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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Omar López
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 8/23/2012

Biography and Description
English
Omar López was Minister of Information for the Young Lords. He was born in Mexico and first came to
Chicago in 1958, settling in the Humboldt Park Neighborhood where he has lived ever since. He first met
some Young Lords in Lincoln Park when they were hanging out on the streets as a local Puerto Rican
street gang. When the Young Lords transformed themselves officially on September 23, 1968 into a
human rights movement, he saw them once again. This time those same young men were providing
security for José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez and Fred Hampton (of the Black Panther Party) who were speaking
together at Loop Jr. College where Omar a student and fighting for student rights and bilingual
education. Mr. López joined the Young Lords in 1969. In 1973, he founded the Mexican Teachers
Organization.Mr. López continues to work actively on behalf of Latino and immigrant rights. In 2006, he
ran as a Green Party candidate for the House of Representatives in Illinois, 4th District. That same year,
on March 10, he convened one of the largest mass demonstrations on behalf of working class immigrant
rights in U.S. history.

�Mr. López continues to be proactive in the Humboldt Park area, with immigrant rights, the Latin
American Defense Organization (LADO), and the Young Lords. He is the Executive Director of CALOR, a
clinic that especially serves Latinos affected by HIV/AIDS and other diseases.

Spanish
Omar López era el Ministro de Información para los Young Lords. Nació en México y llego a chicago en
1958, estableándose en el vecindario de Humboldt Park donde sigue viviendo. El primero conoció
alguien de los Young Lords en Lincoln Park cuando estaban en las calles como una ganga puertorriqueña.
López los vio de nuevo cuando los Young Lords se transformaron, oficialmente en el 23 de Septiembre
de 1958, de in ganga a un movimiento de los derechos humanos. Esta vez los jóvenes estaban
protegiendo a José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez y Fred Hampton (del Black Panther Party) quien estaban
hablando juntos en Loop Jr. College donde López estaba peleando por los derechos de los estudiantes y
educación bilingüe. López se hizo parte de los Young Lords en 1969. En 1973 el fundo el Mexican
Teachers Organization.
Señor López continúa trabajando por los derechos de Latinos y emigrantes. En 2006, el corrió por el
Green Party como candidato para la Case de Representantes de Illinois, del 4th distrito. El 10 de Marzo
del mismo año el reunió una de la más grandes demonstraciones, de gente que luchaban por los
derechos de los inmigrantes de clase obrera, en la historia de los Estados Unidos. López continua siendo
proactivo en la aria de Humboldt Park, derechos para inmigrantes, la “Latin American Defense
Organization (LADO), y los Young Lords. El es el director ejecutivo de CALOR, una clínica para Latinos que
han sido afectados por HIV/AIDS u otras enfermedades.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Okay, Omar, if you can give me your full name and your date of

birth and where you were born.
OMAR LOPEZ:

Okay. My name is Omar Lopez. I was born in San Luis Potosí,

Mexico. I was born on February the second, 1945.
JJ:

Okay. And then where is San --

OL:

San Luis Potosí, San Luis Potosí, is a central state in the Republic of Mexico. It’s
about a four hour drive north of Mexico City, so it’s right in the heart of the
Mexican Republic.

JJ:

What is it? Is it a rural area or?

OL:

I was born in n San Luis Potosí, so it’s already established city, but it was
established because there was a lot of mines during the Spaniards, a lot of
mines. So that’s why it was established there.

JJ:

Gold mines or --

OL:

It was silver mines.

JJ:

Silver mines.

OL:

Silver mines. [00:01:00] And so that’s how San Luis became a city. That’s
where it was the cabecera, the head of the municipality. When I was born, I
seem to remember that the population was like three quarters of a million people,
but now it’s much, much bigger. But at that time, my family had moved into one
of those, they call ’em colonias, the neighborhood that was at the fringe of the
city. I mean, I could walk two blocks and I was already out in the open field. And

1

�when I look at it, in retrospect, that was a transition between country and city.
People were still farmers, but they were making the transition between becoming
farmers and becoming city dwellers. So a lot of the -- I [00:02:00] used to see a
lot of wagons being pulled by mules. They had alfalfa and other things. So it
was very interesting, very beautiful. As a matter of fact, from what I remember,
beautiful transitional neighborhood. It was really nice. My father was a railroad
man.
JJ:

What was his name?

OL:

My father’s name was Facundo López Martinez.

JJ:

Okay. And he was a railroad man?

OL:

He was a railroad man. He worked in the railroad, all of his adult life. I think he
started probably about 19 years of age, immediately after the revolution. He was
born in 1892. So when the Mexican Revolution started, he was 18. So he was
recruited right away and he was recruited by the government. So he was from
the state of Guanajuato. And the troops that he was with traveled the way to
Acapulco [00:03:00] Guerrero, state of Guerrero, way south. But then at that
time, a group of them were not happy. So they all deserted. They deserted from
the federal troops and they joined the Zapatistas.

JJ:

So he deserted?

OL:

He deserted with --

JJ:

And joined the Zapatistas?

OL:

And they joined the Zapatistas. And he did that. Of course, that group, the
objective was to get back into Mexico City. They worked themselves back into

2

�Mexico City. So he saw part of, he participated in the Mexican Revolution, but
since a very young age, he became a railroad person. He worked at the
railroads until the day he died. That neighborhood again, was also populated by
a lot of railroad people because San Luis being right in the center of Mexico, at
the time [00:04:00] the whole network of trains, they all practically had to go
through that city. So it was a railroad town. And consequently, it was also a
labor town. Their union was very strong there, and there was always fights and
things. But that was the neighborhood where I grew up.
JJ:

And your mom, what was her name?

OL:

My mother’s name was Maria Rosario Zacarias Vida de Lopez.

JJ:

Vida de Lopez?

OL:

Well, I mean, she became Vida de when my father passed away. So most of my
life I knew her as Vida de Lopez.

JJ:

They used it --

OL:

Yeah, that’s a full, that’s like the official thing when you, but her name was Maria
Rosario. She came from a family. Her last name, maiden name was Zacarias.
And [00:05:00] Zacarias is kind of strange last name. So when I started asking, it
turns out that there probably somewhere way in the back, it was a Lebanese, it’s
a Lebanese last name. So then my mother’s father was a--

JJ:

His name?

OL:

My grandfather. My grandfather was a--

JJ:

What was his name?

3

�OL:

His name was Jesus Zacarias. Jesus Zacarias. He was an administrator for one
of the haciendas in San Luis. So my mother grew up in one of those haciendas.

JJ:

And what is a haciendas? [00:05:30]

OL:

An hacienda, that was sort of like the unit. It was the property that landowners
over the time had. And then they had workers, agricultural workers, and they
cultivated, I guess different things. And from what I [00:06:00] understand, the
hacienda was called Jesus Maria. They grew a lot of maguey for mezcal and I
assume, probably not tequila, but mezcal and other crops. But my grandfather
was just the administrator. He was a good administrator. And so my mother
grew up in Jesus Maria San Luis Potosi. And then she moved to a little town
called Río Laja in the state of Guanajuato, which is right next to San Luis. And it
happened that the train that my father used to work on, used to pass by Río Laja.
How my father started eyeing my mother, she was, must’ve been about sixteen,
seventeen, eighteen, something like that. And that’s how their romance started.
So eventually they got married, [00:07:00] and that’s how we got here. I’m the
last of eight in the family. There’s three males.

JJ:

What are some of their names, your siblings?

OL:

So we’re three males and five females. So the males are Hector Xavier, Efraim,
Obed, Hazael, and myself, Omar, my sisters are Deborah, Priscilla, and Noemi.

JJ:

Are any of them here or any?

OL:

One of them still lives in Chicago, and two of them never lived in the United
States. They stayed in Mexico. And that’s where they are. They’re still living in
Mexico.

4

�JJ:

And what are they involved in? What type of work do they do?

OL:

Well, actually they just became housewives. They got married. One of my
sisters did live in the United States for a while because my brother-in-law was a
doctor, a medical doctor, and came to Maryland to [00:08:00] specialize in
neuropsychology, neurosiquiatría, neuropsychiatry. And then he went back. And
that’s like in the very early 1960s and ever since then, they stayed in Mexico.
The other sister married, my brother-in-law was like an accountant. So he
always worked in either banks or what they called seguridad social, social
security, in Mexico until he retired.

JJ:

Okay. And so you came to Chicago what year?

OL:

I came to Chicago in 1958 to stay. We came in 1957, stayed for six months. We
went back, that was in 1957. We came in February, 1957 for the first time, just
for vacation. I had my oldest brother and my oldest sister were already here, and
they wanted us to come and visit. And since my father was [00:09:00] a railroad
man.

JJ:

And when did they arrive, your oldest brother?

OL:

Oh, my brother was the first one that came to Chicago in 1949. He was 19 years
of age, and he came illegally.

JJ:

Do you know where he settled?

OL:

He settled, oh, the address that I remember was the 1500 block south of Harding
in Illinois. Now it’s a primarily African-American community. It’s in North
Lawndale. It’s in North Lawndale area. That’s the one address I remember.

JJ:

And you were saying your father was a railroad man?

5

�OL:

Yeah, because my father was a railroad man we could travel free. He would get
passes, railroad passes. So we used to take the train from San Luis Potosi and
we ended up in Chicago. We didn’t even have to get off the train. So well in San
Antonio we had to--

JJ:

From there to here, it was the same train?

OL:

Yeah, all we had to do was transfer in San Antonio. But it was --

JJ:

[00:10:00] Did you need documentation or anything like that?

OL:

Oh yeah. But when you cross Laredo, then you had to go through customs.

JJ:

Okay. And that was set up?

OL:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay. All right.

OL:

So that was in February of 1957. We went back to Mexico in August of 1957,
and we didn’t think we were coming back. But then my father passed away in
January of 1958. And when my brothers that were already living in Chicago, for
the funeral, they decided that I had to come with them. That I’d be better off if I
came with them. So I arrived here in January of 1958.

JJ:

Okay.

OL:

Yeah. Ever since then I’ve been here in Chicago.

JJ:

Where did you live at?

OL:

When we came, it was the very first time is 1829 North Humboldt Boulevard.

JJ:

Okay.

OL:

That was in 1957.

JJ:

Humboldt Park.

6

�OL:

Yeah, Humboldt Park. I’ve always been a Humboldt Park resident [00:11:00]
since, ever since I came from Mexico, 1958.

JJ:

Since 1958. Okay. Now what were you doing just before you got here? What
type of work?

OL:

Before I came to Chicago?

JJ:

Yeah.

OL:

I was a student. I was in grammar school.

JJ:

Okay, you were in grammar school.

OL:

In grammar school, yeah.

JJ:

All right, so now you’re living in Humboldt Park at that time.

OL:

We came to the Humboldt Park.

JJ:

How was the community?

OL:

The community in Humboldt Park was all primarily white. We were probably one
of two families that were Mexican. There was a lot of Norwegians. As a matter
of fact, the building where we came to live was owned by man, I think his last
name was [Skomba?], but he was of Norwegian descent. On Humboldt
Boulevard, right around the 1600 block there was sort of like the YMCA was
Norwegian-American YMCA, but it was just like an association, youth
association. [00:12:00] And there was a lot of Ukrainians and Polish people that I
remember.

JJ:

So right around that area.

OL:

Yeah.

JJ:

I mean, what about Western and in that area?

7

�OL:

All of that was white.

JJ:

Was white.

OL:

All of that was white in 1958.

JJ:

In 1958.

OL:

In 1958, all of that was white. One day I went to school, there was no bilingual
education, so I should have been going to high school when I came from Mexico,
but they put me in fifth grade because I didn’t understand English. So see, they
used to equate not speaking English with being ignorant. So they said, “Well,
this guy doesn’t speak English. He probably belongs in a lower grade,” but in
areas such as like math, I was way ahead of all of the students. But the school
was all white. There was a couple of students that were--

JJ:

What school was [00:13:00] it?

OL:

Yates. Yates Elementary in Richmond, in Wabansia. I went there and I
graduated from there. And since they put me back several grades in 1958, I
went to summer school to at Wells High School to get double promoted so I
could catch up. And then by the time I got to high school--

JJ:

Was that common with people doing that?

OL:

Well, a lot of the guys that were going to summer school was because they were
failing. I was going there because I needed to take additional courses so I could
move up. But it is interesting because that’s where I began to have a little more
contact with Puerto Ricans when I went to summer school at Wells, and they
were coming from other schools.

8

�JJ:

So it was a white community, but the summer school was full of Spanish
speakers.

OL:

They had a lot of Spanish speakers, but they were coming from a different area.
They were coming from the southeast end [00:14:00] because that’s where the
families were around Chicago Avenue, Ashland, Noble. That way.

JJ:

Okay. That was Chicago Noble in that area, right?

OL:

Yeah. Okay. That’s where they came from. I mean, I came from the other
extreme, which is Humboldt Park, but that’s where I started to have contact with--

JJ:

This is in 1958, so they’re coming from Chicago and Noble around 1958.

OL:

Nineteen-fifty eight, 1959, right, 1960. So that was my first contact with Puerto
Ricans. Well, no, actually, there was one student in Yates that was Puerto
Rican, but I think he was born in Chicago and didn’t speak a lot of Spanish. They
put me in the same room with him because he was supposed to help me
translate, but he didn’t speak Spanish very good. So it was not much help, but it
was nice to have been with him. His name was [Joe Ortiz?]. [00:15:00] But yes,
so summer school was sort of the first contact that I had with Puerto Rican, 1959,
1960, 1961. And of course, when I went to high school the first year, then there
was really a lot more Latino Mexicans and Puerto Ricans there. So that was in
essence, the group that I started to hang around.

JJ:

So the neighborhood is changing over now slowly, right, into Latino or because
it’s Humboldt Park. I mean, today is like the heart of, or not today, but not so
long ago, it was the heart of the --

OL:

The Puerto Rican community.

9

�JJ:

So it starts to change in the 1960s, is that what?

OL:

In the 1960s it starts changing because, and the movement was coming from the
east, coming West.

JJ:

So from the [Main?] and that coming west.

OL:

Right, right. [00:16:00] I think that when they built Carl Sandberg Village, a lot of
’em went to Lincoln Park. A lot of the families that were displaced, and a lot of
’em went towards Humboldt Park and this area. So I think that was that kind of
shift, demographic shift going on because of urban renewal. So again, high
school was where I began to have a lot more contact with Puerto Ricans.

JJ:

Now, was there any youth groups among the ethnic groups, the white ethnic
communities?

OL:

There were, especially when I got into high school. Well, when I was in grammar
school, we used to get some of this youth groups incursions. I was-- [00:17:00]
just came from Mexico. I was brand new. I didn’t understand the concept of a
gang, but that’s what it was. Gangs were coming into the neighborhood, and
they were mostly from the areas of Western and Chicago Avenue. There was a
group that was called Chi-West, and they had cars. So they would come into the
neighborhood and harass some of the young guys. And since I was totally alien
to the concept of gangs, and I used to tell the guys, “Come on, let’s go at ’em.”
And they were afraid. I couldn’t understand why. Even in high school, I wanted
to get people together too, because there was, in high school, there were more
gangs that were mostly Italian and they were Polish, also.

JJ:

In Wells?

10

�OL:

No, Wells was summer school. When I went to high school at Tuley High
School, Tuley High School. And that’s where they were [00:18:00] more youth.
They were Italians and they were rough. But because at the time the Puerto
Rican youth was just beginning to select structure itself, also in groups. And then
that’s where several groups began to grow, at least in my area. In my area,
around the early 1960s, we used to have the Latin Angels. That was one of
them. And for a while, there was the--

JJ:

Latin Angels was a Puerto Rican group.

OL:

There was a Puerto Rican group, the Latin Angels, Puerto Rican, and then there
was the Trojans. They were there. There was one group that came and went
there. It was called the [409ers?].

JJ:

So they were beginning to form?

OL:

Yeah, to form.

JJ:

Because actually, I believe the Latin Angels were even before the Kings at the--

OL:

Oh, yeah, yeah. The Latin Angels were [00:19:00] in the early 1960s. Early
1960s. And I used to know a lot of them because--

JJ:

And they were on Division Street. That was their--

OL:

Yeah, that’s how I came in contact with ’em, because I got a job at a hot dog
stand and that hot dog stand on Division and Maplewood used to be sort of like
the focus, even before the Latin Angels, the Puerto Ricans that I began to hang
around with were from that corner. And it was like from that hot dog stand that
we would take off to go into fights. Either we went to Humboldt--Division and
Kedzie or anywhere else, but we used to get together. And after the fight, that’s

11

�where we used to come back right there. So that hot dog stand. So I knew a lot
of them.
JJ:

We used to go there because we were friends with the Latin Angels.

OL:

[00:20:00] Angels. Okay. Well, I think that also my first contact or my first
knowledge of the Young Lords--

JJ:

Because actually all the Latino gangs were kind of together at the time. There
was a more racial--

OL:

Yeah, because I don’t know, you remember that the YMCA used to bring us all
together at the Duncan YMCA?

JJ:

Exactly.

OL:

All the groups used to come in there. There wasn’t that kind of friction that there
is today. But the first contact I had with my knowledge of the Young Lords was
also through a hillbilly. Kenny Smith was his name, and Kenny Smith was white.
And one time we were driving around Western, I had a 1952 Mercury, four door.
Four doors was important because they could come in and out quick. And we’re
driving around Western and Rice, [00:21:00] Chopin school, and that’s where the
Chi-West people were, Chi-West. And of course, they yelled at us and they
chased us. And Kenny Smith was all offended. I says, “Oh man, let’s go get my
friends.” He said “Who are your friends?” And I said, “Well, the Young Lords
here on,” he wanted me to drive him to Armitage and just east of Halsted, there
was a playground burning. That’s where they hanging around. He wanted me to
go get ’em. That was sort my first knowledge of the Young Lords. But on this

12

�side, it was the Latin Angels, this where they used that corner. They used to
come around that hot dog stand.
JJ:

And then Levitt and Schiller, you had the Kings, where they started.

OL:

Well, then later on, the Levitt and Schiller was where the Kings really were born.
Levitt and Schiller. It was right next to a school.

JJ:

Wasn’t there a group called the Young Centers?

OL:

[00:22:00] They were the Young Sinners.

JJ:

Was the Young Sinners, right?

OL:

Yeah, yeah. Kings. Yeah. Then there was Hispanic Lords.

JJ:

Spanish Lords were further up there.

OL:

Yeah.

JJ:

So they kind of all formed around the same time. And they all got along at that
time.

OL:

At the time, yeah. At the time, there was not a problem between gangs. And I
think that the fact was that families were moving into those neighborhoods, so
they were brand new. And what I always say is that the young people were the
ones that were carving out safe spaces for Latino-- for their families to move in,
because the adults, the parents, they were busy working, but the youth were the
ones that really had the scrimmages with the other ethnic gangs. And that was, I
see it as a process of carving out the neighborhoods for [00:23:00] for families.
And that was going on everywhere. Everywhere where Latino families were
moving in. And you could go back and see it happening around 55th and
Emerald. You had the Emerald Knights over there, and you had, there was

13

�another one, the Latin Souls. It happened in Lincoln Park with the Young Lords,
the Black Eagles.
JJ:

Flaming Arrows.

OL:

Right. Paragons. The (inaudible).

JJ:

(inaudible)

OL:

So those were the youth groups that were, in essence, whether they knew it or
not, they were once carving out those neighborhoods for the families and on this
side, things like the Latin Angels, and then later the Latin Kings and the other
groups that organized.

JJ:

So when you say carving out, [00:24:00] why did they have to carve out? I
mean, what?

OL:

Well, for example, the displacement that was going on around the city through
urban renewal was really pushing or really creating a shift in the population. So
Latino families were moving into neighborhoods, not because they wanted to,
you know, but because they had to. And it usually had to move into
neighborhoods that were already an ethnic neighborhood. In the Humboldt Park
area, I think it was primarily Polish, Ukrainian, Italian. And those ethnic groups
were already established. But when the Latino families, in this case, the Puerto
Rican families begin to move in and start pushing, then the friction begins. And
so then you will hear a lot of stories from young, well, today will be old people,
but when they were young that they had [00:25:00] problems just going to school.
They always talk about, “I had to run to school and run back home.” But that’s
what was happening. And so even some of the guys that had to run to school

14

�and run back, at one point or another got together and they formed their groups
to defend themselves and in that defense that’s when they were beginning to
carve out that neighborhood for themselves.
JJ:

And what about organization wise and businesses, when did they start coming
in?

OL:

Division Street was really hopping in the 1960s. By 1963, 1964, I mean, you had
Puerto Ricans living, at least from Damen all the way to California. That was so-[00:26:00] practically all Puerto Rican. And because there was that wave of new
Puerto Rican families coming into the city. So they were moving into
neighborhoods like Division Street. And so because of that, there was a lot of
mercados. There was a lot of grocery stores on the corners, and they were real
good businessmen. They really bloomed in terms of business, furniture stores,
clothing stores, jewelry--jewelry stores. I mean, you had all of it on Division
Street, [carons?], social clubs, so all along Division Street, you had that. And you
had people on the street every day, all day, twenty-four hours a day. I mean, it
was really a street that was busy and hopping, and a lot of things were going on
Division Street. So there was a strong business community, [00:27:00] a strong
business community that I began to see. And again, looking at it in retrospect,
right around the middle of 1960s, late 1960s, a lot of those businessmen that
were successful, they began to go back to Puerto Rico. So then they began to,
as they left, they created a vacuum in the community in terms of business. And
so the mercados were beginning to disappear and access to food and things was
beginning to change. Then you had to go to National, because that was the big

15

�supermarket. Then what we have Jewel today, that was National then. But that
was a vacuum then.
JJ:

So why do you think they left? I mean, at that time?

OL:

I think that because they were very successful, they were all businessmen, and
they knew [00:28:00] how to save. And when they were ready, they moved with
everything. A lot of them opened up their businesses in Puerto Rico.

JJ:

Because that was their intention, basically.

OL:

Their intention, I think, was, yeah, to come, make money and then go back and
they did. A lot of ’em stayed, but Division Street was not the same once all of
this group of businessmen began to pick up and go. I think it suffered
economically, the community suffered economically because of that. The money
wasn’t staying in the community anymore. The money was going up, people had
to shop elsewhere. But I think it was very strong economically. There were jobs,
Puerto Ricans were working, they were all employed, but at the same time that
the adults were moving in and finding jobs and struggling, and [00:29:00] the
young people were going to school, what I said, carving out the neighborhood
with the scrimmages, with the other ethnic gangs, and saw the relationship
between the youth and the police was the one that was really tense. And we
adults too, but not adults as much, because they were at work eight hours a day.
But the young people were on the streets all the time, and they were getting
harassed constantly by the police. I insist that during those days, the police
department didn’t have the requirements that they have today to become a
policeman. And so a lot, the former gang members from other ethnic groups

16

�became policemen. So they weren’t going to be very nice to Puerto Rican gangs
when the friction was still going on between their former gang and the new gangs
that were popping up in the neighborhood. So the harassment was really intense
[00:30:00] everywhere. Everywhere. It wasn’t just on Division, it was on the
South Side. It was in Lincoln Park. So the young people were really developing
this very antagonistic relationship with the police department. And then you had
the adults, they had their organizations too.
JJ:

What were some of these groups?

OL:

You talk about the Los Caballeros de San Juan, [Posta Boricua?], (Spanish), the
Catholic Church was pretty active then. So you had the Cardinals Committee for
Spanish speaking people. So the adults were working at establishing not
legitimate, but acceptable organizations. And they were working at establishing
the [00:31:00] community as an acceptable community to the city government,
for example. And I think that the adults, all the work that they did, all the
organizing that they did paid off. And even they had two factions going at the
time. The [Posta Boricua?] was on one side, the Puerto Rican Congress and
others were on the other side, but they decided to come together. The
Caballeros de San Juan used to have their parade every year, but they came
together and they decided to have one parade downtown. And for them, that
was a symbol of acceptance and credibility before the eyes of the entire city. So
they succeeded. They were successful in that sense. They established that, and
they had in 1966, their first Puerto Rican parade [00:32:00] downtown. But it
happened that at the same time, the youth were being harassed and all this

17

�friction was building up that when there was an incident between the policeman
and a young man that was shot, I think he was shot in the foot or something like
that. Everything blew up. And people couldn’t explain that. Why -- I mean, they
just had to parade downtown and now they’re having a riot. And it was that
because it was two parallel developments in the community; the youth that was
being harassed by the police, the youth that was fighting, having scrimmages to,
like I said, carving out a safe space for the families, and the adults that were
going to work, trying to establish conventional organizations. It was parallel. And
the youth, when they exploded, they exploded. They were a lot more impactful in
the community. So in 1966, [00:33:00] after a Sunday, I believe it was June 14,
the riots began.
JJ:

The youth got shot you said?

OL:

He was shot, the police --

JJ:

Aracelis or something?

OL:

Aracelis -- I forgot last name. I’ll remember in a minute. Cruz. Aracelis Cruz.
So police began, I mean the people began to protest what had happened there.
And since everybody was out because of the Parade and because it was a
celebration, there was a lot of people out in the street. And I think the police not
being experienced seeing crowds like this, they called in the K-9 unit. So they
brought out the dogs, and I think the dogs did bit some people, and [00:34:00]
that was the end. I think Puerto Ricans, and I think other Latinos, have some
very specific ideas about their self. And I think if a human being strikes you, it’s
understandable. There’s another one, you’re fighting and someone hits you, but

18

�when someone with a dog comes and has the dog bite you and attack you, it’s a
dog. You’re being attacked by dog. I think that had a lot to do. Bringing the
dogs out had a lot to do with how the community understood how they were
being seen by the police. And I think that was very offensive. Very offensive to
the community. But again, I think it was the youth that kept three days [00:35:00]
and three nights of rioting, not the adults. The adults were trying to calm
everything down. The established organizations were on the street every day,
like the Caballeros San Juan. They were out trying to calm things down. The
youth, I mean, this I think was the first time that the youth could strike back at
that entity that always harassed them without having to be arrested or without
paying the consequences. So the bottles and the stones and the sticks and
everything -- that they flew for three days and three nights. And the youth being
very mobile, you could see them on Maple and Division now, and two minutes
later, they were three blocks away. And so it was that kind of movement. It was
obvious that it was the youth. And I think from the [00:36:00] East side, Damen
and Division, there was a group there that kept it going. But then on the West
side, let’s say from California and Division, there was another group, and I think
that was the beginning of the Kings, the Latin Kings, were -- there was a group
that kept it going on this side. So that happened three days and three nights.
And I think that affected also a lot, affected the businessmen a lot.
JJ:

How did it affect the business?

19

�OL:

Well, I think that they had a very negative reaction. And I don’t know, maybe
thinking about it, maybe that’s one thing that helped to make a decision to move
back to Puerto Rico because this was 1966.

JJ:

Because some of their businesses were destroyed.

OL:

And I think that that was one negative aspect of the riot. Of any riot. Any riot.
[00:37:00] You can understand striking at authorities that harass you and
oppress you, but then a line is crossed where you begin to loot businesses,
break windows and steal from the businesses. And I think that’s the other
extreme of the riot.

JJ:

How did the city respond? Mayor Richard J. Daley was the mayor.

OL:

Yeah. Well, Mayor Daley, he wasn’t ready -- the city wasn’t ready for a Puerto
Rican riot. They were ready for an African-American riot. That’s what they were
expecting when the summer came, but this was June, so they weren’t ready.
And of course, they did the regular thing of sending police and trying to find the
leadership that would calm things down. [00:38:00] There was a lot of meetings
going on there between the established leadership and the city. The youth
though, was the one that was pushing for changes. And I think that one of the
things that came out of it, it’s interesting that the height of -- the height
requirement for policemen to be policemen was too high for -- the young kids felt
that for Puerto Ricans in this case, or Hispanics, that’s why they said that was the
reason why you didn’t have a lot of policemen because they were all too short.
So the mayor had to lower the height requirements so that Hispanics could join

20

�the police force. That was one of the demands that came from the community.
But the mayor also-JJ:

So a group of people got together and wrote a demand?

OL:

A group of people got together and they [00:39:00] drew up a whole series of
demands.

JJ:

What sort of groups were involved with that?

OL:

Well, it’s interesting because there was a lot of the representation from the youth
groups were there.

JJ:

So the youth were involved?

OL:

Yes. And they were the ones that were coming up with some of the demands.
But the mayor responded by forming a commission to study the situation in the
Puerto Rican community. And of course, they came out with a lot of
recommendations they had to do with the youth-- employment, education,
housing, health. I mean, in all of them it was falling short, the city was falling
short. So recommendations came out to start addressing those problems. Out
of the riots came a series of recommendations. For the first time, they opened
up [00:40:00] what they used to call the Urban Progress Centers, and they
opened the first Urban Progress Center in the Latino community, was on Division
and Damen. And the first director was Samuel Betances. And at the time, he
was a young man that wanted also to be involved in doing some things. And I
think he was already employed by the city at the time. Later on, he went to
Boston and went to Harvard and got a PhD. And today he’s an authority on
diversity training, and he’s done diversity training all over the world. But that was

21

�the first director of the Urban Progress Center. And there are all the things that
came out of it. But the one thing that came out of it that was almost like new to
the Latino community was advocacy groups [00:41:00] that demanded things for
the community.
JJ:

What were some of these advocacy groups?

OL:

Well, then out of the riots came SACC, the Spanish Action Committee of
Chicago. There was another group that ABC, The Allies for a Better Community,
and also the Latin American Defense Organization, LADO. And I think that of the
three, LADO was the more militant group that always, out of the principles of
action that they had, this is the last resource is going to be direct action. Well,
after they would exhaust all the other means, they always ended up taking
actions and picketing, demonstrating, marches. But it was something that the
Latino community in Chicago wasn’t used to yet. This kind of activity, I call it
advocacy, the demonstrations [00:42:00] and demanding services. So this also
came out, I think, out of the riots, this new approach to the problems of the
community. That was 1966.

JJ:

Now, going a little further than 1966, what were you doing after that?

OL:

Well, by 1966, I already had been married, and I had a daughter. As a matter of
fact, my six months in high school, I was already married, and I had my daughter
a month after I graduated from high school. So then after high school, I had to
go to work. I stopped working at the hot dog stand, got a job. I had to go get a
job that would pay me a little more. I had a daughter by that time. So I went to
[00:43:00] work at Western Electric. A lot of Puerto Ricans were working at

22

�Western Electric. I met a lot of ’em there. As a matter of fact, my friends that we
used to hang around together on Maplewood and Division, they were there. My
family, there was three or four of my-- two of my brothers worked there. So
Western Electric used to employ a lot of Latinos. So I was working there.
JJ:

Is this Western Electric South or no?

OL:

Western Electric was on Cermak and Cicero.

JJ:

Right, right.

OL:

Yeah. So that was in 1966. I graduated in 1964, so it was already two years.
And it was interesting because my wife and I decided that we were going to
continue going to school one way or the other.

JJ:

What was your wife’s name?

OL:

My wife at the time was Ada Lopez. Ada Lopez was the daughter of Graciano
Lopez, who was the first president of the Puerto Rican Parade Committee.

JJ:

[00:44:00] That’s right, I remember.

OL:

But we had decided that we were going to continue school. So we started going
to Loop City College, which is now Harold Washington college, part time at night,
just taking one class here, one class there. So we still continued going to school,
but being very active by (inaudible), we were founding members of LADO. So
we were doing a lot of the work also in terms of community organizing. We
started doing a lot of that. In LADO also we had people that were draft resistors,
for example, we had Sijisfredo Avilés, I think he was the first Puerto Rican draft
resistor. He went to jail for it. He served time because he refused to go to the

23

�Army, to serve in the Army. [00:45:00] So there was all this kind of activity going
on.
JJ:

Who were some of the other players in LADO?

OL:

Well, in LADO, the founding members were, first of all, my brother Obed. There
was a young Afro-Puerto Rican that was actually one of the organizers with
Martin Luther King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference. His name was,
[Andres?]--and I don’t remember the last name, but he was part of it. Another
young student, Puerto Rican student at Tuley High School was [Miguel?]. Man,
I’m forgetting all those names. Miguel. He was also part of it. My ex-wife, Ada,
myself, [00:46:00] Olga Pedroza was also, she was a case worker in the welfare
department at the time. So those were the first group of people in LADO that
started doing community organizing. And of course, at the same time--

JJ:

Community organizing around what issues?

OL:

The issue, the main issue was welfare. Welfare, because again, you were
having a lot of displacement of families. And the displacement, there was a lot of
needs that families had. Also, when new families were arriving from Puerto Rico,
they also needed assistance in settling, and the welfare department was not
responding.

JJ:

And which office were you mainly--

OL:

At the time the welfare office was on Milwaukee and Damen, what is now the Flat
Iron building. That was where they had --

JJ:

What was it called? Wasn’t that Wicker Park?

OL:

The Wicker [00:47:00] Park Welfare Office.

24

�JJ:

Which was the office for Lincoln Park people.

OL:

They also came from Lincoln Park.

JJ:

So they had, when they were displaced from there, like you said--

OL:

Yeah, they had to come there.

JJ:

Issues.

OL:

And so then LADO was taking care of some of that, demanding that they get
services demand, that they get the assistance that was due to them. And so
LADO became a family-based organization because you were not dealing with,
which is one member of the family you were not dealing with. You were dealing
with problem solvers of family. So the whole family used to be members of
LADO. And so then LADO, that’s what it became. LADO was families. Families
that were from the neighborhood. And so then when LADO would have a
demonstration, and you had all these mothers and young kids that were
[00:48:00] demonstrations in the marches, and the kids at the time, they saw
their parents being active, and they became active themselves.

JJ:

And after that, what did you get involved in after that?

OL:

Well, because I was going to Loop College, the one thing that we realized in
LADO was that students needed to be organized also. So when I was going part
time, I decided to start an organization at Loop College, and I talked to some of
the other students that were Latino students, Mexicans that would come from
18th Street, and decided that we needed to form a student organization. And so
we got a group together and we called it OLAS, the Organization of Latin

25

�American Students. At Loop Junior College. And so the interesting thing about
that is-JJ:

Which today is Carol Washington.

OL:

Carol Washington [00:49:00] College. And OLAS still exists today since 1968
until today. They’re still there. The big difference, I think at the time was that first
of all, the students were coming from the neighborhoods. And the other one, one
of the principles of the organization was, yeah, we’re studying, and we may be
getting a degree, but we’re supposed to go back to the neighborhood. We have
to return to our barrio. That’s what we needed. We used to criticize students
that would go get a degree, and then they move out. I said, “No, the work’s got
to be done in the neighborhood.” So we may get trained and we may get a
degree, but we have to go back to the neighborhood. So that was a movement
also in the student movement to go back and bring back the skills to the
neighborhood. So I [00:50:00] think that was unique and that was unique of
OLAS. And so then OLAS also got involved with LADO because of that,
because the area of activity was in the community. So that was interesting.

JJ:

So you did work, I mean, you were recruiting students too?

OL:

Recruiting students. Organizing students. And we would go and talk to students
in the high schools and other colleges and universities to get ’em organized.

JJ:

So you expanded to other--

OL:

Yeah, yeah. We were into an expansionist mode. But of course, I don’t know if
this is good or bad, but all of my tendencies from when I used to be on Division
and Maplewood, I mean, we had ’em, a lot of, still had a lot of street in us, and

26

�our loyalties were still very street. [00:51:00] So for that reason, when I became
directly in contact with the Young Lords in 1968.
JJ:

How did that happen? Do you recall?

OL:

Well, yeah, I remember that there was a urban training center on Washington
and Ashland, and it was part of the Presbyterian Church, but people used to
come there and be trained to be organizers, and they had conferences and
presentations. And I remember one time that I went there, it was on a Saturday,
beautiful Saturday. It probably was late summer. No, yeah, maybe even before.
But nevertheless, that’s where I met you and Ralph ‘Spaghetti’ Rivera.
[00:52:00] And you were in the process of reorganizing the Young Lords. And
we talked, and again, a lot of the students, our loyalty was still very street. So I
had no problems relating to you, relating to Ralph and understanding the things
that you were doing. So that was the first, the contact, again, from when Kenny
Smith told me, “Let’s go get the Young Lords,” to 1968, early 1968, I think that I
sort reestablished the communications with the Young Lords.

