans, which is just across the border, so again, another expansion. Well, that’s
Woodlawn. In the ’60s, it’s alleged that the gangs, in conjunction with the
University of Chicago and all this Model Cities thing, we talk about urban
renewal, ran the Black property owners [00:51:00] out of Woodlawn, burn them
out, terrorize them, whatever, gang activity. Now you’re talking about
destabilizing community. The Blackstone Rangers, which were created on -well, they had to pick a name, so they were on Blackstone, so they called
themselves the Blackstone Rangers, and that gang, in conjunction with this
money and some other issues -JJ:

They were working with the University of Chicago.

WD:

Well, it served the University of Chicago. University of Chicago was --

JJ:

But there was arson going on. Is that what you mean?

WD:

That’s right.

JJ:

Was there arson going on?

WD:

There was probably arson going on. There was a lot of slumlords at that time.

JJ:

You said that they ran the property owners out.

29

�WD:

They did. The area between 60 --

JJ:

How did they do that? How would they do that?

WD:

Through intimidation.

JJ:

You know people that were intimidated?

WD:

I do not. I don’t know anybody who was [00:52:00] directly intimidated, but the
stories continue. You could see the gang --

JJ:

This was stories that existed at that time.

WD:

Right.

JJ:

In the newspaper or just --

WD:

In the newspaper and in the grapevine, and probably TWO will have a better
reference of that as well. TWO was a community-based organization that was
trying to counter the gang activity to some degree to stabilize the community.
They ended up being more of the current landowners for this region south of
University of Chicago.

JJ:

So, they became the landowners.

WD:

After about four years, they began to buy this land. Woodlawn has only started
being rebuilt in the last 20 years. For 30 years, Woodlawn was as barren as
Roosevelt Road was after the King riots. But the King riots took Roosevelt Road
out, west of Circle, Circle to Western. The riots, they burned all that [00:53:00]
property down. But Woodlawn was depleted over a period of years because the
University of Chicago wanted to control -- they wanted to create a buffer for
themselves. University of Chicago created a buffer, no housing between 61st
Street and 63rd Street. Numerous properties, multi-unit buildings were just razed,

30

�torn down, so you could almost see from 63rd Street to 61st Street, a buffer
around the University of Chicago. The University of Chicago was given the right
to change -- they weren’t restricted by any building codes. They had no
limitations. They could redesign the area any way they wanted to if the Mayor
Daley and the city council gave them that right to do an urban study in that
region. So, up until the last 20 years, they had not even redeveloped that area,
sitting on the land, but there is evidence that the gangs were complicit [00:54:00]
in destabilizing the community and running out the few local property owners
there were.
JJ:

You’re saying that they got monies from Model Cities.

WD:

They got money from Model Cities to train, to give the membership --

JJ:

Job training?

WD:

Job training and education and the rest of the stuff, but there’s not a lot of
evidence that they had jobs after that.

JJ:

So, they had job training, but there was no jobs.

WD:

Right.

JJ:

But the significant thing is that Model Cities was connected with urban renewal.

WD:

Right. There was a connection between --

JJ:

And Mayor Daley.

WD:

Yep.

JJ:

And they also gave money to the gangs.

WD:

Yes.

31

�JJ:

That’s the significant thing. In the community or the newspapers and the
grapevine, it is being said that the property owners were being evicted, or being
terrorized, [00:55:00] rather than being evicted, by the gangs. Is that what you’re
saying?

WD:

When Black people tried to move beyond the boundaries of their communities,
the biggest fear that white people had was that their property values were going
to plummet. So, if you have, in your streets, a group of young people who are
not being held in check by the law, who are running criminal activities, who are
intimidating locals, if there’s arson or if there’s just a lack of police response, if
they’re destabilizing your community and your tenants are moving out, your
property values are going down. And at some point, you want to sell or get out of
the area to protect yourself and protect your values. So, you know, the reality is
what the reality is. Now, you may not be able to show [00:56:00] who was doing
what when, and then again, you might be able to find that out now because now
after 50 years, there’s a lot of history out here, so some of these activities have
been documented.

JJ:

During that time, you’re growing up in a segregated situation; racism exists, but
now the Panthers are beginning to work with (inaudible). Were you there when
they had the Rainbow Coalition, or had you heard of the Rainbow Coalition at
that time, or did you come later?

WD:

The point about the Panthers was that --

JJ:

Because that was 1969, but when did you join the party?

WD:

I joined the party in 1968. I am what you call a short-timer.

32

�JJ:

Okay. What does that mean?

WD:

I joined in 1968, let’s say, officially when the chapter opened its headquarters in
November. Through the winter, [00:57:00] breakfast programs and other
activities, we began to hear stories about agents and provocateurs. We began to
hear that we were going to --

JJ:

What kind of stories? What do you mean?

WD:

Well, there was evidence from the coast and other chapters who had been
established before us that the police and the FBI were infiltrating, and they were
trying to destabilize us. So, that kind of worked under my confidence to a certain
degree because we couldn’t, at some point, be sure who was an agent and who
was not an agent. So, in some cases, if there was someone from your
community that joined when you joined and you knew their background, you
could vouch for one another, but very soon, you had individuals who had no ties,
and so they became suspect. So, the COINTELPRO worked on these kind of
insecurities to undermine us.

JJ:

What do you mean?

WD:

Well, if [00:58:00] you allege that there’s a traitor in your ranks and you can’t
identify him, then you become suspicious. Then there’s trust issues that you
have with people who were not what they say they were or who appear not to be
what they are. Then you have people who, in fact, later on, through depositions
and other statements, identified themselves as government agents in court
testimony.

33

�JJ:

Okay, so now you have government agents, and then you also have this distrust
going around. And that was part of the COINTELPRO?

WD:

It was all part of COINTELPRO.

JJ:

And did that do anything to the party?

WD:

It destabilized us to a great degree. We had, in my short time, and like I said, I
joined in November; I separated in July of 1969 while Fred was in jail [00:59:00]
pending appeal on the so-called ice cream conviction.

JJ:

And you separated why?

WD:

Well, at that time, there was a problem with leadership. There was a problem
with direction and focus. Now, in hindsight, when the party opened in 1968, J.
Edgar Hoover and the FBI already had a plan in the works on how to destroy the
Black Panther Party. So, when we opened our doors, they were ready for us,
and we had no idea who they were and what they were bringing. We were new
Panthers, a new chapter. We didn’t have seasoned veterans from anyplace else.
We were all local, developing the programs as we heard, developing our
understanding of the party platform and the party programs. So, it’s not like
getting somebody with experience battling the FBI. [01:00:00] We didn’t know
what we were up against. And it so happened that the progression of
COINTELPRO, progression of Hoover and company was that they were going to
eradicate the Black Panther Party by any means necessary, and it all culminated
in about 18 months. In 1969, when Fred Hampton was murdered, that was part
of a nationwide sweep of the FBI to eliminate the Black Panther Party by
eliminating leadership. Prior to that, the infiltrators, the provocateurs, particularly

34

�William O’Neal, who, you would be in the car with him, trying to go get
newspapers or go handle some regular business, he said, “Well, you know, we
ought to take out that store there. He’s a capitalist. We should just go in there
and rob him, raise some money for the people.” Fortunately, he wasn’t driving,
so the driver said, “We were told to do this and this, and we’re not stopping for
that bullshit.” George Sams [01:01:00] was an instigator.
JJ:

Were you in the car when that happened?

WD:

I was not with O’Neal, but I heard directly from people who were with O’Neal who
would do that stuff.

JJ:

So, he was already suspect.

WD:

Well, he possessed a certain form of madness, and so you just say, “Well, this is
a crazy guy. We just know better.”

JJ:

There were some crazy guys in the movement.

WD:

A lot of people were crazy to be in the Black Panther Party.

JJ:

Because you had some street people in the (inaudible).

WD:

We had plenty of street people.

JJ:

So, some of them were panicked, talking crazy anyway, because we had them in
the Young Lords (inaudible).

WD:

(laughs) I just don’t want to say that it was street people only, because here’s the
thing. I might’ve been a college student, right? And the Black Panther Party was
not unlike joining the Army, meaning that you’re thrown in there with a lot of
different people from different walks of life. So, we began a rich mix between
street, middle class, college, working class, [01:02:00] and in and amongst all

35

�that, you had to be a little crazy to go up against the United States government
and demand your rights, but there was some people who were more foolish or
more adventurous than others.
JJ:

“Adventurous” is the word.

WD:

And leadership would tell us to quash that adventurism, follow the party line,
which is why we read Mao, because he offered his discipline and instruction.
And I’m told that the Illinois Chapter was --

JJ:

You’re saying you took them straight out of the --

WD:

We took quotes from the Red Book, and we applied them as best we could.

JJ:

Military Writings?

WD:

Military Writings. The Military Writings was a separate document from the Red
Book, also (inaudible). There’s a whole I don't know how many volumes of
writings that Mao had, but we did use the Military Writings of Chairman Mao, and
we used the Red Book as examples of how to be disciplined. The Black Panther
Party had 26 rules to follow for membership, in addition [01:03:00] to the 10-point
program and platform, no drugs, no alcohol, no theft from the people, just a
whole litany of behaviors that we were supposed to follow to be a member, in
addition to the 10-point program and platform, and again, the study and the
discussions which made sure that people were not just hanging out. You had to
be able to know the party line and express the party line. I came to the
understanding that through my studies, the concepts of guerilla war, that any
party member should be able to set up a chapter, set up the programs, politicize,
propagandize, and carry the message forward. That was my understanding, so

36

�when I separated in July, then I took that concept with me every place else I
went. And we found that there were many people [01:04:00] emulating the Black
Panther Party who were not members, who had never joined but who were
eager, or eager and willing to follow those guidelines, because at the time, we
were known as the Vanguard Party.
JJ:

So, you’re doing all this studying, and you have the -- my question was, as you
expand to other communities, and you’re also looking to raise some money in
that.

WD:

The bigger concept of the Black Panther Party was that capitalism was a major
issue, that capitalism, in addition to racism, perpetuated poverty in the Black
community and that exploitation by the capitalists, exploitation by the businesses
and industry was really a bigger issue that all people in the country had to deal
with. So, I’m not sure where the concept [01:05:00] or why it was felt necessary
to reach out beyond the Black community, but the notion that all poor people
were being oppressed by the same government, by the same industry brough
about the basis for the Rainbow Coalition because at some point, it was proven
and shown and discovered that you had poor whites; you had poor Hispanics,
Mexicans, Puerto Ricans; you had Native Americans, who were all being
oppressed by the same government, and so at that point, it was only reasonable
that a coalition among oppressed groups would be a stronger front against the
government. And out of that, I think, is where the Rainbow Coalition happened.

JJ:

But now, these groups were already functioning as organizations.