JJ:

Yes, summer and fall.

OL:

So then at the time, Ralph, and you were developing the symbol for the Young
Lords, [00:53:00] and you told me what it was, and I helped draw that, the map,
the fist, the rifle. That was my contribution to the development of the Young Lord
button. And so then we continued working because in the demonstrations that
we had against welfare, for example, we had demonstrations that were LADO,
OLAS, the Young Lords, and through the Young Lords contacts, the Black
Panthers. So the demonstrations that we had were not just one group. It was a

27

�coalition of groups. And as a matter of fact, also from the neighborhood, lot of
the-JJ:

Actually, Fred Hampton was arrested with myself and your brother.

OL:

At one of the welfare offices.

JJ:

A couple times at the Wicker Park Welfare office.

OL:

At the Welfare, yeah. Yeah. Because the African American community was also
being affected by the lack of services from the welfare department. So that
[00:54:00] was--

JJ:

They had the coalition.

OL:

The Rainbow Coalition, the Rainbow Coalition was going on, right. So it was a
very interesting, the Rainbow Coalition was able to mobilize in that manner. And
I don’t know, it is difficult to see that happen again. But nevertheless, that was,
again, they continued contact with the Young Lords. So then at one point you
asked me to help a little more with the Young Lords. And I think at the time you
needed to have someone deal with a lot of the propaganda, the writing releases,
things like that. So you asked me to come in as the Minister of Information for
the Young Lords. And that was right around the takeover of McCormick
Theological Seminary that I came as a Young Lords Minister of Information.

JJ:

So [00:55:00] what were you doing? I mean, you were writing the releases?

OL:

Yeah, and of course, we had a lot of contact with the Panthers. A lot of the
things that we did, we tried to fashion it to the Panthers, the newspaper, all the
things, even the structure. We had chairman ministers, because we saw that
they were effective in organizing, especially in organizing street youth. That kind

28

�of structure was effective rather than to have, oh, here you have the president
and the secretary. No, it had to be more structured in that way.
JJ:

But were we organized before that? Because a lot of people think that the
Panthers organized this.

OL:

Oh, no, no, no, no. The Young Lords existed again from the early [00:56:00]
1960s. And then a lot of the work in reorganizing and reorienting the activities of
the Young Lords was when you came back into the neighborhood and started to
do that. So this was before the Panthers, and I think--

JJ:

Before our connection, before our connection.

OL:

Before the connection of the Panthers. And I think one of the characteristics of
the Young Lords in Chicago is that its membership was all neighborhood. It was
rooted in the community. You didn’t have people coming in from Indiana and
joining. You didn’t have people coming from-- No, it was so a community base,
a community rooted organization that decided to take action. And I think that
was part of the effectiveness of the Young Lords. You remember that when we
called [00:57:00] a march, we didn’t call it a month ahead or two weeks ahead, it
would be overnight. He says, “We got a demonstration.” And the word went out
and people showed up. It was all neighborhood people.

JJ:

And were there a few people there, or --

OL:

No, overnight you get a thousand people out. Why? Because the network was
already there. If one of the Young Lords heard it, he passed the word, and that
one passed the word. And there was a network was already set up. So it wasn’t
like, it wasn’t an artificial organization that you said, “Okay, now we are going to

29

�call ourselves the Young Lords.” And no, it was something that was homegrown
and it grew from the bottom up. So I think that was unique and that’s what made
it effective. And then of course, then after yours always come groups that
become [00:58:00] organized or they organize, but they don’t have the
characteristic of the original Chicago Young Lords, which was that it was rooted
in the community. So we were responding to the community, and it becomes
obvious that it’s a community based group. Studs Terkel. One time we had a
festival, a festival, it was in August of 1969 probably. And of course we played
with words, I think we said, “We’re going to Roast the Pigs.” It was a festival in
Puerto Rico, you roast pigs, right? But here you tell you were telling people
we’re going to roast the pig, well, they thought it was a policeman. So it was an
interesting play with concept. But nevertheless, that festival-JJ:

[00:59:00] And the festival was in front of the church.

OL:

The festival was on Dayton and Armitage, in front of the headquarters of the
Young Lords.

JJ:

The Methodist Church, the first block party.

OL:

It was probably the first one.

JJ:

After that there were block parties all the time.

OL:

Everywhere. But here, the interesting thing is Studs Terkel, who’s already very
famous in terms of being an excellent interviewer, he came and interviewed
people. And with that program that he did--

JJ:

It was live.

30

�OL:

Well, I don’t remember if it was live, but I know that from that program, he won a
prize.

JJ:

An Emmy or something.

OL:

Yeah, something. But in that interview that they made of several people, adults,
he would ask them, “How do you feel in this neighborhood? Is it secure? Is it
more dangerous now with the Young Lords here?” And the response was, “No, I
feel safer.” This is where adults talking to [01:00:00] Studs Terkel and saying,
“No, I feel safer.” So again, that’s another indication that the Young Lords were
really community. And the actions that the Young Lords were taking were not
alien to the community. They people, adults related to that. Maybe adults
couldn’t participate anymore, but they were not against us. They supported the
actions of the Young Lords. So I think that, again--

JJ:

You’re saying that the community was safe or was a feeling of security in the
community with the Young Lords.

OL:

With the Young Lords.

JJ:

Versus what they’re saying, what they had said later.

OL:

And not only that, they could say that’s a subjective opinion of someone, but do
you look at the statistics also? We looked at the statistics, the police at that time
and crime went down in Lincoln Park when the Young Lords were there.

JJ:

You looked at this?

OL:

The statistics were there. I remember we looked at them, and I’m sure probably
[01:01:00] Studs Terkel looked at ’em too. But again, going back to what made
the Young Lords unique, I think that was part of it. That was part of it. And the

31

�other thing is that I think the Young Lords embodied a lot of the principles,
dreams of a whole wave of activists that came from Puerto Rico to the United
States, in this case, to Chicago. And this kind of view of the world and view of
the island that was transmitted to the Young Lords from people that came from
Puerto Rico had a lot to do. And I’m talking specifically about the decision that
the Young Lords take to promote the independence of Puerto Rico, selfdetermination. The concept was self-determination. So self-determination for
nations [01:02:00] included Puerto Rico. But I think a lot of that influence came
from, again, a wave of adults that had come to the United States that were
independentistas and nacionalistas, and they were still in the scene. And I
remember that we used to get visits very often from a gentleman by the name of
Manuel Ravago. And he was a nationalist. And I remember that he’s the one
that, he gave us the nationalist flag, and he gave us a flag of the Lares. He was
the one that was feeding us. And at the time, I don’t know how many of us were
conscious of who this man was. And it’s not until later that you begin to place
him in the history of the nationalist [01:03:00] movement. And Manuel Ravago
was very active. I think that, well, no, he was directly connected to the
nationalists that came to Congress and shut up Congress, Lolita Lebrón and
[Coso?] and others. He was part of that group. So all of that kind of energy and
nationalist energy, he deposited all that in the Young Lords. And that was
another aspect that gave the Young Lords a lot more body as an organization.
We could have stayed a neighborhood organization and fought urban renewal
and provide health care, and that will be the end. But when we began to talk

32

�about self-determination, that put the Young Lords [01:04:00] in a different plane.
And again, I’m saying that that type of political position that we assumed it was
effective and had an impact, not just in Chicago, but all around the United States
because of the history of the nationalists that had done all that work since 1952.
Manuel Ravago was from Jayuya, and they still had that impetus from the Grito
de Jayuya, from the rebellion in 1952 in Jayuya. So all of those things combined
made the Young Lords very unique. The fact they were community-based,
community rooted in the community, providing services, breakfast for children,
clothing, the health clinic, [01:05:00] all of those things we were providing at the
community level, but we were also providing the people, the families, with an
ideal beyond the basic needs. And that was self-determination. So that made
the Lords unique.
JJ:

They were other, for example, went to Denver, a couple of buses or busload?

OL:

In 1968, 1969.

JJ:

Did you go to Denver?

OL:

Yeah, yeah. In 1968 and 1969, the southwest of the United States was also very
active politically. And the Chicano movement was really going at the time. And
one of the leaders in the southwest was Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales, who headed
the Crusade for Justice in Denver. And [01:06:00] he had a lot of young people
too involved. And they decided to have the National Chicano Youth Conference.
And because we had communications with the southwest, LADO had
communications, OLAS. The Young Lords, I mean all of the groups, progressive
groups that we had here with them. They called that conference and we decided

33

�that we needed to go and we needed to take young people. And it was
interesting because we weren’t just going with community activists. We decided
to take gangs, members of different gangs. And so we had the Young Lords, but
the Latin Kings participated. From 18th Street, we had the Latin Counts,
Ambrose and Rampant. And for the first time, south side and north side, we
were coming together, not fighting, but coming together. And [01:07:00] we rode
in the same bus. It was two buses. We rode in the same buses from Chicago to
Denver, and they all came back impacted by the Chicano movement and ready
to be active. Can we take a little, I’m afraid, talking about the Young Lords all
this time.
JJ:

Okay.

OL:

Okay, so then going back about the uniqueness of the Young Lords, that’s what it
was. So that’s what makes it unique. I think that then after, in the 1960s,
because of all the political activity around the nation, so we were invited to the
Denver Conference, we took these groups and they had a big impact. It had an
impact on other youth groups in Chicago. I think the Latin Kings, at one point,
when they came back, they decided to call themselves the Latin King
Organization, and they wanted to start doing the very same [01:08:00] actions as
the Young Lords. They wanted to have breakfast for children. They wanted to
have a health clinic. Of course, I think that what happened probably was the
leadership was unable to really steer the Kings in that direction. So they went in
an entirely different direction at the time. But I think that’s what makes it unique.
All the groups come up after the Young Lords that are effective. They have good

34

�programs, but that are formed. They are organized to do certain things, but
nothing like the Young Lords in Chicago. The Young Lords Chicago were
community rooted and responding to community needs. We didn’t have to do a
paper, a position paper on the needs of the community. [01:09:00] We were
living those needs. If it was displacement, we had to go to the real estate offices
that were pushing people out. And that’s why the confrontation with Fat Larry, for
example.
JJ:

Who was that, can you describe that?

OL:

Fat Larry was the head of Bissell Realty, and they were part of the whole
displacement of families. So when we find this out, then the Young Lords went
and confronted, you were one of the people that came and confronted Fat Larry.
And Fat Larry, of course, responded the way that he was used to. And he came
out with one gun on one side and a shotgun on the other. And we have pictures
that when the police come in, they don’t do anything with Fat Larry with two guns,
but they start searching you for weapons, which was strange. But anyway, so we
didn’t have to do research on the needs of the community. We were living those
needs. So we were responding [01:10:00] to real needs, and that’s what made
us effective. We didn’t have to spend three weeks doing research. Not all of our
positions were the positions of a progressive organization. We have to admit, we
never wrote a paper on the Young Lord’s position on women. We didn’t have
that luxury. Even the people that had been trained at the university level that
were Young Lords were not academicians.

JJ:

So there were some people that were trained at the university level?

35

�OL:

In the Young Lords, we had people with university training.

JJ:

Who were some of these people?

OL:

Well, to begin with, you look at the Minister of Health. [Alberto Chavira?] was a
medical student at Northwestern University, then later became a doctor. He was
the minister of information for the, he was a doctor and he was community
based. [01:11:00] He became a doctor.

JJ:

Actually, he was a leader of a student, medical students.

OL:

The medical students at Northwestern.

JJ:

And they helped form the clinic.

OL:

They would organize medical students to be part of the free health clinic
movement in Chicago. We had, did I run out people that were trained? Well
myself, I was still going to school, but I was not an academician. We had our
Minister of Education, Tony Baez, who was a university student in Puerto Rico.
So we had people that they had academic training, but we were all focused on
responding to the needs the community had. We were not responding to
academic demands or intellectual [01:12:00] demands of publishing position
papers on women, publish position papers on the national question. All those
things are exercises for intellectuals. That was not us. That was not us. We
were direct action and we were responding to needs that were present in our
community. It doesn’t mean that we weren’t-- we studied, we studied. I think
Tony Baez, Minister of Education, made sure that we had a module that people
had to read about the history of Puerto Rico. I think you could get a seventeenyear-old that was what we call the cadres and they could tell you the whole

36

�history of Puerto Rico in the independence movement, because that was part of
the training in the Young Lords. But we read political papers, we read On
Contradictions by Mao Zedong, and that [01:13:00] was very helpful in
understanding problems and how to solve problems and how to identify the
enemy. Because today the problem is that people don’t understand who the
enemy is. Or sometimes it’s someone who’s not an enemy and they treat ’em as
enemies because they don’t have a way of analyzing problems or what Mao
called contradictions. We did, and we were very clear on who our friends were
and who our enemies were, and that made us very effective. So it’s not like we
were not interested in learning. We were not interested in intellectual exercises.
And I think that separated us from other organizations that would look at us as if
we were just simply a bunch of [lumpen?] They thought that because we didn’t
come out with position papers like that, we were not [01:14:00] following the
correct line, the correct political line. As far as I’m concerned, we were following
the right political line because we were responding to the needs that our
community had. That’s the correct line, because it doesn’t make sense for you to
follow correct line when you’re not serving the people. So I think that’s important
to understand about the Young Lords in Chicago. I think that if you look at our
newspaper, for example. The newspaper that we put out is not work of
intellectuals. You read it and it’s not nice. I mean, it’s not really nice. I mean,
run on sentences and all kinds of things that you look at like, “What the hell, who
wrote this?” Because it was people in the organization that were expressing
themselves and we put it in the newspaper because it was important for us to let

37

�people know what our members were thinking. But they didn’t follow all the rules
[01:15:00] of a journalist because we were not. Other organizations had that kind
of discipline, so they put out real nice newspapers, but we didn’t. But we did
deliver the message though. We did deliver the message, and I think that was
important. But we had all kinds of people in the organization, not only at different
levels of academic training, but different economic levels, different nationalities.
The Young Lords, the Young Lords from its beginning was an international group
from when it was gang to when it was a political organization. We had Mexicans,
Puerto Ricans, African-Americans, whites. So I think that was unique. That was
unique.
JJ:

[01:16:00] You mentioned women, that it wasn’t an intellectual thing about the
women. What do you mean?

OL:

Well, I mean, the Young Lords always had women in the organization, the
Lordettes, for example. But there were young women that were part of the
Young Lords from the beginning, and they stayed with the Young Lords. And the
relationship that between members was not the progressive position, but they
were given their place. They were not given their place--they took their place
because, for example, one of the women leaders in the group, Angie, she formed
the MAO, Mothers And Others because at the time, a lot of the women in the
organization were mothers. And so as Mothers And Others, [01:17:00] they
made sure that women in the organization had a place. It wasn’t that we gave
’em a place, they took their place. And I think we never fought that. We
accepted that. So it wasn’t like we were a male dominated organization, that

38

�whatever we said had to go in terms of women. The women group was there
and they made sure that they were respected, but we were not the academic
type. We said, “Okay, this is our position on women and this is the history of the
women in society.” And we didn’t do that. We responded to the needs at the
time, and they were very much part of the organization.
JJ:

In fact, wasn’t there a daycare center that we were working on together?

OL:

Yeah. Again, one of the responses of the Young Lords was, “Hey, [01:18:00]
there’s kids that need daycare.” And that was one of the ideas of the church
when we took over the church, was to put the basement in order so that it could
be a daycare center, except the city would not allow us to do that. Remember,
we complained that they came out with things like, your ceiling system is way too
high, or your floors are too low, so they’re out of compliance. But, and that was
of course concerns that the women brought up and we would try to address.

JJ:

And we also had, you mentioned the clinic already, and the Breakfast for
Children Program.

OL:

Those were programs that they were, the service programs that we had
established to respond to very specific needs that the community had. And I
think the other part that I think is [01:19:00] important to understand is Chicago
was going through a very interesting time, and we had a very interesting mayor.
Mayor Daley was not a very tolerant mayor. He’s the one that declared during
the riots on the west side, “Shoot to kill,” looters. That was his position. And so
we were challenging that structure and in demonstrations that we had, he used
the force of the police department to disorganize the Young Lords, to squash the

39

�Young Lords, to drain the resources from the organization by arresting the
leadership. And a lot of money would [01:20:00] be tied up in bail money. So we
didn’t have a mayor that even accepted that the Young Lords were doing
something positive. I think if we look at the New York Lords, they had a mayor
that was John Lindsay, who was a liberal that I’m glad that he was there, and I’m
glad that they were functioning in those years because they were able to do
things that we were unable to do in Chicago. They were able to do, for example,
they took over this TV unit and brought it to the barrio, and they were successful,
and that was very good because they were able to give services to the barrio, to
the community. Had we tried to do that in Chicago, we’d be dead today. So
there was a big difference in terms of [01:21:00] actions and in terms of
responses that we had to adjust ourselves to. But we did. We did.
JJ:

And you said we did. What do you mean we did?

OL:

Well, I mean, we still challenged the structure and we still deliver services.

JJ:

Wait, what is it we challenged?

OL:

Well, the police brutality was one of the things. We challenged urban renewal.
Then when we took over McCormick Theological Seminary, actually our
challenge was to the city structure that was pushing the program, urban renewal,
and it was McCormick Theological Seminary because McCormick Theological
Seminary was one of the biggest slumlords in the community. Yeah, they were
training ministers, but they were also profiting from all these houses they owned
that [01:22:00] were substandard. They were slums. So the takeover of
McCormick was part of the challenge to the city structure. Opening up a free

40

�health clinic was a challenge to the city structure because they did not do that.
It’s the city that was supposed to provide that kind of services, free health
services to our community. They didn’t. We did. That was a challenge. Free
breakfast. That was a challenge to the city structure because we were telling
’em, “Look, you’re allowing students to go to classes in the mornings without
good breakfasts so they can fall asleep because they’re not fed properly.” That’s
a challenge. And of course, we were part of a movement, national movement,
and I think we saw the results in Chicago. The city of Chicago opened up
neighborhood clinics afterwards. [01:23:00] There were several neighborhoods
that had City of Chicago Free Health Clinics after the Free Health Clinic
movement. All the programs now that the cities, many cities have for free
lunches and some breakfasts.
JJ:

This was also part of the Rainbow Coalition that we were modeling our programs
after the Black Panther Party?

OL:

Yeah, because again, all of this movement on free health and free breakfast and
all, it was a national movement. It was not a local movement. And it impacted
the government. We didn’t overthrow the government, but we forced them to
respond. And so we have some of those services now. The Republicans will
probably, we want to get rid of ’em if we have a Republican president. But that
was established.

JJ:

[01:24:00] What about, so Mayor Daley didn’t like this, so there was a little
repression going on. What are some of the forms? How did that take shape?

41

�OL:

The City of Chicago established the GIU, Gang Intelligence Unit, and that was
part of what the mayor called the War on Gangs. So he declared war on gangs,
and of course, we fell in that category. The GIU was designed to create
problems for gangs, to spy on gangs. And so they were doing that with the
Young Lords. They created problems. They followed us. They did surveillance
of our members 24 hours a day sometimes, the arrests, and the entire
organization was under siege because [01:25:00] of the GIU. So the mayor, that
was part of the mayor’s effort to quell whatever progressive youth organization
was coming up.

JJ:

What about Reverend Bruce Johnson and Eugenia Johnson? Can you explain
what that was about?

OL:

Well, Reverend Johnson was the minister of Methodist Church on Armitage and
Dayton. That’s the one we took over. And Reverend Johnson was not opposed
to working with us, and he made it clear in public that he supported us and he
would work with us. There was a Hispanic congregation in that church that was
primarily a Cuban congregation, and they had a Cuban minister. And I think
[01:26:00] that the friction internally in the church probably developed because of
Reverend Johnson’s support of our organization. One of our icons was el Che
Guevara, and that really clashed with the Cuban members of that Methodist
church. And there was a lot of anger, and there was a lot of discontent, of
course, a lot of hate towards the Young Lords, but it’s a lot of anger and
discontent with Bruce Johnson because he was, in essence, supporting us. And
I think that they probably saw us as a communist organization, which we weren’t.

42

�We read all kinds of communist material, but they probably saw us that way. And
I think Bruce Johnson was the target of that kind of hate, [01:27:00] those kinds
of negative feelings. And I’m not a detective. I know nothing about criminal
justice, but I think Bruce Johnson was probably a victim of that. If you look at the
evidence, when he was stabbed to death, they say that it was a very violent
death. There was a lot of passion involved in it. This is Bruce Johnson. He’s a
preacher. Who is going to hate him that much to the point that even the
evidence shows that whoever did it was really angry at him. That’s the evidence.
So I think that it cost him his life [01:28:00] having supported the organization.
JJ:

And his wife.

OL:

His wife.

JJ:

Was stabbed too.

OL:

Was stabbed to death.

JJ:

We’re not talking about once or twice, they’re talking about fourteen and nineteen
times.

OL:

Oh, yeah. No, that’s why it was very, the police say it was a passionate act.
They were angry. Whoever did it was really going at it.

JJ:

And many people got arrested. Weren’t you arrested at one point?

OL:

Well, yeah. My arrest was because of what we were confronting the police at
People’s Park that it was empty lot on Halsted and Armitage that was going to be
used to build a private tennis club. And we were saying, who the hell is going to
become a member of a tennis club here? We can hardly play softball in the

43

�corner. We took a stand against that and [01:29:00] the lot that was going to be
used for that tennis club. We took it over and we called it Peoples Park.
JJ:

There were tents set up, right? Tents.

OL:

Yeah, the whole works. It was tents and we camped out, and even Buck, Mr.
Fuller came and visited us, and he donated a geodesic dome for the playground.
So the people’s actions were also heard all over the nation, but it was part of the
urban renewal.

JJ:

How did you get arrested or something?

OL:

Well, we know we were at the park and the police began to harass us, and so we
retaliated, and of course the police was not going to be, he called in for
reinforcements and they came. We had a confrontation. The charges that I had
was [01:30:00] resisting arrest, mob action, of course, resisting arrest, aiding to
the escape of a prisoner.

JJ:

What prisoner?

OL:

Because they already had one of the guys, they had Orlando and I came at the
policeman and he had to let go Orlando. But then they got me, and assaulting a
police officer, but that was because of that.

JJ:

So they were resolved later?

OL:

I think I was given probation.

JJ:

At that time.

OL:

After some time, yeah, after a few years, that was the thing was solved. Yeah.

JJ:

Any final thoughts that you want to, or anything that you want to add regarding
refreshing or anything else?

44

�OL:

No.

JJ:

That’s it.

OL:

That’s it.

JJ:

All right. Thank --

END OF VIDEO FILE

45

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                    <text>Robert Lord - Interviewed by Ken Kutzel and Katelyn Bosch
June 4 2018

1

Ken Kutzel: This is Ken Kutzel and Katelyn...
Katelyn Bosch: Bosch.
KK: Katelyn Bosch, and were here today to, uh, with, uh, Bob Lord, uh at the old school house in
Saugatuck, I’m sorry in Douglas Michigan, and let’s see today is June 4th, uh 2018. This oral history is
being collected as part of the Stories of Summer project, which is supported in part by a grant from the
National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Program. Thank, uh, Bob, thanks for talking
with us today and were interested to learn more about your family history and your experiences of
summer in the Saugatuck Douglass area. Can you please tell me your full name and spell it?
Bob Lord: [Laughs] Well, nobody calls me Robert but that’s what it is. Robert William Lord. L O R D. Then
just call me Bob.
KK: Okay, and um, do you – oh you don’t use any accents or anything so, tell us about where you grew
up.
BL: Well I grew up in Charlotte, which is hometown, center part of the state, uh, I was, I was born there
1945, and uh, and that was hometown until 1976. I graduated high school there and I was tool and die
maker there for a number of years, and then I went into Field Sales Engineering and from there in ’76 I
migrated to the Holland area and went to work for Bone Aluminum as a Field Sales Engineer and uh,
consequently that drew me to this side of the state. Um, my wife and I ended up in 1978 purchased a
property in Saugatuck on the corner of Holland and Lucy Street, and the property had no gas, meters
had been pulled, the electric meters on both houses had been pulled and the water meter had been, the
water had been shut off. And I say both houses because there is a Singapore house on that property.
The main house uh, was about 2400 square feet and the Singapore house was probably 820, 840
something like that.
KK: Singapore house would mean it was moved from Singapore.
BL: It was moved from Singapore and we had the original abstract which stayed with the house and um,
which I just recently sold. Um, but the Singapore house, the abstract reflected that the taxes changed in
the winter of 1874, 1875 and so we suspected that when the prop, the house had been moved. We had
been told by, and I don’t remember who had told us that, but it had been separated in two and skidded
up the channel on ice and then reassembled on the property and then the main house, uh was started
construction sometime thereafter. Um, the main house actually had been called, when we bought it,
had a sign out front, called ‘The 1894 House’, and the reason for that was because there was an addition
made to that, that property, that house uh, that the cornerstone laid at the very front and that was the
parlor and the master bedroom above it, um that had that date on it. Leslie Junkerman who was as
Justice of the Peace, ended up, held court in the front parlor, and consequently we had had from time to
time people that would knock on the door and want to come in and say ‘oh, yeah we were married in
your front parlor, could we look at it’ and so on and so forth, so uh, but that gives kind of a brief

�Robert Lord - Interviewed by Ken Kutzel and Katelyn Bosch
June 4 2018

2

thumbnail of, of that property. I don’t know if I could tell you anything more about it than the people we
bought it from [pause] Jim and Pam Davis were the previous owners to us and she was a Potter and the
what is now kind of an office, secondary apartment uh, was where her studio was, and um, anyway Jim
was a Pharmaceutical Representative of some sort and um, it had really fallen onto bad times. It was,
the main house had had a fire in it, and like I said all the, everything had been shut off so when we
bought it we were digging in and going for, going for the walls as far as putting everything back to right.
[00:05:29]
KK: Uh, I spoke with you once before Bob about the fact that uh you have some knowledge about the
houses around you?
BL: Oh!
KK: …and that some of them were from Singapore, can you elaborate on that?
BL: Well, you know, from the standpoint, yes. Um, headed toward the channel which would be west,
next door neighbor was Marlene Ansorge, she lived there when we bought the property but the next,
the next house over Betty Watson at that time, she later married uh, Warren Mulder, uh, ah, we were
told that was, had been a Singapore house now I, I can’t substantiate that because some of the people
that we had talked to, either have passed or don’t remember anymore, and so on. But, I know that the
house on the other side of that one, which would be 1, 2, 3 down from us, that had been, um, purchased
and a second story elevated to that house and that was a Singapore house and then I think, um, the
property called Filamare, I believe that was a Singapore house as well. The interesting thing about that
block was that our back property line was constant from Holland Street all the way to Butler Street. We
shared that common back, uh, back lot line and that, in fact you could, if, from, from the air you could
look down and see the, that track right on through. Interesting piece of property. Betty Watson, Betty
Mulder told us that her Uncle had owned everything on that street from Holland Street to Butler Street
at one time, which would’ve gone back, probably 1870.
KK: And you’re talking about what street is that?
BL: That’s Lucy Street.
KK: Lucy Street.
BL: Lucy Street.
KK: Okay.
BL: Holland Street, it would kind of, I’ll call it parallel to Lucy Street, but and, if you look at, the, the
actual survey of that corner property the um, 748 746 Holland Street the one corner marker for that
property is out in the middle of, I should shouldn’t say middle, but it is out in the right hand traffic lane
of Lucy Street. If you measure from one corner to this corner to that corner, it’s an oddball shape its

�Robert Lord - Interviewed by Ken Kutzel and Katelyn Bosch
June 4 2018

3

right out in the middle of that one lane. So, the city actually owe, owns, owes, owes me some back tax
money I think I should probably get.
KK: Yeah, good luck.
BL: Yes. Anyway.
KK: Um, why did you locate in Saugatuck Douglas?
BL: Well, um we were renting a place up in Macatawa Park and this goes back to ‘77 ‘78. My wife had
taken a job over in what is considered the Haworth Building, she worked for a company called Flame
Tech as a Office Manager everything taken care of payroll, this and that and whatever, and um, I was
working for Bone Aluminum and consequently I’d pick her up from after work and I’m, we just took a
jaunt down Water Street crossed the bridge, and I took the first right hand turn once I could, could take
a right hand turn up past the congregational church and down the hill, and on Holland Street, and this is
the month of February and I see this mustard colored house with cream trim and I’m thinking ‘Wow!
Look at that!’ and she said the same thing, and in the snow, sticking up about this far above the snow
and I’m showing you about 4 inches of height, there’s a for-sale sign and I’m thinking ‘Oh my goodness’.
Well through the course of events we were able to purchase it and did a lot of back-tracking because the
people that had owned it, had left the area and so on. But, we thought it was [chuckles] a quaint area,
like a fishing village from Massachusetts Connecticut someplace out there. Well that’s not quite the
case.
[00:10:24]
KK: That would be about what year?
BL: Ah, it would be 1978, and we closed on the property on May the 4th and started working it on May
the 5th because we had to be out of the property that we were renting up in Macatawa Park by the end
of May. So do you know, when we moved would’ve been? Memorial Day weekend! Now, if you’ve been
around Memorial Day weekend you know that it is like ‘Holy Smokes! What did we get ourselves into?’
Nothing but traffic and confusion and it was um, to put it very bluntly, it was like a madhouse. But, we
got through it, um, we raised uh, her two kids, we adopted another one and my three kids from time to
time were here and the main house was just that, it now became a residence and uh, there’s four
bedrooms upstairs and one bedroom down, a parlor, and so on and so forth. But, very nice community,
good school system, great school system in fact.
KK: Uh, what was your first impression of the area?
BL: Yeah [laughs] moving on Memorial Day? Yeah, the first impression was when we saw that house,
and that was like ‘Oh my goodness look at this’, it, it was an amazing thing. I, I truly did, the house was
everything I thought it was, it had enough gingerbread on it, just to be more than attractive and ah, it
looked like it needed saving so we did.

�Robert Lord - Interviewed by Ken Kutzel and Katelyn Bosch
June 4 2018

4

KK: And so you really did not have earlier contact with uh, Saugatuck or anything?
BL: No, I had been here once in high school, back, went to Oval Beach when I was in um, our, our, I was
in DeMolay and our whole, our whole lodge came over to the, um, to Oval Beach once, one Saturday,
and uh, that was the only contact I’d had with it, never knew what it was like.
KK: Any special memories of Oval Beach at the time?
BL: Hm, not at the time because that would’ve been, I was probably 16 or 17, and that’s um, [whispers]
that’s over 50 years ago.
KK: Can you share any particular memories about living here, besides what you have, anything good or
bad that just kind of stands out?
BL: Um, the academics that are here. The school system is amazing. The um, the class sizes at the time
that, that, um my stepson and my stepdaughter were in, were you know 30 35 kids so it was a 1 on 1
and the competition between students was amazing. The National Honors society always struck home
um, Jack was actually for the college entrances on was, should’ve been Valedictorian but was um,
Salutatorian. Anyway! It’s, it’s the school system that was a draw.
KK: Ah, what were the um, the key places in Saugatuck and Douglas that you liked to hang, hang out in
or go to?
BL: Hm, oh I’d go down to the Butler, to the restaurant, um, over in well, now, now I don’t think it was at
the time but Ida Red’s for breakfast once in a while. Um, Jack was working for, Jack my stepson, he uh,
worked for Henry Gleason, right there beside the boat launch, and uh, in fact we ended up helping
Henry and Claire Deen at the time that they were running the store, and of course um, Bruce and
Marilyn Staring they ran the, um, Star of Saugatuck the paddle wheeler that was right next store so we
knew that, and took advantage of that every now and again. Would ride that every once and a while.
KK: Okay, um, doesn’t affect you there, uh, how aware were you of the LGBT community here?
[00:15:02]
BL: How aware?
KK: Huh, yeah.
BL: Oh, I just, I never really paid too much attention, to it really, I mean I, I knew it was here, didn’t
matter one way or the other.
KK: Yeah.
BL: I was a, I’m a, a ‘Live and let live’.

�Robert Lord - Interviewed by Ken Kutzel and Katelyn Bosch
June 4 2018

5

KK: Okay, uh, let’s see…and I guess the other question I would want to ask you, did you have any
contact with the art school or any… how aware were you as somebody living here of the art school and
what went on there?
BL: I, I knew that it, you mean Oxbow?
KK: Oxbow, yes.
BL: I knew that it was there, I never really visited it as far as going out and taking a tour of it, but I knew,
uh, my, my one, my one daughter ended up having a, um, a stepson that was doing um, artwork over
there. Back, this goes back probably 30, yeah maybe 25 years ago and so on, but I knew it was there and
knew that it was rather prestigious from the standpoint that, you know, ‘Oh you’re in Saugatuck, ah!
You know where Ox…” Yes, I do, I know where Oxbow is but I never, I, I, was always out on the road
working so, I never really took advantage of it. Wish I had though.
KK: Yeah. Uh, how would you describe Saugatuck Douglas to somebody who’s never been here?
BL: That’s a really good question because, during, during the off season, you could fire a shot gun off
down Lucy Street and probably not hit anything. Ah, but during the season, I think a good description
would be you go from 2,000 people during the offseason, wintertime, and during the season, it elevated
to probably 20,000 people because of the outlying area and so on so forth. It’s a tourist community,
there’s no doubt about that, it has a good draw, the restaurants and the stores everybody comes to
town for that um, but candidly I would tell people that if you’re looking for a good restaurant, a nice
place to stay, you can’t get to the beach from the Saugatuck side of things you have to go across, the,
the bridge and then take a hitch and a giddy up. You know what a hitch and a giddy up is? Going that-away, um you know, long story short, yeah its its it’s good place to visit.
KK: Okay, and how would you compare the area to other places you’ve lived and worked?
BL: Oh. Hm, well, my growing up I was in a rural area. I actually lived in the Charlotte area, there’s no
real comparison because it was, Charlotte was farm industrial community, were, Lansing, Lansing’s
bedroom. Oldsmobile was there, Fisher Body was there and uh, and in my hometown there was the
Aluminum extrusion company and uh, a glass factory that would, uh, would manufacture Gerber baby
food jars and uh, S-Strohs stubby beer bottles. So here’s this one community that I came from in 1976 all
the way over here to the west side of the state, and [inaudible] there’s, it’s like apples and plums. It’s
not the same.
KK: Okay, um, do you have any specifically, or, favorite memories of the summer time here?
BL: [Laughs] Venetian Night.
KK: Well, talk about it.

�Robert Lord - Interviewed by Ken Kutzel and Katelyn Bosch
June 4 2018

6

BL: One, the traffic and so on getting out of town. We were sitting on the front porch, in the dark,
watching the traffic try to get out of town. Try to get out of town was the key, cause this was before
somebody really got a hold of it and organized it, this was probably would’ve been the early 80’s,
somewhere in there and, [pause] is this going to be re-listened to and edited possibly because, one of
the people that was in one of the cars, she got out the car ran up to our porch, did not see us and
proceeded to relieve herself in our bushes!
[00:20:05]
[All laugh]
BL: ...and my wife ended up taking her sprinkling can, stood up, and just poured the sprinkling can right
on top of her head! [Imitates person complaining] Oh! Talk about wet hen! Ah, yeah. That was probably
the highlight of it. After a while, you know Jack ended up getting a scholarship to Alma College, and we
bought a cottage up north by uh, Lakeview and consequently weekends were spent up there so that the
traffic and so on, we didn’t really partake in that and so on, but it, it was, it’s still a nice community.
KK: Uh, let’s see, what type of shenanigans did you get into? Were you a participant, an instigator, or
bystander of mayhem?
BL: Uh, I was a bystander. I would never, never end up getting in. I just watched her take the sprinkling
can and dump it on top of this woman’s head. No, no, I think probably the wildest thing was every now
and then I’d fire up my motorcycle and run down the street and Jimmy VanOss and his crew down the
street would “Hey!” Cheer and, oh well.
KK: Well you um, you actually moved here after the, the um, the rock festivals and all that...
BL: …Yes...
KK: ...So you wouldn’t remember that.
BL: No, it was ’78 when we moved here.
KK: Yeah, uh, and um, [pause] how would you describe Saugatuck Douglass as you best remember it
from, from this era? That would be the era like, when you moved here.
BL: Boy.
KK: I know. You gave us several examples already.
BL: I just, you know, the one thing that changed, uh, that my wife prompted, she got after the state
police for having people walking into town down our street from Holland Street from either the boat
launch or from other places and so on with open container. And that would’ve been probably, the early
80’s, ’84, ’85 and yeah that’d be about right because Jack and Bryan Earlywine would stand on the

�Robert Lord - Interviewed by Ken Kutzel and Katelyn Bosch
June 4 2018

7

corner and the state police would have everybody dump their coolers, their beer cans, everything, and
the kids would pick up their cans and cash them in down at Gleason’s! And I remember the guys doing,
you know, great big grocery sacks full of that, and, and that pretty much ended the rowdiness, uh, it
became controlled chaos rather than wild chaos.
KK: Yeah.
BL: It, it did, it got out of hand if anybody has ever rafted off in front of Coral Gables, or down to the
Singapore Yacht Club, I don’t think they do it down there, I think it’s more down in front of Coral Gables.
When you raft off you have to go 1, 2, 3, 4. People that have not done boating don’t get that! Yeah.
Have you done boating?
KB: Not very much.
BL: Do you know what I’m talking about?
KB: Oh, yeah I do.
BL: Oh, okay, yeah.
KK: Ah, what are some of your hopes for the future? I know you just sold the house. Um, and what
would you like to see happen in this community?
BL: [pause] I can’t think of any reason why someone would want to have the road divided, from the
bridge on into Douglas. That is a travesty, that’s a mess. Somebody is going to get hurt, killed, whatever,
that, that’s, that was not well thought of.
KK: Okay, and you’re referring to something that their working on right now.
BL: Yeah! Yeah! That’s terrible. I’m you know a, if, if it were my vote I’d vote that right out right now and
it’d be gone. That’s crazy. Somebody just wasn’t thinking right.
KK: Um, remembering that this interview will be saved for a long time, when someone listens to this
tape 50 years from now, what would you most like them to know about your life and community right
now?
BL: My life and community, hm, [pause] Well you know that I’m not a very friendly guy.
[00:25:03]
KK: [Laughs]
BL: I’ve enjoyed and Ken, where I met you was at the Saugatuck Antique Pavilion, and you know how
much I enjoyed, still would enjoy doing the communication and the elbow rubbing of customers and
people that work there. You know I, just the very fact that, that [pause] try not to hurt anybody’s

�Robert Lord - Interviewed by Ken Kutzel and Katelyn Bosch
June 4 2018

8

feeling, you know somebody needs a hand, help them! Someone needs a door opened, open it for
them! Somebody needs something loaded for them, load it for them! Just to be, do unto others I guess
is probably a good thing. Yeah.
KK: Do you have any advice for a young person who may listen to this tape, although I think you just
gave some good advice.
BL: [pause] Stay in school. Stay in school. That’s your paycheck for the future and you don’t realize it
right now, ‘Oh my goodness this is terrible, I hate going to school. The classes are this and that’ Stay in
school. That is, that is, that is the draw the education is that jewel that you can end up losing by passing
it along to other people. Dig in, go for it. I just graduated 2 grandsons, one over out of Lansing Catholic
and another one out of Olivet and I look at these kids and I think, we might make it. As a society, we
might make it, finally. Anyway.
KK: Ah, is there anything that you’d like to share that I might not have asked about? This is your chance
to just go for it.
BL: [Laughs] You mean I didn’t before? Uh...
KK: I know you too well.
BL: No, I, you know, I from time to time will be coming back here. Um, right now I’m still sorting through
boxes, and I still have things in the cargo trailer that, from the move a month ago. In fact, just for one
little high note, and that was, or low note that, that the property we owned it. I just cleared May the 4th
this year, so from May the 4th of 1978 to May the 4th of 2018 I was here exactly 40 years. Exactly 40
years, and it was a, it was like [snaps] a snap. I had hair color when started here.
KK: Yeah and for the record, if you didn’t see a picture of Bob, Bob has perfectly white hair.
BL: Perfectly white hair.
KK: And lots of it!
BL: Yep, I’m going to hang on to it! It was a good gene pool.
KK: Now, Katelyn is there anything that you wanted to ask?
BL: She’s been so talkative over there, hasn’t she? Giggle, giggle, giggle.
KB: No, I don’t think so. Think we’ve got some good stories.
BL: There are some that I can’t repeat, but yeah.
KK: Okay, well thank you so much for your time and sharing with us, uh, this concludes the interview.

�Robert Lord - Interviewed by Ken Kutzel and Katelyn Bosch
June 4 2018
BL: Thanks, Ken.
[00:28:43]

9

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Name of War: Cold War &amp; Desert Storm
Name of Interviewee: Avery Loucks
Length of Interview: 00:16:48
Background:
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He lives in Kentwood, Michigan.
He joined the Navy Reserves in 1962.
He went into active duty in 1963 and served for 3 years in Jacksonville, Florida.
He flew in a squadron that flew all over the Caribbean.
After he served his time, he went to and finished college at Michigan State University.
He got his degree and signed up for commission in the Navy Reserves again, and he was
recalled again when he was 51, to serve in Desert Storm for a year.
In 1994, he retired from the Reserves and he has been in retired status ever since.
He joined the Navy because he had heard that they had the best tech school. (1:10)
His teacher in high school knew that he was having some financial difficulties and told
him to join the Navy and to get his college paid for.
He was thrilled at the idea at the time, because he did not know what he was getting into.
Thanks to his time in the Navy, he has had a lifelong fascination in aviation.
His father has a pilot’s license, and he got his private pilot’s license; his son would
continue on to fly commercial airplanes and he hopes his grandson will eventually go into
aviation as well.
He was going to be drafted, but he decided to enlist instead. (2:15)
He had some trouble getting into classes at MSU, so he had to decide between paying for
classes he did not need or going into the service and being done with it. He eventually
chose the latter.
He chose the Navy because they had the best technical training at the time. He had
nothing against the other divisions.
If he had been drafted, he would not have had a choice in which branch he served in or
what schools he would have attended. When he enlisted voluntarily, he was given more
freedom to choose. (3:30)

First Duties (3:35)
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His first duties were keeping the deck clean. He remembers a bucket in one hand and a
mop in the other.
In the first days of duty everyone helped, even officers.
It was a different kind of life, kind of boring, but he knew he was going to get something
out of it, which made it worth it.
His first three years was at a Naval Base in Jacksonville, Florida.
It held three squadrons.

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If you were not serving on a ship, you served on a base. If you were not on a base, you
were on a ship.
While he served there, he flew all over the Caribbean. All the way south as the Virgin
Islands, east as Bermuda, and west as Tampa. (5:15)
He worked with a squadron that took aerial photography, of mostly shipping. They took
pictures of ships and aircraft flying around in the area.
It was just after the Cuban Missile Crisis that he took some pictures of the blockade.
They did not have video at the time.
They took photos of every ship and plane in the area at the time
They brought the photos back to be processed by specialists. What they did was
reconnaissance. (6:30)
He did not see any combat at the time. He was in the Navy at a time before anyone dared
challenging us.
He had asked an officer once, what was he supposed to do if they started shooting at us?
The officer replied that they would not shoot at us because they were too scared that we
would blow them out of the water.
He was proud to serve in a military where when the Navy showed up, the bad guys would
leave.
Vacations (7:30)
You had 30 days of leave over the year. He ended up taking a flight to Bermuda on a
passenger plane.
He took his bike with him too.
He went for a day and a half, and toured almost the whole island. Other than the meals, it
did not cost him a cent. (8:15)
He ate a lot of boxed lunches. When you fly you were provided a box lunch.
Sometimes it had chicken in them or roast beef sandwiches, chips and soda. Early in the
day you also had cigarettes.
The best chow he had was on holidays. The chefs usually prepared stuff like you had at
home, steaks and such, but it was probably never as good as your mothers.
Day-in, day-out the food was alright.
He stayed in touch with people at home via letters and the telephone.
Calling home was cheap, though not as cheap as it is now, but it was never so bad that
you could not call home. (9:30)
Most of the time, he called home. His parents and siblings were always happy to hear
from him.
He would send letters to family he felt he should not call collect.
His first Thanksgiving, he teamed up with a married couple and a couple of single guys,
and they were all going to celebrate Thanksgiving together.
They were doing really well until they got to the part where they had to make gravy, and
no one knew how to make gravy.
So he knew what to do: he called home to his mother and she told them how to make
gravy. They all ended up talking to each other, and had a good time.
There is a lot of comradely that develops in the military. Partially because they lived in
such close quarters, partially because there was a sense of danger being in the military.

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Although his was never shot at, because they were all too scared to shoot him apparently.
(11:10)
That was the biggest thing on the holidays, that even though you were not with your
family, you were never alone.

Lessons (11:30)
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He learned a lot about photography that even MSU did not know.
In those days, the military was way ahead compared to the civilian world.
Thing that civilians have today in their photography were not available to them at the
time included electrical built in lighting, and instant pictures.
They could shoot hundreds and hundreds of pictures and bring them back to the photo
interpreter’s hands within minutes.
They also had video that even Hollywood did not have available to them.

Post Duty (12:45)
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He does not recall the day he left the service. It was a very busy day and he worked until
10.
He was running some photos through the equivalent of a 1-hour photo process and he and
his chief were the only ones who knew how to run it.
He remembered getting a call and telling his boss that he needed to finish processing the
photos because he had just been called to start signing out; today was his last day.
He boss said that he was busy and there was no one else to process the photos.
So he stayed there and processed photos for a while longer.
When he got out, he drove back to MSU and did not think about it any longer.
He went back to college immediately and had all of his classes set up so that he graduated
on time. He knew he was going to have to serve in the military, so it was not a bad thing.
(14:00)
His Navy training also looked good on his resume.
It was one of the things that helped him get a job right out of college.
He found out that he was a better writer than a photographer.
He liked shooting photos out of the back of a plane. If you have ever seen the movie
Hunt for Red October, it was similar to that.
They would take pictures of Russian subs that were forced to come up for air.
He had made a couple of close friendships, and keeps in touch with a couple of them
today. He’s made more friendships in 1993, since 1966 was such a long time ago.
(15:45)
Some of them have since died, and others he just lost touch with.
He is not a member of any veteran’s organizations, but he does support the VFW.
Unfortunately he does not qualify for that, but he does sign their petitions and buy things
from them.
There was no war to fight anyway, and he was out of the service by the time Vietnam
was in full swing.

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                    <text>Linley Lounds
I do not currently live on campus so I was not told to move immediately. I am a junior
and live in off campus housing at Enclave in allendale so I was able to stay where I live. With
classes being all moved online I felt overwhelmed at first. It seemed most of my teachers were
overwhelmed too. Assignments seemed to pile up quickly within the first two weeks online. The
weeks following slowed down and I felt I was caught up. My classes have continued to not feel
too overwhelming but it is definitely different than attending class in person. My professors have
all been very supportive during this time and fairly accommodating to any issues.
I work at Allendale Biggby and I remained in Allendale after school was closed because
Biggby was still open. I worked until we were closed on March 23rd and then I moved home
with my parents, sister, and grandmother. Daily life was a lot of fun things together or household
tasks. I helped organize my dad’s office, cleaned out our barn, and played a lot of Clue. Time at
home really flew by and it was nice to spend time with my family while everyone was off work.
Everyone's a little stressed about money but trying to stay positive and realize everyone is going
through this as well. Eventually, my work reopened on April 13th after putting in more
precautionary measures like plexiglass. Biggby never technically had to close because we are
considered take out food and beverage but they wanted to make it safer for the workers and
customers. So now I am back in Allendale and back to work. As for my friends, many are
working from home and we all just miss hanging out and going out. We’ve kept in contact via
text, facetime, and even Zoom.
I personally do not know anyone with symptoms or anyone that actually has the virus,
thankfully. My family has been working hard on trying to quarantine and social distance as much
as possible. When going to the store we have been wearing gloves and masks and wiping

�everything down when it comes into the house. There have been many shortages at all grocery
stores. Mostly cleaning products, hand sanitizers, and toilet paper. It is crazy how much people
are freaking out about toilet paper. Everything at stores now has limits on how many things you
can buy. Milk and eggs mostly have a limit of one or two as well as toilet paper. Stores are
doung better at staying stocked now weeks later but today (April 22) there was still no toilet
paper at the Standale Meijer.

�</text>
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                  <text>This collection of journals and personal narratives was solicited from the GVSU community by archivists of the University Libraries during the events of the 2020 COVID-19 global pandemic. During this unprecedented crisis the university closed suddenly, following federal and state guidelines of social distancing to reduce the spread of the novel coronavirus. The university closed its campuses on March 12, 2020, and quickly moved students out of campus housing. Faculty swiftly transitioned to fully-online teaching for the remainder of the Winter 2020 semester, and all campus events, including commencement, were cancelled. &#13;
&#13;
The purpose of the COVID-19 Journaling Project was to document the individual and personal experiences of GVSU’s students, staff, faculty, and the wider community during this time of international crisis. Some project participants were university student employees who were compensated for their journaling. Other participants were granted stipends or extra credit for submitting entries to the archives. Still others participated without any compensation or credit. The University Archives remains grateful to all who submitted journals, for helping us to understand the impact of this crisis on our community. </text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Name of War: WW2
Interviewee’s Name: David Low
Length of Interview: 41:25
Interviewed by: James Smither
Transcribed by: Sam Noonan
Interviewer: “Now David, begin with some background on yourself, and to begin with
where and when were you born?”
Well, I was born in Hebron, Illinois, on a farm that my dad worked at at the time - well, actually I
was born in the town, but my dad was the hired hand at a farm that - big farming community
there, big milk producer at that era.
Interviewer: “And what year were you born?”
1927. October 29th, 1927. So that makes me 93 years old right now.
Interviewer: “I can safely say that you don’t look it. Alright, so you were on a dairy farm.
Now, did your family own the farm?”
No, no. My dad was a hired hand on the farm, and he got at that time what they called milk
fever. Milk would cause his hands to swell up, [or at least] that’s the story that I got. I’m not sure
how true it is, but that’s what I was always led to believe. So he could not work on the farm
anymore, and his wife at the time was Irene Lowe, and her father owned a celery farm in
Muskegon. And that was just before the depression started, so he decided he would come out
and work on the celery farm, because he couldn’t work in the dairy industry anymore. So they
moved to Muskegon. I was not very old, I couldn’t have been over 18 months maybe or
something. We moved in, and then he worked on the farm for a little while but then the
depression hit and then my grandfather, my mother’s dad, couldn’t afford to hire him, but at that
time they started to get some oil in Muskegon - drilling oil wells. So my dad got a job, in the oil
fields and worked in the oil field at that time. Sometimes he’d work and he didn’t get paid, either.
So, it was pretty tough when we were kids. We grew up pretty poor, but we didn't know we were
poor and we had a good time. I had a good childhood, I can’t say anything bad about my
childhood at all.
Interviewer: “How many kids were in the family?”
There [were] 4.
Interviewer: “And where were you in the order?”

�I was [the third child.] I have an older brother who was in the Marine Corps, and then I have a
sister that is two years older, then I have my brother who is three years older - then I have a
younger sister, eight years younger than I am. And then the oil field kinda played out in
Muskegon, and the company that he worked for was Sohio Oil Company, which was, uh,
transferring some people from Muskegon over to Burnips. And they were discovering oil over in
Burnips so he was transferred over there, and we moved to Burnips for a couple of years and
then the oil field played out there and he was told that he could either move to Ohio and follow
the oil field or he could lose his job but stay in Michigan. So, he lost his job. He didn’t want to
leave the - he didn’t want to leave the state. So then we went from Burnips, he moved to
Wayland. That was in 1939.
Interviewer: “Okay. Now, in Wayland was he doing farm work or something else?”
No, we happened to move in next door to the construction contractor who was building a new
school in Wayland - now it’s called Pine Street School. So he got a job in construction on the
Pine Street School.
Interviewer: “Alright, now then did you go to high school in Wayland?”
I went to high school in Wayland, yes. I went, well the first two years - then my dad passed
away in 1940, so my mother was left with three, four kids, and no real experience [or help] of
any kind in getting a job, so she had to do manual work and the war started about that time.
There was an egg plant, what they called an egg plant in Wayland, where they candled eggs
and there was a … company and what they did was they candled the eggs, they beat them up,
and they took them over to the … factory and they made powdered eggs. So during the war she
made powdered eggs for the service, and I worked there at the … factory. I was only 14 years
old but I got a special permit from the school to work, and we had prisoners of war come over
from Fennville - they had a prisoner of war camp over there, German. And they brought them
over, we worked in the plant with the guys.
(5:34)
Interviewer: “Now, what impression did you have of those prisoners of war?”
Very good! They were very nice people, they weren’t any different than you and I, we had a little
difficulty with the language problem but we were able to communicate with each other. They
would bring a busload, two busloads of prisoners over every day and we would work in the
warehouse loading cans and milk cartons and things like that, but they weren’t any different
from you and I.
Interviewer: “Okay. Did that affect how you thought about the war at all, just to see that
the Germans were regular people?”

�No, not, - not really. I guess I just didn’t, wasn’t cognizant of the fact that that maybe, should
color my judgement but it didn’t. All I knew was that they seemed no different than what we
were.
Interviewer: “Okay, now to back up just a little bit, do you remember how you heard
about Pearl Harbor?”
Not - not really. I remember hearing it on the radio, I don’t remember where I was at the time
because I was still pretty young yet, but I do remember them on the radio.
Interviewer: “Okay, and then you said you had a brother who went into the Marine
Corps.”
Yes, he went in, I think in ‘43 he went into the Marine Corps. He went in at 17 and my mother
had to sign for him. And he was overseas and in all the Pacific battles: Taiwan [Tarawa], Tinian,
Saipan.
Interviewer: “And was he just an infantryman or did he..?”
An infantryman. He carried a bazooka for a while, and he also carried a flamethrower. That’s
about the only two things he told me about his experience. One thing he did tell me that’s a little
bit gruesome, I don’t know that I should say it or not, but anyways on one of the campaigns that
they had he said there were so many dead Japanese that they took a bulldozer, dug a great big
long trench, and just took a bulldozer and pushed them into the trench and covered them up.
That’s about the only thing he told me about the service that he was in.
Interviewer: “But he did come back in one piece?”
Yep, he came back in one piece and he was not affected by the war at all. He seemed to adjust
back to civilian life very easily.
Interviewer: “Okay, now did you finish high school?”
Well, that’s another story. I, uh, end of my sophomore year I decided that I was 17 and I was
gonna be drafted, if I kept on, I decided that I wanted to join the Marine Corps. So at the end of
my sophomore year I talked to my mother into signing [the papers] for me to go into the service.
Which I did, and I went and served a little over a year in the service, and when I came back out
of the service I had taken a, what is it, GInterviewer: “GED?”
GED, and the service … my high school diploma, got that. So I went back the high school and
Mr. Stevie, Rudy Stevie, was the principal, er, the superintendent of the school. And I asked if I
could get a high school diploma because of what I did in the service and he said, ‘well, I really

�can’t give you a high school diploma but I’ll tell you what I will do -’ he said, ‘you missed your
junior year, if you maintain a B or better average for your senior year I’ll give you credit for your
junior year and you can graduate with your class.’ So I did, and I maintained a - matter of fact I
graduated tied tenth in my class with another gal. And so I did get my high school diploma, only
having three years of high school.
Interviewer: “And you had to do it after the time in service?”
After I’d gotten back from the service, yeah.
Interviewer: “Was there anybody else in your situation, were there some returning
veterans?”
Yes, there were four other servicemen that started school with me, but they all dropped out. I’m
the only one that completed - so as far as I know, I’m the only veteran that completed high
school in Wayland.
(10:07)
Interviewer: “Okay, at least in that fashion. Now, was there a reason why you wanted the
diploma and not just the GED, did it make any difference?”
Yes, I felt that later in life that it would be more important to have a sheepskin, as they called it
back then.
Interviewer: “Okay. So let’s back up a ways: 1945, you’re 17 years old, you say ‘okay I’m
just gonna go in the service and do it.’ So you talk your mother into signing the papers to
let you go in a year early, and so when did you enlist?”
July - I think it was July 12th when I enlisted, I’m not exactly sure I think it was July 12th that I
actually was inducted into the service.
Interviewer: “Okay, and when you were enlisting were you able to choose which branch
of service to go into?”
They said we could, but when we got in line and the guy says ‘you’re going to the Navy, you’re
going to the Marines, you’re going to the Army’ and they got to me and they said ‘what branch
do you want to be in?’ and I said the Marines, and luckily he did put me in the Marines, but you
didn’t really have a choice. But he did put me in the Marines.
Interviewer: “Well the Marines had taken a lot of losses in the Pacific, and they needed
bodies for what was to come.”
Yep, that’s exactly what I was.

�Interviewer: “So they were happy to take you for that, okay. And so, after you sign up,
then what happens?”
Well, we stayed in the hotel there in Detroit that night, then we got on a train - I always called it
a coop train, and from there we went right on down to Parris Island. I don’t really remember
much about the trip, I don’t remember staying overnight anywhere, to me it was an all-day allnight two-days and two-night trip down to Parris Island.
Interviewer: “And were you just in regular coaches where you’re sitting on seats?”
No, we weren’t just in regular coaches yet.
Interviewer: “No sleeper cars, or?”
No sleeper cars or anything, we - you slept wherever you could sleep, and I don’t remember
now what time of the day or night we got there, I remember unloading and I remember they told
us to unload, stand in line, and we had a drill sergeant came out and started talking to us. Here
again there’s maybe something I shouldn’t say, but we all stood up - I went in with a fellow by
the name of Bob Dove from Ludington, which I had known before I was in the service, and he
and I - he was a little guy, not very big. This big, Polish guy - great big guy - walked up and
down and all the sudden he called us every name that he could think of, and get us in line, and
he walked [up to] Bob Dove, he hit Bob Dove in the stomach and curled him over. I thought ‘oh
my gosh, this is not for me.’ But anyway…
Interviewer: “Now, was that where you got off the train or was that when you got to Parris
Island?”
That was at Parris Island, we got off the train. Well, we got off the train [and] I think we were
bussed in.
Interviewer: “You’d have to take the bus there, -”
You gotta take the bus to Parris Island, when we got off the bus at Parris Island where we took
our boot.
Interviewer: “Yeah, so that ‘welcome to the Marine Corps’ was pretty much the same still
in the Vietnam era, where you’d come out and get abused by the drill sergeant, that was
the first exposure to life in the Marines.”
Then the second exposure was [when] we got to our barracks, and they had a big 2x4 nailed to
a post in there, he ripped that 2x4 off and it had a big nail in the end of it, and he walked up and
down the barracks and told us who we were and what we were there to do. One of the first
things that I remember him saying is ‘whatever you do, you do on the double. I don’t wanna see

�anybody walk, when I tell you something you run. You do it on the double, everything is on the
double.’ And he would, I don’t know how much detail you want me to go into on this, but they
would go into town on the weekend and they would come back pretty well… uh, lubricated.
Interviewer: “Right.”
And it could be 2:00 in the morning, or anytime they decided to come in, and they would tell us
to fall out. Sometimes it was locker boxes, … drawers. So we had to pick up our locker box at
the end of our bunk, take it outside, hold it, stand at attention until he decided to let us go back
in. Another thing they would do when they [came] back on the weekend [was that] they would
have the bucket brigade. We always had a bucket to wash our clothes and stuff in, and we
would take the bucket out, stand at attention, put it over our head and holler ‘Attention!’ until he
decided that he had enough, and then we’d go back in again. Just all - all discipline.
(15:22)
Interviewer: “Did you have the impression that all the different groups who were training
were getting the same treatment?”
Yes, yeah. Everybody got the same… abuse.
Interviewer: “Alright. At the time, did you understand why they were doing these
things?”
No, not - not really, not really. But by time I was finished with boot camp and then back out after
the war was over, then I realized what they were doing.
Interviewer: “Alright, now what actual training did you get, in terms of military training
while you were at Parris Island?”
Well, mostly marching with the pack on our back, it was mostly physical training for us. We
didn’t get an awful lot, we got some bayonet training and we got some climbing-the-fences and
crawling on our bellies through the swamp, and wading in the swamp up to our armpits. Things
like that, but it was mostly physical training. Now we were supposed to have six weeks of basic
training, we only got four weeks because of the rush – they wanted the invasion of Japan to
start, and so we only had four weeks of training. So we didn’t, we didn’t really have much more
than just rugged physical training.
Interviewer: “Alright. And at that point, while you were still at Parris Island, were they
telling you anything about what was going to happen to you – did you know you were
heading for the invasion of Japan?”
No, we didn’t know anything until the day before we were to board a ship. They told us that we
were shipping out on a certain date - I don’t remember what exact date that was now. But they

�told us we were going to be shipping out, and that we would have a general meeting [the next
day,] so then they [told us to] pack our bags, told us what to have in our duffel bag, and that
we’d be shipping out the next day. And they had a big room they put us in, and they had all the
papers if we wanted to change our beneficiary for life insurance - at that time each of us had a
$10,000 life insurance policy and I had my mother as the beneficiary. If anybody wanted to
change it – cause they came out and told us that there’d be a lot of us that wouldn’t come back
– so if you wanted to change something, [that] was the time to do it. So then the next morning
we went back to our barracks, next morning while we got all of our equipment on, went out to
the … field to get ready to board the bus to take us to the ship, and they said that our orders
had been delayed. They didn’t tell us… that they were just delayed. So we had no idea, we
were sequestered so we didn’t have any idea what was going on, so then I think it was three
days later they dropped the second bomb. And then they told us that there was something
called an atomic bomb, and it was dropped twice on Japan and that Japan had surrendered and
that the war was over with and we didn’t have to go anywhere. So I was really happy about that.
Cause you know, you stop and think, you know - am I gonna be a hero, or am I gonna be a
coward? You really don’t know until you get into it. You do what everybody else [does,] you’re
assigned a job and you do the job. You don’t think about anything else.
Interviewer: “Okay. Now during those few days, where you were just there waiting and
you didn’t know what was going to happen, what was the mood or the attitude of the
guys you were with?”
You know, I don’t really remember. I – I don’t remember much of anything, we were wondering,
you know, ‘what’s going on, what happened?’ but I don’t remember the mood of the group of
people that I was with at all, just kinda seems like a blank to me right now.
Interviewer: “So you were all focused on what might happen to you and you weren’t
really talking to each other or doing other stuff.”
Yeah, yeah.
Interviewer: “Did they keep you busy during those days?”
Can’t re- I, I don’t think so – March! Oh yeah, we went out on the … field and marched. We kept
our, we kept our discipline up.
Interviewer: “So now you’ve, you’ve had your four weeks of training, you’re supposed to
ship out, you don’t ship out, what do they do with you next? You’ve signed up for the
Marine Corps, so now what happens?”
Yeah, well – they shipped me into, they shipped me to Camp Lejeune. So I went into Camp
Lejeune - and I was a projectionist, when I was back in Wayland, there was a theater in
Wayland and of course I had to work because my dad had passed away, and I got a job in the
theater as an usher, cause I was tall and I could look – look older than what I really was. So the

�guy there was named, Neiman Frank was his name. And so he gave me a job - I had to go to
the school and get a permit again because I was too young to work, and so then I did pretty
good as an usher so he trained me to run the projection machines upstairs in the projection
booth. So when I went in the service I had that [experience] as a projectionist so I was put in the
special services. And I – they assigned me to bringing in the … shows I guess is what you might
call them, but there was… oh, Louis Armstrong and so I met quite a few celebrities on that, it
was my job to bring them in, show them where their quarters were, show them where the stage
was, and what facilities that we had for them to put their performance on. So that lasted for a
little while, and then we had to requalify for the rifle range. So I requalified and I shot expert.
And very, very difficult circumstances. We uh, we were there for I think a week shooting. And I
didn’t know it at the time, but there was a team being organized to shoot a national competition
for the Marine Corps and they were looking for people that could shoot accurately, and I
happened to shoot expert – I shot at a thousand yards, hit the bullseye. And so I was assigned
to the, to represent the Marines – on the team of the Eastern division of the Marine Corps, and
they shipped to me to Quantico, Virginia – Washington D.C., and people from – really good
shooters, from all over the United States are all in the service to shoot in this national
competition.
(22:35)
Interviewer: “Now, when you were a kid did you hunt or shoot at all or was this all new to
you?”
No, no, I hunted. Yeah I was familiar with a shotgun, and rifles and things.
Interviewer: “Yeah, a shotgun might not help you.”
Just .22s, yeah – well yes, [shotguns do help you learn how to] carry a weapon, and how to
position it, and what you should do with it. So [shotguns do] teach you, even though it was no
good in the service.
Interviewer: “Yeah, well it wasn’t a long range weapon though, I mean in the sense of a
rifle – you’re not going to hit something at a thousand yards with a shotgun.”
Yeah, no. So we shot with an M1, Browning. [the M1 was called the Garand—the Browning
Automatic Rifle was a different weapon]
Interviewer: “Okay. And then did you find that you were about as good as the other guys
on your team?”
Yes. Yeah, mhm, I was surprised. We also had to shoot with a .45. So we had the M1 and the
.45. Now, it’s a funny thing cause I don’t remember where we ended up – where my team ended
up in the competition, I don’t know whether we were first, second, third, or last, I don’t
remember.

�Interviewer: “And was the competition held at Quantico or was it-“
Yeah, mhm, Quantico. Every morning we would get up and we’d go shoot, by nine o’clock we
had to be on the range ready to, ready for the competition. We’d fire until noon, and then we
were turned loose. We could do whatever we wanted to, we had free range of Washington, we
could leave the base, we didn’t have to have passes or anything, we could just do whatever we,
whatever we wanted to do.
Interviewer: “Okay. So did you go into Washington then?”
Oh yes. Yes, I spent a lot of time – I had a friend that was – my schoolteacher, her sister lived in
Washington, and I stayed at her apartment on the weekends. And she had a pass to the, all the
streetcars, cause she worked there for the government. So she would give me her pass and I
could go anywhere I wanted to, didn’t cost me any money.
Interviewer: “Okay, and were they giving servicemen free admission to various places?”
No, no I don’t remember that – most everything was free back then anyway, there wasn’t any
charge for anything. But I visited everything that was of any interest in Washington.
Interviewer: “About how long did you spend at Quantico?”
Probably a couple of weeks, maybe three weeks. Then I went back to Camp Lejeune, and there
was a lot of people – Marines or servicemen coming back, and they put me in charge of a
barracks – a two story barracks. And all these guys were coming back from overseas, and they
had been fighting over there … they had a point system then, and I think that – I think if you had
around forty – I don’t remember now exactly – but forty-some points or something, you got
released and didn’t come back first, and then they went on down the line [numerically.] And here
I am, a seventeen year-old kid, they put me in charge of a barracks – these Marines that have
been overseas crawling in the mud and fighting, killing people – and I’m supposed to maintain
the barracks, have these guys come out, fall out in the morning, have roll call, and then tell them
to police the grounds and to polish the brass and to clean the heads – the head was the toilet.
And I thought, ‘this isn’t going to work.’ The first time I tried to get to somebody to do something,
they told me where to go. So I decided that, well, it’s gotta be done, so I did it. I picked up all the
cigarette butts, I let the guys do whatever they wanted to do, they could… I was not in charge of
them at all. So I picked up the cigarette butts, I polished the brass, and I cleaned the heads.
These guys had no business picking up cigarette butts. I realized that, I knew that – instinctively,
I said ‘this was not going to work.’ So I was there for a little while, and then they put me on
guard duty on a little island just off the coast of North Carolina. I was there for a little while and I
got an ingrown toenail, so I couldn’t walk the guard duty. So I went to the hospital and I had
pretty good duty in the hospital, I kept – I played that for as much as I could for a while. Finally
they released me, and then I got discharged right after that.

�Interviewer: “Okay. Let’s back up to the early part where you were a projectionist – did
you actually work as a projectionist in Camp Lejeune?”
Yes.
Interviewer: “And were you just, were you showing like Hollywood movies, or training
films?”
No no, Hollywood movies. These were for guys that were coming back from overseas and they
were stationed at that time, they called it Tent Camp. There was five of us, or four of us, that
they assigned to this one theater. We showed one movie a night, so we only – every fourth
night, I had something to do. We didn’t do anything at all during the days, except play pinochle
all day.
Interviewer: “Alright, now you mentioned Tent Camp – were you actually staying in tents
at that point, rather than barracks?”
No, I was staying right at the theater. They had rooms at the theater, they had a big office and a
lounge right there in the theater. So all I did was show a movie once every four days.
(28:26)
Interviewer: “Alright. Now do you remember any other famous people who went through
with the USO? You mentioned Louis Armstrong, who else came through?”
Well, Harry James came through and then there was… it wasn’t Lana Turner but there was
another gal that came in there – that was the only three that I remember that had any real fame.
Interviewer: “Okay. Now while you were at Camp Lejeune, did you get to go off the base
at all?”
No, I don’t remember going off base much at Camp Lejeune. I did go into Raleigh, North
Carolina a couple of times – we could get weekend passes if we wanted ‘em.
Interviewer: “Cause, I mean, you were in the South, and the South was still segregated at
that point – inside the camp, I mean aside from [a] visitor like Louis Armstrong,
everybody there probably was white. But did you notice that –“
No we had, we had colored people in my unit.
Interviewer: “Okay.”
Oh yeah. No, we had, in boot camp – I had, there was two people of color.

�Interviewer: “Were they black?”
Yeah. No no, they were African Americans.
Interviewer: “Okay. Cause that’s the kind of thing that isn’t really expected, because
black Marines would normally train on their own at Montford Point, rather than Parris
Island with the rest of you guys. And your unit at Camp Lejeune, there were black
Marines there too? Or just when you were training?”
I don’t remember – no there was… cause I, the fellow that I was in boot camp with was also at
Camp Lejeune at the same time that I was. Cause I talked with him several times after that. So
we were integrated, I didn’t even realize that we were [supposed to still be segregated] at that
time.
Interviewer: “Cause you weren’t officially integrated at that point, but it was happening –
and I’ve actually heard that from a few other people in other service branches, that there
was a little more of that kind of thing going on than you might expect.”
Mhm.
Interviewer: “Alright – now, thinking over the time that you spent in the Marines, are
there other memories that stand out for you?”
When I was on guard duty one day, there was a colored snake – it had rings – red, and white
and black, rings around it. It was about [two feet] long, and so I killed it. And there was a black
guy that was a … of the guardsmen there that took care of the boilers and the furnace and stuff,
so I took it in and I put it on my billy stick and I took it in and showed it to them, and it was a
poisonous, very poisonous snake. I don’t know – they called it a milk snake, or a –
Interviewer: “It could be… it was a coral snake maybe?”
A coral snake or something, and he just about had a fit. And then one other time, while I was on
guard duty there, I got awful sleepy and I thought, ‘well I’m just gonna lay down for a minute, I
can’t walk anymore’ and of course I had a sore foot at that time, and so I laid down and I
thought, ‘well I’ll get up in a few minutes.’ I fell asleep. Luckily the guy that was to relieve me,
the sergeant did not come with him – he came by himself. And I wasn’t at the post where I was
supposed to be so he came into the barracks, woke me up, and then took over. But if the
sergeant had [come] I’d probably still be in jail.
(32:12)
Interviewer: “Alright, once you were out of the basic training and you were at Camp
Lejeune, how did sergeants treat people?”