37

�WD:

My understanding was that the Young Patriots was already established. Young
Lords Organization was an established group.

JJ:

But these were already established groups.

WD:

Right. [01:06:00]

JJ:

And so, they came together with the Panthers.

WD:

They came in coalition with the Panthers.

JJ:

Coalition, an alliance or a coalition.

WD:

Like an alliance, but --

JJ:

Was it an organization, or was it an alliance?

WD:

It was more of a collaboration. It was more an alliance. We did have a mandate
unspoken. When we would have white people try to join or participate in Black
Panther Party, we would tell them to go to your neighborhoods, go to your
communities, go to your parents, go to your families, and organize there, and
fight racism in your community.

JJ:

And actually, that’s what the Young Lords also, the Young Patriots, we went into
our community to organize our communities. In fact, that was like a mandate.

WD:

That was the methodology.

JJ:

I mean, is that what you’re saying? Because I’m not --

WD:

Yeah. In order to defeat the bigger enemy, which was capitalism, and oppression
of poor people, was to organize in your own communities.

JJ:

Because you would [01:07:00] naturally know the people better.

WD:

You know, the Black Panther Party, in each locale, was indigenous. We were
products or our localities. We had specific issues in one region, different from

38

�another region. The Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party had branches in
southern Illinois, in Rockford, and in each of those little locations, Peoria, Illinois,
there were specific issues that had to be addressed by party members there. We
had one chapter -JJ:

But each neighborhood, each locale was different?

WD:

To a degree, right.

JJ:

To a degree. I mean, there was a general agreement with each locale, the same
conditions in place, like Mao was saying.

WD:

Right, same conditions in place. So, we spoke to local needs with a bigger, with
a global aspect. We were one of the first ones to think globally and act globally.
[01:08:00] The Black Panther Party was one of the first organizations, national
organization, that recognized what you would call today as multiculturalism,
through Huey’s inter-communalism. We supported gays. We supported anybody
who’s being oppressed by the government, by the capitalists. And again, we
operated locally, but we thought nationally.

JJ:

Since many people are growing up in a city that’s segregated, was it easy to
make this coalition, or were there some sticking points there?

WD:

Well, you know, when the boot is on your neck, you want the boot off. That was
one of the things, and then Fred became a great orator and talked about these
kind of concepts and said, “You want some relief,” and so if getting with the
Panthers and getting with whoever is going to get this off you, then you would do
that. [01:09:00] And so, by practice, we were able to explain and show people
that racism, there was no place for that. It was used to divide people. And we

39

�showed them that we were willing to work with them even if they might not have
been initially willing to work with us. We gave them tools to understand their
circumstance. One of the points of the party program is that we want education
that exposes the true nature of society and teaches us our true place in this
society. Well, having going through Fanon, and we knew out history; we knew
ourselves to be descendants of slaves, descendants of free people from Africa,
and we were entitled to better. So, we understood our relationship with the
government. We understood our relationship with industry, with business,
whereas unfortunately white people probably felt that if they worked hard enough
on the assembly line, they would become chairman of the board at some point.
Well, we don’t know that that [01:10:00] really existed for them any more than it
existed for us. And certainly in 1968, we didn’t have too many Black chairmans
of the board. So, it became easier and easier to get other groups of people to
understand the concept of economical pressure and focus on that as opposed to
racial or social differences.
JJ:

But it was understood that people had to struggle against racism. In other words,
it wasn’t, “We’re just going to come together and overcome; we should
overcome.”

WD:

No.

JJ:

“We need to deal with certain issues here.” There is racism.

WD:

I guess what you call the dialectical approach.

JJ:

Am I putting words in your --

40

�WD:

No. There was (audio cuts out) racism exists. It’s still a debate today as to which
element is more important, racism or economics. If everything else was equal
economically, then you have your prejudices anyway. Now, [01:11:00] the big
thing about racism is the ability to suppress, oppress, deny freedoms to another
individual, based on the fact that you can identify him through a physical trait that
he’s not in control of, which is race. We can’t do that to white people, so for
Black people to be leery of white folks, to be suspicious of white people, to want
to be free of their control is not racism. We just don’t have that power, and in any
case that I can think of in history, we didn’t do that. But definitely, racism was to
be overcome by all those people who were -- they were to deal with it. They
were to cope with it and understand that it did exist. We didn’t eradicate racism
through the Rainbow Coalition.

JJ:

Started running it down. What was the [01:12:00] main thing that you felt about
the party in Illinois that had an impact, and where? What was the impact in terms
of community?

WD:

One of the most dynamic factors of the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party
was that we were young people who were knowledgeable, who were highly
motivated. To a great extent, we were articulate. We were able to explain our
position. We were able to debate the topics of the day and offer solutions and
alternatives. Through the [structure?] of Black Panther Party, we were a network
before “networking” was a phrase. You hear the quote that 43 chapters and 3
international sections meant that we had a reach. We had a national newspaper.
[01:13:00] We just had a presence that was unlike any other organization at the

41

�time. And our goal was not self-serving. We weren’t trying to establish ourselves
as the supreme power of Black people; we were tools. We were -- what’s the
quote (inaudible)? We were oxen to be ridden by the people down the road to
social revolution.
JJ:

The oxen for the people to ride.

WD:

We were here to serve the people, and that’s the way we functioned.

JJ:

Revolutionary is the oxen for the people to ride.

WD:

Revolutionaries are the oxen for the people to ride down the road to social
revolution.

JJ:

Anything that you want to add that we haven’t discussed yet, any major points?
[01:14:00] How was the effect of the murder of Fred on the (inaudible) party?
How did that affect the party (inaudible)?

WD:

The Illinois Chapter was --

JJ:

Did it keep running or --

WD:

Illinois Chapter existed and functioned through 1976, I believe, which is seven
years after the murder of Fred Hampton. As I was saying earlier, the FBI had
already planned to destroy the Black Panther Party in total, all chapters. That
was their mandate. That was a goal of theirs.

JJ:

So, you’re saying all chapters. Would that include the Patriots and the Young
Lords?

WD:

It probably did. Well, through what I’ve read from COINTELPRO, those
documents show clearly that they were trying to suppress [01:15:00] all groups
that they deemed subversive. That included, in Chicago, we had the Red Squad,

42

�and they were going to block club meetings, church meetings, anything civil
rights oriented. They did not want the Black community to organize, and so the
Young Lords, anyone who was politically astute, anyone who was politically
motivated who would run counter in Chicago to the Daley machine was going to
be a target. And I’m certain the Young Lords were. Even SDS was an issue.
And Hoover, the COINTELPRO comes out of the McCarthy era. COINTELPRO
goes all the way back to 1920-something when they created the FBI. So, this
issue of suppressing subversives or people who would [01:16:00] destabilize the
government or be a threat to the government internally is longstanding. The
Panthers didn’t invent that, but we were the focal point of it. We were like that
perfect storm. We just kind of met them when they were developing where they
are now. And again, like I was saying earlier, if we had no-fly zones, we couldn’t
have gotten on airplanes, but we would’ve gone everywhere in cars.
JJ:

Do you recall Reverend Bruce Johnson and Eugenia Johnson, who were the
pastors of the Young Lords Church?

WD:

I’m not familiar with them.

JJ:

Okay, because he was stabbed 17 times, and his wife 9 times, and this was only
30 days before Fred Hampton was murdered.

WD:

I wasn’t aware of that.

JJ:

And another reverend that was at that church that was transferred, that People’s
Church, the Young Lords Church, was transferring to Los Angeles, was also
murdered in that time. So, this was all during the same period.

43

�WD:

Well, here. To the extent that [01:17:00] we have the testimony of William O'Neal
explaining his activities and his intentions, even --

JJ:

He went to Young the Lords Church, William O’Neal (inaudible).

WD:

See, well, my point is this, that the type of people that the US government
recruits to do their work, proven out even in modern-day times, these people will
do whatever they’re paid to do. So, you can get what we’ll call a hyper person
who’s addicted to drugs to do all kinds of things to get his drugs. You know,
William O’Neal was trying to become a member of the FBI, so they kept
promising him that, and he thought in his own mind, he would become a member.
But the FBI knew he was just a tool. So, he was willing to do anything he could
to get into the FBI. The problem with agent provocateurs and instigators is that
you don’t know how far they’ll go until maybe they’ll just turn out to be [01:18:00]
assassins, and that’s the danger. You really can’t tell. This cop that was bending
over Malcolm X infiltrated the Black Panther Party years later. We have agents
of the US government who have infiltrated Black organizations over the years,
and they keep using the same tactic again and again and again, infiltration,
destabilization. So, again, the government had decided to end the Black Panther
Party.

JJ:

Infiltration, destabilization, what do you mean destabilization?

WD:

Well, if you get a person in the organization who is a provocateur, who is a
subversive agent inside the organization, they’re stealing money, if they’re
disruptive, if they’re saboteurs.

JJ:

They’re instigating?

44

�WD:

Yeah, they’re instigating. [01:19:00] They will destabilize as long as they keep
some shit going. They’re disruptive, just in any number of things that they could
do to keep you from doing party work and being responsible.

JJ:

So, they’re went on until 1976, the Panthers.

WD:

Yeah, the Illinois Chapter.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) and everything, they were going out?

WD:

Well, here’s an important thing about the party. They started as the Black
Panther Party for Self-Defense, became an international organization. I’ve
learned from party members who were in Algiers that the international section in
Algiers actually became the US Embassy because the United States government
did not recognize the Algerian government after independence, so there were
Americans on the ground in Algiers, much like you’ve explained to me that the
Young Lords Organization was an organization for all Hispanics. They had
Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Cubans. You spoke Spanish, you could have a place
in the Young Lords because [01:20:00] nobody else offered a voice for that. So,
as the Black Panther Party grew and developed over time, its tactics, its vision,
its understanding of the world changed, and the programs changed, and the
directives changed over time. As the government absorbed our activities, as the
government established free breakfast programs, established health clinics in our
communities, then it was no longer necessary for the Black Panther Party to
have those same programs. Early, before Huey Newton went to jail, he had run
for local government, so the party eventually got back to electoral politics, and in
reality, there came a time when the party wasn’t necessary anymore. When they

45

�were far away from being an institution for self-defense, by trying to run as
elected officials and create more programs to fill the gaps that the government or
city founders had left open, [01:21:00] it just wasn’t the same organization
anymore and should rightfully have just ceased to exist.
JJ:

But you had Bobby Seale running for mayor in Oakland at the time. So, you’re
not saying that it should cease to exist because they got into electoral politics?