�Fine. Yeah, entirely different.
Interviewer: “And… but you wound up then essentially going out early, you were
supposed to be in, do you think, for two full years or at least eighteen months or
something?”
Mhm. Yeah.
Interviewer: “So you got out there early, alright. So once they decide that they’re done
with you, what did you do after you’re discharged? Did you go back home, or-“
Oh yeah. I came back home and then I went to high school, and then I went back to the theater
and worked in the theater. And I did odd jobs around, I worked for different carpenters and built
houses and things like that as a laborer, but that wasn’t something that I really – and I did work
at General Motors for a little while, and then I decided that probably working at General Motors
wasn’t something I liked because I stood at a machine, I put a part – I put two parts together, I
put it at a spot welder, and spot welded it, threw it over my shoulder, that’s all I did all day long.
And that, I guess my personality was not that type so I decided that I better, I better go to
school. So I quit General Motors and then I went to Parsons Business College in Kalamazoo –
they had a private business school there, and I took up accounting – business administration
and accounting. And I, I did that after [General Motors.]
Interviewer: “Okay so, then that was kind of your career from there?”
No, I came back – I didn’t really like accounting very much, and a friend of mine was a painter in
Wayland – he did painting and decorating. And I worked with him for a while, and he decided
that he was gonna leave town, he didn’t want to stay in Wayland anymore, he was going
someplace else, so I took over all of his equipment and I did painting and decorating in
Wayland. I took a job, there was an outfit called Kessler’s Undies and Woolies that had come
into town, there was a … works in Grand Rapids and they made lollipop pants for women,
cotton pants – they owned a factory there in Wayland. And the Kessler company came out of
Chicago, and he bought the lollipop pant factory, moved his operation into Wayland. They
manufactured baby clothes and sleepwear and underwear for infants. And I contracted a job for
them painting their office, and I saw the salesman come in and I heard what they were talking
about and everything and I thought, ‘well you know I might like to try that’ and I liked that better
than painting, cause painting was difficult. Sanding and scrubbing those walls and stuff, I didn’t
like that. So I asked Mr. Kessler if I could have a job as a salesman, he said he wanted to know
if I had any experience, and I said ‘no, I don’t have any experience.’ Well he says, “I can’t hire
you unless you have experience,’ so I thought ‘well, alright, how am I gonna get experience?’
So I got a job with Fuller Brush Company.
Interviewer: “Oh, okay.”

�And I don’t know how I even contacted them and got a hold of them, but I did and I worked for
them for a year, and I was very successful then, I did pretty good at it.
Interviewer: “Now a lot of people today won’t even know what Fuller Brush Company was
or how they operated, I mean I’m old enough to remember them – so what did they do?”
Oh really? Well Fuller Brush Company had a catalog, and they sold all – very similar to Amway,
in many ways, today – and they had salesmen that would go out and knock on doors. At that
time you could knock on doors and people were home! And you could talk to them and they had
always – we had what they called a vegetable brush that we gave to the housewife, or whoever
answered the door. And then we gave them a catalog and told them who we were, and to pick
out something and then we would take an order. And then we would fill the order, bring the
merchandise back the next week when we came, when we came through. So I worked for them
for about a year, and so then I went back to Mr. Kessler and I said ‘well, I have sales experience
now, I worked for Fuller Brush, and I’m one of their top people in our area,’ I said ‘will you now
consider hiring me?’ Well, you know he says ‘we do need somebody in Michigan right now, our
salesman there is leaving,’ and he said ‘you can go out with my son tomorrow if you want to,
can you go tomorrow?’ I said, ‘yeah, I’m ready to go,’ so I went out with his son, they had a
sample case of goods and we went out and we sold about eight or ten hundred dollars’ worth of
stuff, and so the next day he says, ‘well, you want to go out with my son again today?’ And I
said no, I said ‘I’ll try it on my own.’ So I had a little plan figured out that I was gonna do, and so
I took the sample case out and I went to a couple of small stores and told them that I was new
with the business, I didn’t really know whether the products was any good or not, but would they
take a look at it and see if there was a product there that they could use? And they let me open
up the case and I sold them goods, I got back with fifteen hundred dollars’ worth of goods. The
next day [Mr. Kessler] says we’ll hire you. I ended up being there, either their number one or
number two salesman – I was with them for ten years.
(38:03)
Interviewer: “Alright, so you’ve done all sorts of stuff in your lifetime, alright. … primarily
about your military career, let’s go and circle back a little bit now. Think about the time
that you spent in the Marine Corps, what did you take out of that or how did that affect
you?”
I think probably discipline. Knowing what you want to do and how you want to do it, and to plan
– things don’t just happen, you have to kind of plan as to what you’re going to do and what’s
expected of you. Probably decency is a thing that stood out more than anything else – be fair
and normally people will treat you fair if you’re fair. But I think discipline, is probably the biggest
thing. Your weapon was, that was a rifle. And it was called a rifle. And they said, ‘do not call it a
gun or you’re in trouble.’ So I don’t know any… one of our discipline… our marching…
something came up that, I said, ‘my gun,’ something or other. And the drill sergeant picked up
on that immediately - I slept with nine rifles that night. So that was my, that was my reward for
calling my rifle my gun. Yeah, when they first got in, the… mess hall, I would, I think it was

�[during] the evening meal, I was still hungry – cause I was a pretty good eater. And so I went in
and had my meal and I went in for seconds, and the sergeant that was in charge of the mess
hall said ‘are you a chow hound?’ I said ‘yes sir!’ He said, ‘well get up on the table and bark.’
So’s about three hundred people in the mess hall at the time, so I get up on the table and I
barked. I never went back for seconds again.
Interviewer: “Alright, now I guess – that led me to think a little bit, so in boot camp when
people messed up, did you normally get disciplined like that, just doing something-“
K.P. Kitchen police. Yeah kitchen duty, they called it K.P. at the time. And sometimes even if
you didn’t mess up you got K.P.’d, because they needed somebody and they made it kind of
around so that everybody got K.P. And I did get K.P. for a week – no, not a week – three days, I
think. And I was what they called a bread and butter guy, and all I had to do was make sure
there was bread and butter on the table. So that was pretty good duty.
Interviewer: “Okay. But they didn’t – so they weren’t beating people up, or doing any
really abusive stuff at that point?”
No, no.
Interviewer: “Periods where you get stories like that, sometimes coming out of Marine
training-“
The only, the only physical thing was hitting Bob Dove in his stomach. And Bob Dove just
passed away here a few months ago.
Interviewer: “Alright.”
(41:25)
[END]

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                  <text>The Library of Congress established the Veterans History Project in 2001 to collect memories, accounts, and documents of U.S. war veterans from World War II and the Korean War, Vietnam War, and conflicts in the Middle East and elsewhere, and to preserve these stories for future generations. The GVSU History Department interviews are part of this work-in-progress, and may contain videos and audio recordings, transcripts and interview outlines, and related documents and photographs.</text>
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Boring, Frank</text>
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                <text>David Low was born in Hebron, Illinois, on October 29th, 1927, and his family moved to Muskegon, Michigan before settling in Wayland, Michigan as he started high school. When Low was 14, he helped make powdered eggs for the military at a local factory, where he worked alongside German prisoners of war. Near the end of his sophomore year of high school, Low decided that because he was going to be drafted, it made more sense to join the Marines outright. Low arrived at Parris Island for boot camp shortly after enlisting and received four weeks of training in boot camp instead of the typical six weeks because of pressure surrounding the invasion of Japan. Fortunately for Low and his fellow soldiers, the atomic bomb strikes led to Japan’s surrender just before they were to depart. Following this confusion and sudden change of plans, Low was sent to Camp Lejeune in Jacksonville, North Carolina. Here he worked as a projectionist due to his past work experience. Low was able to meet celebrities like Louis Armstrong due to his work helping the USO entertain servicemembers and enjoyed the time he spent living in the theater. Afterwards Low was required to requalify at the rifle range, and shot at an expert level, gaining him a position on a Marine team that was sent to shoot at a national competition. This led him to Quantico, Virginia, where he was able to live near Washington D.C. and enjoy the local sights and events. Low was eventually able to return home to Wayland, MI, where he resumed school and work, he was able to find a position at General Motors and worked there for a while, but grew tired of the repetitive work and desired something more enjoyable. To solve this problem, Low attended Parsons Business College in Kalamazoo, MI, studying business administration and accounting in order to further his career. Though he did not enjoy accounting work as much as he hoped, Low was able to find work in sales after finishing school and enjoyed it significantly more, working for Kessler’s Undies and Woolies for ten years. Reflecting on his time in the service, Low feels that he gained a greater sense of discipline due to his experience.</text>
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                    <text>April 11, 2020
I am currently on Day 30 of quarantining at home and there are still at least 19 days to go. I
think it is likely Governor Whitmer’s “Stay Home Stay Safe” shelter in place order will get
extended. The order was originally signed on March 23 and was meant to last through April 13,
and is now lasting through April 30. Nearly every day over the last month has been an
emotional rollercoaster, fluctuating sometimes hourly between feelings of helplessness,
depression, gratitude, peace, and hopefulness. Some days have been harder than others, and I
truly have to take everything day by day. As of April 3, the CDC recommends that everyone
wear masks in public now, not just those that are ill, and it’s unsettling to walk around grocery
stores seeing everyone’s face covered. I miss being around people and feeling connected.
Taking daily walks and connecting with friends over FaceTime has been helpful. I’m staying in
Grand Rapids away from my family for the shelter in place. Originally, I’m from Wayne County
which is currently experiencing one of the worst outbreaks of Covid-19 in the United States. My
mom works in a hospital and my dad works with prisoners, so we decided it would be safer for
me to stay in Grand Rapids to limit exposure. It’s been hard to be away from my family, and I
can’t help but worry about them, but we are all being cautious and staying safe as best we can.
I am an occupational therapy student in my second semester of graduate school, and just
finished up my fourth week of online classes. It’s taken me a lot of time to process my thoughts
and feelings amid everything that’s going on, but I feel like I can articulate it better now. The
first two weeks of this were just surreal and felt like I was living in a dystopian fever dream, but
I’m finally settling in to a new “normal.” First and foremost, my faculty have gone above and
beyond to make the transition to online learning as easy as it can be, and their unwavering
dedication to students remains truer than ever. They check in often with emails and video
messages, and they have all made themselves available to talk over a myriad of platforms. They
are keeping us on track with our content by posting presentations and online modules though I
haven’t had any synchronous lectures yet. They are also doing “wellness checks” and making
sure we are all hanging in there mentally. It is so evident they love and care for us as people
first and students second, and I am so grateful to go to a school with such dedicated faculty.
The other students in my cohort and I compiled a video to say hi, share our thanks, and just let
our faculty see our faces. It was a fun project to put together and reminded me that while we
are all physically apart, the sense of family and community remains. My cohort and my faculty
truly feel like family to me, and I miss seeing them in class every day. I am a huge extrovert, so
it’s been really tough emotionally and mentally to be away from everyone. However, on March
31, five other girls from my program and I chalked messages of encouragement (while
maintaining social distancing and staying 6 feet apart) on the Medical Mile for our healthcare
workers and it was very moving to see them smiling waving at us from within the hospital and
know that our little act of kindness mattered. I am constantly being reminded that there is still
good coming from this, and you don’t have to know how to sew face masks or make face
shields in order to do your part. Here are some photos of the messages we shared:

��Without invalidating the bright spots that give me bursts of hope, the transition to online
learning has been uncomfortable and disorienting. It’s so hard to be pulled out of our normal
class routine when so much of our learning is clinical and hands on through lab and fieldwork
experiences. I was in a fieldwork placement working with children aged 0-3 that was canceled.
My second rotation that was set to take place in the summer has already been canceled and
will be replaced with online simulations. Our professors have adapted labs to be done online at
home, but it does not have the same effect as being in class. Additionally, with spring semester
being online and summer semester still up in the air, I calculated that up to 33% of my master’s
degree might be completed online. Not exactly the educational experience I had envisioned,
but I have no choice but to go with it and trust that my incredible faculty will ensure I receive
the high-quality education characteristic of Grand Valley. As sad as I am to be out of school for
2-3 months, at the end of March GVSU closed the CHS building to accommodate potential
patient overflow from Spectrum Health, our lab departments donated 90,000 gloves to local
hospitals, and our engineering college is currently producing face masks to help the PPE
shortage. As always, I am still proud to be a Laker.
Unsurprisingly, there have been some technical difficulties and blunders during this transition
that have been a test of flexibility and adaptability. On April 6, my research team (myself and 3
other students) defended the proposal for our master’s project to our committee members via
Zoom meeting. For attire, this meant a blazer on top and my pajama pants on the bottom!
When we finished defending our presentation, the committee instructed us to leave the
meeting so they could discuss our proposal and log back on in 10 minutes. I logged back onto
the meeting as they were mid-deliberation and I couldn’t help but start laughing! We were all
laughing, and it was definitely some comedic relief. The joys of relying on technology for
everything these days. In case anyone is wondering, we passed the defense and get to proceed
with our research! Additionally, I have been very fortunate in that I have been able to keep
working during this shutdown. I work for the University Libraries as a Research Consultant, and
our peer learning services have gone entirely online. It’s been a trial and error process, but I
think it’s going well, and I feel grateful to still have a source of income. I used to sit at a table
and work side by side with students to help them find research or talk about sources, and now I
do it over Google Meet! A student shares their screen with me over the meeting, and I talk
them through using Library Databases, developing search terms, etc. It’s been an interesting
learning curve, but a very valuable experience and I’m glad we are able to continue supporting
students as we wrap up the semester. Plus, it is nice to be able to stay connected with my boss
and coworkers!
Personally, I have struggled to find a structured routine at home that allows me to get things
done at home, and it’s been very challenging to stay focused. It has been mostly challenging to
compartmentalize and complete assignments knowing that thousands of people are dying and
that our healthcare workers on the frontlines don’t have adequate protective equipment. I
frequently get distracted when I’m working as I think about what the world will be like after this
and worry about all the things in the future that will be permanently altered, both in my
personal life and on a broader scale (national and global). I read an article about how we’re all

�essentially going through the grieving process and it is so true. We’re grieving the loss of our
routines, events being cancelled, the people we are losing to the virus, the economy, the state
of the world in general. I try not to think about how I am being affected personally when it’s so
much worse for so many people, but it’s hard not to be upset and anxious and distracted when
the long-term prognosis for this is grim and sobering. It is all very overwhelming to think about
while also trying to finish the semester.
To wrap this up on a more positive note, over the last month I have seen some of the best of
humanity. Yes, some people are hoarding toilet paper and being incredibly selfish, but that is all
being outweighed by more people stepping up to be there for each other. Local restaurants
have been ensuring children still get fed while school is cancelled for the year, automotive
factories have halted production to make ventilators, people are sewing facemasks at home to
donate to healthcare workers, and so much more. In order to help any way I can, I donated
blood this last Tuesday (April 7) and the nurses said they’ve had to turn people away because
all their appointments were full. These are wild, unprecedented times, but I am seeing that
when the whole world has stopped, all that’s left is the people. We are all alone together, and
we will get through it together. This is a quote I came across a few weeks ago as everything
began shutting down that I’ve found helpful and comforting:
“Conversations will not be cancelled. Relationships will not be cancelled. Love will not
be cancelled. Songs will not be cancelled. Reading will not be cancelled. Self-care will
not be cancelled. Hope will not be cancelled.”
It is an important reminder that we will get to the other side of this together, and I am hopeful
that we will be better for it.

�</text>
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                    <text>William James College Interviews
GV016-16
Interviewer: Barbara Roos and Stephen Rowe
Interviewee: Arend Lubbers
Date: 1984
Part: 1 of 3
[Conversation between President Lubbers and Professor Stephen Rowe]

[Lubbers]

You can just… you’re going to just kind of edit and put comments in?

[Barbara]

And it should be very informal and if you say something you don't like you can
say: "I don't like that, let’s do that again." Okay?

[Lubbers]

Alright. Did you want to start with a question or?

[Rowe]

Yeah, it seems that the basic question would be that in the wake of rebellion and
confusion and break up of what some have called a “traditional model” of our
education in the late sixties, there was this period of so-called innovation and
Grand Valley, in that period, adopted the cluster college model. So, it seems to
me, the first question for you to characterize the deliberation within which Grand
Valley made that decision.

[Lubbers]

Well, of course, the college when it was established had a concept – or the
people who established it had a concept – of a cluster of colleges. As I remember
the original plan called for…

[Rowe]

This was sixty-three?

[Lubbers]

Yeah. Four colleges of fifteen hundred each. Thinking that that would be a nice
educational unit.

[Rowe]

This was Oxford inspired?

[Lubbers]

I don't really know. I’ve talked to Bill Seidman about it, but it's been such a long
time ago that I don't remember how it came about. I think that there were some
who felt fifteen hundred was a large enough group for a college and that if you
wanted to keep personal contact and tutoring, you had to keep it at that number.
No one did much planning about the time the first college reached fifteen
hundred. What do you do then? Do you start another college with the two
hundred more that you might have? So, it was an original concept, but it was not
one that was clearly thought out in detail. But when I arrived, there was the talk of
having this School of General Studies. And so that was in the works by the time I

�came here. And then I noticed the plan, of course, the original plan and thought
that this was a movement towards that objective.
[Rowe]

Did the alumni give the idea to get it more from the culture or from the original
plan? You suggest that it was the latter… or the former.

[Lubbers]

I don't know whether people like Dan Clock and Gil Davis was here. I assume
that you talked with Gil, maybe not, but Gil was here, and he might remember
more about the origin of that School of General Studies.

[Rowe]

That was seven… what was the date on that? Sixty-seven?

[Lubbers]

They were talking about it… I came in January of sixty-nine. And I know it went
into effect, I think, then in the fall of sixty-nine. And it's terrible how these things
kind of… the past blends together, and I can't remember the dates exactly. But I
know my own thoughts at that time were sympathetic to the original concept. And
I also felt that there probably were different ways to learn, and if we can establish
colleges with different pedagogical approaches and styles, that might be useful in
higher education rather than to take it on a number’s basis. In other words, you
have your first fifteen hundred and then you set up a parallel college with the next
fifteen hundred. I thought it would be more useful to students and higher
educational experimentation to establish the schools on the basis of pedagogy,
rather than the numbers.

[Rowe]

At what point did you or the college become aware of cluster college as
something distinct that we were doing, say, like Santa Cruz or other places that
were similar?

[Lubbers]

Well, really from the time I arrived in January of sixty-nine and saw the formation
of the School of General Studies, I was very much interested in the cluster
college concept and worked toward it. And then, of course, then the School of
General Studies became Thomas Jefferson College.

[Rowe]

Can you characterize the moment at which the College III task force was
founded. College III, of course, became William James.

[Lubbers]

William James. I recall a conversation that I had with Tom Cunningham about the
concept of a William James College.

[Rowe]

So named?

[Lubbers]

I don't remember calling it anything else or thinking about it.

[Rowe]

Seems likely.

�[Lubbers]

I do remember the ideas that I had at that time. I was very much interested in the
vocations of the future. What were they going to be? What were people going to
be doing with their lives? And concerned a bit about the narrow vocational
direction. And of course, we have many of these schools now that are
professional and choose a profession and educate for it. We're more into that.
But I was concerned about the narrowness and that there ought to be a place
where you educated for broad fields and that the approach to communications
was a very broad one, in my view anyway, and then we had the computers and
the social relations. And I can remember some of the literature in that period
pointing in directions… jobs are going to be in these general fields. And so, there
was that professional aspect of it, but a broader based professional approach.
And so that appealed to me a great deal. And how you educate for professions
and at the same time keep the liberal arts core was the part of the experiment
that I liked. And an attempt to bring a synthesis between the professional
approach and the traditional liberal learning approach.

[Rowe]

What was it about Tom's idea or James' philosophy that made the fit there,
between your thinking…?

[Lubbers]

I think it was the pragmatic approach. In other words, let's try to educate people
to do things that work, that function, that will serve them well. I think that was
probably it. But, again, you know, you have… such as William James College
and Thomas Jefferson College, in a sense, cut out of whole cloth. In other words,
you come at it with a strong sense of pedagogy. This is what it's going to be. And
then to see how it works out, and it never works out the way the plan calls for to
work out.

[Rowe]

How did James work out?

[Lubbers]

Well, some people, I think, were very well served by it. I think there's a problem in
the experimental education. I think that's been true throughout the country. Was
true throughout the country in the nineteen seventies, particularly late sixties into
seventies. Accompanying most of these experiments, of course, was a different
evaluation system. They didn't have the traditional A through F grading, nor the
traditional examination. And I have a feeling that one of great problems was
really quite simple: that experimental education never did work out a very good
evaluation system. And some people do not require evaluation, they just are selfmotivated. And I think that we saw a group of students – particularly in the middle
seventies – who were more inclined toward independent study and had the kind
of motivation to carry through a sensible educational program with the assistance
of faculty. But for the most part, and certainly on into the eighties, I think we find
people needing more traditional evaluation structures. They like to have "A’s,"
"B’s," "C’s," and "D’s," and as much as they don't like examinations, they need to

�have examinations. And I believe that what happens is that the standards begins
to be relaxed. And then a lot of students who are really not inclined to be
students pass through a system and are not evaluated.
[Rowe]

How is that problem with evaluation, which you associate with experimental
education, related to the basic model: integrating vocational and liberal? Is there
any connection? Is there some integral connection?

[Lubbers]

I don't think so. Are you asking whether that kind of a model for William James
required a different kind of evaluation system from the traditional one?

[Rowe]

Yeah. Well, you mention two things that seem separate: one, the basic pedagogy
and the philosophy of education, integrating liberal and career studies, and
secondly, the experimental orientation, which had this problem with evaluation. I
don't see what you say about how the two are connected.

[Lubbers]

They're not connected.

[Rowe]

So they just happened to…

[Lubbers]

They came together and one of the reasons I think that experimental colleges
have changed, closed, or merged is because they did not have a more traditional
evaluation system. I think that there would have been a better chance of William
James College surviving, if the evaluation system had been similar to the
evaluation system that was in the College of Arts and Sciences, which of course
was the more traditional evaluation system. I think that it would have been…
because a comment was made about people not liking William James College. I
think that's true. I think that a large number of people in the College of Arts and
Sciences did not think highly of William James College.

[Rowe]

Because?

[Lubbers]

Because they didn't believe that the quality of work was a college level. And
whether that evaluation is correct or not, that was the perception.

[Rowe]

And you're suggesting that perception was related more to the evaluation and
experimental orientation than it was to the basic pedagogy?

[Lubbers]

I'm saying that I think that is one of the contributing factors to it. And you know,
again, the curriculum was put together, somewhat as you go, and I think that was
probably another reason why people in the more traditional institution did not
respect William James College.

[Rowe]

In that sense it was experimental?

�[Lubbers]

I would say yeah. I would say it was in that respect. I wonder if there could have
been a more fixed curriculum, and also whether there could have been a more
traditional evaluation system, whether that might have made a significant
difference in the survival of all experimental colleges. I think this is a
characteristic of experimental colleges, and not a fixed curriculum, and not a
traditional evaluation system. It might have been possible to have a different
pedagogy, a different approach, and still have those two traditional elements.

[Rowe]

Or to not have those elements and have a different pedagogy. For example, TJC.
So, maybe the question is: was the pedagogy of TJC more consistent with the
experimental approach in evaluation and curriculum?

[Lubbers]

I don't know whether it was or not. But I do think that it's possible, a least I… this
is again, conjecture, but I think that some of the pedagogy of the experimental
colleges was valid, and is valid, but I don't think the systems that were used, or
the lack of system, served the experiments very well.

[Barbara]

Steve, we have to stop and change tape.

[Rowe]

Okay.

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                    <text>William James College Interviews
GV016-16
Interviewer: Barbara Roos and Stephen Rowe
Interviewee: Arend Lubbers
Date: 1984
Part: 2 of 3
[Conversation between President Lubbers and Professor Stephen Rowe]

[Rowe]

Could you comment on the connection there?

[Lubbers]

Well, I'm just talking experimental education, you know, you can have many
different pedagogies. You can have colleges, or schools, or courses, that are
different from the traditional. You can have very different kinds of pedagogies.
There is not, in my definition, experimental education does not have a pedagogy.

[Rowe]

And yet so much of it fell into problems with evaluation and curriculum.

[Lubbers]

Right.

[Rowe]

Why was that do you suppose?

[Lubbers]

Well, I wonder if that was more the spirit of the times. In other words, when
people were ready to experiment, and wanted to experiment, and maybe
accompanying an experimental era is this desire for freedom and individualism.
In other words, an experiment is a breaking away, of doing something different
from the way most people are doing it. So, there is a freedom about that. I want
to break away and be free. Well, what do you want to be free of? You not only
want to be free of the traditional curriculum, you want to be free of the way it's
delivered.

[Rowe]

Or, as many people put it, they tend to be very clear about what they be free
from, but not very clear about free for.

[Lubbers]

So often, experimental education has so much rebellion built into it. And
rebellion, you know, finally has to be, I suppose, consummated. I mean you have
to have your rebellion, and be done, and move on. And so…

[Rowe]

How would we have that here?

[Lubbers]

Oh, I would say we had, again, that desire to be free of the usual constraints.
And that was built into William James College, as it was into Thomas Jefferson
College. And I don't think… and that led to a way of evaluating, or not evaluating

�very well, and it led to a way of putting a curriculum together perhaps in too
haphazard manner. But I think that here – and maybe in most universities – the
experiments that were tried were not accepted by an overwhelming majority of
the faculty. And I think that's a problem. It's almost insoluble. And it's a problem
that I think experimental education will always have, because if you set up a
freestanding experiment, that is very difficult. Most experiments need the
strength – at least the financial strength – of a traditional university or college.
Maybe Evergreen State is an exception to that and that's why I would like to see
them… see how they've done it. And at the same time, it's very hard to get a
large majority of the faculty to support the experiment, to really be enthusiastic
about it. If the majority of the faculty or if the CAS faculty, for instance, had a high
regard for William James College, it might have survived. Though, we were in a
real financial crunch and things had to happen. We couldn't afford to do some of
the things that we had done. So, the reorganization of the institution might have
taken place anyway, but certainly it was the financial crisis that triggered the
changes. But if there had been a high regard for what was going on at William
James College by the rest of the faculty, they might have fought to keep it.
Because they would look upon it as a distinguishing part of Grand Valley that
they liked, but that was not the case.
[Rowe]

What do you think they understood William James to be?

[Lubbers]

Just, low standards, low academic standards. And no comprehensive,
comprehendible curriculum.

[Rowe]

Did they understand the pedagogy or the basic approach?

[Lubbers]

I don't know whether they did or not. If they did, those who did might have
respected that to a certain degree but didn't feel that it was being carried out well
enough to save it.

[Rowe]

Some people noticed that the very first sign of trouble in William James was
when the nation, as a whole – “Change Magazine" identifies this as seventy-six –
became involved with the “New Vocationalism” was the term. So that everybody
suddenly became interested in integrating career and liberal education, even on
the campus as a whole.

[Lubbers]

Uh-huh.

[Rowe]

Some people reviewing the history of William James notice as early as seventysix we were, in some ways, co-opted by a much larger national movement.

[Lubbers]

Yeah.

�[Rowe]

Could you comment on that?

[Lubbers]

Well, I think co-opted and maybe that is one of the great values in William James
College: was that it was before its time in terms of philosophy. And I think that the
heritage that William James College has left to the campus as a whole, is
probably this integration… this attempt to integrate the professional and the
liberal learning. There's been the two tracks, of course, in education and the
synthesis between the two is essential. But as we are now organized with our
professional schools living intermixed in the divisions with the arts and sciences, I
think is a good illustration of what William James meant and has been that part of
the William James heritage that continues and is a major contribution to this
institution. Again, I think maybe faculty accept it, the ones that do accept it, not all
do, but the ones that do accept it, some will do it because they believe in it
philosophically, but many of the arts and sciences professors have had to face
the unpleasant reality for them that many of their students are majoring in
professions. And therefore, they have to live together with the faculty in the
professional fields. And for whatever reason, it's happened, and is happening,
whether the motive is high or low, I welcome it because it does mean that people
have to… educators have to live together and have to work out some of the
problems that exist between professional curriculum and an arts and sciences
curriculum.

[Rowe]

Do you have any frustration or concern about what developed as the
understanding of "career" in this new vocational movement? Some of us in
William James felt that the definition of career that developed was precisely the
more narrow form that you and others, at the founding, tried to avoid.

[Lubbers]

Well, I think that it has come to that. And I don't think that every student, or all
faculty, or every program, is narrowly career. The narrowly career programs can
exist side by side with the ones that are broader philosophically. And yet this
happens to be the day of the narrower career approach. But those things begin
to change some. Although we are facing a time when jobs are so specialized and
require such carefully honed talents that I wonder whether we're going to
continue to need places in our educational system where people are, in a sense,
trained but at a very high level. If you're going to be, well, on our campus for
instance… if you're going to be a physical therapist, you can't just take a general
major in health. There can't be a general health vocations major, and then
practice that profession.

[Rowe]

You still need the terminal bachelor’s degree which I suppose they may have to
assume. We've mentioned seventy-six as the time when the new vocationalism
became very popular in the country and on the campus, and the reorganization in
seventy-nine?

�[Lubbers]

It was after that wasn't it?

[Rowe]

Eighty?

[Lubbers]

Eighty, eighty?

[Barbara]

Eighty.

[Lubbers]

Was it nineteen eighty? Is it that long ago?

[Rowe]

Can you say anything about the lay of the land between seventy-six to eighty in
terms of what happened to William James, both internally and externally?

[Lubbers]

Well, I think that there was a growing problem for William James. Students – high
school students – were not quite so interested in experimental colleges, or they
were much more interested in the traditional educational institutions. And in the
more narrowly defined professional fields. And so, it was becoming a problem to
attract students. And I think that was a major reason, too, for the demise of the
institution finally. There just wasn't the student interest in it anymore and it was
declining. And, well, I think those of you who are on the faculty worked very hard
to recruit students and try to gain interest. And there were several older students
who liked the style of William James. And, maybe again, if the institution had
been well-respected, by all the faculty, it might have survived and became a real
haven for older adults. But, again, the financial crunch and the declining interest
of students in the eighteen-year-old group, or the high school group, and really
the lack of appreciation for William James by the faculty, and the financial
crunch. And I think you begin to put all those factors together. Often one factor
will not bring about the demise. But they were pretty strong factors bunched
together working against William James’ continuation. And I really don't see that
it could've survived, probably not even in good times. I'm not sure.

[Rowe]

Because of?

[Lubbers]

Because of the faculty really working against it.

[Rowe]

In terms of evaluation?

[Lubbers]

Yeah, I think so. The failure of the cluster college system to survive… I think,
really, the single factor that was maybe most important of all these clusters of
factors was the inability of faculty and students on one campus like this one to
ever have a real feeling that though they were a part of an experimental college
or they were part of the traditional college, they also were part of Grand Valley as
a whole. That never could be done. And I guess I did not foresee that at all at the
beginning. I never dreamed – and that was probably my own naiveté – that the

�competition between and amongst each of those colleges would be almost… or it
was really, more intense than our competition – Grand Valley's competition – with
other institutions outside. But I suppose, one should understand that possibility
and I don't know why didn't. Because in my experience, like probably yours and
everyone else's, we need to have our enemies close. And if we don't, we really
have… I've noticed, if you're with any kind of an organization, maybe within a
church. I've often enjoyed watching denominations; they fight internally more
than the enemy out there. And we were fighting ourselves all the time. And…
[Rowe]

The drift of things that I'm hearing from you is that the fight was primarily…

[Barbara]

I'm going to have to stop you. Finish your question…

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                    <text>William James College Interviews
GV016-16
Interviewer: Barbara Roos and Stephen Rowe
Interviewee: Arend Lubbers
Date: 1984
Part: 3 of 3
[Conversation between President Lubbers and Professor Stephen Rowe]

[Rowe]

Was that characteristic of College IV as well as Thomas Jefferson and James?
The model was this distinction among and between units about pedagogy. You're
suggesting that underlining that there was a deeper distinction between the
traditional education and the experimental. Is that a fair understanding of what
you are saying?

[Lubbers]

Yeah, I think so, I think it was. The experimental education with its structures – its
evaluation structures and its curriculum – were just not acceptable or respected.
The College IV, later the Kirkhof experiment, I don't think that the ire of the faculty
in CAS was directed so much to that institution as it was to Thomas Jefferson
and then to William James. But I think the criticism by that time was, "Well, we
don't… this organizational structure is inefficient and there's no need for us to be
this way. And it would be so much better if we're offering similar kinds of
education." That is, I mean, we're offering English everywhere, languages. We
should be putting the faculty together and doing departments the traditional way
and have stronger departments. And so, there was not only the antagonism
directed toward the experimentalism of the institutions, and that was the great
part of it, but also toward the inefficiency. And then in the struggle for credits and
courses, who's going to get the students, and can we get them, or do they get
them?

[Rowe]

Did the traditionalism learn anything through contact with James and the other
colleges?

[Lubbers]

I don't know. I would, as I said, I think the heritage left is what I described, is the
way we are organized in professional disciplines and the liberal learning
disciplines together. I don't know to what degree people accept that, endorse it,
or grudgingly accept it. I don't know… that you'd have to take a vote of the faculty
to find out. But at least that's the heritage. I would say most of the faculty who
were opposed to the experimental colleges would probably say good riddance.
You know, I'm not sure that there is any cherishing of the past in any way. I think
this is about time that this was put aside. That's the way I view it. I haven't taken
any scientific surveys to know how people really feel.

�[Rowe]

Changing the subject a little, can you comment on legacy or heritage in relation
to the larger community? Perception of William James’ alumni or with the college
in the larger community?

[Lubbers]

You mean, how the larger community viewed the experimental colleges? Or?

[Rowe]

You're right, and its products, the students.

[Lubbers]

No, I really don't have anything to base a judgment on. I do think that the
community had a difficult time understanding our structure at that time.

[Rowe]

Grand Valley's?

[Lubbers]

Grand Valley's. And the public, generally, was not too sympathetic to the
experimentalism that went on here. Well, there are always exceptions and
pockets of people who liked it. But, I think, generally in this this area of the United
States, experimental education is not looked upon with great favor. And we
weren't looked upon with great favor for indulging in it. So far as graduates are
concerned, I don't know. Like you, I run across graduates of William James or
Thomas Jefferson, who are very… seem to be happy and pleased with what
they're doing and respected the education they received in those colleges. So,
there is that heritage, too; the heritage of the people who enjoyed and benefited
from it. I think, again, as I look back on the '70s – maybe period from seventy-one
to seventy-three or four – was the high watermark in terms of Thomas Jefferson
College. William James might be a little bit later than that – maybe seventy-five,
seventy-six – where both colleges had their best students, the largest number of
good students, and those people have done very well. And after that, there were
fewer good students attracted to that kind of education. And I don't regret having
done it. As a matter of fact, I think in a crucial stage and I believe there was
something happening to people, to young people, whether it was the Vietnam
War or what it was. But, from the late '60s into the '70s, well into the ‘70s. This is
a generation cut from a different cloth, I think. You know, in all of my experience,
they're different. And that kind of educational approach saved a lot of people a lot
of difficulty and agony. They would not have fit into the traditional mold. And they
did have places to go, other places in the country, too. But they had some places
to go here, and their older brothers and sisters and their younger brothers and
sisters have gone in the traditional route, but they were that group that needed it,
needed something different. And that was a great service to them.

[Rowe]

Here again, we're back to the term that emerges from this discussion, is really
basic, and that is: experimentalism, which so far has been characterized as this
certain kind of evaluation and this certain kind of flexible, if not loose, curriculum.
And now as a refuge, that seems in this whole discussion to be the one term that
needs one level deeper. Or can you say more about what this experimentalism is

�or was at its best? In some ways, all of the characterizations we have so far are
negative. Lack of evaluation, overly flexible curriculum, refuge from the society.
[Lubbers]

Well, of course.

[Rowe]

What is the positive?

[Lubbers]

The negative… the positive is the other side of the negative. These people who
flourished in that kind of environment were those people who flourished best
when there was no traditional curriculum and no traditional evaluation system.
They did flourish very well for a small period of time.

[Rowe]

Self-motivated was the term that you used earlier.

[Lubbers]

They were self-motivated, and they were in a state of rebellion, too. Now, if
you're rebelling, you have some idea about what you're rebelling against. But
then where do you channel your energy? What do you do with that energy that is
born out of rebellion? Where do you take yourself? Where do you take your body
and where do you take your mind and what do you do with it? If you have a place
to go where you can do some positive things, where you're not restricted by that
which you are rebelling against and you can find another object for your
attention, you're likely to not waste so much time.

[Rowe]

What was the object of attention?

[Lubbers]

The object of attention was the learning in these institutions. And they could take
themselves and go to a curriculum and work with some faculty members to do
what they wanted to do and move on.

[Rowe]

The study plans and riddling people to do what they want to do and become
entitled or empowered, except for individually, was certainly something that was
important to James.

[Lubbers]

Yes, it was.

[Rowe]

Perhaps to all experimental education, I'm not sure.

[Lubbers]

I think it is to all, I think it characterized experimental education of that era – of
the late '60s and '70s.

[Rowe]

So this was basically a vision. This experimentalism was a vision of perhaps a
very modern vision or a revival of the very modern vision of the independence
and development of the individual person.