WD:

No. It’s just that the type of organization and the reason it was established, those
conditions changed. Many times, people ask me, what would the Panthers do
now? What would our focus be? What would our issues be? A lot of them are
similar, but we would go at it a whole nother way. I think for Bobby Seale or any
other party member to run for public office is a good thing because you want to
have a person with that type of knowledge and background in a position to make
decisions, to influence other politicians, to be present in the room at least to
speak out against things. So, any situation, whether it’s a block [01:22:00] club
or a church choir, it’s better to have a person with some consciousness in that
room to help make those decisions, to help guide that group.

JJ:

And my understanding was that there was also an organizing tool or something,
a campaign.

WD:

Certainly. Jesse Jackson, Sr. ran for president, and he got 600,000 votes. Well,
that meant the 600,000 people believed in what he said. But he also indicated
he had no intention of winning the election, but it allowed him to talk about issues
that the other politicians weren’t going to bring up. That helps feed the public
consciousness. That helps build awareness, which is also what we did by raising

46

�the contradictions between our reality and what the government said reality was.
That was another tool of the Black Panther Party, to raise the contradictions
between what is and what was.
JJ:

Ok, any final thoughts?

WD:

If I had to do it again, I would join the Black Panther Party. [01:23:00] There’s a
lot that’s wrong with the world. Everybody can do something to make it better.
Find out what you can do that, and make it a better place.

END OF VIDEO FILE

47

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                    <text>FIELD NOTES
NORWAY
August 29 - September 7, 1975
RUSSELL G. MAWBY
From August 29 through September 7 I was in Norway at the invitation of
the Minister of Agriculture. The occasion of the visit was the dedication
program for the Norwegian Food Research Institute to which the Foundation
has provided support. The schedule also provided opportunity to meet with
the Minister of Agriculture, visit the north and west of Norway, and an
audience with His Ma j e s t y King Olav V.
Upon arrival at the Fornebu Airport serving Oslo, we were met by Mr. and
Mrs. Ringen of the Ministry of Agriculture and Mr. and Mrs. Ottar Jamt
of the Agricultural Research Council of Norway. The balance of the day
was spent in sightseeing in the Oslo area, including the Viking ships,
Kan-Tiki, the Holmenkollen Ski Jump, and Frogner Park. In the evening,
we had dinner at the Ringen home, and for the first time met Dr. and
Mrs. Larsen. Dr. Larsen is Chairman of ARCN. He is a physician with special
interests in human nutrition and is a member of the faculty of the dental
school at the University of Oslo. This is the first time a non-agriculturalist
has served as chairman of the Council. Larsen is a very interested and enthusiastic man and is providing strong leadership for the Council. Jamt and
Ringen are both very pleased with his leadership. Larsen indicates that he
has learned a great deal as a member of the Council and he evidenced great
breadth of interest and knowledge rega~~ing agricultural affairs.
Sunday was spent in a sightseeing expedition to good farming districts just
north of Oslo. The season in Norway has been generally wet and cool and
crops have suffered to some extent. Sunday evening we had dinner with Mr.
and Mrs. William V. Bailey of Battle Creek. The Baileys had just completed
a three-week schedule in Norway, including two weeks on a boat trip up the
west coast and a week of driving through the fjord country. The coincidence
of their being in Oslo at this time was fortuitous and the Baileys were thus
able to participate in the dedicatory luncheon in connection with the Norwegian
Food Research Institute and to attend the State dinner hosted by the Minister
of Agriculture on Monday evening.
On Monday morning we had a courtesy appointment with the Minister of Agriculture, Mr. Treholt. Mr. Treholt's ability in English is very limited, so
Mr. Ringen served as translator. Mr. Treholt is a warm and pleasing person
and expressed great appreciation for the support of the Kellogg Foundation
through the years. Our conversation dealt with generalities and provided
an opportunity for me to express the Foundation's appreciation for the
splendid relationships we have enjoyed with the Ministry and ARCN for
over two decades.
Our next appointment was the special audience with His Majesty King Olav V.
The King speaks English fluently since his mother was English and he was

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                    <text>FIELD TRIP

NEW YORK CITY
October 3-4, 1968
INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR TROPICAL AGRICULTURE
Russell G.

awby

The pu 0 e 0 th trip t o ew York City wa s t o eet with r pr es ntative
of CIAT and the Ford and Rockefel l er Foundat i on to di scu s the CIAT budget
f or 1969 and the f iv -ye r budget projections. P rti cip ting in the eet ing were U. J. Gr t,
ecutive Director of CIAT ; f r om the Rocke feller
Foundat i on , W. • Myers, Vice Pre ident, 3t rling wortman, Dir ctor of
gricultural Program,
d Lewis Robert s, As oci te Director for L tin
erican griculture ; f r o the For d Foundat i on ,
vid Bel l , Vi ce President for Intern tional Pr ogr
,Harry Wilh
Director of
tin Amer ican
Pr ogram , Lowell H rdin, Progr
Officer for Lat i n American Agr i cult ur e,
and J ame s Plaxico, Agr i cul t ural Economist t ationed in Bogot •
Grant opened the meet ing by di cu sing the pr ogr es of CIAT . Th Colo bi n
gove rnment i s till in the pr oc e s of secur i ng the land; but, once g i n ,
J erry ha been a sur ed that thi should be compl t d ithin thre to f our
weeks . J erry indic t ed th t cooperat ion with v riou government ag enci es
ha s been xcel lent; and they h ve h d no pr obl ems t al l with det ai ls ,
uch as the vi sa , cu tom cl rance, etc . There r now si x staff peo le
in C 11, ith t
orary of fic and ecr tarial
i tance . Certain coop r ative res earch ctivitie are al r eady underw y with IC and th
l anning h s e are pr oce ding very welL
tentative deci ion ha s b en made with referenc to the architect f or CIAT
headqu rters, and thi s rrang ent will be finalized in the next couple of
weeks. Hopefu l l y , the pr el i minar y pl an s will be f r enough long 8 0 th t
they can be considered by the Rocke feller Board t their meeting next Apr i l .
Thi
ill mean that all m terial ill have to be ddres sed to Rockefel l er
he dquarters in ew York City by late Febr uary . It was tentatively ag r eed
that there might be
eeting in Colombia in ar l y Febru ry with the architect s and CIAT offici l s to review the pl anni ng document s . (Note: The
Kellogg Foundat i on should pr obabl y be involved in uch a meeting since the
continuing education center wi l l be
p rt of the comprehensive pl an which
the rchitect s will be devel opi ng . )
The budg et w s reviewed in complete det il . Copie had been pr ovided to
1 arti c1pan t in advan ce . The budget; i s e 8 ntially the same s th t
revi wed by the CIAT Board in June, reflecting certain revi sion b sed upon
ard ' 8 di cu af.on , Ford and Rocke feller ar working on the d vel op nt
th
of a common a ccount ing y tem f or the four centers (IRRI, CIMMYT, CIAT, and
IITA).
enior ccountant of the Rockefell r st ff will take on the t a s
of worki ng with the f our center in devel oping
pr opr i at e a ccount ing protion fro the four center can b compar d
cedures s o th t the inf o
conveni ntly .

�fferenc in philosophy b tween Ford
d Roc
11 r c
eting . Th Roc ef 11 r peo 1
re inc11n d to give
to th anim
c1ence
t CIAT, i th virtually no
h s1
reductio
y of th oth rent
Th1 ~lie
h 1 upon
. gr in
d for e roduction and
evelo
t in t
of m ting h
food need. Fo
t="!' )llC~l:li , but with th
understanding th t i t
riority
t
iv n to hort-term ppro Ches to e t
diat nutritlon 1 probl
tend to 8i
with For on thi on. I b liev
r
on bl co r
be ork d out under Jerry' 1 d r hip.

c
i

e c

I

d op ortunity to vi it with J rry in sam det 11 r arding the tr ining
ic tlon p rogr
He rCll11 ed to rovid a revi red budg t which
d f or re nt tion to our Bo d of Tru t es ,
11 In all, CIAT
ti f ctory ro r
to th1 point in ti
e det il with Jocko Rob rt who 1
ekeOn th point of f 110 hip,
ixty p r cent 0 th
venty agricultural f 1re and or, th se re

I

in

ell
10n

1

ricultural t xtbooks, Joe 0 fe 18 there i a re
hort e of book
n
Inh
d Portugue
H i s not knowledge ble in
et il bout thi s prebl , however, and felt th t Dorothy P r r of their
York offic st f , who ork p rticul rly with
rlcultural 11brarl s ,
could provid U
coun el on thi point.

:lg

1

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Aaron Dixon
Interviewer: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 3/14/2013
Runtime: 01:17:46

Biography and Description
Oral history of Aaron Dixon, interviewed by Jose “Cha-Cha” Jimenez on March 14, 2013 about the Young
Lords in Lincoln Park.
"The Young Lords in Lincoln Park" collection grows out of decades of work to more fully document the
history of Chicago's Puerto Rican community which gave birth to the Young Lords Organization and later,
the Young Lords Party. Founded by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, the Young Lords became one of the
premier struggles for international human rights. Where thriving church congregations, social and
political clubs, restaurants, groceries, and family residences once flourished, successive waves of urban
renewal and gentrification forcibly displaced most of those Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos,

�working-class and impoverished families, and their children in the 1950s and 1960s. Today these same
families and activists also risk losing their history.

�Transcript
AARON DIXON:

Aaron Dixon. I was born January 2nd, 1949, Chicago, Illinois.

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Okay.

(break in recording)
JJ:

Okay, could you give me your name, your date of birth and where you were born,
Aaron?

AD:

Okay. All right. Give it to you again?

JJ:

Yeah, give it to me again.

AD:

Aaron Dixon. I was born January 2nd, 1949, in Chicago, Illinois.

JJ:

Okay. Where in Chicago, what part?

AD:

Oh, god, I used to know the hospital and -- damn, shit.

JJ:

Wait, was it North Side, South Side?

AD:

South Side.

JJ:

South Side, okay.

AD:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

Okay. Do how do you know about the Young Lords?

AD:

I know about the Young Lords from being in the Black Panther Party when the
Black Panther Party [00:01:00] began to -- in Chicago particularly, they started
the coalition with the Young Lords and the White community, which became the
first Rainbow Coalition. But that was my first time that I heard about the Young
Lords was during that time period in 1968.

JJ:

In ’68?

AD:

Yes.
1

�JJ:

Okay. And so, was your family from Chicago?

AD:

Yeah, yeah, both my parents were from Chicago, and they grew up in Chicago
and all my relatives were in Chicago. And when we left Chicago when I was
about eight years old, I was mad at my parents for about five years because
that’s where all my grandparents were, that’s where my cousins were, that’s
where all my family was and I [00:02:00] really didn’t want to be taken away from
them. But we, our family came back every year, every summer, just about every
summer we came back to Chicago.

JJ:

And your family stayed when you moved? Did you move to Oakland, is that
where you moved?

AD:

No, we moved to Seattle, Washington.