�[Lubbers]

Right. Yes, I think so.

[Rowe]

And what was the social or communal or cultural implication of that or was there
any? Was it merely individual, as so much of modernism has been in ways
problematic?

[Lubbers]

It may, I think, more individual than I thought it would be at the time.

[Rowe]

Then this is a question for me as well. What was the communal vision that
accompanied that individualism? What was it?

[Lubbers]

Oh, I think, again, a more egalitarian society where the hierarchies would no
longer exist, where there would be decision by consent of the group. I think there
was a lot of that at that particular time. And I don't know exactly why except,
again, a reaction against the Vietnam War and a government that was waging
war and not always telling the truth. And that became obvious and here you are
where power is. You know, power is far away from you and it's coming in on your
life from that distance that you can't get at. You can't get at it. You can't influence
it. And I think that at that particular time, the experimental education carried the
communal vision of "we're going to be small groups deciding our own destiny."
And we begin in our experimental college by governing our experimental college
that way.

[Rowe]

In retreat from or separate from the larger communal structures, not in a way that
would reform them?

[Lubbers]

No, I think the hope was that they would be reformed, that the experiments would
work, and that out of this would come a new age. And certainly, the campuses
would be democratized and that was a hope. But, we Americans, when we have
our objectives and hopes, and we usually solve our problems as quickly as
possible. And we're not… we usually think that our vision will become reality
within our lifetimes. And I think I'm finding out that when you do experiment, you
maybe make a small step towards realizing what you want and what you hold is
ideal and as desirable. But then you don't get there all at once and you don't get
there in one lifetime.

[Rowe]

Rats, well this is just getting started.

[End of Lubbers Interview]
[Start of Rowe Interview]

�William James College Interviews
GV016-16
Interviewer: Barbara Roos and Arend Lubbers
Interviewee: Stephen Rowe
Date: 1984
[Conversation between Professor Stephen Rowe and President Lubbers]

[Lubbers]

[Inaudible] everyone, there are no students here. I mean, some may come back
or their students, but really there's no student tradition anymore or there are no
students here who talk about William James or Thomas Jefferson.

[Rowe]

Or in the community, for that matter. This William James association about which
I was nagging you about this plaque and not letting them paint the wall, it ceased
to exist. I mean, they can't even get a damn plaque on the wall, you know. They
don't…

[Lubbers]

It's interesting. It is almost as though it hasn't happened. And as we go about our
daily business, as I go about my daily business, that which was so important in it
during the decade of the '70s, it's almost as though it never existed.

[Barbara]

Hey, could you ask a question… rephrase your question about the communal
side of James? That's one question I would like to have on camera. It was just in
this last part of the interview.

[Rowe]

If the college was… if the experimentalism was essentially about the
enhancement or development of individualism, what then was the communal…
the accompanying communal vision, if any? Anarchism, some sense of the
individual fully developed in such a way that he or she is able to be in community
in the way that their ancestors weren't?

[Lubbers]

Is egalitarianism more than…[Inaudible]?

[Rowe]

What does that mean?

[Lubbers]

People living equally and sharing equally, deciding the fate of their lives as
equally as possible?

[Rowe]

Yeah, but see, that's a term in the modern period like "freedom" that everybody
uses and that means different things. I would say basically in the modern
orientation, there's equality of sameness and equality of difference. In our best
moments, the communal vision that accompanied this particular sense of
individual development, at the best, argued for an equality of difference; at the

�worst moments, it became an equality of sameness. That makes sense, right?
[Lubbers]

Yeah, the right. Yeah, which then comes back on itself as individualism, doesn't
it? It's, in a sense, the equality of difference is really… it's a kind of individual who
"I have a right to be different and work out my destiny than say we have a right to
be different and work out our own destiny." But then it's every little we… it's kind
of like Protestantism that it breaks up finally because everyone has a right to be
what she or he wants it to be.

[Barbara]

I'm sorry, I know you want to follow this through, but I just have a certain amount
of tape. I need to ask one more question… ask some sort of intro question to the
notion of the cluster college. You asked very early in the first…

[Rowe]

An intro to what he said?

[Barbara]

Yeah.

[Rowe]

I'm trying to remember.

[Barbara]

Well, the answer is that [inaudible] had to do with the difficulties of that structure.

[Rowe]

Okay. Developing out of your and the founders of the college's notion of small
educational communities, Grand Valley became, in effect, a cluster college. What
were the difficulties that were related to that kind of model in itself? And how is
that different from the Oxford model of small communities? I think the answer to
that is at Oxford, the pedagogical differences developed sort of willy-nilly over a
long period of time. Whereas, here in America, in some ways we tried to make
them. Arend [Lubbers] wouldn't talk about the problem we're making at that point.

[Lubbers]

That’s true, well we took a single institution and broke it up into pieces and it
wasn't ready to be broken up into pieces. Whereas universities, many
universities, people came, they did their little thing, and the other people did their
little thing side by side. And then finally, it develops… a kind of unity evolves.

[Rowe]

A more organic rather than made.

[Barbara]

It's now eleven o'clock, okay?

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                <text>This is the concrete walkway that connects the English buildings to the rest of campus. I make use of it almost every weekday as I shuffle between my English classes in Lake Huron Hall and my history classes in Mackinac. It's invaluable to me, but it also kind of sucks. In the winter it becomes dangerously slippery and, with as crowded as it gets, I imagine many struggle to even make use of it</text>
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                <text> I know I did when I walked with a cane for months after breaking my leg. It's good and I'm glad it exists, but it could be made much better and more accessible, which about sums up my thoughts on GVSU and its campus in general.</text>
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                  <text>During the 2024 Winter semester at GVSU, the Kaufman Interfaith Institute and Interfaith Photovoice hosted nine students from different religious, spiritual, and secular backgrounds for a semester-long cohort centered on storytelling. By using predominantly mobile-phone photography, these students explored what it meant to believe and belong on campus and in the greater West Michigan community. This project was designed to help capture their experiences and stories, to enable them to find their voice through photography. The cohort culminated in an exhibition displayed on multiple GVSU campuses and curated by the students around three self-selected themes: Religious &amp; Spiritual Practices, Barriers to Belonging, and Creating Welcoming Spaces.</text>
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                <text>Many of you will recognize GVSU's Laker store and the kiosk to pay for campus parking. For me, this photo represents why I've struggled to really feel like I belong to any sort of broader GVSU community and why campus has always felt slightly hostile to me. GVSU claims to want to be a welcoming, accepting community, but how welcoming and accepting can a community really be when it charges membership fees? I've had to struggle and teeter on the edge of financial ruin in order to attend GVSU, and I consider myself lucky. I love my peers, professors, and classes, but as long as it has its hands in my already empty pockets, it'll always be tough for me to see GVSU as a community I belong to and not just a country club I can't really afford.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Art Lucas
(01:01:00)
(00:17) Background Information
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•

He was born in Michigan in 1922
Art was eight years old when the Depression hit
Everyone in the community went to the same church
He had never even heard of Catholicism until he went to high school
His home town was focused around farming
Art farmed his whole life except while in service
He just sold his farm a few years ago
He had previously been a supervisor in the township; he held the position for 25 years

(2:35) The Depression
• The Depression effected his life in all aspects and still does today
• No one had very much money at the time and the banks were only giving back ten
percent of what people had actually saved
• He graduated from high school and worked in a factory for a while
• In 1941 Art attended Michigan State University for one term
• The government ordered him to get a physical, yet he was deferred from joining the
service for a while because he had acquired farming skills
(5:50) The Draft
• The government told him that they would like to have him stay in the US because of his
farming skills
• They told him “you will do a lot more good out here on the farm than you will ever do in
the Navy.”
(6:45) The Navy
• Art was eventually sworn into the service and said that “boot camp was a serious
business.”
• They trained a lot to become more disciplined
• In the service you must always do what you are told to without thinking about it
(7:35) Great Lakes Naval Base, Chicago
• Much of their training did not even involve boats or ships
• He trained in Chicago for eight weeks
• He and twenty other men were shipped to New York for school
• They went to Virginia for two months to form a crew
• In Virginia, they lived in small tents outside during the winter

�•

They then went on a ship to Baltimore and then took a train to Pittsburgh

(10:15) 328 Foot Long LSTs
• The ships were made in a plant on the Ohio River
• The Landing Ship Tanks were 50 feet wide
• Art was stationed near this plant for ten days while their ship was finished
• He and his crew then left down the Mississippi River
(11:40) Art is Assigned to be a Signal Man
• Signalmen talk to other ships through signals; they use flashing lights, Morse code, and
flags
• His job was held on the tower of the boat on the way to New Orleans
• They were able to open ship doors while out at sea, which would let in about four feet of
water
• They stopped at Mobile, Alabama to load the ship at a tank deck
• They loaded the ship with five hundred pound bombs that were three feet high each
• They then filled open compartments with aviation gas
• They ship was really just like a giant bomb
• In Okinawa a ship got hit by a kamikaze and the whole ship exploded
(16:20) Art Visited the Panama Canal Briefly
(16:50) Hawaii
• They spent only one week in Hawaii in 1945
• They were then sent to Okinawa
(17:40) Okinawa: September 1945
• This is a big long island near the China Sea with many kamikazes in the area
• Art said that the guys in Iraq are also trying these kamikaze techniques; “it’s old stuff,
they are not using anything new.”
• They used a smoke machine that made smoke twenty feet deep on the USS Pennsylvania
to confuse the kamikazes
• They eventually had to leave the harbor two ships at a time because of a typhoon
• This happened twice while they were out at sea during a typhoon
(21:25) The Typhoon
• The ship would actually bend in such a strong storm
• Typhoons are like American hurricanes
• They would be out for three days before they were in the eye of the storm
• It is not possible to cook on a ship during a typhoon so everyone just gets really tired and
sleeps the whole time
• Typhoons produce fifty foot waves
• They had been in Okinawa unloading bomb when the storm hit
(25:10) Going on Shore in Okinawa

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•
•
•
•
•

His brother was at Okinawa also and had arrived there one day before Art
There were also Italians in Okinawa; it was a tough fight for the marines
They also went to Manila to load up food and bear there
You can’t drink water in that area or anything that is even cooked with water
They then headed towards Japan to unload box cars
There are no sandy beaches in Japan; it’s just rocks with caves every so often

(28:40) Nagasaki
• The bomb was dropped here in August, while Art had arrived in October
• Art went on shore and took pictures, but it made some people angry
• They were allowed to go back to the US on January 5th
• They went straight home, traveling 6,000 miles to San Diego
• It took them 27 days and they did not even see another ship light or anything that
resembled land
• The ship had a bunch of holes in it the whole way back, but they were unable to fix them
at the time
(31:20) Washington
• They were sent to a big ship yard to get their ship fixed
• They then went to Oregon where many men were being decommissioned
(33:15) Art was Discharged May 1946
• He went back home to Michigan
• He was part of the 52-20 club, which gives you $20/week for 52 weeks
• Art decided to not take the checks after one weeks pay because he had two good hands
and could work just fine
• Art said that the Navy was a great experience if you came back uninjured
(34:40) Post-War Military
• Some men stayed in the service and received a bonus
• Art was too independent to stay in the service and moved back to Lucas, Michigan
(35:35) Chicago
• Art knew a girl in Chicago and while on his way home in a train, he stopped by her house
• Art worked in Chicago for about six months and then they got married
• They moved to Wisconsin because he had heard that there were lots of farms there
• Later they moved to Michigan because the cost of milk was much higher there
(37:40) The Michigan Farm
• They first purchased 80 acres and soon after purchased another 120 acres
(38:50) Showing of Pictures Taken in Nagasaki
• They were very close to the destruction

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•
•
•

All the newspapers had said that nothing will grow there again for at least another one
thousand years, yet Art found potatoes growing there just two months after the bomb had
been dropped
There was a barbed wire fence that had been completely melted together
There were huge trees up the sides of mountains that had been blown over
Art had seen pictures of the same area 25 years later and the city had completely been
rebuilt

(44:10) The Japanese
• Art stated that the Japanese “were really interested in us.”
• Hirohito was like a god to them; he was able to get young men to gives their lives up for
him so that they would be guaranteed into heaven; “it's really not that different from
Islam.”
• Those men had been brain-washed to die for their religion and Hirohito
(49:00) The Quartermaster
• Both quartermasters had been taken off his ship and Art then became the quartermaster
• The new job came with a lot of responsibility
• He used a sexton to take sights of the stars
(51:45) Showing of Pictures of Planes, Factories in Japan, Wrecked Cities in Japan, and the
USS Pennsylvania
(53:35) Reunions
• There have been reunions with the men from the service every year for the past forty
years
• It’s getting harder for Art to attend these every year
• The next reunion is in San Antonio and the last was in St. Louis
(58:00) Showing of Pictures of Japan and the Philippines

 

�•


"TWO YEArsrsFOHE THE MAST. It
~ ~
Greetings from the Fresident were received via the draft board on
May 9, 1944. lvlay- lOth, I took my official leave from ~.assaukee
County for Detroit where I was sworn into the U.S. Navy, a maneuver
that took fifteen·se-conds on the ships clock. Proceeded from Detroit
to Great Lakes Naval Training Station via the "Milk" -train. After
five weeks of -Boot Trainingll arrived home on a nine day- -Boot lf leave.
Leave was over all too soon and back to Great Lakes. 'From there to
sampeea, New York for four months Signalman training. : tJovember 6, 1944,
we graduated and were granted a five day leave. Home-,again! Re-ported
in to Camp Bradford, Norfolk, Virginia. Aft·er four mQnthsof traiaing
for L.S. T. erew;s, we aga.in graduated. Anotller leaveo! eleven days.
People at home were beginning to wonder whether I was in the Navy or
just p;omeon leaVte a.ll the time. ­
'; MY

L

Back to Camp Bradford. ·On March 13th we bid farewell to-Norfolk and
proceede.d by ferry to Baltimore, Maryland where we boarded ene of the
Pennsyl vania Railroad t s 1890 model trains for the trip t.o Pit'tsbttt'gb.~
Arrived in the Smokey C1 ty nene too olean. Enjoyed Ptttsbul7:gh hosp-1tal1ty
for two weeks.
.
Boarded a new L. S. T. Ma.reh 27, 1945 and sailed for N~wOrleans by
way of th,e Ohio and Miss:is.sippi Rivers. After a week"~otfitt1n-g out
in New Oi"leans r . left- for st. Andrews Bay, Florida" _T'f{O - we,eks train1ng
cruis-e and back to New O;r1eaRs. Went over to see Adr:iiam Lucas at
Keesler Field, Milssissippi at this ~ir.ne. Another wee~ at New OrLeane
and then to Mobilje. Alabama '-f~r a ~~. to take oV'erse~s. . Spe!)t another
half day with Adrian. Ma.y 12, 1945, --said goodbye to Q. S-.shoree.,~fnd
proceeded to Pan$la Canal. Arrived.in one w~ekffu11y 1ndoc.trinate-d
into life aboard .sh Ip, -~ent through one of man fa g~tefltenginee-r1b.g
feats and we were on the blue Pacific. Aftarthrae we'6ks wearri ved
in Hawaii. Spent a week enjoying their sunshine -and-.lied ·fo-I" Eneowe'tek-e«
Arrived: in about it-en days and after one night proe:eededto Ul1th1 atoll.
In ten daN'S we ar.ri ved in..o.ne of the .fin~stsalt watet;' swimming p,~ls
in the pacific. Three weeks in. Uli thi and we sail$&lt;!--.tor5aipan. Over­
night and lotte morning,oi\fr-- again, this time fllr -Okinawa..
We arrived at Okinawa JUly 28, 1945. Ab-eut t'pree d$Ys later, ~et,.}Sy
brother Jactlb for about the first time in a.bout:thr..eey~ars_. We also
saw Bob Bosscher 'here too. In fact 1 I saw SO ~anyofmy relatives in
Okinawa,W"8 deci~ed to hold the. reunionthere'f.-hat y'ea.r. owt. the f$'l1~s
at llomes'ijt«Mttt to ;come, 5(1) ,we df &lt;in" t. Af'ter'thl,rty days· th~:re_ dm-ins
which ti~ Japan :had. sur:r-ende:red, we went to Leyt.e~ Ras.a thr&amp;ugh a
typhoon on- the VlaJ,y down but:ar~ived~afe 1y ~ LeY'tEh • We. WlJ.·oaded t:here
and went to Snbio B.ay where we load-e:d tr09p5 bo.uP-d f~,,# Japan. After a.
few da-ys we prO'eeeded toLingayenGulf-~ After a sho,r'ts'taYt we went
to Sasebo, Japan. The Ja.:p_ane$-egreeted us with clo:$ed. aTmS and cold
stares. We so-en 'won t~eir _confi@nee,\:however, wi th _,,~~urep1!)eolate bars
and cigarettes. \'i'hile in the Japanef?ea.rea, we made two trips down to
Nagasaki where they dropped one atomic bomb. A very awe.... lnspiring
scene greeted us when we viewed it for the first time. I have some
pictures of it at home.

�Page 2--My -Two Years Before The Mast.­

January 3, 1946 we sailed for the U. S. A. once again and atter
27 days landed at San Diego. While there I had oeoas~on to see
Beatrice BossCh:e1;' and her husband and Bob Bosseher·. ~e+tn,. This
Luca.srelatlon crops up all over, doesntt it? We SOCQ. lut fo:r;
Bremerton, Wash1M~on .a.nd fram. there we went to Astor£a.., Oregon.
After a couple ~.~ w8.eks wentllp the r1v~r to Pt&gt;rt1.and,; Oregon where
I was finally S8I)·t home en leave .again. Aftar thiny4four days o~
Lucas bospitalj;tY;., I report:e4 '1n"to Great Lakes f~r'41scharge "hieh
I r~i ved !(a.y a~ . . 1946.
.
".:

..

Now I am about·t.6 be marri~ t.o Miss' NellieKorte.ev~n of ChicaSO•..
Il11nois. An:otb~~. Nellle' :i;n the family.
.

�</text>
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Boring, Frank</text>
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                <text>Art Lucas was born in a small farm town in Michigan in 1922.  There he acquired farming skills that would help him to avoid being drafted into the war at the very beginning.  Lucas became eligible for the draft and decided to enlist in the Navy serving on an LST as a signalman and then as a quartermaster between 1944 and 1946. He has photographs taken in Japan after Nagasaki had been bombed. After serving, he continued farming and in Michigan was voted supervisor of his township for 25 consecutive years. Personal narrative, "My Two Years Before the Mast" is appended to the interview outline.</text>
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                <text>2007-09-20</text>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Name of War: World War II
Interviewee name: Jacob Lucas
Length of Interview: 40 minutes
Pre-Enlistment (02:45)
•

Childhood (02:53)  
o

•

Lucas was born on March 23, 1924. (02:55)  

Background (03:05)  
o

Served with the Seabees, which was a construction branch of the Navy, while deployed 
in the Pacific during WWII. (03:10) 

Enlistment/Basic Training (03:22)  
• Background (03:23) 
o Was living in Michigan working for Chris Craft for a year. (03:26) Briefly mentions what 
career experience he had before joining the Seabees in construction. (03:30)  
o  Briefly describes what type of basic training he had and what that entailed. (03:55) Had 
4 weeks of basic training and an additional 2 weeks of extended training entailing firing 
carbines on a gun range. (04:33)  
o The Seabee group he was with was responsible with much of the construction and 
building and not much of the fighting. (05:50)  
o Joined the Seabees sometime in December 1942 from which time he entered basic 
training. (06:12) 
 Briefly describes the types of food and what sleeping conditions were like while 
in basic training. (06:36)    
 Of the training he learned he enjoyed building the most and blasting coral. 
Briefly a few of the different experiences he had with blasting coral. (07:30)  
o Mentions the different types of heavy equipment he had at his disposal with his own 
van. (08:31)  
o Being with the same group for 2 ½ years he grew to know them well. Briefly describes 
what sort of heavy equipment his superiors were in charge of maintaining. (08:51)  

�Active Duty (10:34) 
• Background (10:40)  
o Attaining the rank of a 3rd‐class gunnery sergeant he briefly describes his responsibilities 
in the managing of heavy equipment. (10:54) Briefly describes what this entailed while 
also mentioning that his last job was making an airstrip on Okinawa. (11:05)  
• New Caledonia (12:17)  
o Shipped out from California, 60 miles northwest of Los Angles. Took 30 days to get 
there. Stayed there from June/July to November. (12:37) Stayed there from mid‐
June/July to early November. (12:49)  
• New Guinea (12:50)  
o From there he went first to Milne Bay and then to Finschafen by taking an LST there by 
night. (12:52)  
• Main Responsibilities (13:01) 
o Shows pictures of what sort of work he did looked like. (13:13)  
o He also built smaller navy air strips up to a 1/3 of a mile long on various islands. (13:42) 
To do this he describes what the blasting of underneath the water to make way for the 
leveling of the land with heavy machinery looked like. (14:07) 
• Living Conditions abroad (15:27)  
o For living arrangements they lived in quonset huts and what his mornings were like. Also 
shows various pictures of what he did. (15:30) 
• Combat experience in the Admiralty Islands (17:10)  
o The closest Lucas came to being in combat was in the Admiralty Islands while helping to 
build air strips. When first landing on islands they would either go in with the U.S. Army 
or the Marines to do construction work. (17:50)  
 The average age for a Seabee was 35 even though Lucas was 18 when he went 
overseas. (18:25)  
 Describes his thoughts about the Navy and working with an Australian artillery 
company. (19:37)  
• Other Responsibilities and living conditions (20:14)  

�o Lucas mentions that they were also responsible for making steel pontoons and for 
measuring them. (20:25)  
o Much later Seabees were in smaller groups and carried fold‐up bridges. (21:19)  
o While overseas, at night Lucas would sleep around mosquito netting and take atabrine 
to keep up his immunity against yellow fever and malaria. (22:05)  
• Other stories (22:49)  
o Mentions that he kept up a 15 month correspondence with his future wife while staying 
in constant contact with his family. (22:55)  
o Lucas joined the Seabees specifically because ever since he had been a kid he had 
always wanted to be a builder. (23:57)  
o Going Home (25:05) 
 Leaving the Pacific and going home he landed in San Francisco where he 
remembers seeing “Welcome Home Troop” signs from 40‐miles out. (25:21) 
 Was given a train ticket upon being discharged but because the trains were so 
packed he had to wait six days to go home. Meanwhile, he took the 
opportunity to visit his aunt and uncle who lived in Alameda, California for four 
days. (26:10)  
After the Service (26:35)  
•

Adjusting to Home (26:42)  
o For Lucas the switch from military service to working around the clock for his 
supervisors was not too difficult. His handling of heavy equipment and blasting 
responsibilities helped him to learn to work quickly. (27:06)  
o Lucas mentions that all the letters sent from his congregation at Lucas CRC his mother 
kept. Basically these were all letters from servicemen who went to his church. (29:04) 
o Spends a good amount of the time with the interviewer showing him pictures of ‘muddy 
places,’ a notebook of the people who put the pictures together, and a map of all the 
places he was deployed at. For example, such places included the Admiralty Islands, 
Lea in New Guinea, New Caledonia, and Okinawa. (30:01)  

• Interview Ends (39:14)  

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Felipe Luciano
Interviewer: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 3/15/2013
Runtime: 01:13:52

Biography and Description
Oral history of Felipe Luciano, interviewed by Jose “Cha-Cha” Jimenez on March 15, 2013 about the
Young Lords in Lincoln Park.
"The Young Lords in Lincoln Park" collection grows out of decades of work to more fully document the
history of Chicago's Puerto Rican community which gave birth to the Young Lords Organization and later,
the Young Lords Party. Founded by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, the Young Lords became one of the
premier struggles for international human rights. Where thriving church congregations, social and

�political clubs, restaurants, groceries, and family residences once flourished, successive waves of urban
renewal and gentrification forcibly displaced most of those Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos,
working-class and impoverished families, and their children in the 1950s and 1960s. Today these same
families and activists also risk losing their history.

�Transcript

FELIPE LUCIANO: Okay. My name is Felipe Luciano. I was born in the old
Metropolitan Hospital on Welfare Island. It’s now called Roosevelt Island. I was
born on November 24th, 1947, two years after the big war. I was born in East
Harlem. That’s where we came to, my mother and father, after I was born. And
we were a barrio family.
JOSE JIMENEZ:
FL:

Where did you come from?

My family comes from Puerto Rico. My mother was born here, so she’s part of
that generation we call the pioneros. They were the first Puerto Ricans here,
born here.

JJ:

What’s her name?

FL:

Her name is Aurora Luciano, my mother’s name. She’s passed two years ago.

JJ:

Your mom?

FL:

It still hurts to even think about it. My father was born in Puerta de Tierra, Puerto
Rico, which is in San Juan. His father’s from Camuy, Puerto Rico. My maternal
grandmother comes from [00:01:00] Cataño, Puerto Rico, which is primarily a
Black area. And I’ll start with my grandmother. My grandmother, fleeing Puerto
Rico’s poverty and the lack of real jobs for single women, left three of her kids.
She had three kids from two gentlemen in Puerto Rico. One was Haitian. She
had two with the Haitian, and in those days, by the way, Caribbean people
traveled from island to island, and I owe a great deal of gratitude, we all do, to
the Haitians because it was the Haitians who made revolution a reality. After

1

�they had their revolution with Toussaint Louverture and Dessalines, they traveled
to the other islands, like Puerto Rico, advocating that slaves overthrow their
Spanish slave masters. And there were laws [00:02:00] that stated emphatically
that they should be killed onsite. But it was Haitians who literally fomented
revolution and rebellion in Puerto Rico against the slave masters. My
grandmother, having already separated from two of the gentlemen that she had
three kids with, decided that her best bet was to come to New York, so she gets
on a steamer. In those days, they had re-converted cargo freighters. One of
them was called a Marine Tiger. In fact, it was that name, the Marine Tiger, that
became a pejorative among Puerto Ricans here in New York because if we
called you a marine tiger, it means you came on a ship. And many of them were
cane cutters. Some of them were urban people, but most of us come from
agricultural families, country folk. Interestingly enough, my father’s mother -- so
I’ve dealt with my mother’s mother, Margo, Black, [00:03:00] African, always
proud of her African past, had horrible memories of the Spaniards. Her mother,
Rosa, went to Spain with a family, and she served as their nanny, and the
experiences that she related to my grandmother, who then related it to my
mother, who then related it to me, were traumatizing. They were horrible, the
way they treated her, the disrespect, the humiliation she had to go through.
When she came back, she said, “You can’t trust any of these Spaniards, any of
them.”
JJ:

What do you mean? How did they treat her?

2

�FL:

They beat her. They mistreated her. They spoke to her in ways that were
inhumane and that were less than civil. By the time she got back to Puerto Rico,
she never did it again. She said she would never work for them again. My
grandmother tells me that during the time of the invasion, before the invasion, the
Spanish troops would come through towns and just rape women whenever they
wanted to. [00:04:00] And she said, “You can’t trust a Catalano,” because many
of the soldiers from Spain were from Catalan, at least where she was. And she
never, ever saw --

JJ:

And she was in Cataño?

FL:

She was in Cataño. And of course, she traveled around also, but she told me
that she could never trust a Spaniard again, so my family was versed and
immersed in Blackness and Négritude, sometimes negatively. Sometimes they
were Black through negativity. That is, “We’re Black, and therefore we’re not this,
and we’re not that.” My grandmother with me though, that is, my mother’s
mother, having seen what negativity could do the mind of a young man, she
always promoted Blackness in me. (Spanish) [00:04:52 - 00:04:58] around her
head. She used a bandana [00:05:00] around her head. She used to cook with
wood. She would actually put her hand in the fire and take the wood out. She
was an incredible woman, and she used to -- the earliest memories I have, the
first 10 years of my life, is of her tracing the lines of my nose, the lines of my
eyebrows, my lips, and saying, “What a beautiful child you are.” I mean, she
would marvel. She would coo at me, so I remember that throughout 10 years, I
would lie on her lap, and she would coo. And she used to call me (Spanish)

3

�[00:05:25]. And she used to sing, (sings in Spanish) [00:05:29 - 00:05:38]. And
then she would say, “Ay, que frio. Ay, que frio.” And it was a contradiction
because she was saying it was hot, but he would say that it was cold so that he
could eat it. So, I’d go put all of these Africanisms, (sings in Spanish) [00:05:53 00:06:00]. You would say that to the babies. So, I grew up with this tremendous,
tremendous pride in being Black, but I never grew up feeling that Black was ugly
or that it was inferior. I grew up, long before James Brown said it, that Black was
the most beautiful thing there was. And so, my grandmother would take my
nappy hair, and she would put little mounds. She would make little [monitos?],
we call it. And I grew up with a tremendous sense of beauty. As I grew older, I
realized that many of my African American friends and even some Puerto Ricans
had not been brought up in that meilleur. And so, I had many fist fights because
they would say, “You know, well, we’re ugly. We’re ashy. We’re this. We’re that.”
And I said, “No, man, I’m pretty.” And they would ask me, “Well, who told you
pretty?” I said, “My grandmother did. She says I’m a pretty negro.” And they
would say, “Well, your grandmother’s lying,” and [00:07:00] to tell me my
grandmother was lying was an instant ass-whooping, so I definitely got into some
fights over that when I was a kid. So, I never had a problem with my nose, my
lips, my hair, my ashiness, never had a problem with that. El Barrio at that time -oh.
JJ:

You’re talking about --

FL:

It was a Black Puerto Rican community. Now I’m going back to my father’s
family. Now, my father’s family was an interesting mix. My father’s family were

4

�all revolutionaries. My grandmother, Rosa, another Rosa, was one of the first
followers of Albizu Campos. She escaped the masacre de Ponce in 1937. She
was one of the few who got away. From what my father tells me, she -JJ:

What was her name?

FL:

Her name was Rosa.

JJ:

Rosa.

FL:

Rosa Luciano. Rosa, Rosa, what was her last name? Alvarez is my family name
on that side. [00:08:00] And when my father described it to me, he didn’t see any
-- she died when he was 13. She had to sell her body from time to time to make
money because that’s the way it was in Puerto Rico in her barrio of her class.
She couldn’t make money, so she did that. My father was confronted with that
several years later by some friends, some people who knew his mother, and he
said he almost knocked the guy out, but in fact, it was true. My family’s always
been street on that side of it. Her brother, Carmelo, ended up in the same
nationalist party with Albizu and spent 10 years in Atlanta Penitentiary as a body
guard for Albizu Campos. He stayed with him. His name is Carmelo Alvarez. I
looked it up, and he’s there. My father from Vega Baja came to San Juan, stayed
with his father, and it was traumatic for him because his father was not used to
taking care of a kid. He went through a rough time, never quite learned
[00:09:00] what the meaning of family was. Told me that he -- and I realized this
as I got older, that he never really experienced what having a family was,
certainly having a woman around, and that hurt him later on. So, now you have
my paternal grandfather from Camuy, my maternal grandfather from Arecibo, and

5

�then they all come here. My grandmother comes on a boat and lands in
Brooklyn, in Williamsburg, because in those days, the first Puerto Rican
community was Williamsburg, Brooklyn. They were citizens already in 1917, so
those who came, they came on these huge freighters, and they would drop some
off in Ellis Island, and the rest would come to Williamsburg because that’s the
way you did it. They were already citizens by 1917, the Jones Act. My
grandmother came with a little piece of paper, and she looked for her friend or
[00:10:00]a friend or a contact, found one, ended up on Front Street in Brooklyn.
The building still stands to this day on Front Street. Before my mother died, we
took her there, and she -JJ:

Is this Williamsburg? No?

FL:

Williamsburg, yeah. And she, my mother, was so happy to see that building.
She said, “That’s where I grew up. That’s where I was raised.” Her father, my
grandfather, my maternal grandfather, was named Phillip, and he worked for the
mob. And what he did is he did bathtub gin, and they say, this is just a legend,
he was the best at it. I think historically, if we look at it culturally, Sicilians were
the closest to Puerto Ricans because the language is very much the same. They
look like us. They were dark, have curly hair, the works. And since they were in
charge of the streets, the only way you could make money if you didn’t speak
English and you didn’t have a job was to do the street thing, and so it would be
like selling drugs [00:11:00] today, because it was illegal. Tell you a little story.
He’s a very standup guy, from what I hear. His character was intact, very rigid,
but he had integrity. I was doing a story one time as a reporter, and I had to do a

6

�story on a so-called mob infiltration of the South Street Seaport, which is where
they handle the fish and distribute the fish in the city. I couldn’t get headways.
The former Mayor Giuliani was asking them to move to the Bronx. They wanted
them to relocate, and he was going to investigate them. There were loads of
records in a huge warehouse. Those records suddenly spontaneously caught
fire, and of course nobody could be indicted because all the records were gone.
I’m trying to do a story on this fire, and I couldn’t get headway. And I’m up at six
in the morning because I had to do three live shots for Good Day New York. And
the six-o’clock [00:12:00] didn’t go so well. The seven-o’clock didn’t go so well. I
had one more, the eight-o’clock. Our show ended at nine. And I get a nudge in
the back from a young Italian kid with a grappling hook the longshoremen use,
and he goes like this. And I figure, uh-oh, we’re in for some trouble.” And he
says, “Is your name Felipo?” I said, “Yeah.” He said, “My grandfather’s watching
you on live TV. He can’t believe that you’re the grandson of Phillip Luciano.
You’re the grandson, right?” I said, “Yeah.” He said, “He told me to tell you your
grandfather was a standup guy.” And he turns around to the guys, and he says,
“Whatever he needs, you give him whatever, within reason.” (laughs) So, I got a
great story about working-class Italian men and their trials and tribulations. It
was a great story. But that’s how my grandfather was viewed by the boys of The
Family, as we say in East Harlem. [00:13:00] Well, needless to say, we stayed
with Italians mostly. We still have very good relationships with Italian Americans,
with Sicilians in particular. And as they moved, we moved. So, Williamsburg got
a little tough. We couldn’t afford the rent, according to my mother, so they

7

�moved. My father and my grandfather died, and they were poor. They were
broke, so they went where the rents were cheap, and in East Harlem at that time,
you could live for three months free because landlords were offering it because
they wanted people -- the buildings -- it hadn’t been populated yet by Puerto
Ricans. The Italians were slowly leaving. So, since Sicilians were going there
and the Irish and the Jewish Americans and some of the Scandinavians, believe
it or not, East Harlem used to be a very heavy Scandinavian neighborhood, left,
Irish too. My grandmother decided to go to one of these apartments in there.
She went, and we followed the Italians there. The earliest memories I have of
East Harlem [00:14:00] are both wonderful and horrific, wonderful in that my
grandmother, I had my mother, my grandmother. I remember my father, my
aunts, and uncles who were just incredible. Each one of them had a personality.
Each one of them was a character. So, it was wonderful, in that I felt totally,
totally loved. I would get up in the morning, and I would smell the coffee grinds.
I would smell the way made coffee in El Barrio. I would hear the music. We
played trio music in those days. The Mexican trios were, and still are, considered
sacred music to Puerto Ricans, Trio Los Panchos, Trio Los Astros, Ases, [con?]
Marco Antonio Muñiz Muñiz, Vegabajeño, Trio Borinquen, all of those old things.
And even then, I loved it. Later on, I didn’t want to get close to it because I
thought it was hinky music. Now I have all, the entire collection of Trio Los
Panchos. And I remember the familiarity, the family [00:15:00] atmosphere was
just so much fun being in East Harlem. You always had a loving shoulder, a
loving embrace. The men watched out for their kids. Families were together.

8

�There was a work ethic that was beyond description. I remember getting up
every morning. When I got up early to go to school, men were going to work.
They were going to the factories. Women were going to the factories, in the ’30s,
between Sixth and Eighth Avenue, the textile factories. So, I never saw laziness.
I never saw what they call poverty or victim behavior. Men stood up for their
families. There were house parties. The music was fabulous. I grew up in the
’50s, so I remember Machito and his Afro-Cubans, who lived on 111th Street, and
in fact, spans three generations. Before he died, he used to say, “I knew your
grandmother; I knew your father, and now I know you.” And he knew my kids.
It’s four generations of people that he knew. I grew up with Tito [00:16:00]
Puente. I grew up with Tito Rodriguez.
JJ:

They were in your neighborhood?

FL:

No, no, Tito was from 110th Street, but he had already left, but Machito was still
there. Tito Rodriguez was in Puerto Rico at the time. I loved it. So, A, I grew up
with a tremendous sense of Négritude in being an Afro-Boricua. B, I grew up
with a really refined ear because while my mother loved Latin music, my father
loved jazz, so Billy Eckstine, Sarah Vaughan, Ella Fitzgerald, Gerald Wilson, Stan
Kenton, Basie, Ellington were part of my -- Jimmy Smith, the big baritone horns,
Gigi Gryce and Sonny Stitt, these guys were part of my background. Sonny
Rollins and the others come later. Coltrane comes later. But that was it, Dizzy
Gillespie, Chano Pozo. [00:17:00] In the ’50s, we also had, in the early ’60s, we
had Johnny Pacheco with the pachanga. It was just -- Kako, Cortijo y su Combo.
It was a tremendous time to be alive in El Barrio. And I don’t remember anything

9

�but love in that matrix. The one horrifying moment for me, traumatizing, is my
father left. And I remember exactly when it happened. My mother had caught
him with someone else. In those days, men strayed. It was part of the culture,
almost institutionalized. You had your wife, and then you had your thing on the
side. The difference was, is that my father pushed past the envelope. He had
actually come into the community, and he was with her in the community, and
people of course came and told my mother. And I remember my mother holding
onto my arm and screaming at this woman -- she was a Jamaican woman -screaming at her, calling her -- I couldn’t believe it. My mother was Pentecostal
and was holy, and the words that came out of my mother’s mouth. Well, after
that, I knew it was over, and [00:18:00] I remember him coming in on an
afternoon. It was an afternoon, a Saturday afternoon, and she had my had, and
she said, “You’re not gonna come up these stairs. I don’t want you back in this
house.” And I knew immediately it was over. I just knew. I knew we were in for a
rough time. We were already going through rough times, but I didn’t really notice
it because I had a mom and a dad. And I remember when, after they had made
love, of course she never wanted this to happen, but I would run into the room
because the air was full of love. And I don't know why people deny children the
ability to be with them in intimate moments. I loved it. I don’t mean to be with
them when they’re doing their thing, but I mean, it was just a lovely feeling. It
was like star particles in the air, and I would jump in between my mother and my
father, and I would just be in between them. And I couldn’t -- there was nothing -it was heaven, between my mom’s breasts and my father’s cross. He used to

10

�have a big cross. He was a boxer, so he’s pretty well defined, regular-looking
guy. My father [00:19:00] always had this sense that I could do things. He never
felt that I couldn’t, and I remember even at two, he would bring me a to
Highbridge Pool, not too far from where we’re recording this, and he had taught
me how to swim a little bit, and so I had to go from the middle of the pool, which
is about 25 yards, to the end. And the first time, I choked. The second time, I
choked. And then I told him, “Leave me alone, daddy. Leave me alone. Let me
do it.” And I don't know how I got to the end, but I did, and he and I both
congratulated each other, “Yeah, we did it!” And I didn’t need him to hold me
under my stomach. My mother was more protective. I realized later on, my
mother was never meant to be alone. She loved him dearly and continued to
love him. She never went out with another man. I don’t understand this, but this
is a breed of Puerto Rican women that was for one man only, and that was it.
From what I hear and what she told me, [00:20:00] she really adored him, and he
broke her heart. And she said that on that day, I was on the second-floor landing
of the Johnson projects when she told him to leave. She said, “I was waiting for
him to go up the stairs and push me out of the way and say, ‘This is my house.
These are my kids. You are my woman.’” And she was sad that he didn’t. He
was a strong guy. He wouldn’t take too much guff from anybody, but he wasn’t
strong enough to do that.
JJ:

Can we get his name?

FL:

Jose Luciano. He’s now passed. It was traumatizing for me because I really
needed my dad. It was a difficult time. And I knew when my mother was crying,

11

�tears were coming down her eyes, she, “I don’t want you to come up here.” And
all he needed to do was, “Hey, it’s my house.” She said she wished that he could
do that. She told me later that the reason she admired and respected me -- can
you imagine a mother telling you this -- is because I would do stuff like that. I
would say, [00:21:00] “I don’t care, mom. You could say what you wanna say.
This is what I’m gonna do.” And I’d gently move her out of the way and do what I
had to do. She said that’s what she admired most in me, my honesty, and I
would never lie to her, whether I stabbed somebody. Whether I was high on
drugs, whether I was in a gang fight, whether I had a woman in my room, two
women in my room, whatever it was, I would tell her, “Mommy, this is what I’m
doing, and this is what I’m happening.” So, my mother and I had a very tight
relationship. She was 21 when she had me, so we grew up together basically.
The beginning of the end was when he left, and I remember it because my
mother lost a lot of confidence. We had to go on welfare. It was difficult. And I
began to see what institutionalization can do and how an institution like welfare
can destroy a spirit. We always had to struggle for clothes. We always had to
struggle for food. I don't remember struggling before my father left. I was three
when my father left, [00:22:00] but I remember before that, always eating. After
that, eating was optional. Sometimes you had food, and sometimes you didn’t,
and it was difficult for my mother. My mother was Pentecostal, so that helped her
ease the pain. Evangelistic fervor helped her out, but it was a very repressive
Pentecostalism. Women were not supposed to wear earrings, not supposed to
wear pants. You couldn’t sit alongside men, very difficult situation for me. I don’t

12

�remember not being interested in sex. I don’t know this period that guys, little
guys are supposed to have where they’re not interested. I was always interested
in women, always. They were fascinating to me. And since I was always
nurtured and loved by them, I became a bit spoiled. My grandmother thought I
could do anything, and that, in the end, helped me tremendously, the love that
she gave me. And my mother, even though I got whoopings, and I mean
[00:23:00] I don't know how other cultures -- I know how other cultures handle
punishment. Black folks, Southern in particular, will tell the child, “Go out and
take a twig off the tree,” and hit you with the twig. Puerto Ricans are Spanish
inquisitors. Theirs is torture. Theirs is you kneel down on a grate, on, you know,
the grater you use for the cheese or on rice, and they beat you while you hold the
Bible in your hands. It’s some sick stuff. My mother would make me smell the
belt. She would say (Spanish) [00:23:32]. She would make me -- (Spanish)
[00:23:35]. But before she would do that, she would say, “Take a bath,” because
it hurts more on a wet body. I used to tell her, “Mommy, if there were child abuse
laws, you’d be under the jail.” So, I got beaten a lot because I always rebelled. I
was the oldest child. My mother had two more with my -- my brother and my
sister, Margie and Paul, Paul and Margie. And I remember seeing the gangs,
and that was where [00:24:00] -- I didn’t have a family. Remember, the family’s
gone. I remember admiring these guys with club sweaters, with pompadours,
mambo boots, tight pants, snap clothes, collars with thin, skinny ties, and how
they protected us and how they seemed to be afraid of nobody. I remember
admiring them even then.

13

�JJ:

How old were you then?

FL:

Seven, eight. By the time I was nine or 10, I already knew what time it was. We
played with the pump. We knew when to run when the cops came. It was
already us and them. We already knew that we were poor. We already knew
that cops were not our friends.

JJ:

This is in Harlem?

FL:

This is in East Harlem, in El Barrio. My mother made a conscious decision never
to deny love, meaning that if -- in those days, Puerto Ricans [00:25:00] were
very, very anti-Black. They moved away from anything that would suggest that
they were Black or that they acted like Blacks, like American Blacks. My mother
did just the opposite. My mother developed some very good friends in the
Johnson project, Lorraine Mims, Marion, and she never allowed us to ever think
that we were something other than we were. We were Puerto Ricans, and we
were Black, not “but” we were Black, “and” we were Black. That was a wonderful
thing. Now, the Puerto Rican community at that time would kinda look at her a
little differently because she could easily move from talking with her Black friends
from Charleston, South Carolina, and then going to speaking to some people
from Ponce. She did it effortlessly. I do it to this day. I don’t even know when
I’m moving from Spanish to English, from Black English to -- it is effortless for
me. It’s the way I was raised. And by the way, I had many Black friends who
were raised the same way. My babysitters [00:26:00] after my grandmother
moved to California, my babysitters were all Southern Black women who taught
me a lot about God, the God of the evangelical Black Southern tradition, and who

14

�gave me a sense of beauty and awe about God. Long story short, my
grandmother decides one day -- I’m in the third grade now. My grandmother
decides she wants to go to California. She’s tired of the affairs and all of the
madness that her sons and daughters are putting her through. She goes to
California with her youngest son Phillip. And she says she wants to take me with
her. Now, there is a little-known law among Puerto Ricans that the grandmother
has the right to take one child, even if you have a mother and father, but
particularly if you have no man in your life, the grandmother has the right to take
one. Now, in my grandmother’s case, I had an older cousin, but she liked me a
lot because she was closer to my mother, [00:27:00] and she adopted me in a
sense. So, she said, “And I’m taking Phillip with me,” and so me, my brother, my
sister went, ended up in Wilmington, California, and I loved it. Even then, I had
wanderlust. Even then, we traveled across the country for five days in a big,
beautiful Cadillac, and I was in love. I saw Arizona. I saw deserts. I saw the
wheat fields of Kansas. I mean, we went through the entire length of the United
States. And we ended up in Wilmington, California, which I love. And for the first
time, I was oil wells and palominos, Mexicans and Japanese, sun all the time. It
was just a lovely time. I was in the fourth grade. We couldn’t make it, and we
had to come back to New York. I was heartbroken. I tried to run away. I wanted
to stay with my grandmother, and I definitely wanted to stay in California. Little
did I know that my mother felt completely lost without me, she told me later. And
I was the oldest boy, a little bright, [00:28:00] very, very precocious, so I had to go
back with her. I was very annoyed that my mother wouldn’t let me go. I kept on

15

�saying, “Mommy, you don’t need me.” She said, “No, you don’t need me, but I
need you.” And that was a strange set of circumstances. We come back to New
York, and we ended up in the Foster projects with my aunt, which is Black and
Puerto Rican area. And I started to learn how to fight. I never had to. Now,
because I was in an area that was predominantly African American, it was a very
different feel, though I was totally at home. We used to fight with our pinkies out
like this, and it was guys like Cece and Big Ben and Junebug and Irving and all
these cats who taught me to fight with my hands, chin in and my hands up. So, I
learned how to fight, and boy -JJ:

So, there was no conflict? So, it was just like playing fight?

FL:

No, yeah, it was playing, and we’d call ‘em champ battles, [00:29:00] but they
were preludes to real fights. And the first real fight I had was in the sixth grade, I
think. I had some minor scuffles, but the first one was John, over a girl, and he
knocked me down, and I fell out. I acted like I was knocked out. Actually, I was
too tired to continue fighting. And the guys from my building were watching me,
and they say, “You’re never, ever gonna lose like this again.” So, they, for a year
-- John Whitaker, his name was, by the way, a very smart brother, whose house I
used to go to all the time. For a year, they would hit me suddenly, smack, so that
I could always learn to block and block. It was fifth grade. By the time the sixth
grade came, I challenged him to a fight outside and whipped him pretty bad,
[00:30:00] due to the friends who taught me how to fight, how to block, and how
simply not to be afraid. Puerto Ricans are traditionally very elegant, very noble
people. They never wanted to confront. Black folk would confront, so I learned

16

�from them how to jump in your face and say, “Yeah, well, let me tell you
something,” and not to listen to the words and the passion or the decibels of the
scream. It meant nothing. Knock this boy out, and that was it. Harlem in those
days, remember, I was much more at home. I remember the Muslims coming to
116th Street, the FOI, the Pompadours. (sneezes) Excuse me. It was a
wonderful time to be alive. So, I learned another part of the side. Remember, I
have the Puerto Rican side. Now I’m deeply immersed in African American. I
remember Sweet Daddy Grace, I remember, who was a mystic or an itinerant
preacher. And we had a Dominican gentleman, Black Dominican gentleman in
the church that I grew up in, which is the first [00:31:00] Black Puerto Rican
church, called Templo [Betel?], that new Billie Holiday, so he was swing. I mean,
so I ended up with all of these influences, everything, Sam Cooke, Little Willie
John, Johnny Ace, Tito Puente, Johnny Pacheco, Machito, I mean, all of it, and
I’m just a sponge. Cracktop, we used to play tops, and skelly and ringalario and
Johnny on a pony and all that stuff. Well, that had to end, so my mother decided
that she had apply -- we were living with my aunt, and we decided to go to
Brownsville. So, we go to Brownsville, and that’s when the gang situation came
in. Now, I’m leaving Harlem and East Harlem, familial, close, everybody’s family,
knew one another, and I go to Brooklyn. Brooklyn was warrior city.
JJ:

Why was it warrior city?

FL:

Brownsville, Brownsville. Because everything in Brooklyn was based on your
pecking order, everything, whether you got lunch, whether your sister was going

17

�to be protected, [00:32:00] whether your family. Everything was based on
whether you could fight and who you could hurt, and in Brownsville -JJ:

Was it always like that?

FL:

Brownsville has always been like that. I don't know what -- Brownsville is where
Murder, Incorporated started, so it’s been like that since Jews and Italians were
there. There is something about Brownsville that nurtures crime, that nurtures
warrior, that nurtures fighting. I tell people all the time, if you think that Harlem is
rough, now you think Black folks from Harlem, try Brownsville. Brownsville is
serious. They like that. They fight in the wintertime. I couldn’t stand fighting in
the wintertime. My hands were too cold. But their thing was, “Throw your hands
up, baby. We’re going at it, and we’ll shoot you to the cross.” So, Brownsville
gave me a whole ‘nother patina as a warrior. I hated it. I was inferior a lot of the
times, but I had a brother and a sister, and I had to protect them. So, I joined a
group called the Frenchmen, and the reason I joined the group is my cousin
came to me from Canarsie with a beautiful coat, and we were walking to his
house, [00:33:00] and a guy put a knife to his neck. And I saw it almost
puncturing his skin, and I ran to get my cousin. I say, “Hey, man, you’re gonna
hurt him.” And the other, his friend, put a knife to my throat. I was not scared.
For some reason, I was not scared. In my mind, I said, “I hope he kills me,
because if he doesn’t, I will hunt this brother down.” I never saw them again, so
they must’ve been from another community. They took his coat. After that, I
said, “I’ll never let this happen again,” and I joined a gang called the Frenchmen,
and I never looked back. I became a gangbanger, and I mean to the best to the

18

�best of my ability, we robbed pigeons. We beat up people, and I just -- all of the
anger, all of the frustration in me was translated in gang activity. My mother knew
something was wrong but not quite sure. We would walk. People would tell her,
“Your son is in that gang, and I’ve seen him beating up people and him fighting all
the time.” I said, “Mommy, that’s not true.” I lied. I never lied to my mother. One
day, she said, “Something [00:34:00] is wrong here because every time we walk
up to Livonia, we walk up to Blake or Sutter, you kinda hug me close,” because
we’re walking into enemy territory. In those days, they didn’t hit your mother, so
they left me alone. I said, “Ma, yeah, I’m in a gang. I’m in a gang. I have to do it
to protect myself,” and so she knew that something was wrong. Simultaneously,
I’m also very bright, didn’t know how bright I was. I had a teacher named Ethel
Shapiro who literally saved my life. She saw that I was in a gang, saw that I was
antisocial, saw that I was constantly moving into destructive behavior, and started
nurturing me, and I mean nurturing me. Ethel Shapiro taught me the beauty of
the English language. She also taught me Yiddish, taught me Jewish history. I
became a Judaism freak. I mean, I learned everything about Judaism there was.
She taught me the Shema prayer, “Here, O Israel, the Lord thy God is One.
Shema yisrael Adonai eloheinu Adonai echad.” I’ll never forget it. She taught me
Yiddish. She taught me how to eat sable. [00:35:00] She taught me how to eat
whitefish. She taught me. I mean, she literally raised me as if I were her son.
She would take me in the back and go through Torah with me, and the mitzvahs,
and I learned words like meshuggeneh. She would say, “He’s meshuggeneh.”
And I’d say, “What does that mean?” “It means he’s crazy.” I grew up, I had the

19

�best rabbinical education in the world. I ended up becoming very good friends
with the Orthodox on Eastern Parkway, the Lubavitch, and I still have great
friends there after all these years. I was a [jitterbug?], but I would go up there to
see them. Can you imagine that sort of juxtaposition? Miss Shapiro gave me a
sense of the possible, and so I learned that I had a brain, and I learned I could
write, and she loved me into that. My mother was starting to get very scared. In
fact, Miss Shapiro used to accompany me home all the time. My mother knew
something was wrong. Miss Shapiro would hold my hand. I said, “Ethel don’t
make me hold your hand. These are all Black men watching me.” She said, “So,
you’re afraid of a white lady [00:36:00] holding your hand?” And sure enough,
she’d walk me through the things after we did afterschool work. And my mother,
fearing for my life, took me to California again. This time, we went to LA, and we
lived in East LA, which was all Mexican at that time and all gang ridden. I loved
it. I loved it because I was a novelty. Here was a Black guy who spoke Spanish
and felt totally at home with Mexicans, totally. I had one fight. Of course, you
have to have one fight to find who you are in school, went to Hollenbeck Junior
High School, and became vice president of the second-largest school in LA in
three months. Now, it’s difficult to explain this, but LA is so huge, that if you’re
the second largest, it’s like a second city. It’s like a city.
JJ:

What was the name?

FL:

Hollenbeck Junior High. Ken Naganishi was president. The only reason he
became president, I really got more votes than him, is because I hadn’t taken a
civics course, or else I would’ve become president of the school. So, [00:37:00]

20

�here I am again in paradise. My antisocial behavior, my gang activity, I just
dropped it like a bad habit, and I was proud. The gangs in the neighborhood in
Aliso Village came to me to join, and I said, “I can’t join.” I said, “I’m not going to
join, and I’ll tell you what we’re gonna do. If you guys are ever in real trouble,
you can call on me, but for now I can’t because I just came from gangs. It would
break my mother’s heart. Just do me a favor. Protect my family. You protect my
family and leave my family alone, and I will always be there in extreme
situations.” They said okay. I was doing well, shotput, junior shotput. I was
running the full 40. They were already thinking of UCLA for me, even in junior
high school. They said, “This kid is smart. He’s good.” I was going to go to
Roosevelt High, but they wanted me to go to another school because Roosevelt
was so gang ridden, blah, blah, blah. Went out with a Japanese girl, Ruth. I was
in love. I just was happy. My mother couldn’t make it. Here was the turning
point. I had told the guys that they had to protect my family. My cousin, who had
been in a gang in Brooklyn, was sent to California. He was still into the
gangbanging thing. And he went out with a girl who he was told not to go out
with. Now, the way gangs work is there’s certain laws that you have to follow,
and if a guy tells you, “Don’t mess with my girl,” you don’t mess with his girl. But
he did because he thought he was a tough guy. He’s from New York, and he had
an arrogant attitude, and they came up to me, Sparky, I’ll never forget, and said,
“Your cousin is going out with my girl, man. I don’t like it, man. Please tell him to
stop.” I said, “I’ll tell him, but don’t hurt him.” He said, “Okay, but you gotta tell
him.” So, I go up to Jose, and I told him, “You can’t fool around with this girl. I

21

�mean, it’s not good for us. I mean, we’re under the aegis of this gang, and you’re
--” “Oh, man, these punks ain’t gonna do it. They’re just California hicks.” Well,
[00:39:00] they caught him one day, and they put a hatchet through the window.
They almost killed him, and they came running to me. “Your cousin, they’re
gonna kill your cousin.” I ran to the backyard. We had backyards in California,
two-story houses for projects, if you can believe it. You had your own little house.
And I said, “Sparky, you said you were not gonna hurt my cousin.” He said, “I
told him, and I told you to tell him.” I said, “But that’s my cousin.” He said, “You
told me to protect your brother and sister. That’s your cousin.” I said, “It’s still my
family, man. That’s how Puerto Ricans roll. This is all family.” He said, “I don’t
care. I’m not Puerto Rican.” And I hit him, bang. The whole group jumped on
me. I just got one shot, but I caught him flush, and we were rolling. I put my
arms under his armpits, and they were hitting me into him because I put my neck
under his chest. And it was real bad. Now, they were trying to hit me with the
hatchet, the same hatchet they tried to kill my cousin with. Everybody ran out.
My mother ran out. My aunt ran out. Both of them fainted, speaking tongues, all
that stuff. My little old grandmother [00:40:00] came out, four foot, I don't know, it
was five-foot-one? I don’t know how she separated us. She was talking to
Sparky in Spanish, and Sparky was saying, “Yes, ma’am. Yes, ma’am.” I’ll
always remember his respect for her, “Yes, ma’am. Yes, ma’am.” But he started
him, and she, (Spanish) [00:40:16]. And she was talking to us like that. He said,
“Yes, ma’am. Yes, ma’am.” And when she separated a little more, I hit him
again, bing, and then she turn around and smacked me. And he liked that

22

�because she was being fair. Then she invited us all in for Kool-Aid, and that was
the end of that gang fight. We resolved it. But my grandma said, “I can’t have
you guys here,” and she sent us back to New York, sent my mother too. I knew
that it was time lights out for me, and I told my mother. I said, “Ma, if we go back
to New York, I’m not gonna make it. I’m gonna be back in the gang, and I know
it. I can feel it in my bones.” But we came back to New York, and within two
years -- I was 14 -- by 16, I was in for murder. Somebody had [00:41:00] messed
with my brother, a gang in Bushwick. We had moved to Bushwick, a hovel of a
one-bedroom, rats. Oh, it was horrible. Bushwick was, oof. We lived on Granite
Street. I met some good friends there, friends I still have, but it was a very
difficult situation for me.
JJ:

You’re wanted for murder. Where did you go to?

FL:

We hurt this guy, and one of my friends stabbed him. I was the ringleader, so we
all went up. I went to Elmira, and then I went to Coxsackie, which is, again,
gladiator school, and did two years there, came out, miraculously. And when I
came out, I was 18. Some teacher took some [HARYOU act?], sort of
[antibody?] program, took a test at me, looked at my marks, and said, “This kid is
smart,” and sent me to Queens College. There was a program for ex-cons there,
because no other college would take me. CCNY rejected me. Brooklyn rejected
me. But Queens College, way out in the sticks, I thought, Kissena Boulevard in
Flushing, NY. I went there, [00:42:00] and I became one of the five cons who
was in the program. All of us did well, by the way. And I didn’t know this, but I
had a propensity for scholarship. I did very well. The first semester, I got an A-

23

�plus in philosophy, in fact, an elective course called Aesthetics run by a guy
named John McDermott. Math was hard. I had to take physics for physics
majors. I got a D-plus in that, and I was so happy I just got a D-plus. At least I
passed. I did well. But I met a guy named Saul Resnick, who was a socialist,
and he began to teach me about revolution. And after I read about the French
Revolution, after I read about -- what was it -- The Federalist Papers, after I read
about all of the major pamphleteers at the time, Franklin, Adams, Madison, the
arguments, Rousseau, we were reading Marcuse. We were reading, I mean, just
Mumford. I was involved in new thought. I was also reading Stokely Carmichael
and Charles Hamilton, Black Power. I started teaching courses. Even though I
was still in school, I was teaching Black power courses. So, as soon as I come
out, I’m in Queens College, I join a group of poets called The Last Poets, and I
become the first Puerto Rican member of that group, and the last, and we start
going across the country doing -- we were the spawners. We’re the godfathers
of the hip-hop movement. I meet Rap Brown, Stokely Carmichael, Field Marshall
Donald Cox, Bobby Seale, James Forman. Rap Brown became my main
(inaudible), best man at my first wedding, with Iris Morales. And [00:44:00] I was
in. Now, eventually, the poetry led me into revolutionary activity. Puerto Ricans
would come to The East Wing, which is the loft we had on 125th Street, and
would keep on telling me, “Yes, you’re Black, but you’re Puerto Rican, and we
need you here.” And I didn’t think Puerto Ricans were ready for armed struggle.
I went through cultural nationalism with Amiri Baraka, who I still love and support
and befriend to this day. We had a mutual defense pact. If they messed with his

24

�people, I would be there. If they messed with ours, he’d be there. He had a
group called Committee for Unified Newark. Just imagine this now. Imagine the
poetry. Imagine looking at Albert Ayler, Sun Ra, Leon Thomas, Pharoah
Sanders, Nikki Giovanni, Barbara Ann Teer and the National Black Theatre. It
was the most incredible time to be alive. At the same time, I was also listening to
[00:45:00] Ginsburg down at the Nuyorican Poets Café. I would meet with him all
the time. Ezra Pound lived on my block in the East Village. I was going out with
different cultures, Ronni Brown, who was Jewish, who helped me run guns at
that time, Joan Meinhardt, who was my teacher (laughs) at the time but who I
loved dearly, who I left.
JJ:

What do you mean, “helped you run guns”?

FL:

Ronni, we needed -- Rap and I were building a cell. Rap was building a cell, and
we needed guns. And we had to transport it from one place to another. Rap was
never a racist, and he would say, “Well, if that’s your girlfriend, that’s your
girlfriend, but we need a car.” And I sat with her, “Ronni, let me drive.” I said,
“Let me drive.” I said, “Anything happens, I’ll say I stole it.” She said, “No. If
anything’s gonna happen, I’m gonna drive the car because you can’t drive. You
don’t have a license. I’ll drive it.” So, this little Jewish girl form Bayside, New
York -- may she rest in peace; she died, and I loved her dearly, maybe didn’t
show it as much as I should have, but I did -- [00:46:00] helped me transport the
guns to Rap. Rap and I were part of an underground cell, along with Sam
Melville, one of the finest bombers I’ve ever met, and a few other guys in that
cell, and we did what we had to do. I never met a more brave warrior in my life,

25

�bar none, black, brown, white, yellow, polka-dot, red. Rap Brown was, and to
me, still is, one of the finest warriors in America and taught me a lot and was the
one who told me, “You got to go back into your own community.” And I said, “I’m
not -- I’m here. I’m a Black Puerto Rican. I’m helping define cultural nationalism,
revolutionary nationalism, socialism.” He said, “Felipe, your job here is done.
You put the B in Black nationalism here on 125th Street, you, and Gylan Kain, and
Amiri Baraka and Larry Neal and the Braith brothers,” the Braithwaites, I mean.
We were doing tremendous jobs, organizing workshops, but he said, “Your job is
[00:47:00] to go back to your community and work with it.” So, Mickey Meléndez,
David Perez, Denise Oliver, Yoruba would come over, and I wasn’t part of the
group yet, came over and got me, recruited me to start a group called La
Sociedad de Albizu Campos, and we started there.
JJ:

What year was this?

FL:

This was late ’68.

JJ:

And where was that at?

FL:

Pardon me?

JJ:

Where did you start it?

FL:

Where did we start?

JJ:

Yeah.

FL:

In El Barrio. We would have meetings all the time. Little did they know that I had
already started a group. I had been trying to work with Victor Hernández Cruz
and another guy named George Rivera. I had already gone to Bobby Seale
before I met these guys and tried to start a Puerto Rican group. I’d gone to

26

�Bobby and James Forman and a guy named Pennywell, if I’m not mistaken. And
I said, “Bobby, I’d like to start --” Thank God, we got a meeting with him. I was in
awe. He always very humble, very noble man, and he listened to me patiently.
James Forman was looking at me with aspersion, looking at me like I was
[00:48:00] not equal to him. Let me just put it to you that way. And he said,
“What do you want to do?” I said, “We’re ready for armed struggle.” I had
already bought my first rifle. I was ready. I can’t explain to you what it felt like at
that time to see the destruction of a community in stages, just started crumbling
right underneath you. The Barrio that I came back to after jail was not the Barrio
that I had left, warm, familial, music, gangs that protected. This was a Barrio that
was riddled with drugs, riddled with materialism, and everyone was looking out
for themselves. Nobody was caring for families, older people, young people. I
was in shock. I was traumatized, and I knew something had to happen. And I
saw cops beating up dope fiends. It was horrible. Families were broken.
Families that I knew had mothers and fathers suddenly were by themselves. The
women were by themselves. So, I wanted to do something, and [00:49:00] I was
caught up in the fact that King had died. King was killed. In fact, I left my
teacher, Joan Meinhardt, because I couldn’t live with her. I just couldn’t. I just
had to fight. I had to be as Black as I could, and she said, “You’re gonna get
killed.” I remember leaving her house on Bank Street with her screaming in the
background. It’s a hard image. Anyway, I went with Nikki, and I went with the
other Young Lords, not Young Lords at the time, and we started cleaning up the
streets.

27

�JJ:

Before that, there was a couple other groups. Was it The Pickles or something?

FL:

Yeah, there was another group with Pickle.

JJ:

They were Young Lords too?

FL:

They were part of us. The original Young Lords was me, David Perez from
Chicago, Pablo Guzmán, Juan Gonzalez, and Fi Ortiz. Three of us were Black
Puerto Ricans, which was interesting because that had never happened before,
[00:50:00] big ol’ fros. And we started recruiting. And then we had hooked up -Fi had introduced -- we had hooked up with Pickle.

JJ:

Yeah, because Fi was with Pickle, right?

FL:

Right, Fi was with Pickle. Fi was part of a gang thing, and so we had recruited
him.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) was called the Young Lords, the gang?

FL:

No, it wasn’t called the Young, not that I know of anyway. But these were good
guys, and I liked them, and we got along pretty well. And we all came together.
Eventually, through attrition, people began to -- because we began to really deal
with scholarship, began to deal with reading, began to deal with a refining period,
and a lot of street guys either couldn’t or wouldn’t handle it. So, we realized as
we were organizing that we’re spending more and more time on the streets than
in classroom. We had to make a decision, and it was a difficult decision to make,
not for me. I was definitely afraid of exams. I had got a D-plus in physics, so I
didn’t want to go through that again. I left college. It was a [00:51:00]
tremendous amount of anger in me.

JJ:

So, you guys were the organizers.

28

�FL:

We were the organizers, the primary organizers for us. There were three
colleges involved, CCNY, which is where we’re taping this today; Queens
College, me; Nikki had gone there for a while; and the University of Old
Westbury, which is where we got Denise Oliver, Pablo Guzmán, and David
Perez, and [Moon?] too and a few others who had been there. Before I go any
further with this, I should add, and this may come as a shock to most people,
one-third of the party was African American, all supporting Puerto Rican
independence. So, that nonsense that you cannot have people from other
cultures supporting your particular ideological aims and vision is not true. The
one-third of that group were all Muslim, so think about that. My brother, Lucky,
[00:52:00] older brother, was one of the first Puerto Rican Muslims here in New
York City. He’s dead now. Now we realize we’ve got to do something. We start
with, I had a little group called the Harlem Action Committee, a little anti-poverty
program we start. We asked the people, what do they need? And we really
meant this. We took a little poll. [And we told the viejitas?], and I thought they
were going to say they was tired of our kids being beaten up by police. I thought
were going to talk about welfare. I wanted something that was a real target,
something that was romantic and bold and violent. They told us, “Could you just
pick up the garbage? Could you get the sanitation department to pick up the
garbage?” My ego was so deflated. I mean, that just took the wind out of my
sails, but that’s what the people wanted. Number-one lesson in revolutionary
activity, listen to the people. Listen to their wants, their needs, and their visions.
It’s the first thing you gotta do. So, of course, we decided to test it. We

29

�[00:53:00] swept, and we’d put the garbage in plastic bags and put them on the
corner very neat. First weekend, nobody came. They would come Tuesday.
Now, after a weekend of summer activity, and as you know, we drink a lot of beer,
it smelled a lot. So, what we did is we decided to test it to a second week, and
we did it again. By the second week, we had had it.
JJ:

Is that once a week or --

FL:

Yeah, it was a once-a-week pickup and particularly on weekends, and they
weren’t coming that many times. And if it was a two-time-a-week thing, it wasn’t
enough for the garbage that was being produced.

JJ:

That you swept.

FL:

Yeah, that we swept. So, there was also community garbage. So, the first thing
we needed to do was get brooms, and we went to a garbage station, and we told
the guy, “Look, we need brooms.” [00:54:00] I remember this guy, kinda portly,
who looked at us with such disdain. I said, “Well, could you give us some
brooms? Could you let us borrow ‘em? We’ll bring ‘em right back.” “Who the
hell are you?” Now, remember, I’m from jail. I don’t fear anything but God, and
He and I have problems. This guy was telling me I couldn’t. I just pushed him,
boom, to the side. And I remember the looks on the Lords, because I think they
were thinking the revolution was romantic and that you could talk about it, but
you can’t do it. But I’m coming from the Brooklyn House of Detention, where cats
are getting raped, and we’re talking about [yaku?] and the white man and 66
million years of caveman activity, and Black men should do for self, and I’m
coming out of the projects, where everything was about confrontation. This man

30

�was not a problem. We went and took the brooms, and we brought ‘em back.
One thing I will add is that every time a leader [00:55:00] makes a moves or
makes a move that is out of the ordinary for the group, something happens to the
group. They begin to see him a little differently, some envy, some jealousy, just
light, and it’s almost unconscious. But the seeds of the destruction of the Lords
started right around there. But I’ll give you some other examples, and we gotta
go because you gotta get outta here.
JJ:

Yeah, we’ve got about 15 minutes.

FL:

Okay. We put the garbage on the streets. Sanitation didn’t come. We put the
garbage on the streets, and it stopped traffic. We didn’t know that when you stop
traffic, you stop commerce. We did that for several weeks running. It was called
The Garbage Offensive. And when the cops started realizing that we were going
to do this every Saturday or every Friday evening, they decided to come in
squads of sanitation men and police cars and throw the garbage out and put it
into the garbage. [00:56:00] So, what we did is we set fire to them, and so they
could do it, towering 10 feet of fire. That was the first offensive we had. The
second offensive was the church. We started doing breakfast program based on
what the Panthers had done. We decided to build a breakfast program. It was
enormously successful. We were having a problem delivering food, just didn’t
have enough, and when we went to the bodegueros, they would give us a hard
time. Sometimes they would give it to us out of, you know, ay bendito stuff. I get
a call from a guy, one of the street guys I knew, said, “Felipe, somebody wants to
talk to you down the block.” Now, the only guy down the block was the mafia

31

�guy. So, I went down there into his warehouse, and he says, “I like what you
guys are doing.” He was half Puerto Rican, half Italian. He said, “I like what you
guys are doing. You’re not messing with any of our businesses.” Because I
asked him, “Why am I here? Did we do anything? Is there [00:57:00] something
we need to resolve?” He said, “Nah, take it easy. Sit down.” And he kept on
looking on me. He said, “You need anything?” Now, when the boys ask you, “Do
you need anything,” you know there’s going to be a quid pro quo, so I said no.
He said, “You sure?” And something in me said, “Tell him.” I said, “We’re having
a hard problem getting food.” He said, “Like what?” I said, “Orange juice, milk,
bread, eggs, bacon.” Shook his, just going like that with his head. He said, “How
much do you need?” I said, “A lot. We serve a lot of kids.” He said, “Tomorrow,
you’ll have no problem. Go to any store in East Harlem, no problem.” The same
bodegueros who gave us hard times and sometimes would curse us, had the
stuff ready for us when we got there, which just shows you the power of power,
the nature of power. He had put the word out, “Give these kids anything they
want.” Our breakfast program was tremendously successful. Then we went on
to a garbage offensive, I’m sorry, to a hospital offensive, and we took over
Lincoln Hospital [00:58:00] because so many people were dying. We had found
out that a Puerto Rican woman had died from a simple scraping, and we decided
to take that hospital over. We took over a TV truck. But going back to the
breakfast program, we couldn’t find a place to cook the food. And we went to this
one guy, the First Spanish Methodist Church on 111th and Lexington. I remember
I used to go to preschool there. And the Cuban minister told us that we were

32

�Castro-ites and that we were not to be even tolerated, threw us out. So, for six
weeks, we went there, and on the seventh week, I couldn’t take it anymore. I
stood up to talk on testimonial Sunday. I ran to the front of the church. The cops
told me, “If you don’t --” He had cops in the church, the minister, made sure that
he had cops there. We were shocked because this was supposed to be a
sanctuary. We didn’t want to hurt them. Well, he told me, “Well, Mr. Luciano, it’s
either here or outside.” I said, “Well, then we’ll do it right here,” and that’s when
they began to beat the hell out of me. It’s the second-worst beating I’ve gotten in
my life. I almost fainted. [00:59:00] There was a little voice that said, “Go to
sleep.” By the way, when the voice tells you, “Go to sleep,” don’t go to sleep. I
caught one in the face. I caught another one with my elbow, but I was
overwhelmed, and they broke my arm in two places, and they gave me about
eight stitches, seven, eight stitches in the head. I was a little in shock because
the other Lords were in the back, and they were looking from the pews. I was
hoping that I’d get some help. I began to realize the limits of revolutionary fervor.
I was a true believer, coming out of a Pentecostal background. Thirteen of us
were arrested. That gave us a reputation worldwide. It went around the world.
Jane Fonda came to our church. We opened up the church. Oh, what happened
is they bust us; they tell us we can’t go back to the church, so the next week after
they arrest us and beat us up, we took the church over, and we opened it up for
breakfast.
JJ:

That’s when people got arrested or --

33

�FL:

No. The people got arrested the first time. [01:00:00] After we took over the
church, we kept it open for a month or two, and they arrested all of us.