JJ:

Oh, Seattle (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

AD:

And my father got a job offer from Boeing because he worked at Chanute Air
Force Base in Champaign and actually we lived in Champaign for the first, you
know, seven years of my life, we lived in Champaign.

JJ:

Illinois?

AD:

Champaign, Illinois, yes. And so, he got that job offer and then in 1958 -- and
that’s when we moved to Seattle, Washington.

JJ:

What was the reasoning for that?

AD:

Well because my father got a job offer and, you know, he went to the -- he
graduated from Chicago Art Institute, he was a artist. [00:03:00] But he had four
kids and he couldn’t raise four kids being a artist, so he became a technical
illustrator at Chanute and then he got this job offer in Seattle, and so he moved

2

�his family there. And also, I think a lot of the reason is because, you know, the
gangs were pretty heavy even then, you know, the Blackstone Rangers, I
remember when we -- driving through Chicago and seeing Blackstones
everywhere, Blackstone Rangers and the Rangerettes. And both my cousins
eventually joined the Blackstone Rangers. So, I think my father, you know,
wanted a different type of life for us. He had three sons and a daughter, and I
think he wanted to get us outta Chicago, so we wouldn’t be tempted by
[00:04:00] joining the gangs.
JJ:

Yeah, how many brothers and sisters at -- whatever you wanna --

AD:

Okay, yeah.

JJ:

And I don’t know if you wanna give some names or anything. It’s up to you
whether...

AD:

Okay. Yeah, I had two brothers and one sister. I had a brother that was a year
younger than me, Elmer, and then I had another brother named Michael was
three years younger than I was. My sister, Joanne, was two years older than I
was, she was the oldest of the kids.

JJ:

Okay. And so, you went -- about how old were you?

AD:

I was about eight years old --

JJ:

About eight years old.

AD:

-- when we hit Seattle.

JJ:

Okay, and then you went to Seattle. How was that, how was life growing up
there?

3

�AD:

You know, it was different, it was different compared to Chicago and especially
the topography, you know, they had mountains and lakes, and it was a really
beautiful topography [00:05:00] area compared to flat Chicago. And we moved
about three or four times before we finally got settled in, my parents were able to
buy a house in Madrona, which was a Black neighborhood. In Seattle, all the
minorities, the Chinese, Filipino, and Japanese, and the Blacks were all confined
to one area, that was the Central area. So, we grew up -- I grew up with a lot of
Chinese, a lot of Japanese, Filipinos, we all went to school together and that was
really nice.

JJ:

So, what kinda memories have you got of the school? [00:06:00] You were in a
diverse area or whatever.

AD:

Yeah. Well, I know when I first got there, when I was in the fourth grade -- third
grade then the fourth grade and fifth grade, I just remember fighting a lot, I just
remember there was always fights, you know, and after school, there was always
a fight. And I remember, you know, getting in my share of fights and all the way
up into junior high school. And there was a neighborhood gang and I was part of
that neighborhood gang and, you know...

JJ:

What was the name of the gang?

AD:

It was called The [Inkwells?].

JJ:

Inkwells, (inaudible).

AD:

Yeah. And everybody had a knife, everybody had switchblades and push-button
knives. I had about three knives. And then --

JJ:

They were not a drug gang or (inaudible)?

4

�AD:

No, it wasn’t a drug gang, it was just a bunch of young people.

JJ:

Just a neighborhood, neighborhood...

AD:

Just a neighborhood gang, yeah.

JJ:

And so, who did you fight? [00:07:00]

AD:

Everybody (laughs) (coughs) (inaudible) everybody. There was always a fight.
We lived across the street from a park, and so at the park, that’s where
everybody gathered and hung out, we played football, basketball, baseball. And
so, you know, I played a lot of baseball, a lot of football and basketball, ping
pong, eventually started playing tennis. And, you know, there was always fights
that were breaking out, you know, that’s just the way it was back then. But it was
always one on one, and it was never -- we all lived in the same neighborhood, so
we weren’t trying to kill each other, we were just letting our anger out, you know,
by fighting. And when I got into the eighth grade, they started a voluntary
bussing program, you know, so an integration program and -- so this was a
[00:08:00] chance for me, I decided to volunteer. ’Cause actually I got tired of
fighting, I got tired of fighting, so I volunteered to go to school to an all-White
neighborhood. And there was only one other Black student there. And I played
on the football team. Then the following year, I went to a all-White high school,
and that’s when I first really ran into racism, you know? The teachers gave me
bad grades not because I didn’t do the work, because they just felt that that’s
what I deserved. And there was a game --

JJ:

So, the teachers were racist.

AD:

Yeah, the teachers were racist.

5

�JJ:

Were being racist.

AD:

Teachers were racist, most of the students were racists. And I was on the
football team and --

JJ:

Okay, they gave you bad grades, what else [00:09:00] did you see, the racism,
what kind of racism?

AD:

I broke my wrist playing football, I sprung it, I sprung it real bad and I was in a
typing class and I couldn’t type because my wrist was damaged. But the teacher
gave me a failing grade anyway. But the incident that really kind of decided that I
needed to get back to the community, there was a basketball game between the
main Black high school, Garfield High School and the Queen Anne School that I
was going to, which was all White and there was this rivalry. And this is
something that happened a lot back then was whenever there were sports
events, Black athletes were always cheated in some way or another. And this
was something we saw over and over and over again. But this particular game,
they were playing for the championship. Garfield High School was a Black
school was ahead by three points and then there was this mystery foul that
[00:10:00] occurred, and the ball went to the White team, and they scored four
points and they won the game by one point. It was obvious to everybody that it
was -- you know, they had cheated, they had stolen the game. And so, the Black
kids after the game, for the first time, they just erupted and they just went after
the White kids and just, you know, a lot of White kids got beat up, some were
chasing to other people’s houses. So, when I went to school the next day, the
White kids looked at me like I had shit on my back, and they wouldn’t talk to me,

6

�they were calling me niggers and it was bad. And so that’s when I decided that
that was my last year at the school, and then I went back to Garfield High School
when I was a junior. And Garfield High School was -- so, that’s where Qunicy
Jones went to [00:11:00] school, that’s where Jimi Hendrix went to school, Bruce
Lee was always up there a lot ’cause there’s a lot of Asian kids up there. And it
was really a -- it was a great place to be because if they -JJ:

(overlapping dialogue, inaudible) was the real Bruce Lee then, that’s (overlapping
dialogue, inaudible).

AD:

Oh, there was a Bruce Lee, yeah, there was a real Bruce Lee. But it was a great
place because there was Chinese students, there was Black students, Filipinos,
there were Blacks and there were White students and we all got along, you
know, and it was just, it was a great place to be, it was a great school, and I had
a great experience. When I was a senior, the counselor called me in, this Black
woman and told me that I wasn’t gonna graduate ’cause I was skipping school a
lot and doing a lot of different things. So, she told me I wasn’t college material
and when she [00:12:00] told me that, it made me real mad, because my parents
were always telling us that we’re gonna go to college. So, I decided to buckle
down and I graduated barely, you know with two-point grade average with all the
credits I needed. I continued to play sports. And then when I graduated, I
actually started doing some acting, I got into some drama. There was this
nonprofit that was doing skits about stereotypes, about racial stereotypes and I
really got into it. And after we finished with that, I started getting into some other
-- doing other theater work and also started writing a lot of poetry. And the Urban

7

�League started a program to help Black students get into the University of
Washington. So, I got in that program and I found myself at the University
[00:13:00] of Washington. There was only 30 Black students out there at the
time.
JJ:

And Seattle has a large Black population (inaudible)?

AD:

Not a large one, but in 1968, Seattle had the largest Black home ownership per
capita in the country. And so, you know, we all lived in the same neighborhood,
but the neighborhood we lived in was in prime property, you know, on hills
overlooking the lakes. But, you know, there was always racial things that were
going on like Eddie Lincoln who got shot by an off-duty policeman and the police
got off. And the Black woman who got raped by police officers and it was never
anything done about it. And, you know, my father coming home from work, and
the first [00:14:00] thing he would do is he’d have to have a drink because he
was dealing with so much racism on his job out at Boeing. And my father was -he was the type of person that he didn’t take no shit from people, you know?
And so, I remember when I was 13 years old saying that I wanted to join the
police department, I was gonna be a policeman. My father, both my parents got
very angry and said I wasn’t gonna join the police department. And I remember
being 16 saying I was going to join the Marines and go to Vietnam. My father
said, “No, ain’t no son of mine going to Vietnam, ’cause those people will call you
a nigger.” So, my parents are very political. My father had joined the Communist
Party when he came back from World War II ’cause he saw a lot of atrocities and
he did a lot of stuff with Paul Robeson. And so, we were raised [00:15:00] pretty

8

�much in a very political environment. And when I was 13, I found myself
marching with Martin Luther King and then I started getting involved in civil rights
demonstrations in Seattle at a very young age. That’s one of the reasons why I
kinda volunteered for the volunteer bussing program ’cause I felt like, “Okay,
maybe this is what we should be doing, integrating.” And so, I got into the
University of Washington, I started...
JJ:

The integrating came from the civil rights (overlapping dialogue, inaudible)?

AD:

Yeah, yeah. So, by that time I was doing a lot of writing, writing a lot of poetry
and doing a lot of poetry readings in the Watts Writers Workshop which was a
group of famous Black poets and out of LA. They used [00:16:00] to come to
Seattle all the time, University of Washington. I was the only local poet that they
asked to read with them. And I had also -- I had gotten a creative writing
scholarship too from the Links Foundation. So, I started toying with the idea that
I was going to be a playwright, I was gonna go to New York and become a
famous playwright. I went to LaLa Leroy Jones’ place and that’s what I kinda had
my mind set on at the time. But anyway, the BSU started doing a lot of work in
the community and a lot of stuff on campus. And I remember when I was 17, 16
maybe, I had been out playing tennis ’cause I was -- we played a lot of tennis
’cause they had a tennis court. I was training myself to be the next Arthur Ashe I
thought. And I came in the [00:17:00] house to eat dinner and I walked by the TV
and I saw these Black men with guns demonstrating, protesting some gun laws
in California, and they were the Black Panthers. I just remember thinking, “Wow,
you know, wow, look at the -- never saw a Black man carrying a gun before on

9

�TV,” had these uniforms on. So, you know, I didn’t think much of it at that time,
but we had -- the BSU decided to close down this high school, and we closed the
high school down, we took the building over and then a week later we were -- I
was arrested along with a couple of other people and charged with unlawful
assembly. And while we were in jail, Martin Luther King was assassinated. And
[00:18:00] so, it was very frustrating to not be out on the streets when that
happened because all across the country, riots were breaking out all over
America and we wanted to be out there too. So, when we finally got out of jail a
couple of days later, there was a Black student union conference in San
Francisco. So, we all got -- we got a bunch of cars and we, about 20 of us drove
down there. And while we were down there, we heard that there was a funeral
for this Panther named Little Bobby Hutton, that he had gotten killed in the
shootout on the same day that Martin Luther King had got killed. And so, we
decided to go over to the funeral. We went and bought some berets, so we’d fit
in. And we drove on over there and went into this funeral and it was a very
emotional and Little Bobby Hutton’s mother wailing and [00:19:00], the aunts
were wailing, and we saw these Panthers standing on both sides of the walls
looking really serious. And we walked the procession and looked at Little Bobby
Hutton in the casket and we went back to San Franciso State.
JJ:

So, there were Panthers and then there was also his family was there?