JJ:

That’s what, about 100 people who were arrested?

FL:

Yeah, in the second, after we had finished the breakfast program. There was
some voices of dissension. We were having some problems. A, we had guys
that were -- I believed that certain people should never be allowed to join the
party, particularly those who talked a lot but weren’t ready to throw down. One
guy came into our office and said, “I could make bombs outta bulbs,” and said
just too much. And I told him, “Either you’re an agent or a fool.” His name was
Julio Roldan. He got busted on one of the last garbage offensives and couldn’t
handle it. [01:01:00] Incarceration is a very strange thing. I’m not putting this on
him. I’m just saying that some people can handle this; some people can’t. He
hung himself. The Lords lied. I was already out of power. The reason I was out
of power, I was demoted, is because I had made love to -- Yoruba and I went to a
woman’s house. They were informants. We didn’t know it at the time. And I
went to their house, and they started talking to me. Yoruba went into the room
with one. I went in, stayed in the living room with another, and she gave me
some pot. The pot immediately got me sick and woozy. I did not feel well. I
almost felt suicidal. I told her, “The window is too open. Can you close it?” She
opened it up even more. I didn’t know it, but I was being drugged by PCP, and I
found that a lot of revolutionaries had been drugged like that. And it must’ve
been a massive dose because I had only taken two puffs. [01:02:00] Something
in me said this woman is an agent, and it’s too late for me. I couldn’t move. And

34

�I said, “You got me up here. You better bring me down.” Somehow, I stayed up
12 hours, and I threw up. Now, after I threw up, for some reason, I wanted to get
back at -- I wanted to conquer, and so I made love to her, or whatever you call it.
I don’t think it was love. Yoruba walks in, sees me. Pablo sees me. I knew that
there was some sort of jealousy maybe, envy, with most of the guys. I saw this in
the Central Committee. I was a two-fisted bro, which is what we needed at that
time. There were people in the party who told me that the guys who were
Central Committee members at the time, while they liked me, they weren’t
exactly in love with me. But the liked the fact that I could lead people and that I
had a very good touch with folks in the street. [01:03:00] So, Yoruba comes in
and sees me on this woman, and he’s in shock, and he goes right back into his
room. I get up. It’s all over. As we were going back home, we were supposed to
report every 24 hours, and we hadn’t. And as we’re coming out, I said, “Pablo,
don’t tell. Don’t go to the party office and say anything. I will tell.” I was married
to Iris Morales. I was married to one of our party members. And Yoruba goes
right back to the office and tells everybody. So, from a street point of view, he
was wrong. From a revolutionary point of view, he may have been right, but I
thought we had a relationship. And he should’ve said, “Let Felipe explain it to
you. Let the chairman explain what happened. I’m not going to say anything ‘til
he comes.” Didn’t happen that way. Well, I was accused of male chauvinism.
The party got into my business, the relationship that I had with Iris.
JJ:

(inaudible) male chauvinism because you were married?

35

�FL:

Because I was married, and I went [01:04:00] with this white girl. This is no
justification, and there’s no reason to bring this up, but I’ma bring it up.
Everybody was doing everybody in the party, even dope fiends. The majority of
the defense department were all drug addicts, and they were [screwing with?]. In
those days, AIDS was not thought of, so people had boyfriends who were drug
addicts. Denise had one. Myrna had one. We had a lot of -- it was okay. It was
the way. You know, drug addicts were part of our family. Anyway, I was accused
of male chauvinism and unclear politics, and I was demoted. The demotion was
so severe to me. I put my lifeblood into this organization. And to make a long
story short, Julio Roldan is -- so, I’m demoted, and I feel just such enmity, such
venom, vitriol from the people that I helped organize. So, in the interim, the party
had decided to [01:05:00] take over the People’s Church again with guns
because Julio Roldan had killed himself, and they lied and said that Julio Roldan
was killed by police. It was a lie. Yoruba knows it was a lie, will admit to it to this
day. And they used that as an organizing tactic. I would’ve never agreed with
that. You never lie to the people. They take over the People’s Church with guns,
some of the guns that I had bought, and they take over the People’s Church, and
people rally to their cry. It was romantic. It was the worst move they could’ve
made. When I walked into the People’s Church with the guns, I noticed that kids,
that the members, high-ranking members were not supposed to be (inaudible). I
said, “Well, who’s here? Who’s gonna fight it out?” There was nobody of any
importance. I said, “This is ridiculous.” I got very pissed off at the way it was
handled. I thought there was no planning in it. [01:06:00] It may have been

36

�romantic. And I saw a kid, about 12, with a break-over shotgun, a break-gun
shotgun, just taking 30-caliber bullets, and it was sliding. He said, “I wonder why
this is happening.” I said, “My God.” I remember asking David, “David, how are
you gonna escape? Do you have access? Do you have access?” And he goes,
“You have an escape plan. Before you think of any battle, you think of strategy,
tactics, and possible escape routes.” He said, “We’re gonna drill through the wall
into the subway.” I knew he had already developed what we call siege mentality,
where you think the impossible is possible. But what really got me mad is
nobody in the Central Committee was going to be in there when the cops came,
when the shooting was going to start. So, I had called a meeting, Pi and I. I
said, “I can’t believe how cowardly you guys are, how ill-planned this is, illconceived. I’ve seen things I would never have believed that you would plan it
this way. Are you trying to compensate for me not being here [01:07:00]
anymore? Are you trying to tell people you’re tough guys? There’s a way to do
this, and this is not the way.” And I took my beret and threw it into the middle of
the room. Nobody moved. Pi and I were pretty good with our hands. But they
could’ve moved. They didn’t. And I left. Immediately after, about three months
after, I hear that Pablo’s going out with -- and I knew this was COINTELPRO.
COINTELPRO was working overtime. Yoruba’s now going out with Iris, and in
those days, I was a Puerto Rican macho, and I was going to kill him. Thank God
I didn’t. I loved his mother; I loved his father, and I love him. I love Iris. I love all
of the Young Lords, and while we may have had our differences, I think we were
divinely ordained to do what we had to do. So, just to show you how still into the

37

�streets I was, I had a knife. I was ready to stab Yoruba because he was going
with Iris. Oh, my God. [01:08:00] Thank God. Here’s the end of my story. As
I’m ready to stab him, I was looking for the right spot in his neck to stick the knife
into the jugular, and the former defense department that I knew were waiting on a
line, three of them, to put me into a car to drive me to safe houses that Mickey
Meléndez was supposed to have set up. As I’m ready to stab him, I just
happened to look in the sky. Went like that just to get him off focus so that I can - when you go like this and the other person goes like that, and you go bing, and
I saw the New York Post, and I swear to you, I said, “YLP destroyed by love
triangle,” and I said, “Oh, my God. This is the government.” Even if it were true,
first of all, no man has a right to tell a woman who to make love to. If you’re
separated from her, that’s it, and no is no. And I remember Iris saying, “You think
you’re so tough.” [01:09:00] I remember her, hearing her voice. “He’s softer than
you,” or, “He’s not as hard as you.” The voice was slowly -- I said, “You deserve
each other,” and I left them both, and I walked away. I am very happy I didn’t kill
that boy. He’s a great reporter for CBS. He’s a great writer. It would’ve
destroyed his mother and his father, whom I loved dearly. His kids wouldn’t have
had a father. Iris has turned out to be a great lawyer. She now runs MNN, the
public TV. And everyone turned out fairly well, with the exception of the defense
department, all the drug addicts, Bobby Lemus. These are the guys that I feel
them; I live with them, Robles, Bobby Lemus, Georgie Littleman, my brother
Lucky, GI, Frenchie, [01:10:00] Huracan. These were all of the people who didn’t
make it. That is, after the Lords, the subsequent illnesses that develop out of

38

�heroin addiction killed them all. But they’re the ones that I owe a great deal of
gratitude for, and they’re the ones I love. And to this day, my mission, as I’m in
seminary school right now -- I’m in the last year of my master’s program in Union
Theological Seminary -- my mission is to those, the marginalized, the criminal,
so-called, the oppressed. I’m not interested in the do-gooders, the nice kids, the
predisposed. I want hardcore, men and women who just, it’s like this, who do or
die. Those are the ones I love, and those are the ones I’m committed to.
JJ:

Any final thoughts, or that was it? [01:11:00]

FL:

My final thoughts are I wish that the Young Lords would get over the past. We
continue to hurl accusations at each other that have kept our community from
moving forward and us from moving forward. We need to heal old wounds. We
need to say, “I’m sorry,” because after my demotion, the Lords ended up in a
feeding frenzy. They beat each other up over who spoke Spanish and who
didn’t. Many of the Black members left because they felt unwelcome. We went
through a cultural nationalism phase. We went to Puerto Rico, which was illconceived, bad. And we began to eat each other up. Remember that when you
cut off leadership, I’m not saying it’s just for me, but when you cut the head off
and don’t try to nurture leadership, while I may not have been the best, I knew I
was good at what I did. They also cut themselves off from community, which was
my forte. It’s not that I’m better. Everybody has a gift. [01:12:00] Yoruba’s gift is
public relations. Yoruba could get press when anybody could. Juan was a great
strategist. David was a fantastic community person. [Jíbaro?] up to the bone
and gave us that Puerto Rican edge. And Fi was a great gang person, and of

39

�course I was an orator, so we had a wonderful conglomeration of great people.
Eventually, we also had to remember that we didn’t have women, so Iris came in,
and Denise came in, and Gloria came in. And of course, they started blaming a
woman named Gloria for having engendered all of the problems in the Lords,
which are not true. They allowed it to happen. And we ended up killing, hurting
each other. COINTELPRO was behind every one of those moves, every one of
those moves that helped to destroy the party. My last thoughts are that we’re
now in our 60s. If we could just tell each other how much we love each other, Fi,
David, Iris, Richie Pérez is now dead, but if we could just get [01:13:00] by this
and say, “Look, I forgive you,” as I do, Pablo, as I do, Iris, as I do, Pi, as I do,
Huey, as I do all of them. If we could just say, let us now begin to work on a new
version and leave a legacy of love, militancy, intelligence, scholarship, and
revolutionary activity for our children so that our kids could get to know each
other, so that our communities could heal, we need to do that. And so, if I could
say anything to whoever’s watching this, and to the Lords who may be watching
this, is that let’s get past the past. We are new creatures. Let’s forgive each
other. Let’s walk hand-in-hand into that new future.
JJ:

Thank you very much.

END OF VIDEO FILE

40

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veteran’s History Project
Post- Persian Gulf War Era
John Luckett
Interview Length: (00:00:10:30)
Early Life/ Naval Training (00:00:13:00)
 Luckett was born in Chicago, Illinois in 1972. (00:00:14:00)
 He has two sisters: one older and one younger. (00:00:15:00)
 Luckett’s family moved to Grand Rapids when he was 12 years old. (00:00:22:00)
o While living Grand Rapids, he attended two different elementary schools and two
different high schools. (00:00:30:00)
 Luckett was the only one in his immediate family to enlist in the military. (00:00:59:00)
o At the time of his enlistment, was working a part- time job and attending
Davenport University. (00:01:10:00)
o The main reason that he enlisted was because he “needed a change” and wanted to
avoid the “trouble” that some of his friends were getting involved in.
(00:01:20:00)
 Luckett received a phone call from a recruiter one day about enlisting, which solidified
his decision to join. (00:01:40:00)
 After deciding to join, he was flown to Chicago to a training base [Great Lakes] where he
stayed for eight weeks. (00:02:05:00)
Active Duty (00:02:35:00)
 After training camp, a recruit get to pick his or her “orders” and Luckett’s orders were to
[Norfolk] Virginia. (00:02:40:00)
o He first served on an aircraft carrier and was then transferred to a nearby weapons
station. He spent roughly 3 years at each location. (00:02:51:00)
 Luckett also spent some time serving in the Mediterranean. (00:03:30:00)
o While here, he witnessed several planes on their way to bombing raids, but this
was the extent of his experience with active combat. (00:03:40:00)
 He served from 1991 to 1998. (00:04:20:00)
o Whenever he had time off, his first priority was seeing his family. (00:04:31:00)
 Luckett traveled to Greece, France, Spain, Italy, Florida, and several small islands south
of the United States while serving. One thing he really enjoyed about the Navy was being
able to travel. (00:04:42:00)
 He wished that he would have finished school before enlisting so he could have been an
officer (00:05:40:00)
 He was taught to be a “gunner’s mate”, however he was never actually able to fly as he
aspired to because it required extra experience beyond the naval training. (00:06:25:00)
o His job was to take care of all the small arms on the carriers. This mean relocating
them about the ship and repairing any that were damaged. (00:06:33:00)
 Luckett thinks that learning to be a military man is simple in that “you do what they ask
you to do”. (00:07:10:00)
 He was serving in Virginia when his service time expired, working at a weapons station
on the U.S.S. Yorktown. (00:07:30:00)

�




Navy men are required to spend so much time serving at sea before they can serve on
shore. (00:08:08:00)
o This made adjusting to civilian life moderately easy because he spent time
onshore before actually returning to his home. (00:08:11:00)
Luckett still stays closely connected with fellow navy men (00:09:17:00)
From his naval experience, Luckett was introduced to many of the differences that exist
between cultures. He thinks he would never have noticed these things otherwise because
he was so firmly rooted to his home in Michigan (00:09:23:00)
o From this experience, he also learned that “everyone has their own course in life”.
(00:10:03:00)

�</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Korean War
Gordon Ludema
Length of interview (12:23)
(00:00) Background
Served as a staff sergeant for the U.S. Air Force. (00:17)
When the attack on Pearl Harbor occured, he was 11 years old living on a farm in Dorr,
Michigan. At his age, he didn’t have much of a grasp of what was happening. (04:29)
Worked in a garage as a mechanic while in high school. (00:39)
Enlisted in the Air Force after high school in order to avoid being drafted into the army.
(00:27)
Joined the service in August 1948. (00:56)
(01:06) Basic Training
Basic training took place in Texas for 13 weeks. All of their drilling was done in 100
degree weather. (01:11)
Didn’t learn to fly until after basic training. (01:28)
(01:41) Service Overseas
Served in Japan when the Korean War started. (01:41)
Flew 104 combat missions while in Korea. (01:56)
Flew DC-3 planes, one of the oldest Air Force airlines. Every country involved in the
Korean War had them. (06:55)
Served as a radio operator. At night, his unit was responsible for dropping flares while the
enemy was moving their convoys. This allowed U.S. fighters and bombers could wipe
out their convoys. (02:02)
Dropped three or four flares at a time that were equipped with parachutes. (07:32)
Recalls that his missions were very scary. Says that their planes were shot at almost every
time they flew, but were only actually hit once when a large shell had gone off. They
dove to miss it and could hear the shell pellets hit the plane, but were not shot down.
(02:29)
His most memorable experience occured while flying over Wonsan harbor in North
Korea. Their plane lost power at 5,000 ft with surrounding mountains at 6,800 ft.
Describes their circling manuevers to avoid them. (02:56)
Kept in touch with his family by writing them weekly. (03:30)
In his free time, he took courses through the United States Armed Services Institute.
Describes his free time as rather boring and slow. (03:50)
Was never injured during his service. (06:50)
Was stationed in Iwakuni, Japan, and duscusses the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Thought that the bombings were drastic, but necessary. (05:15)
His outfit was on alert to move into China, but the operation was cancelled once
MacArthur was fired. Didn’t think that moving into China would have extended the war.

�(08:46)
Had a three year enlistment agreement that was extended for an extra year. Because he
had furlow time, he was discharged a month early in July of 1952. (06:20)
(08:21) Life After Service
Was living in Coopersville when the Korean War ended. (08:21)
Still keeps in touch with one of his good friends who served all four years in Korea with
him. Hasn’t seen most of the people that he flew with in years. (09:30)
His outfit, nicknamed The Fireflies, does not organize reunions. (09:55)
When he returned to the United States, he began working in the car business purchasing
cars at auctions for car dealers in Michgian, Indiana, North Dakota, Minnesota, and
Nebraska. Still buys and sells cars today. (10:19)
His experience in the service made him realize that although he doesn’t like war, it can be
necessary when talking is ineffective. (11:06)
Thinks that our current involvement in Iraq is necessary and that more action against the
insurgents is still needed. (11:42)

�</text>
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                    <text>I

II
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.. . ..

·,.

LUDINGTON COMPREHENSIVE PLAN

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WEST MICHIGAN REGIONAL

PLANNING COMMISSION

�FRO\·i 7~•E Li0;-1f\.~'i' OF
l?lanning &amp; Zon;ng .Ce!l~~r, Irie .

•
•
•
•
•I
I
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.
LUDINGTON COMPREHENSIVE PLAN

by:
Ludington Planning Commission

with assistance from:
West Michigan Regional Planning Commission

1987

�•II
I

•I

LUDINGTON COMPREHENSIVE PLAN

I
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I

•I
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•
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•

Ludington City Planning Commission - 1987
Helen M. Nelson, Chairperson &amp;John R. Bulger
Joe R. Clark
Beverly J. Gavigan
Paul J. Ivkovich
Martin Page
Ronald L. Scott
Robert E. Sha"'
Douglas Shoup
Other Contributing Previous Planning Commission Members
James Braden
Jack Ereon
Harold Hill
Betty Maskal
Frank Petersen
Jan Tava

Jan Dues
Wi 11 i am Hartley
John Markov
Bruce McFarren
Paul Peterson

�TABLE OF CONTENTS

Table of Contents • • .
List of Tables . .
List of Figures . . .
Resolutions of Adoption
I.
II.

i
iii

iii

iv

Introduction.

1

Goals, Policies, and Implementation Techniques
Economic Development
.....•..•.•.••
Housing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Central Business District/Commercial Development .
Transportation . • • . • . . • . • . • • • • •
Recreation and Cultural Services . • • • • • .
Physical Development . . . • . • • . • • • . . . •

5

5
6
8
11

12
13

III.

Community Characteristics . • • •
Location and Setting. • • .
• •••••••.•
Natural Resources • . • . • • • • •
Geology, Topography and Soils . • • .
Lakes and Rivers • .
• •..•••
Groundwater Quality • . . . • • . • • . . . . . .
Climate • . . • • •
• . . • • • . .
. .•
Population. . . . . •
• .••.
Population Projection
.•.•..
Seasonal Variations . • • • • • • . • • • • • • .
Population Characteristics . . • • .
• ..
Economy
• • . . • . • • • •
. .•.
Employment. • • . • . • • • • • •
. •••••
Workforce . . • • . . • . . • . • . . . •
Economic Activity by Sector
. • .
. ••.
Construction Activity . • • • • • • • • • • .
Regional Economy • . • • . • • • • . • • • • . • .
Economic Development Activity . • . • . • • .
Neighborhood Characteristics. . .
• ....•.
Comparative Housing Characteristics
•..
Census Block Characteristics • . • . • . . . • . •

15
15
15
15
17
18
18
18
18
20
20
23
24
25
26
27
28
28
29
29
30

IV.

Community Facilities . . . . . . . . .
Transportation • . • . . . • . • . . . . • . • • . .
Roads and Streets . . . . . . . • • .
Rail Transportation
•..
Lake Transportation . . . • • . • . . . . . .
Air Transportation .
. •.
Public Transportation . • .
. . .
. .. .
Utilities
. . . . . .
. ....... .
Public Sewer Services
. • .
. ..•....•
Public Water Services
..... .
Solid Waste
. . . . . . . . . . . . .
. ...
Electricity, Gas, Phone and Cable Television.

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Recreation
•..•••••••••...•..
Recreation Programming . • • • .
. •.
Recreation Resources . .
• . .
. .•••.
Area-wide Recreational Facilities
. . .
• •.
Recreational Analysis
. . . .
• .•.....
Public Health and Safety . . . • . . . . • . • .
Police Department . . .
. • •
. •..
Fire Department
. • • •
• •.
Other City Services
. • . •
. . .
Medical Facilities •
. . . .
. •.
Area Public Services .
• ••.••.
Education • • . • • . .
. •..
Cultural and Historic Resources
Senior Services • • . . •
County and State Services

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Land Use and Development Trends • . . . • •
Comparison of Land Use, 1962 and 1986 . • • •
Land Use Classification
. • . . • •
. ..
Residential Uses •
. .•••..••••
Commercial Uses
• . . . . . .
. •.••
Industrial Uses . . .
• ..... .
Public and Semi-Public Uses . . . • . . . • . .
Parks and Recreation. . • . • • .
. •.
Development Trends and Future Land Use .
. •.
1. Manufacturer's Addition . • . . . . • .
2.
Residential Development • • . . • .
3. Neighborhood Shopping
... .
4. City Entrance/Gateway
. .. .
5. Central Business District . • •
6. Waterfront/Marine Areas
•..
7.
Industrial Expansion . • • •
. •....
Cooperation with Pere Marquette Township.

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Epilogue •

47
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48

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Appendices
Appendix A.
Funding Resources
Local Resources • . • . • . .
State and Federal Resources • • .
Private Initiatives . • . . .

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Appendix B.
Tables and Figures
Table 10 .
Table 11 .
Table 12
Table 13 .
Figure XII

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Appendix C. Community.
Survey Form . . .
Survey Results • . . .

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68
69

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�LIST OF TABLES
Table

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3

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9
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Population Change, 1940-1980
Mason County, Cities, and Selected Townships . • •
Ludington and Mason County Population Changes
Compared to Other Cities and Counties in
West Michigan
••.••••
Population Projections
Ludington and Mason County
.•••
Comparative Socio-Economic Characteristics
Household Income in Ludington by Income Level . • .
Occupations of Ludington Residents
••••••••
Comparative Housing Characteristics, 1980 • • • • .
Recreation Analysis . . . . • • • • . . . . • • • •
Land Use in Ludington, 1962 and 1986 • . • • • • .
Climatological Summary, 1951-1980 • •
. ••
Building Permits and Valuation
City of Ludington, 1980-1986 • • • • • . • . . • •
State Equalized Value
City of Ludington, 1980-1986 • • •
• •••
Population and Housing Characteristics by Census
Block Areas, City of Ludington, 1980
••••.

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11

13

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20
21
23
25
29
43

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67
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
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II
III

IV
V

VI
VII
VIII

IX
X

XI
XII

Location Map • • • • • • • • • • • • .
Age-Sex Distribution • • . . . •
Mason County Employment Status
1970-1986 Labor Force and Unemployment
Mason County Employment by Sector, 1980-1986 •
Ludington Employment by Sector, 1980
.••
Census Block Map • • . • . . • • • • • • . • . • •
Street Map • • • . . • • . • . • •
Recreation Facilities Map . • . •
Area-Wide Recreational Facilities
Present Land Use Map • . • . • •
Future Land Use Map . • • . • . .
Pere Marquette Charter Township
Future Land Use Plan Map . . • . •

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24
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31
34

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CITY OF LUDINGTON
201 S . WILLIAM STREET

DEAN M . ANDERSON , MAYOR
GERALD J . RICHARDS . CITY MANAGER

P . O . BOX 310

GERRY PEHRSON KLAFT . CITY CLERK

LUDINGTON. MICHIGAN 49431
PHONE 616 / 845 - 6237

JOHN A . VILLA . TREASURER

Motion by Commissioner Martin Page, seconded by Commissioner Bob
Shaw, to adopt the new Comprehensive Plan with a request that the
City Commission also review the new Plan for adoption. Motion
carried unanimously. (June 2, 1987)
Motion by Commissioner Ereon, seconded by Commissioner Scott,
that the Comprehensive Plan, previously adopted by the Ludington
Planning Commission, which updates the City of Ludington Master
Plan, be adopted. Motion carried. (June 8, 1987)

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I.

INTRODUCTION

Plans are designed to control change--to stimulate it and to give
it direction.
Ludington's Comprehensive Plan represents the
community's desire to deal with anticipated changes in the city's
growth.
The plan does not try to draw an ideal map of the
future.
Rather, it approaches change as a bundle of related
processes that must be coordinated to achieve desirable ends.
The city has not produced a master plan since 1964. That plan is
essentially a map of the ideal city as projected twenty-three
years -ago.
Many features of that map are impractical and
irrelevant today. One feature, however--the site of a municipal
marina--is an important reality in the Ludington of 1987. The
successful operation of the present marina has in turn become a
factor in planning today.
Change always generates further
change.
The ideal city always eludes the planner's grasp.
Planning itself becomes one of the processes in the bundle that
requires coordination.
During the past few years, the people of Ludington have seen
several areas of the city where some kind of change--good or
bad--seemed imminent.
The marina, for example, seemed a
potentially destructive force to the residential neighborhood it
bordered. A neighborhood plan was formulated and adopted which
forestalled undesirable change.
The downtown area--the Central Business District--is a great
concern to all citizens and especially to downtown businessmen.
Certain changes threaten the appearance and functioning of the
CBD: the design and construction of buildings, signs, traffic
patterns and flow, and building tenancy.
In order to direct
change in these elements, the City Commission has adopted a plan
which the Downtown Development Authority drafted with
professional planning assistance.
One of Ludington's critical areas is the Pere Marquette Lake
waterfront.
Traditionally, the waterfront has been devoted to
industrial use. Changes in industry and changes in recreational
uses of the environment have given the waterfront a completely
different significance.
The City Commission engaged a
professional planner to formulate a plan for the waterfront, and
has adopted the resulting plan.
Obviously, the people of
Ludington recognize that changes are inevitable and that
thoughtful, practical planning for change is necessary.
A survey of citizen opinion about Ludington conducted by the
Planning Commission and the Downtown Development Authority
reached a random sample of 465 households. The excellent return
rate (43.7 percent) shows great interest in and concern about the
future of the city. The following cluster of responses to survey
questions deserves thoughtful consideration by anyone planning
the city's future:

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�1.

The best thing about living in Ludington is its small-town
atmosphere (77.3 percent).

2.

Ludington's worst problem is unemployment (86.7 percent).

3.

Fire protection is rated "high" rather than "fair" or "poor"
(91.67 percent).
Less than 6 percent rate city services
"poor" (police, water, sewer, snow removal, park
maintenance).

4.

Parking downtown is "easy" (89.6 percent).

5.

Ludington needs more industrial development (92.79 percent).

6.

The city should use tax incentives to attract new industry
(83.18 percent).

The people of Ludington want the city to maintain its atmosphere
of a small town on the Lake Michigan shore (73.21 percent like
its proximity to the big lake) with good city services and
comfortably "easy" living conditions. But at the same time, the
great majority of citizens are concerned about the high rate of
unemployment.
Presumably they would risk giving up the
small-town atmosphere in order to increase the city's industrial
base. They would even invest tax dollars in this cause.
In view of this ambivalence, a plan for Ludington's future must
accept one of the following general policies:
1.

Preserve the small-town atmosphere at all costs.

2.

Pursue a radical change in industrial development and risk
losing the small-town atmosphere.

3.

Find a compromise position that preserves the valued elements
of the small-town atmosphere while it encourages industrial
development.

The Planning Commission believes that Ludington should adopt the
third policy option.
This Comprehensive Plan is designed to
achieve that goal.

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This plan does not show how Ludington should look in twenty
years.
Rather, it outlines a series of goals, policies, and
implementation techniques to give direction to those charged with
overseeing specific plans.
These goals and policies are
presented first in the plan. Following that section, background
material is presented--the context in which the goals and
policies are to be considered. Present and future land use maps
show graphically_what e~ists, ~nd what should be changed. The
plan concludes with a discussion of possibilities for some
particular areas in the city.
Supporting material in £urther
detail may be found in the appendix. Also in the appendix is a
copy of the community survey and the tabulated results.
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�If this plan is to be effective in providing a context for future
change in Ludington, it must be kept up to date.
It should be
amended from time to time as circumstances require, and it should
be carefully reviewed in its entirety at no more than five-year
intervals.
The following plans for particular parts of the city are
incorporated into this Comprehensive Plan:
Waterfront Master
Plan (WBDC, 1986); Central Business District Master Plan (WBDC,
1986); Cartier Park: A Study of Market &amp; Development (Tom Sturr,
1986); and Recreational Development Plan of Ludington (City of
Ludington, 1984; and Recreation Plan Update (1986)
The Future Land Use Map developed by the Planning Commission
supersedes
any other maps in any plan, and the Comprehensive
Plan supersedes any other plan, in case of conflict or
inconsistency.

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II.

GOALS, POLICIES, AND IMPLEMENTATION TECHNIQUES
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

GOAL:
To increase the availability of jobs for area residents
through actions and policies that promote the expansion of
existing industries and businesses and the attraction of new
industries and commercial activity to the city.
POLICIES

IMPLEMENTATION TECHNIQUES

A.

1.

Insu~e availability of appropriate sites.

2.

Cooperate with industrial
and business personnel in
dealing with potential
problems involved with
expansion. ·

3.

Phase out nonconforming
residential uses on Dowland Street to provide
area for expansion of
industries located there.

4.

Require screening between
industrial/commercial uses
and neighboring residential uses on district
boundaries or where mixed
uses exist.

5.

Continue to make use of
P.A. 198 to encourage
expansion of existing
industries as well as
attraction of new plants.

1.

Capitalize on the
strengths of the area,
including the high quality
of life, and, where applicable, the ferry service, excellent deep port,
good rail service, and
direct access to US 31 and
us 10.

2.

Cooperate with Pere Marquette Township in

B.

Provide opportunities for
expansion of existing industrial and commercial activities.

Continue efforts to attract
new industry to locate in the
industrial park through the
Economic Development Corporation (EDC), Ludington
Economic Development Corporation (LEDCOR), Manistee-Mason
Community Growth Alliance
(CGA), Chamber of Commerce.

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�developing contiguous
land in the industrial
park and surrounding
township land.
3.

c.

D.

Exploit the potential for
1.
reuse for wholesale or light
industry uses of vacant industrial buildings outside the
industrial park, particularly
on the north side of the city
(Manufacturers Addition).

Extend Fourth Street into
the industrial park.
Make road improvements
in the north area, e.g.,
abandon rights-of-way
for Delia and Emily
Streets between Bryant
and Longfellow.

2.

Explore relocation of the
city garage and heavy
equipment storage to
this area (Manufacturers
Addition).

Capture a greater share of
1.
Michigan's growing visitor
trade through further development of facilities and
2.
expanded promotional
activities.

Expand public and private
marina facilities.
Promote development of
commercial facilities
for marina users.

3.

Develop off-season events
and activities, e.g.,
cross-country skiing.

4.

Develop a convention/
meeting facility appropriate for this area
of the state; coordinate
with West Shore Community
College.

5.

Upgrade Cartier Park
according to plan to
expand services to
visitors, as well as
recreational opportunities for residents.

HOUSING

GOAL: To increase the availability and accessibility of housing
in the city through policies and actions that protect and enhance
the quality of existing residential neighborhoods and promote the
development of new housing to serve a variety of needs and
preferences.

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POLICIES

IMPLEMENTATION TECHNIQUES

A.

1.

Utilize resources from the
state to provide incentives for preservation or
restoration of historic or
architecturally significant dwellings.

2.

Continue to participate
in available state and
federal programs which
provide assistance to
homeowners for rehabilitation of existing
dwellings.

3.

Develop a program to
disseminate information
concerning the minimum
standards for housing and
maintenance which the city
uses; emphasize how these
standards apply to existing housing units,
particularly multifamily units.

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B.

Maintain and rehabilitate
existing housing where practicable.

Provide opportunities for
1.
the construction of a variety
of housing types in the city:
single-family homes and
multi-family units; moderately 2.
priced homes and luxury apartments; year-round, seasonal,
and retirement homes.

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Designate specific areas
of the city for future
residential use.
Promote new design
concepts which take
advantage of energysaving technology.

3.

Encourage construction of
additional housing units
that meet the particular
needs of low- and
moderate-income residents
and the needs of senior
citizens.

4.

Encourage multi-family
housing in areas with
adequate land, convenient
commercial areas, and
adequate transportation.

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D.

Maintain and/or improve
environmental quality.

Control traffic flow and
parking in residential areas.

5.

Control conversion of
single-family dwellings to
two- or multi-family to
insure adequate parking,
open space, etc.

6.

Plan for appropriate new
housing in connection with
waterfront and marina
development.

1.

Continue maintenance
and/or replacement of
street trees, shrubs, and
other natural materials.

2.

Control home occupations
to prevent development
into highly visible
commercial uses.

3.

Enforce existing land-use
controls.

4.

Prevent the intrusion of
nonresidential uses into
predominantly residential
areas.

1.

Discourage through traffic
on local residential
streets.

2.

Institute parking controls
on narrow streets.

3.

Control traffic flow
resulting from large
developments by careful
placement of access.

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT/COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT

GOAL: To improve the quality, vitality, and value of the Central
Business District and other commercial areas through policies and
actions which encourage the prov i sion of a desirable mixture of
commercial and residential uses, increase employment
opportunities, and strengthen the role of downtown Ludington as a
provider of services for the entire region.

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IMPLEMENTATION TECHNIQUES

POLICIES
A.

B.

c.

Make the CBD more accessible
1.
and attractive for pedestrians.

Increase the convenience
shoppers.

Improve the appearance of the
CBD while conserving the
unique character and historic
ambience.

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Develop an entrance sign
and compatible uniform
directional signs for
the CBD and public
facilities.

2.

Encourage the improvement
of the appearance of the
rear of all buildings and
make use of the rear
entrances where they c~n
provide access to parking
lots.

3.

Initiate aesthetic
improvements, including
landscaping of parking
lots, boulevards where
appropriate, and street
trees, shrubs, and
flowers.

4.

Provide benches and/or
pedestrian rest areas.

1.

Improve parking areas to
facilitate traffic flow
and provide the maximum
number of spaces possible.

2.

Remove old foundation
remnants to provide more
efficient parking, particularly off South James
Street.

3.

Promote convenience/safety
improvements, including
street and parking lot
lighting.

4.

Encourage development of
mini-malls: inside access
between buildings in a
block.

1.

Promote cooperation between public and private
to take maximum advantage
available resources.

�2.

D.

E.

Provide a wider range of
uses and activities in
the CBD.

Encourage appropriate development in other commercial
areas.

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Develop recommendations
concerning storefront
improvements. Priority should be given to
maintaining the historic
quality of buildings
where such exists.

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3.

Promote the existing loan
prografil to stimulate
physical improvements to
buildings.

4.

Develop consistent sign
standards which will
enhance the appearance
and be aimed primarily at
pedestrian traffic.

1.

Encourage a wider variety
of businesses to the
downtown in order to
expand activities and
minimize vacancies.

2.

Promote better use of
space in some buildings
by permitting residential uses on the second
and third story levels
through rehabilitation.

3.

Encourage professional
offices.

1.

Discourage strip commercial development.

2.

Maintain the existing
entrance to the city by
controlling encroachment
of the commercial strip
on East Ludington Avenue.

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3.

Cooperate with Pere
Marquette Township on
boundary areas.

4.

Encourage reuse of
existing buildings where
parking and other requirements are met.

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5.

Encourage development of
marina-supporting services
around the bayou.

6.

Limit neighborhood commercial areas to uses
targeted to the immediate area.

TRANSPORTATION

GOAL: To promote safe and effective movement for all members of
the community, whether pedestrians, motorists, passengers, or
cyclists.
POLICIES

IMPLEMENTATION TECHNIQUES

A.

1.

Provide sidewalks where
they are lacking and
mandate future sidewalks
with new development.

2.

Schedule maintenance and
replacement of streets
a·nd sidewalks in the
capital improvement plan.