AD:

Yeah, his family was there. Marlon Brando was there as well.

JJ:

Walking?

AD:

He was standing in front --

10

�JJ:

In front of (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

AD:

-- of the building with Bobby Seale with his black leather jacket on and black
beret. And so, Bobby Seale was gonna be giving the keynote address at this
conference. So, we went back to wait for him and we waited, we waited for like a
hour and hours. And finally, the doors flew open and here comes Bobby Seale
along with Kathleen Cleaver and along with about four or five other Panthers,
Warren Wells who had been wounded in the shootout. So, Bobby Seale gave
the [00:20:00] address, the keynote address and he was very emotional because
Litle Bobby Hutton was the first Panther to join, he was a good friend of Bobby’s.
Not only was Little Bobby Hutton killed, but also Eldrige Cleaver had been
wounded and was in jail. Eighteen other Panthers were also arrested including
David Hilliard. So, a large chunk of the membership of the Black Panther Party
at that time was now in jail. So, Bobby Seale gave one of the most powerfully
emotional speeches that I had ever heard. And during the speech, he stopped
and said, “We’re gonna stay here all night. Anybody got anything to drink?” And
I had bought my parents a big bottle of vodka ’cause it was cheaper in the Bay
Area, and you could buy it at the store. In Seattle, you had to buy it at the liquor
store. So, I bought this for my parents and I said, “Yeah, I got some.” And I ran
and [00:21:00] got it and gave it Bobby and he took a swig, and he passed it
around and some of the comrades took a swig and he really got animated then,
he really got animated and he just -- he was just really portraying a lot of different
things. It was really -- I wish that had have been taped ’cause it was very
powerful. But when he finished, I made a beeline to where he was, my brother

11

�and Anthony Ware another brother we worked with, we all three of us converged
on Bobby Seale and told him we wanted a chapter of the Black Panther Party in
Seattle. So a week later, he came to Seattle along with George Murray, the
Minister of Education and another Panther, Bill Jennings from San Diego. He
stayed at my parents’ house for three days and there were about 20 other people
from [00:22:00] the community that we had been working with and organizing
with, students and non-students and we met with Bobby Seale and George
Murray for over a three-day period and he told us what we needed to do to be
members of the Black Panther Party. And then he asked me, he said he was
going back east to open up more chapters and he asked me to go with him. But
first of all, towards the end of the meeting, he said, “Who’s gonna be the
captain?” And for some reason everybody pointed to me, everybody -- and I said
this in the book, but I felt like I had been tricked into becoming the captain
because I didn’t really raise my hand and say I wanted to be the captain. I was
only 19 years old, there was plenty of guys there who were older than me. But
anyway, I was named as the captain and Bobby asked me to go back to New
York with him [00:23:00] and I told him that I wasn’t ready to go and I always kind
of regretted that, but I didn’t feel like I was really ready to go ’cause it was
changing, it was happening so fast, I wasn’t really ready to make that change.
So, a week later, I got called and told to come to Oakland and I went down to
Oakland, my first time ever flying. And when I got there, I was met at the airport
by Robert Bay and Tommy Jones, they took me to the office on Grove Street and
they took me around the corner where Robert Bay lived, they introduced me to

12

�Landon and Randy Williams. And there was a lot of things that transpired on that
trip, I don’t know if you want me to go into all that.
JJ:

No, no, that’s fine, as long as (inaudible).

AD:

Okay. So, I remember the first thing I had to do was go see Huey in Alameda
County Jail, that’s [00:24:00] one of the first things I had to do, I had to go out in
the field and sell papers to some of the comrades. But when I went to Landon
and Randy Williams’ house and Robert Bay’s house, the first thing they did was
show me their armament, each one had their own stock of weapons, and they
started showing me all their weapons and everything and they’re reloading
equipment. So, a couple of days later, they introduced me to the Panther Drink,
which in the street was called Bitter Dog, in the party was called Panther Piss,
dark port wine and lemon juice, and they turned me onto some Brother Roogie,
which is marijuana. And I remember, we were in the kitchen talking and Landon
Williams was in the front room ’cause he didn’t smoke or drink. And we heard a
large bang, a loud bam, we ran in there and Landon was sitting there with a .44
Magnum in his hand, he had [00:25:00] shot his TV out. He shot it out because
he said, “Man, I got tired of watching the cowboys kill the Indians.”

JJ:

No.

AD:

So, he just shot his TV out. So later on that day, we...

JJ:

Did it have something to do with the wine or no?

AD:

No, ’cause he didn’t drink, he didn’t drink or smoke, you know, he didn’t get high,
Landon did not get high. So, later on that night -- well, earlier in the day, Tommy
Jones had asked me if I had a piece. I said, “Yeah, I gotta carbine.” He said,

13

�“No, I mean a handgun.” I said, “No.” So, he went out and got me a ninemillimeter llama with a holster on it and he gave it to me. So, I had put it on. And
so, we decided to go down to West Oakland to get something to eat down on
Seventh Street and there was another brother that was with us, Oleander
Harrison, he had joined the party when he was 15 and 16 and he went to
Sacramento [00:26:00], he’s in those films [of them being?], and so he’s got a
cigar, a little stubby cigar in his mouth and a shotgun in his hand.
JJ:

So, what year was this (overlapping conversation; inaudible)?

AD:

This was ’68.

JJ:

So, ’68 --

AD:

April of ’68.

JJ:

-- was up here when the Panthers were talking about weapons and that
(inaudible).

AD:

Yeah, this is April, ’68.

JJ:

And where everybody was.

AD:

So, we went and got something to eat and me and Oleander went outside and
we started smoking a cigarette and this was maybe two weeks after Little Bobby
Hutton had been killed, so there was a lot of tension --

JJ:

(overlapping conversation; inaudible)

AD:

-- between the party and the police. And so a police car drove up, Oleander
being young, he started yelling, “Pig, you motherfuckin’ pig, you better stop at
that stop sign.” So, I joined in, I just started yelling too, we’re yelling all kind of
profanities. Pig goes around, comes around the corner, he calls for backup, and

14

�10, 15 [00:27:00] cars start showing up. And Robert Bay comes out and Landon
and Randy and Tommy come out and all of a sudden, people are running, people
are running home, people are saying, “Oh man, we gotta get outta here, there’s
gonna be a shootout.” Shops are closing, the restaurants is closing. And within
five minutes, the street is empty except for us and the police. The prostitutes
were the only ones there, they said, “We ain’t goin’ nowhere, we’re gonna stay
out here and help our brothers.” And so, then all the police were bunched up
together and Robert Bay says, “Spread out,” he says, “Spread out.” So, we all
spread out. And then there was a lieutenant that was in front of the police
officers and he starts walking towards Landon and Landon -- at first I see this
young brother with the McClymonds’ leather jacket on, he’s gotta bag of
groceries in his hand, you know, and I’m, you I’m just -- all this stuff is happening
so fast, I was just in college, I was just doing my homework, now I’m down
[00:28:00] in West Oakland with a leather jacket on and gun on and getting ready
to get killed. I see this young brother and I say to myself, I’m telling myself, “I
wish this brother would stay and help.” And he looks me in the eyes and he
says, “Man, I would stay and help, but I gotta get home.” And he’s gone. So,
now things are real tense and I’m just feel like, “Okay, this is -- I’m not gonna go
back to Seattle, I’m gonna die right here on this street.” And so, everybody’s got
their hands on their guns, police got their hands on our guns -- on their gun, we
have our hands on our guns. And this police officer, this lieutenant who was
much more harder than the other ones, it appeared to be, he starts walking
towards Landon and he says, “I’m gonna check you.” He’s got his hand on his

15

�gun. And Landon is backing up saying, “No, you’re not gonna check me.” And
he keeps walking towards [00:29:00] Landon, Landon keeps backing up, they
keep saying, “No, you’re not gonna check me.” And Landon slips on this
garbage can top, it bounces right back up, but the garbage can top reverberates
and it breaks the ice because the next thing that happened is the police stopped,
they turned around and they got in their cars and they didn’t say a word and they
drove off. So, that was my baptism into the Black Panther Party. The very next
day, they had the meeting at Saint Augustine’s where Panthers came from all
over the Bay Area to meet, must have been about 125, 130 comrades there from
Palo Alto, San Francisco, Vallejo, Richmond, everywhere. And so, I get
introduced and I’m just treated like a long lost cousin or something, you know?
So anyway, the meeting ends and me, Robert [00:30:00] and Tommy Jones, we
get in the car, we head back to the house. When we get to the house, the phone
rings, Robert Bay grabs the phone and says, “Yeah.” And he slams the phone
down, he runs into his bedroom, he grabs two rifles, and he hands me one of
them and a box of ammo and we jump in the car. He said, “The pigs are
vamping on the comrades at the church.” So, we’re speeding down Grove Street
and he asked me, he said, “Dixon, you know how to load that weapon?” And I’ve
never seen it before, it was a .44 magnum, but I told him, “Yeah,” and I figured
out how to load it. And so, by the time we get down to the church, there’s
nothing, there’s nobody there. And so, of course I’m relieved that nobody was
there. And so those were my -- that was my baptism into the Black Panther
Party. And a couple of days later, I was on my way back to Seattle.

16

�JJ:

So, you go to Seattle and what kind of work were you doing, [00:31:00] what kind
of (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

AD:

Well, we started looking for a place for the office and we find a place, the man
won’t rent it to us, he’s a realtor, he has real estate offices next door, and he’s
got this other office that’s empty and he won’t rent it to us. So, we said, “Okay.”
So, the next night, his office is firebombed, and so we go back to him and he
rents it to us. So, we opened our office up, get our phones turned on. And at
that time, it was not illegal to carry weapons out in the open in Seattle. So, we’re
carrying our weapons, everybody’s got their rifles and shotguns. So, we get the
phones turned on and we start getting [00:32:00] calls from the community for all
kinds of things, police brutality, rental issues, domestic problems and we start
going out on these calls. And this one woman who had seven kids, the landlord
had taken the door off her house because she didn’t pay the rent. So, we sent
some Panthers to the landlord’s house, they got the door from the landlord, they
carried it down the street and put it back on the hinges. And we got calls from
women saying their boyfriend was beating ’em up, or the husband was beating
’em up. We sent five or six of our Panthers to the house and they straightened
that out. And it was amazing because this was the first time the community had
somebody that they could call, that they knew [00:33:00] was gonna take care of
their business, and they didn’t have to call the police. But they started really
taking advantage of it as they can often do in the community. And I remember, I
was sending weekly reports down to Bobby Seale and talking to him over the
phone and he told me, he said, “Dixon, you guys are going out on too many

17

�community calls, you gotta cut it down,” so we did. About a month later, we get a
call -- maybe three weeks later, we get a call from this woman who said that her
son who was going to an all-White high school got beaten up and that nobody at
the school would do anything about it. So, I told her, you know, “Well, I’m sorry,
we can’t come out there,” because Bobby Seale had mentioned to me that we
need to cut -- stop going on all these calls. But she called back on Tuesday with
the same problem, she called back Wednesday, same problem, called back on
Thursday, same -- I just told her, “No, [00:34:00] I’m sorry, we can’t come.” She
called back on Friday though and she was crying, she said the White kids had
brought chains and bricks to school and they were beating up the Black students,
nobody would do anything about it. And we got a couple of more calls from
some Black mothers who said the same thing. So, it just so happened that there
were about 12 or 13 Panthers in the office with rifles and shotguns and we
decided, “Okay, it’s time to go on out there.” So, we drove out there, when we
got out there, there were about 25 policemen out there, they were on the side of
the building. By this time, you know, we didn’t care who was out there, it coulda
been a army out there, but we were gonna go do what we had to do. And we
crossed the street, there was fat sergeant who met us at the door, he said,
“Dixon, you can’t take those loaded weapons in.” And we knew the gun laws, the
gun law states that if you are carrying a weapon and a bullet is not in the
chamber, then it’s considered unloaded. So, I told him, “It’s unloaded.” So, we
went in [00:35:00] the school. Principal saw us, he took off running, comrades
went and got him, we brought him back down and sat him down, we told him, if

18

�didn’t start protecting these kids that we were gonna protect them. And he
promised us that from now on, he would protect them. So, we walked out of the
school and we backed away across the street because when I went to see Huey,
he said, “Never turn your back to the pigs ’cause they’re nothin’ but a bunch of
back shooters.” So, we backed away across the street, we didn’t turn out backs
to the pigs, we got in our cars, drove back to the Central area. The police
followed us, and they were gonna try to indict us, but they couldn’t because we
didn’t do anything illegal. It wasn’t illegal to carry weapons even into the school.
Of course, eventually they did pass a law to make it illegal. And eventually they
did pass a law to make it illegal for us to carry our guns. But that was the
[00:36:00] defining moment in the Seattle chapter of the BPP.
JJ:

So those were some of the things that -- did you do a breakfast program too or --

AD:

Yeah, then and by 1969, we got orders to start free breakfast programs, and we
opened up our first breakfast program and then we began to open up more. And
there were some people who didn’t see it as revolutionary, and they left the party.
Then I got called down to Oakland in ’69 and while I was down there, I was down
there for about two months, Bobby Seale gets arrested, or not arrested, but he
actually got kidnapped. [00:37:00] And so then I was told to go back to Seattle
to organize and help free the Chairman. So I go back to Seattle, we moved out
of our office, and we opened up the community center because we had orders to
move outta the store fronts and move into houses in the community ’cause the
party was getting raided all across the country.

JJ:

And what year was this?

19

�AD:

This was ’69.

JJ:

Sixty-nine (inaudible)?

AD:

Yeah.

JJ:

So, you opened up a service center, what was the difference between that and
the office?

AD:

The community center was more accessible to people in the community, and we
could do more things, we had more room.

JJ:

(inaudible)

AD:

And we opened up a free medical clinic as well, we opened up a free medical
clinic. This Black guy from the Justice Department called and said he wanted to
meet with my brother and I. [00:38:00] We didn’t wanna meet with him, but he
said it was a matter of life and death. So, we did go finally meet with him, and he
told us that the police were gonna raid our office and kill us. And so, we started
fortifying our office and, you know, we heavily sandbagged our office, steel and
everything. I mean, I could go on all night Cha-Cha. (laughs) I could go on, but
--

JJ:

Okay. Did you wanna (inaudible) now or --

AD:

I mean, if you wanna jump ahead or something?

JJ:

Oh no, I wanted to -- well, I also want to talk more about the organizing, if you
can --

AD:

Okay.

JJ:

I mean, you can go ahead and then come (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

20

�AD:

Yeah, so anyway, we had a free medical clinic, and we opened up a legal aid
program, and through our medical clinic, we did sickle cell anemia testing, we did
mass sickle cell anemia testing and [00:39:00] we started a free legal aid
program, free food program, liberation schools, and that was our main thing that
we did.

(break in audio)
LINDA TURNER:

-- this little suburban Evanston girl.

F1:

There you go.

LT:

Yeah.

JJ:

(inaudible) suburban what?

LT:

No. So, when are you starting? You gotta say, “Go,” or --

JJ:

Okay.

(break in audio)
JJ:

Okay Linda, if you wanna give me your name and maybe age and where you
born and that.

LT:

My name is Linda Turner. I was born in 1941. You do the math. And I became
an activist in 1965. I remember precisely because it turned out to be a very
momentous moment (laughs) for a lot of northern people to get involved in the
Civil Rights Movement that was going on down South. And that weas the first
nationwide showing of the film, Judgment at Nuremberg. And when it ended and
if you know the movie, it’s about the trial of Nazis who were responsible for
exterminating millions of people in Germany, Austria, around, not only Jews, but
gypsies and communists and political enemies and gay people, lots of folks. And

21

�at the end, you’re left with the message that if you care about people, you can’t
just sit back and let it happen, you have to be like the few good Germans and do
something about it. Right after the movie ends, on comes the news, and what’s
on the news but Alabama state troopers clubbing demonstrators on the Pettus
Bridge in, is it Alabama, was it -- now I’ve forgotten. Selma, they were on their
way to Selma, Alabama. And that was my signal, I immediately connected,
[00:41:00] if I feel upset about people sitting by and not doing anything about
injustices to someone, I had to get involved in this. So, next morning I joined
CORE and within a week we were at McCormick Place at the boat show that
they -- the tourism show they held every year. And I think this was the old one
before that one -- I think it’s the one that burned down eventually. And we
chained ourselves in a circle in front of the Alabama booth with the state troopers
standing there. We ran chain link through our coats, so you didn’t see the chain
until we got there and padlocked ourselves. So the front page of The Tribune the
next day was, “Cops carrying out --” ’cause we went limp -- carrying out these
demonstrators, you know, like sacks from McCormick Place and we were jailed,
got out the next day, we went back, did it again. No security there, they let us
back in, we did it again. [00:42:00] And I remember the story because that night
I ate Chinese food and got a fortune in my fortune cookie that said, “You feel
refreshed after a relaxing weekend and ready to tackle the world.” So, my feeling
was, I was active in CORE for a long time, from there it kept growing, the antiwar movement, from the Civil Rights Movement to the anti-war movement just

22

�like Dr. King and start making the connections between them. And I think once
you’re an activist it’s hard to stop being one, you’re always -JJ:

What kind of work did you do in CORE?

LT:

Oh, I did in the ’80s -- oh well, ’70s, I went to Cuba, I’ve been to Cuba five times.
So, when they make a big fuss about Beyoncé and Jay-Z going to Cuba,
anybody can really go to Cuba now, you can say, “I want to investigate the arts
and culture of Cuba,” you can go. But I wish they would stop the blockade
already. I’ve been involved in [00:43:00] various ways of trying to end the
blockade against Cuba for all these years. I was part of the Chicago Cuba
Committee, which did work on that, it was an educational organization. I went on
the second Venceremos Brigade, there were 700 of us. We cut sugar cane and I
still have a picture of Fidel with his machete talking in this big circle of people and
that was the brigade that I was on. We left just after Fred Hampton had been
murdered, December of ’69 and we returned after cutting sugar cane and touring
the island just before May Day of 1970. And when we returned, we were
confronted with the fact of Manuel Ramos’ death. I don’t remember all the
details, he was killed and a gigantic May Day march, somewhere in my files of
memorabilia, I have pictures of it, you know, with banners [00:44:00] and
everything. It was really beautiful and we felt like we were -- that was a
connection between the struggle of the Cuban people, the Puerta Rican people
and all the press people in Chicago, everywhere. It was very moving. I went on
to at that time a storefront community organization called The People’s
Information Center opened and I became a part of that along with several other

23

�friends. And we did programs that other participants in the Rainbow Coalition
did, the Young Lords also, breakfast for children program, worked on a free
people’s health clinic, just all kinds of good things in the community.
JJ:

Where was it located?

LT:

Oh, this was in Lincoln Park, right on Holsted Street. On one side of us we had
the People’s Law Office, which is a whole other story [00:45:00] and a few doors
down, we had the Women’s Liberation’s -- Chicago Women’s Liberation Union
Office. So, it was a very progressive block. And in fact, after urban renewal
cleared the land between I think Dickens and Armitage, there was a People’s
Park built and I remember specifically a 26th of July celebration where we
roasted a pig. I won’t describe how the pig was attired. And it just went on, I
came into an organization of activists that did a lot of work against U.S.
intervention in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala for many years called the U.S.
Anti-Imperialist -- it was after -- there was initially many years ago an AntiImperialist League and that’s what it was named after. But we did a lot of film
showings and sponsoring speakers, educating people. There were lots of
demonstrations [00:46:00] at consulates, there was always something going on.
I’m trying to follow this chronologically because for -- what else did I do during
those years? I’ll probably remember later. I’m 71 years old, so you gotta cut me
some slack, you know, every detail won’t be there in the right order. But about
12 years ago, I had to move to Las Vegas, actually I live in Henderson because
my mother who at the time was almost 96 could no longer live alone. So, she
moved from Florida and I moved from Chicago leaving my daughter and my little

24

�grandbaby behind and stayed with my mother. And she lived another five years,
’cause she finally had her family around her. My brother lived there already, so
for the first time in many years, my brother and I and my mother were all together
in the same [00:47:00] neighborhood. So, it was a very good five years for her,
she almost made it 101. And now I find so many of my friends are taking care of
their mothers, it’s usually the mothers. So, that’s another link I have with friends
is the experience of the reversal of the mother becomes the daughter and the
daughter becomes the mother. Anyway. And so that’s where I am now, I come
to Chicago every year for a week to see my friends and family. But my skin has
got -- my blood has gotten too thin to live here all year round especially in the
winter, so that’s why I am where I am. And there, I work -- whenever MoveOn
has a demonstration, whether it’s against gun violence or whatever legislation is
coming up, I work on campaigns, work with OFA which has been -- had many
incarnations [00:48:00], Obama for America, Organizing for America, now it’s
Organizing for Action. So, I just keep doing that because I feel that if I stop doing
that, I lose my connection with the world and it’s good exercise. Walking a picket
line never hurt anybody, if you can put one leg in front of the other, so.
JJ:

So, you came from CORE --

LT:

Yeah.

JJ:

-- in ’60 --

LT:

Right, I joined CORE the next morning, it was headed by James Forman at the
time.

JJ:

Was that located in Chicago?

25

�LT:

In Chicago, yes.

JJ:

Okay.

LT:

And for a time, I was secretary of the organization and then there was North Side
CORE, West Side, South Side, they had various branches.

JJ:

But I don’t understand, what was the difference between them and some of the
other Civil Rights groups?

LT:

Well, Congress on Racial Equality, didn’t limit itself to students, it was for all
ages, it was very integrated. [00:49:00] But there came a time, it was after the
Black Power Movement when there was pressure for White people to especially
step down from leadership positions, that it was time for Black people to lead
their struggle and I had no problem with that, so I did. Other people took office,
but it didn’t mean that we weren’t supportive White people who were no longer
officers or whatever in CORE. I liked the organization, and I liked James
Forman, and it was very active at the time.

JJ:

What was he like in --

LT:

Well, I only met James Forman once very briefly. There’s actually a movie -- I
should press my brain and try to remember, that talks about his youth. Denzel
Washington played a union organizer in it, The Young Debaters. If you ever get
a chance to see it, it’s great because there’s a kid there who’s the son of a
minister who grows up to -- who was James Forman. And this kinda shows you
[00:50:00] his introduction to things like the Labor Movement and debating. He
was a very articulate and powerful speaker, and he was part of the Black

26

�Colleges debate team that ended up beating the Ivy League schools and winning
a championship in debating. It’s a very good skill to have.
JJ:

You mentioned Manual Ramos and then you mentioned Fred Hampton. What do
you recall of Fred Hampton?

LT:

Oh, because I knew him, I mean, I think it wasn’t even weeks -- not even a week
before his death that I was the one that took a flyer that we had designed -- there
had been an attack by the Chicago Police on the apartment that -- it wasn’t Fred
Hampton’s apartment, it was an office or something and -- don’t make me [lose
that train of thought?]. [00:51:00] And so there was a big rally planned on behalf
of the people who had been injured and jailed from that raid, not the one that
killed Fred. So, we designed a flyer to be passing out to mobilize people.

JJ:

The information center?

LT:

This is before the internet.

JJ:

The information center?

LT:

Yeah. Well, yes, it was and I took it over to the office on Madison and showed it
to Fred and he’s the one who changed the location. It was gonna be a different
location, I don’t remember which, but it ended up being at the church on Ashland
where they had many events and a few minor little changes and took it back --

JJ:

On Ashland and Madison?

LT:

Well, there was a church on Ashland near Adams I believe. It wasn’t far from the
electric workers’ union hall, there was a trip there and that’s where the rally was
scheduled to happen. So, went back, [00:52:00] made the changes, went to -this is maybe a day later, went to the printing press, Omega Press, progressive

27

�printers in Hyde Park and I spent the night waiting for the flyer to be done. And
in the morning, about six in the morning, I got a phone call from [Sue Jan?] telling
me what had happened, Chairman Fred had been murdered. So, needless to
say, everything but the heading, the header came off, all the illustration,
everything else stayed the same, the place, the time, and it was reprinted, and I
waited for it and brought it back north. And yes, I remember that.
JJ:

How did that impact you and some of the other organizers?

LT:

Well, we were just to leave for Cuba and I remember one of the things that
people decided that the brigadistas would do because we did various community
service kinds of things in training before we left together, [00:53:00] was to stand
guard, to stand witness at the Panther office on Madison. So, we’d stand up and
down the stairways in case there was an attack or something, here’d be all these
people standing there waiting, watching, you know. I remember that. And I knew
a lot of the Panthers because I was one of the people like many of us at the
Information Center who sold the Black Panther paper all the time, so I would be
the one who would drive my little Toyota over there and would load it -- John
Preston would load up the car with Panther papers, take ’em back north and sell
’em at L stops and everywhere. Good paper. And then as I say, between the -there was a Young Patriots organization, later there was Rising Up Angry, there
was the [00:54:00] Panther Party, there was the Young Lords, People’s
Information, all these groups that really showed an example of the Rainbow
Coalition by our skin and by our politics, the solidarity among the peoples in the
community and that was (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

28

�JJ:

How would you describe that, I mean --

LT:

Well, I mean, because you could see organizations and individuals working
together toward common goals, especially for White people following leadership
of Third World people, or Black people, Puerto Rican, Mexican, whatever, Brown
people, Black people that we followed their example. The Panther Party started
the breakfast for children programs, the Serve the People Programs, STP. So,
that I thin in itself sent a message in terms of leadership not being, you know, for
people like me, formerly White suburban [00:55:00] kids at one time to come in
and feel that somehow we could run it. And no, we couldn’t because we didn’t
have that contact with the community, that understanding of what needed to be
done. So, it was a great learning experience for a lot of people to work with the
Panthers, the Young Lords no matter what it was about.

JJ:

You said contact with the community, what do you mean?

LT:

Well, like even in Lincoln Park, there were a lot of Puerta Rican people in Lincoln
Park, the place where I lived was pretty White, it was like a merging of, you
know, what they call the base now, a political base that that became everyone’s
base, all the progressive factors in a community. So, I just thought it was
important for people to see that when the politics are right, it can pull [00:56:00]
people together to work together to accomplish good things.

JJ:

Geographically, what would be the base?

LT:

Well, when I talk about Lincoln Park, I talk about that area between -- because it
had, oh I’d say between Armitage and Belden even, in terms of where people
were located. Because the Young Lords Church was on Dayton and Armitage,

29

�the People’s Information Center, People’s Law Office, the Women’s Union were
all on Halstead between them. So, those were some basic organizations, people
lived in lots of places, you know.
JJ:

What were some of the demonstrations that (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

LT:

Well, I remember when, wasn’t it the Young Lords who helped take over
McCormick Seminary, we were there too. And it was saying a lot in terms of
what McCormick Seminary should give back to the community. [00:57:00] It got
a lot of media coverage, and in fact, in the end McCormick Seminary did
acquiesce to do -- I can’t remember exactly, but I know that in some way that sitin, that occupation was successful in that did rest some power from that
institution in the community.

JJ:

Were you inside or not?

LT:

Well, I had been in -- I didn’t occupy, no, I didn’t live in there. The occupy came
later, I was part of occupy in Las Vegas. Occupy Las Vegas, what better place to
occupy? (laughs) Occupy a casino. But, that’s what I remember, and that was
very important. And I think it kinda set an example that institutions in a
community have an obligation to support the interests of the people in the
community, not just like -- it was in fact walled off, it had this black wrought iron
fence all the way [00:58:00] around it. Do you remember? And kinda like tried to
be an isolated island in the community. And I think people showed that it couldn’t
be, it had to relate to the community it existed in.

JJ:

And you mentioned Manuel Ramos, what do you remember of that?

30

�LT:

Well, I was trying to rack my brain to understand. I think I must have met him at
least. I didn’t know him well, but I know that when we returned from Cuba, just
before May Day, that’s what we learned. In Cuba we heard nothing about what
was going on back in the States, I mean, we didn’t have cell phones or the
internet or anything like that. So, this is what we were told when we got back that
he had been killed by police, was it a police -- I don’t remember the details, but I
do remember the turnout, that it was just this very impressive -- there were
pictures that showed people like six abreast walking down the middle [00:59:00]
of the street, I don’t know if it was Division or what it was. But I remember that
occasion because it seemed so apropos to come back from Cuba and see this
massing of progressive people demonstrating against the kind of attacks that
police were pulling off. In fact, later when I actually held a nine to five job, I
worked on the Red Squad Spy suit, and a lot of the people who spied on activists
in Lincoln Park and elsewhere were -- the lawyers got special permission to do
not court reporters which were so expensive, but actually tape record the
depositions of these spies and I was one of the people who transcribed -- that’s
the first transcription job I ever -- transcribed those depositions. And I could see
people walk through the office at the Better Government [01:00:00] Association
to the conference room for their deposition and recognize me --

JJ:

These are police?

LT:

-- and I would recognize them.

JJ:

These are police, undercover police?

31

�LT:

Yeah. The Red Squad started I think in the ’30s and it initiated to spy on labor,
labor unions, infiltrate them, report to the police. It went through the Peace
Movement, the anti-war movement, the Civil Rights -- it was always there. And in
fact, I think Michael Moore had a movie that talks about that kind of infiltration of
cops going to meetings and everything. And people who -- when they’d walk
through to that conference room and I looked at them and they knew who I was
’cause they’d spied on me and a lot of other people, it was just kind of this feeling
like, “Well, we gotcha now. We know what you are. You’re not a progressive
person, you were a spy for the cops all this time.”

JJ:

So, you actually saw your name in the [01:01:00] files or --

LT:

Well, I was part -- oh yeah, I was part -- I have my file. Of course, when you get
your file, did you ever get your file, it’s all redacted, big black lines through
everything that would indicate who it was that was reporting this information
about you. And there was a cop who every time I came out of Montana Street
apartment, [Maury Daly?], he’d be sitting in an unmarked car, wave to me, follow
me wherever I went, you know, that kind of intimidation, it was just kinda -- some
of it was just silliness.

JJ:

So, you’re saying they were going to the meetings? What else would they do?

LT:

They came to meetings whether it was civil rights or community meetings or
whatever as if they were ordinary people. I don’t wanna name names.

JJ:

No, (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

LT:

And then once this --

JJ:

But can you describe some of the things that they were --

32

�LT:

Pardon?

JJ:

Can you describe some of the things they were doing?

LT:

Well, when they came to meetings and demonstrations, they didn’t stand out
from anybody else, you know, [01:02:00] it was a nice person, a teacher maybe
who claimed to believe in something and came and showed up with a sign or
whatever. But they were there to take names down, who was at the meeting,
who said what, that kinda stuff. And it happened all over the country, but we’re
familiar with it as the Red Squad suit. And back in the early ’80s, that was my job
at the BGA, I was transcribing those things and working solely on the suit. And
the files of people who were spied on and the spies were all stored there. So, I
could walk into the file room with dozens of file cabinets in it and my file was in
there, my Red Squad file. So, I was part of the class action.

JJ:

So, what about, is that COINTELPRO, is that the same thing or --

LT:

Not exactly. I mean, in a way it was [01:03:00] because there were other suits at
the same time.

JJ:

Can you describe COINTELPRO, what is that?

LT:

That was uncovered in the Percy Hearings I think, weren’t they, that it was a
national, run by the FBI especially. COINTELPRO was Counterintelligence
Program and they tracked the plot to kill Fred Hampton through COINTELPRO.
The Red Squad thing was a different thing, I really have no idea or recollection
how much of the local operation was influenced or mandated by national
COINTELPRO. I only know what happened here. And at the same time, we also
had a suit against military intelligence and the FBI, so different offices handled

33

�different aspects of the lawsuit. The Lawyers’ Committee to defend the Bill of
Rights I believe had the suit against the FBI and another organization, I can’t
remember which it was [01:04:00] that had the other part. So, I did a lot of the
typing of the brief for it. I mean, being a secretary had its advantages. I was also
the secretary in the Hampton civil suit and I still have the fly page from the
notebook that the People’s Law Office gave me. This was before computers. I
did it on my IBM Selectric typewriter, it was red. And they would come to my
house every night and sit around my dining room table and edit pages and I’d
have to go and cut and paste and put the document together. And the NACP
gave them a grant only for secretarial help like that. And so, before the lawyers
saw a penny, I was being paid, which I kinda felt bad about, but then again, I was
earning a living, but they didn’t get paid till the settlement [01:05:00] happened,
you know.
JJ:

And what were some of the things that came out in the trial, in the settlement?

LT:

Well, the documents were -- it was the complaint against the Chicago Red Squad
and it was incident after incident of evidence of police spying on people
exercising their constitutional rights, we hear a lot about constitutional rights
today, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and the police were harassing -many people lost jobs because they would go to your boss and say, “Did you
know that your employee did this or that?” It was a big thick thing, don’t ask me
to recite it.

JJ:

(inaudible)

LT:

(laughs) But it existed and I did that.

34

�JJ:

But I heard they sent letters to different people --

LT:

Pardon?

JJ:

-- to spouses, they sent letters or --

LT:

There were a lot of -- [01:06:00] I don’t remember exact circumstances.

JJ:

So, they weren’t just collecting information, they were --

LT:

No, they collected information, but they also caused problems for people, it was
an intimidation. I mean, telling your boss that your employee is a -- I don’t wanna
call names, you know, a communist or who the heck knows, that can get you
fired. So, it was harmful, many people suffered direct injury from it. But most of
the class were any people who were intimidated from participating by presence
and knowledge that the Red Squad was afoot, spying on you even though we
didn’t know exactly who it might be that was the spy. And not to build it up to
sound like international spies, but some of them were people who were firmly
against what we were doing, the [01:07:00] kind of causes we were involved in
whether it was peace, civil rights, anti-war, whatever. And some of them might
have been people who did it in exchange for cops dropping a charge that they
mighta had, somebody gets caught doing something they shouldn’t and they
said, “Are you willing to do this?” And they say, “Sure, I’ll do that. Just don’t
arrest me for whatever I did wrong.” They came to it in a lot of ways. So, yeah.

JJ:

And was this brought up like in court, like some of the --

LT:

Well, I actually never went to court, it was only the lawyers who went to court.

JJ:

No, but I mean this information that the Red Squad gathered, was it used against
individuals?

35

�LT:

For it to be --

JJ:

Or, if you know.

LT:

-- in their files, it meant that the whole police department could look up somebody
and know what they were about. And whether they wanted to harass people
individually like going to their bosses or spouses or whatever, [01:08:00] or
whether they wanted to sabotage the work of organizations, sometimes there’d
be agent provocateurs, they weren’t just reporting, they were suggesting things
that might be illegal to try to get people to do things they shouldn’t, so they could
be arrested. There was a whole array of dirty tricks that they did. And I only
mention it because from being a victim myself, although not harmed as much as
other people were, to being a person who could sit there and watch these spies
kind of be called [to just?], they were outed, suddenly the whole movement knew
who these people were. And just to be at that desk before the conference room
as they walked in and looked at me, and I looked at them as if to say, “Now, I
know who you really are.” [01:09:00]

JJ:

What about, did you hear anything about Reverend Bruce Johnson?

LT:

No. No.

JJ:

No?

LT:

I know I had met him when the Young Lords were in the church, but I knew
nothing about what went on there. Yeah.

JJ:

I said that because it happened just about a month and a half before Fred
Hampton’s death.

LT:

Really? Oh, it had happened before.

36

�JJ:

(overlapping conversation; inaudible)

LT:

I remember that it happened, but I knew nothing about the details.

JJ:

(overlapping conversation; dialogue) September 29th.

LT:

Did they ever find who did it?

JJ:

No, it actually is still a cold case.

LT:

Still a cold case.

JJ:

They haven’t found out who did it or --

LT:

No.

JJ:

-- I don’t think they want to find out.

LT:

Yeah. Were they trying to blame the Young Lords?

JJ:

The Young Lords were blamed, yes. I mean, they were at least insinuated.

LT:

Yeah. You know, through the years, you might have remembered the Lincoln
Park, oh what was it? Remember Dick Vision.

JJ:

Same thing.

LT:

Yeah. I remember [01:10:00] his -- ’cause that struggle was against urban
renewal in the community. And I was friends with Dick, in fact, I went up to -when my daughter was born, [Maya?], we took a trip up to British Columbia to
visit him and his wife and little daughter Revy for revolution, Revolutionary Hope,
it turns out her name was really Hope, but that’s what they called her, Revy. And
we stayed up there, talk about cold, I’m never going back in February to British
Columbia, but it was beautiful. Yeah, he was a good guy and then he went to
China to teach English in China and the last I heard he married a Chinese
woman, I think he’s still there. Yeah.

37

�JJ:

(inaudible) recently (inaudible), but that’s another issue.

LT:

Have we covered everything?

JJ:

What else, what do you think (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

F2:

I think it was pretty complete.

JJ:

It was pretty complete. [01:11:00] How about the People’s Law Office that you -whatever you called it?

LT:

Well, I worked with the People's Law Office on the Hampton suit.

JJ:

(inaudible)

LT:

I mean, I typed the complaint for it and it was the, as I said the NACP who paid
for that. Yes, I was close, I mean Flint and Jeff and Jeff wrote a wonderful book,
The Assassination of Fred Hampton which I have an autographed copy of. And I
still sometimes check Chicago papers and Flint’s still involved in fighting for
justice on all kinds of fronts. And now a big thing is the Innocence Projects, all
over the country. When I worked at the BGA, the guy who started it at
Northwestern, David Protess, I worked in the same office with him and then he
went on to start the Innocence Project at Northwestern, and now they’re
everywhere, there’s even an Innocence Project in Las Vegas. So, I think that’s a
[01:12:00] great thing, trying to fight for freedom of people wrongly incarcerated.

JJ:

So, what do you think were the main -- the most important aspect of that era, that
(inaudible)?

LT:

Of the era. I think it was always, there had to be the fight against racism
because no matter where you turned, that was very central to a struggle, yeah. I
remember later I worked with an organization that had a newspaper called

38

�Frontline, On the “Frontline Against War and Racism,” that those were the twin
kind of anchors of the progressive movement and they really were. When you
talk about U.S. military intervention in Central America, that’s the war aspect and
as well as racism, the idea that the United States Government could dictate to
other countries how they should govern their countries and things like that.
[01:13:00]
JJ:

Now, you went in the church several time or --

LT:

Oh yeah, I’d be in the church.

JJ:

What was it like, can you describe -- to you, what was it like to you?

LT:

Pardon?

JJ:

What was it like to you?

LT:

It was like a church. I don’t know. (laughs) I remember I was there when you
had the clinic in the church, I remember visiting the clinic, I remember you had a
breakfast for children program. Yeah, that’s the parts that I remember. But
mostly I remember that it was just this -- in the community, the activists in the
community. ’Cause at the People’s Information Center, we had a breakfast
program, at the church on Diversey, there was the Fritzi Engelstein, Free
People’s Health Clinic and the mural is still there on that church. And it just
made the whole larger community [01:14:00] so much more -- these progressive
aspects so visible whether you are an Armitage or a Diversey or Halsted or
whatever, you got the impression that there were progressive people doing good
stuff in this community.

JJ:

A base like (inaudible).

39

�LT:

Yeah, it was a base. Of course, you know what urban renewal did to that. And
when I would drive down Halsted and see the fancy expensive housing that was
built on People’s Park or whatever, it almost makes you wonder, did all that other
stuff really happen, you know, when you see it so transformed. But it was a
special era, and I don’t see -- I haven’t seen anything like it since then. I think it
was very unique, it was, people had a sense of power that they could do stuff
and [01:15:00] I don’t see it that way now. There’s so much separateness
between the environmental movement or the anti-war movement or the anti-nuke
movement or whatever. Some activists circulate among all of them, but there’s
no coming together, the kind of coalition that worked in Lincoln Park and around
Chicago then.

JJ:

Now, in terms of the Women’s Movement, how did that fit in?

LT:

I was probably less active in the Women’s Movement than I was in any of the
other stuff. And it’s ironic because a new movie’s coming out that -- did you ever
know my friend Ethan Young?

JJ:

You know, I heard his name, yeah.

LT:

Yeah? He’s a writer, he’s in New York, he lives in Brooklyn and his wife Mary
Dore has just collaborated with another filmmaker to make this wonderful movie
about the Women’s Movement in the ’70s, which was really -- I mean the
Women’s Movement didn’t just start then, it’s been going since before [01:16:00]
suffragettes, you know. But it’s really great ’cause there are a lot of Chicago
faces in it, I’ve seen the trailer for it. It’s called, She’s Beautiful When She’s
Angry. And that’s the name of the film, and it should be out within a month. But I

40

�wasn’t as active in that as I was in whether it was Cuba or breakfast program or
all the other stuff that was going on in the community.
JJ:

Was there any work being done at all?

LT:

Pardon?

JJ:

You said there was a women’s group.

LT:

Oh, there was, oh, yes, I just wasn’t as active in it myself personally.

JJ:

Okay.

LT:

Yeah. Oh, yes, they were very much, yeah. If you kinda keep a tabs on it and
Google the movie, when it comes out, you watch it online and you’ll see, “Oh,
there’s so and so.” You’ll know faces. It’s a good thing.

JJ:

Okay, we’re kinda tapering down, but any final thoughts?

LT:

Not really. I just think that there’s always something to be done, maybe -- it’s
kinda like in an electoral campaign, not everybody can walk and knock doors, not
everybody can cold call people in a phone bank. But people can write letters to
the editor, people can make comments online articles, people can individually
find a demonstration to go to or a forum to attend or a donation to make. There’s
always something people can do to strengthen that movement and they should
do it.

JJ:

All right. Thank you.

LT:

You’re welcome.
End Of Audio File

41

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