1.

Revise parking near intersections to allow better
visibility, particularly
on downtown corners without traffic signals.

2.

Change Rowe and Harrison
to two-way traffic.

3.

Regulate parking on narrow
streets to one side only.

4.

Establish a directional
island at Ludington Avenue
and Lakeshore Drive.

1.

Support advertising campaigns designed to draw
from a wider audience.

2.

Explore possible new
financing to insure
continuation.

1.

Strengthen local financing
commitments to insure consistent funding sources
public transportation.

B.

c.

D.

Maintain all streets, curbs,
and sidewalks in good condition.

Improve traffic flow,
saftey, and convenience for
motorists.

Promote continuation of car
ferry service.

Continue to provide a high
level of Dial-A-Ride bus
service to insure necessary
ti.on to residents.
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�E.

F.

Minimize nonresidential
traffic and through traffic
in residential and recreation
areas.

Develop nonmotorized facilities.

2.

Expand service to include
group trips, special event
routes, other.

1.

Close Lewis Street between
Court Street and Ludington
Avenue.

2.

Develop formal truck
routing with appropriate
directional signs on
Washington, Bryant, _Dowland, and First Street.

1.

Request abandonment of
Ludington Northern Railway right-of-way to
provide a pedestrian/
bicycle path through
the city.

2.

Develop a walkway connecting downtown with
Pere Marquette Lake waterfront area and Lake
Michigan beach at Stearns
Park.

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RECREATIONAL AND CULTURAL SERVICES
GOAL:
To insure adequate social, cultural, and recreational
opportunities for all residents through policies and actions
which promote the availability of necessary social and health
services, expand cultural and recreational opportunities, and
maintain a high level of government services.

IMPLEMENTATION TECHNIQUES

POLICIES
A.

Maintain a wide range of
1.
recreational opportunities
throughout the city through
implementation of the city's
2.
Recreational Development Plan.

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Develop standard soccer
fields.
Increase playground
equipment in neighborhood playgrounds.

3.

Continue to maintain
existing parks and
facilities for maximum
use.

4.

Establish an indoor ice
rink.

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B.

c.

D.

1.

Mandate a public walkway
along Marquette Lake as
the new marina and other
waterfront development
occurs.

2.

Develop the non-campground
area of Cartier Park for
passive uses such as
nature trails, crosscountry skiing, boat
launch, and picnic areas.

1.

Pursue state coopera t ion
in identification of
significant buildings.

2.

Provide incentives for
preservation and rehabilitation of significant
historic structures where
desirable and practical.

Continue to provide a high
1.
level of government services
to protect the health, safety,
and well-being of all residents.

Improve public access to
the municipal building so
all public meetings can be
held there, or provide
another community meeting
facility.

Retain and increase public
access, including visual,
physical, and recreational
access to Lake Michigan,
Pere Marquette Lake, and
Lincoln Lake.

Conserve the unique character
and historic atmosphere
of significant buildings,
both residential and
commercial.

2.

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT
GOAL:
To preserve and enhance the physical environment through
policies and actions which protect desirable natural features and
systems and improve community appearance.
POLICIES

IMPLEMENTATION TECHNIQUES

A.

1.

Revise the zoning
ordinance as necessary
to implement this plan.

2.

Develop a Capital
Improvement Plan.

3.

Develop a uniform city
sign design for public
and informational signs.

Maintain an aesthetically
pleasant environment by
adopting and enforcing
municipal ordinances and
land use controls.

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Insure continuation of
services to senior
citizens by providing
secure financial support.

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�B.

C.

Develop regulations which
provide for orderly development of waterfront property,
including docks, piers,
filling, etc.

Control pollution problems
as they become identified.

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1.

Implement the Waterfront
Master Plan.

2.

Develop a waterfront district zone in the zoning
ordinance.

3.

Explore participation in
the National Flood
Insurance Program.

1.

Monitor sites where
groundwater pollution is
suspected, and pursue
clean-up where possible.

2.

Promote regular testing of
private wells now being
used for drinking water.

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III.

COMMUNITY CHARACTERISTICS
LOCATION AND SETTING

Ludington, the county seat of Mason County, is located on Lake
Michigan at the mouth of the Pere Marquette River.
It has a
population of approximately 9,000, with significant increase in
the summer.
Ludington enjoys a special relationship with
Wisconsin and other port communities because of the
Michigan-Wisconsin Transportation Company's cross-lake ferry
service and the city's excellent harbor facilities.
Other
transportation routes include the north/south highway US 31, the
east/west highway US 10, and the CSX railroad.
Ludington's lakeshore and natural resources have attracted
development since Michigan's early days.
The first immigrants
arrived in the late 1840's, and the timber industry developed
soon after, with as many as 17 sawmills on the shores of Pere
Marquette Lake at one time.
Railroads were built, and wood
products were shipped by both rail and water.
When the lumber
industry declined, brine became the primary resource and that has
continued to the present day.
The earliest settlers planted
fruit trees, and the county's orchard and farming industries
began to develop.
NATURAL RESOURCES

The area's natural resources will continue to be a major factor
in determining Ludington's future, by influencing the quality of
life as well as by providing opportunity for economic
development.
Geology, Topography, and Soils
When Lake Michigan receded to its present general limit many
hundred years ago, there remained a layer of glacial drift
materials up to several hundred feet in depth with no
outcroppings of bedrock. The soils in Ludington and surrounding
areas are consequently mainly sandy with alluvial sands found
adjacent to the Pere Marquette and Lincoln Rivers. Dune sands
predominate in the city.
These have slight to moderate
limitations for building, depending on slope.
The alluvial
soils, on the other hand, can pose severe limitations on
development due to flooding, ponding, and frost action.
The present topography is generally flat, although this is the
result of considerable cutting of hills and filling of gulleys
since the days of the earliest settlers.
The elevation of the
city is approximately 590' Mean Sea Level (MSL), with a range of
just below that to 640' in the fourth ward. Greater changes in
elevation are found outside the city, to the north in Epworth
Heights and the sand dune area of Ludington State Park, and to
the south in Pere Marquette Township. Lowland areas are along
the Pere Marquette River and the shore of Pere Marquette Lake.
15

/

�FIGURE l
Location Map

CAN A DA

WISCONSIN

"'

~

&lt;f

I

..J

II

Mll..WAUl&lt;l!:1!:

ILL/NO/S

•

GAAV

INOIANA

16

OHIO

•
•
•

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Lakes and Rivers
Ludington and the surrounding area have significant water
resources. Mason County has 32 miles of Lake Michigan shoreline;
Ludington shares 1.7 miles of this with over 40 percent
accessible to the public. Lincoln Lake and Lincoln River divide
the city on the north from Hamlin Township.
Pere Marquette Lake
provides the sheltered harbor for the Port of Ludington. Pere
Marquette Lake offers both recreational and commercial
facilities.
At least eight public and private marinas are
located on or adjacent to the lake.
Several dozen charter
fishing operations are located there as well. Michigan-Wisconsin
Transportation Company, Dow Chemical Company, and Sand Products
Corporation regularly use the commercial port facilities. The
Port Development Study (Williams and Works, 1982) contains
detailed information.
The Lake Michigan water level has been rising, and is currently
at a record high.
The historic seasonal fluctuations of about
1.2 feet (with a low in February and a high in July) appear not
to be moving according to schedule.
Furthermore, fluctuation
extremes keep moving up--the low doesn't reach the lows of
preceding years and the highs keep getting higher. This trend is
expected to continue for the next few years at least, and the
potential for flood damage thus appears to be changing.
Historical information suggests that there has never been a
serious flood hazard in the city.
Ludington received a
floodplain map in 1975.
In 1977, the city declined to
participate in the National Flood Insurance Program, presumably
on the basis of historical evidence that no real hazard e·xisted.
However, with the current high lake level, and consequently high
groundwater level exacerbated by unusually heavy rainfall in
September 1986, a number of problems have been created.
There
have been flooding problems--both residences and
businesses--after heavy rains.
In addition, charter fishing
boats located east of Washington Avenue on the bayou have not
been able to get under the bridge at times because of high water.
The National Flood Insurance Program was created to provide
insurance at more reasonable rates than otherwise available. The
city's participation in this program would make it possible for
residents to qualify for this insurance.
It would also require
the city to adopt flood hazard regulations designed to prevent
future losses.
Potential erosion problems along Lake Michigan and Pere Marquette
Lake shores continue. The city has taken measures to correct or
prevent erosion on city property, princ i pally around the marina
and Loomis Street boat launch site.

17

�Groundwater Quality
All residences in the city have access to city water.
There is
an unidentified number of residents who prefer to use private
wells for drinking water.
Concern has been expressed about
potential polluted groundwater and soils in some areas of the
city, for example, at the site of a former plating plant in
Manufacturers Addition.
Michigan Department of Natural
Resources is currently monitoring this site, and there may be
others, such as former dumping sites, that could present
problems.
Establishing responsibility for cleanup is the main
hurdle in dealing with these problems; that - process itself has
proven to be both protracted and confused.
Climate
Ludington's climate is modified by Lake Michigan. Spring and
early summer temperatures tend to be cooler than would be
expected for this latitude.
Frost and initial snow periods in
the fall are delayed as well.
Ludington experiences fewer
prolonged periods of hot, humid weather or extreme cold. The
difference between the average summer and average winter
temperatures is about 51 F.
Snowfall is slightly higher than
inland averages in Mason County.
Table 10 in the appendix
summarizes the climate data from 1951 to 1980.
POPULATION

Ludington's population has remained fairly stable since 1970 at
around 9,000. This is based on an estimate of current population
which is sl~ghtly higher than the 1980 census figure.
(See
Waterfront Master Plan).
In contrast, the surrounding townships
and the county have shown increases in the same period.
Table 1
shows the details.
A 1983 survey of Pere Marquette residents indicated that 33
percent had moved from the city to the township.
Census
information for the surrounding townships, although less
specific, seems to confirm this trend. The same thing has been
happening in other West Michigan cities and counties as can be
seen in Table 2.
Population Projections
Population projections are rough estimates only, and can vary a
great deal. The West Michigan Regional Planning Commission
(WMRPC) has estimated that the population of the city will
increase by 10.2 percent by 1990 and another 11.7 percent by
2000.
Donnelley and Associates, a private industrial rating
· organization, projects a decrease of 11 percent in the population
of the county for 1990.
Federal government figures show a
10-year annualized decrease of about 3.5 percent.

18

�TABLE 1
Population Change, 1940-1980
Mason County, Cities, and Selected Townships

f

r
I
I
I

r

1940

1950

Percent
Change
1940-1950

19,378

20,474

+ 5.7

21,929

+ 7. I

8,701
I, 162

9,506
I, 141

-

+ 9.3
I. 7

9,421
1,245

.9
+ 9.0

-

9,021
I ,202

- 4.2
- 3.5

8,937
I ,241

- .9
+ 3.2

833
584
777
804

887
930
1,032
739

+ 6.5
+59.2
+32.8
- 8.1

1,060
1,468
1,513
780

+19.5
+57.8
+46.4
+ 5.5

1,278
I, 778
I ,846
863

+20.6
+21. I
+22.0
+10.6

I ,556
2,616
2,068
I, 170

+21 .8
+47. I
+12.0
+35.6

Governmental Unit

Mason County
Ludington
Scottvi I le
Townships
Amber
Haml In
Pere Marquette
Victory

SOURCE:

1960

Percent
Change
1950-1960

1970

Percent
Change
1960-1970

1980

Percent
Change
1970-1980

22,612

+ 3. I

26,365

+16.6

U.S. Census.

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TABLE 2
Ludington and Mason County Population Changes
Compared to Other Cities and Counties in West Michigan

1960

1980

1970

I

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f

r

f

J

Governmental Unit

Population

Population

9,421
8,324
I, 146
11,066
6,149

9,021
7,723
I, 154
I I ,844
6,471

21,929
19,042
16,547
98,719
48,395

22,612
20,393
17,984
128,181
56,173

Percent
Change
1960-1970

Population

Percent
Change
1970-1980

4.2
7-2
.7
7.0
5.2

8,937
7,566
I ,424
11,763
5,943

.9
- 2.0
+23.4
- .7
- 8 .2

+ 3. I
+ 7. I
+ 8.7
+29.8
+16.1

26,365
23,019
22,002
157,174
66,814

+16.6
+12.9
+22.3
+22.6
+18. 9

CITY
Ludington
Manistee
Pentwater
Grand Haven
South Haven

+
+
+

-

COUNTY
Mason
Manistee
Oceana
Ottawa
VanBuren

SOURCE:

U.S. Census, 1980.

19

�What is the explanation for this wide disparity? The last two
estimates are based on traditional population, birth/death, and
migration rates.
WMRPC added employment and housing trends,
which are more optimistic.
New housing starts since 1980,
suggest some growth.
When average household sizes are combined
with the number of new dwelling units, the figures suggest that
an additional 300 people may have moved into the city.
If
economic activity continues to increase, that will have an effect
on the population total as well.
(Michigan Department of
Management and Budget projects a 17.6 percent increase in
economic growth in Mason County from 1980 to 2000.)
The small
percentage increases in population shown in Table 3 still do not
contradict the perception of a stable population.
TABLE 3

Population Projections
Ludington and Mason County

1980

Ludington
Mason County

SOURCE:

8,937
26,365

Percent
Change
1970-1980

- .9
16.6

1990
Estimate

8,990
28,300

Percent
Change
1980-1990

2000
Estimate

Percent
Change
1980-2000

.5
7-3

9,170
31,100

3.8
17.6

U.S. Census, 1980; Mason County Projections, Michigan Department of Management
and Budget; Ludington Projections, West Michigan Regional Planning Commission,
1986.

Seasonal Variations
Ludington and Mason County have significant seasonal fluctuations
in population.
Michigan Department of Natural Resources
estimates the seasonally adjusted figure for Ludington's 1980
census population to be 9,259, or about 4 percent over the actual
population.
For Mason County, the adjustment factor is 35
percent or 35,593 people.
This includes Epworth Heights, which
reports a seasonal population increase of as many as 4,000 over
the summer months.
(See Mason Coun t y Solid Waste Plan, 1986, and
RERC report in WBDC Waterfront Master Plan.)
Population Characteristics
The 1980 census provides a great deal of information about
population characteristics.
For example, only 2.5 percent of
Ludington's population is minority (.5 percent black, 1.5 percent
Spanish, .5 percent other including Korean and Native American).

20

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Ninety-six percent speak only English at home.
Seventy-nine
percent were born in Michigan, 1.9 percent were born in other
countries, and the remainder in other areas of the United States.
More than half had lived in the same home for the previous five
years (52.6 percent), 28 percent had lived in the county five
years before, and only 6 percent had lived out of the state or
abroad in 1975.
These latter figures emphasize the stability of
Ludington's population.
Table 4 compares education, residence, and income characteristics
of Ludington's residents with the residents of Manistee, Mason
and Manistee Counties, and other areas in 1980.
Almost 66
percent of Ludington residents over 25 years of age were high
school graduates; 17.5 percent didn't go to high school.
Fourteen percent had some college education and 11 percent had
graduated from a four-year college or had taken post-graduate
work.
TABLE 4

Comparative Socio-Economic Characteristics

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f

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f
f

r

Education

1975 Residence

Birth
Place

1980 Median Income

Percent
Same
Residence
1980

Percent
Different
Residence
Same County
1980

Percent
Born In
Michigan

Household

Percent
Faml I !es
Below
Povert y
Level

Percent
High School
Graduate

Percent
College
Graduate

Ludington

65.7

II .O

53

28

79

$13,415

$16,839

9.0

Mason County

66.1

10.0

58

23

81

14,410

16,824

9.5

Manistee
Manistee County

64.8
62.2

II

.o

9.1

63
65

26
19

86
84

13,789
14,351

18,502
17,281

7.2
8.2

Communities Out2
side Urban Areas

69.3

13.4

52

27

77

16,163

19,476

1.2

Michigan

69.0

14.3

56

26

72

19,223

22,197

8.2

Governmental Unit

Faml ly

"Family" does not include single-person households.
2

SOURCE:

Places of 2,500 to 10,000 population outside of urbanized areas.
U.S. Census, 1980.

Age-sex distributions are important considerations in planning
for housing, recreation, senior citizen needs, schools, etc.
Figure II shows age-sex distributions graphically for Ludington,

21

I

�FIGURE II
Age-Sex Distribution
LUDINGTON

. 1980

-

KAI.!

FEMALE

[ I [ [ I [( I [ [ [ I I 7 5 PLUS )) JJ I )I II I )I ]] )I] ]] )I Jl]) JJ ] ]]
ll II I I I (I 70 TO 7 4 l)) JJ J )J JJ]] l

2.8%
2.01
2.41
2.5.
2.6%
2.6%

([([((([((( 65 TO
[ I( I I [II I( I 60 TO
[ [ I( [ [ II 111 [ 55 TO
I [ [ [ I I [ I [ [ [ [ 50 TO
[II I [ [ I I I I 45 TO
[(l((ll[l( 40 TO
([ll([I((([ 35 TO
I I [ I [ I (I [ I [ I [ I 30 TO
I I I I I I I I I I I I [I I I I 25 TO
[ I ( l [ I [ I l I I I I I I I I I 20 TO
[ [ [ I [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ 15 TO
[ I [ [II [ [ [II I [ I [ I 10 TO
1([[[11111111([ 5 TO
[[[[[[[[[[([[I[ 0 TO

2.1%

2.2.
2.41
3.01
"3.8%
3.9%
3.8%
3.6%
3.21
3.21

69]]]]])]])]]]])]
64 ll l])]] ]) ]] ll l
59]]]])]]])))))]
54 JJJJ ll Jl JJ ll
49 11 JJ I)] 1l
44)]]]]]]11111
39]]])]])))1
3411111111111 ll
29 1111)I1II1111J1111
24 I 1111 I I 11 I I I I I I J I I 11 I
19 11!]IIIJI11111111111
14 11 J Jl ll l l ll Ill JI
9))))))11))))))]
4 lJlJ))JllllJlJJI

6.3%
2.8%
3.2%
3.0%
3.0%
2.7%
2.0%
2.6%
2.3%
2.8%
4.0%
4.5%
,•• 3%
3.4%
3.4%
3.6%

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • AGE GROUPS • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

MASON COUNTY

-

1980

FEMALE

MALE

2. 3%
1.8%
2.41
2. 6%
2.6%
2. 6%
2.3%
2. 6%
2.8%
3.51
3. 9%
3 • 9I
4. 5I
4.0x
3.6%
3. 6%

I [ I I [ I I I I I[ ll l ( 7 5
11((1[((([(70
[([[[[(([[(([[(( 65
[ I I [ I I I I I [II I I I I I 60
([([[[[[[1[[[([([55
I I I [ I I I ! I!! ! I I! I! 50
I [ [ [!I I I [ [ [ I [ [ I 45
[ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ { 40
[I! I [II! [ I [ I [ [ I [ I [ I 35
[[[[[[[[[[[[[[[[([[[[[[ 30
[ I [( [ I [ [ [ [ [ [ I [ [ I [ I( [ [ [ [ [ I 25
[ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ I [ ( [ [ [ [ [ [ I [ [ [ I( I I 20
l I ([ [ I I [ (IC! I CI I [ I ([ I [II I I I I (I 15
CI I I [ I [II I I I I I [II I [II I I I I I I 10
[[[[[[[[[[[([[[[[([[[[[{ 5

I [ [ [ [ [ I ( [ {[ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ I ( [ I o

PLUS
TO 74
TO 69
TO 64
TO 59

J J )) ll 11 11 Jl 1 111 11 I 11 111 1
lJ])ll])lJ]lJ
lJ]))])JlllJ]lJJ]
1 I 1 I 1111 1111 1111 l 11
lJlJ]lJlllJ]l]])l]lJ

TO 54
TO 49
TO 44
TO 39
TO 34
TO 29
TO 24
TO 19
TO 14
TO 9
TO 4

1111111II111111
111111111 ] 11)]) II
l ll ll ll ll ll 1111111
lJlJ]ll]lllJJ]]]]]lJl
11 Jl 11 lJ lJ J 11 11lJ1111 lJ))
ll Jll Jll J ll 111 J11111 11 l 11 1
111111111 J 11 11 11111111 ll ll 111
1111111 ll l 1 )I 1 I )I 1)I11I111
lJllll))]]lJll]]]]lJ])]
1111))]] 111 ll 1 ll 11 l ll J 11

ll l 1ll JJ 1ll 1lJ I lJ

3.8%
2.0%
2.6%
2.9%
3.0%
2.7%
2.2%
2.6%
2.8%
3.2%
3.8%
4.0%
4.4%
3.91
3.5%
3.6%

•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• AGE GROUPS •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••

MICHIGAN

l. 2I
0.9%
1.4I
l. 7%
2.4%
2. 21
2.0%
2.5%
2.6%
3.3%
3.8%
4.21
4.3%
3.9%
3. 5%
J. 3%

-

1980

FEMALE

MALE

[ [ [ [ [ [ ([
([[[[[
[ [ [( [ [ [ [ [
[[[[I I [[ [[I [
[[[[[[[([[[[[[[[
[[ [ [ [ [ [ [[ [ [ [ [ ([
([[[[[[{[[[([[
[([[[{[[(((([([[[

l!!lllllllllll[!ll
[[[[([[[[[([[[[[[[[[[I

[[[(([[[[[[[[[([[[[[([[[[[
[I [ ( ( I [ [ [ [[ [ [ [ ( [ [ [ [ [ [ { I ( [ [ [ [ [
[[([([([[[[[([[[((([[[([[[[[((
([{[[[({[[[[[([[[[[([([[[[{

I [ [ ( [ [ I [ [ [ [ I ( ( [ ( ( ([ [ [ [ [ [
( [ [ [ [ [ [ ( [ [ ( [ [ [ [ [ [ [ [ ! [I [

7 5 PLUS ll I lJ l 11 l l l I I I
70TO74111)]]])]
65 TO 69 111 I Ill )Ill
60 TO 64 ll l ll l ll l ll ll
55 TO 59 ]]JlJ]lJ]lJ]]Jl]
50 TO 54 1111] ] ] ]] ] ] ]] 11 J
45 TO 49 ]l]]]]l]]Jl]]lJ
40 TO 44 lllllllllll1111
35 TO 39 llllllllllllllllll
30 TO 34 lJlJlJ]lJ]l]]]]Jl]Jl]J]
25 TO 29 ]lJ])]J]J]]lJ]l]]]])J]]]]J
20 TO 24 1111lJl111111 l 1 Jl ll ll l J ll ll J J
15 TO 19 lJ]J]JJ]])]]J])]]])]))]Jl]JJ]
10 TO 14 ]]JJ]J]]J]lJJ])]]]J]]]J)]
5 TO 9 l 111 ll Ill Jl 1111 JI 1 ll]] 1
o TO 4 11 ll l l ll 1I l I ll I 11 Jl l 1l

• • • • • • • • • • • • • •••••••••• , ••• ,, . AGE GROUPS • • • • • • • • • • • • ••• • •••• , ••••••••

SOURCE:

U.S. Census, 1980
22

2.1%
1.3%
1.6%
2.0%
2.3%
2.3%
2.2%
2.2%
2.7%
3.4%
3.8%
4.3%
4.2%
3.7%
3.3%
3.2%

�r
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Mason County, an6 Michigan.
Twenty-five percent of Ludington's
population is 60 or over, compared with 12.2 percent in the
state.
As could be expected, a high proportion of these older
residents are women.
Mason County's percentage who are 60 or
older is 20.4. Another way of illustrating this, though not so
dramatic, is to compare the median age of Ludington residents
(34.6 years) with Mason County (32.3) and Michigan (28.8).
Table 5 shows the income range in Ludington with the number and
percentage of households in each classification. Percentages are
estimated for 1984 and 1990.
The median household income in
1980 was $13,415; median family income was $16,839.
"Family
income" counts _only family households; "household income"
includes single-person households as well as families.
TABLE 5

Household Income in Ludington by Income Level

Estimated

Actual
1984

1990

Percent
of Total

Percent
of Total

Percent
of Total

28. I

22.8

9.4
18.3
26.6
12.7
4.1
.4
.4

7.3
14.6
32-4
16.9
4.9
.7
.4

16.9
5.4
10.9
32.0
25.5
7.4
I .o
.7

1980

Income Level

s

0 - S 7,499

7,500 10,000 15,000 25,000 35,000 50,000 75,000+

9,999
14,999
24,999
34,999
49,999
74,999

Number

1,035
347
673
980
469
151
14
15

* Household Income Includes single-person households.
SOURCE:

Donnelley Demographic Associates, 1985.

ECONOMY

Ludington's economy is still tied to its natural resources. The
chemical industry developed from the brine deposits;
transportation is tied to the natural harbor; and the tourist
industry is linked to the wide range of natural amenities which
the area offers.
However, changes in state and national--even
international--markets have begun to have a negative impact on
Ludington's economy. Manufacturing firms have clo~ed, or slowed

23

�significantly because their products are no longer in demand.
Shipping on the Great Lakes continues to decline, decreasing
Ludington's importance as a port.
Employment
Much of the statistical information on employment is available
only at the county level.
Michigan Employment Security
Commission (MESC), the primary source for this information, has
used a formula to estimate a city's share of the county's
employment.
In 1985, MESC "adjusted" that formula, then
recalculated 1985 figures.
So it is possible to have two sets of
figur~s for 1985--one using the old formula, and one using the
new; figures derived using the new formula cannot be reasonably
compared to those of previous years.
Figure III shows numbers
employed and unemployed and unemployment rates for Ludington and
Mason County from 1970 to the present. MESC suggests that it is
appropriate to expect that the unemployment rate will be a little
lower in the city than in the county.
FIGURE III
Mason County Employment Status
1970-1986 Labor Force and Unemployment
(Annual Average)

Thousands
14 , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,

12
10

8

- --- - -- -- ---- - - ····---···---·- ·-·· - - - - ·-- - -·· - ·- -·- -· - - --· .. - - - - - - - ·- - · - - ··- - -· -

6

- ---- - ·-- -· - ·--· - ·- -·- ·- ·--·---- - -- ·-·--- - -· -

4

·-··- - -· - .- ·-· --·· -- .- - - .. ·-- --··- --·-··- -- ·-· -. --•·- ·- ·- -. - ·-··· -····- - - -·· - - -·- -· ·-·• ... .. - - - - -. -·· -- ·- - ·

2

-·· -- -· - .. -- - - ··-·-·· ·--···- ·-·· -- - - ------·- -··- ·- --·-·-·- - ·- - ---·--- -·--· - ~

-· - .

. -- - - - -- -·-·-·-- -· - - ·

--

0'---'-----'----'---'----'----'--~-......__ __.__......__......__......__..___..___.,___.,___.__.

70

71

72

73

74

75

76

78

77

79

80

81

82

83

84

85

86

· year
Source: MESC, 1986

Labor Force

-+-

Unemployment

Seasonal fluctuation in .employment is a significant factor in the
county, reflecting the impacts of the agricultural industry and
tourist activity. Employment is generally highest in August and

24

~

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~

•
•

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I

lowest in February and March.
In 1986, the unemployment rate in
the county ranged from a low of 10.4 to a high of 19.6.
Workforce
"Workforce" identifies how Ludington residents are employed, and
adds another dimension to employment statistics. Table 6 shows
1980 census information about employed residents over 16 years of
age.
The two largest classifications of workers were production
personnel and professional/administrative personnel; sales and
service were each about half that of these two classifications.
This is ordinarily considered to be a well-balanced distribution.
However, this apparent balance depends to large extent on two
major employers (over 300) in separate sectors: · Dow Chemical
Company in the industrial sector, and Memorial Medical Center in
the service secto~. One other major employer in Ludington, other
than the school d~strict and county government, is Great Lakes
Castings (over 100).
Firms with 50-100 employees are Brill
Manufacturing Company, LDI, Inc., Metalworks, Inc., Atkinson
Manufacturing Company, Whitehall Industries, and Kaines
Manufacturing Company (EDC, February 1987).
TABLE 6

Occupations of Ludington Residents

Occupational Classification
Managerial/Executive
Professional
Technical
Sales
Administrative Support
Services
Precision Production
Machine Operators
Transportation
Other Labor
Others
TOTAL
SOURCE:

U.S. Census, 1980.

25

I

Number

Percent

264
417
82
397
527
419
470
466
207
191

7.7
12.l
2.4
11.5
15.3
12.2
13.6
13.5
6.0
5.5

4

.1

3,444

99.9

�FIGURE IV
Mason County Employment by Sector
1980-1986
T·:..:.ho:.u:.:s:.::a:_n..:d.:.s_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
7

,o~

--

8

•·.

..

·••·

.. .

... ···•· .. ... ...... ... ··- ..... ···- ··••· ... _··- _... -··· ·-

-·- ·•-· ..... ....

4

2

0
1980

-

1981

Total Emp.

1983

1982

~

Year
I/-':,,'' !
Manuf.

1984

1985

Nonmanuf .

m

1986

Govt .

Source: MESC, 1986

Economic Activity by Sector
As employment trends show, manufacturing activity in Mason County
has decreased. Employment in the nondurable sector has increased
in actual numbers, although not enough to make up for the sharp
declines in durable manufacturing.
According to 1982 figures,
wholesale trade activity in Ludington was growing while retail
trade activity was declining. A number of smaller establishments
had closed, with larger retailers taking up the slack.
This
trend was occurring in surrounding counties as well.
More
recently, the downtown area in particular has experienced
considerable turnover in retail establishments. Figures IV and v
show employment by sector in Mason County and Ludington.
The growth in service industries indicated in the 1982 figures
reflected a diversifying economy:
a movement away from
manufacturing, and stable growth in the tourist and recreation
areas. Census information indicated that recreation/amusement
and health services were showing the most significant growth.

26

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FIGURE V
Ludington Employment by Sector, 1980

Government 19.1%
Durable Manuf. 20.1%
Retail Trade 17.5%
Wholes. Trade 2.6%
Fin/Insur /Real Es 3.996
Construction 4. 7%

Services 12. 2%
Nondur. Manuf. 12.1%

U. S. Census, 1980

Construction Activity
Construction activity is a final criterion to consider in
reviewing the city's economy. Construction activity accounts for
about 4 percent of the county's labor force, down by almost 25
percent from 1980, the highest and most recent construction boom
period.
Table 11 in the appendix shows the number and value of
building permits issued in Ludington from 1980 to 1986.
Footnotes to the table identify major construction projects in
this seven-year period; although these projects in themselves
have had significant impact on the economy, it is not possible to
discern any real trends. However, there appears to be an upswing
in the last two years in nonresidential additions, reflecting
several recent industrial expansions.
State Equalized Value (SEV) provides an indication of the impact
of construction activity. Table 12 in the Appendix shows SEV for
Ludington from 19880 to 1986.
The figures seem to show an
increase in dollars (almost 33 percent).
However, in terms of
constant dollars which take inflation into consideration, there
is a decrease of about 3 percent from 1980 to 1984. Since 1984,
SEV has kept pace with, and even exceeded slightly, the annual
inflation levels.

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Trans &amp; Util. 7.5%

27

�Regional Economy
Mason, Lake, and Manistee counties have faced a long period of
high unemployment, an actual decline in the number of jobs, and
stagnant income growth. For the past several years, the area's
unemployment rate has been over 1.5 times the national average.
The area lost jobs in all three major nonagricultural employment
categories:
manufacturing, nonmanufacturing, and government.
Although the three-county area has not experienced a single major
crisis, it is suffering serious economic adjustment problems
resulting from severe changes in economic conditions.
Economic Development Activity
Ludington is actively pursuing industrial expansion.
The city
developed the industrial park (a State of Michigan Certified
Industrial Park) located in the southeast portion of the city in
1974. The park has access to US 31 off First and Sixth Streets
and has full utility services. The industrial park has attracted
several new industries and is showing strong promise.
It is
estimated that the park has about five years' supply of
industrial land at the present development rate.
Significant efforts are being made to locate other industries in
thi~ area by Mason County Economic Development Corporation (EDC),
a financial packaging agency for development in the county;
Ludington Area Economic Development Corporation (LEDCOR), a
marketing and promotional agency which facilitates development;
Mason-Manistee Community Growth Alliance (CGA), an agency which
coordinates development activities in the two counties and
facilitates communication with the Michigan Department of
Commerce; Downtown Development Authority (ODA); Chamber of
Commerce; and others.
Approximately 125-130 new jobs have been created in the city
since 1984.
Slightly more than half of these are in new
industries, the balance were created by expansion of existing
industries.
Research for the Waterfront Master Plan reports limited potential
for expanding general retail activity.
However, a market is
identified for some harbor-oriented retail uses, including eating
and drinking establishments, which do not compete with downtown
businesses.
That report also points out that recreational
boating is currently the fastest growing activity in western
Michigan. Expansion of marina facilities would help to meet what
appears to be an almost inexhaustible demand, and would likely
generate demand for other facilities:
hotel/motel, restaurants,
service outlets for boats, etc.
Tourism and recreation have strong potential for Ludington.
The
natural resources of the lakes, harbor, nearby state park and
forest lands, as well as extension of the US 31 freeway will
continue to draw visitor activity.
The ferry brings a

28

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significant number of visitors to the city who are important to
the motel operators as well as other retailers.
Although the
future of the cross-lake ferry service is not settled, expanded
marina facilities could serve to create demands for overnight
accommodations as well as other services.
RERC also suggests
that potential exists for a convention/meeting center. Such a
center, particularly if tied to West Shore Community College
activities could generate off-season activity as well.
Although much general retail activity has moved to the strip
commercial areas outside of the city, a concerted effort to
revitalize the downtown and develop the waterfront area may be
able to turn that around.
Both the downtown and the waterfront
areas can provide unique opportunities for development.
NEIGHBORHOOD CHARACTERISTICS

Ludington is a mature community. Half of its housing stock is at
least 40 years old and most of the residential areas of the city
are developed.
Comparative Housing Characteristics
As Table 7 shows, Ludington has a much older housing stock than
the county or the state, and its value is a little less,
primarily because of age. The city also has a higher percentage
of renter-occupied units. The city's vacancy rate is much lower
than the county's or the state's.
The county's high rate
includes a number of seasonal homes which were generally vacant
when the 1980 census was taken in April.
TABLE 7

Comparative Housing Characteristics, 1980

Ludington

Pere
Marquette
Township

Mason
County

Michigan

3,821

777

13,228

3,589,912

3,576
6.4
2,303
64.4
1,273
35.6

718
7.6
648
90.2
70
9.8

9,693
26. 7
7,601
78.4
2,092
21 .6

3,195,213
II .O
2,321,883
72.7
873,330
27.3

Median Value, Owner-Occupied

$28,700

$42,900

S29,900

S39,000

Median Rent, Renter-Occupied

s

s

s

s

Characteristic

TOTAL HOUSING UNITS
Occupied Units
Percent Vacant
Owner-Occupied
Percent Owner-Occupied
Renter-Occupied
Percent Renter-Occupied

153

141

152

197

Year Structure Sulit
Percent 1970-1980
Percent 1939 or before

II. 7
55.9

31 .4
18.5

23.1
39.0

22.1
27.6

Percent Lacking Complete
Plumbing

2.0

N/A

3.2

1.8

SOURCE:

U.S. Census of Housing, 1980
29

�Census Block Characteristics
The 1980 census divided the city into 13 "block numbering areas."
Since these areas do not conform to any "neighborhood" divisions
in the conventional sense, they will be referred to here simply
as "census areas."
Figure VI shows the lines drawn in this
census process.
Area 13 was designated "institutional" and
apparently included the Coast Guard station and perhaps persons
on boats in the harbor.
(See Table 13 in the appendix for
complete statistics for each area.)
Unlike larger urban areas, specific identifiable neighborhoods
have not generally been recognized in the city.
Most
"neighborhoods" tend either to be around an elementary school or
conform to city ward boundaries.
But even these are very
arbitrary.
The census areas seem to be the most useful units to
describe the community's characteristics.
Area #3 is the most populated, with 16 percent of the city's
total; it also has the largest number of children, with 15
percent of the city's under 18-year-olds.
Census areas #10 and
#11 also have high numbers under 18 years, with 13 percent each
of the city's population.
These three areas together have 41
percent of the city's population under 18 years.
Conversely, areas #6 and #7 have the highest numbers of senior
citizens--36 percent of those over 65 years of age in the city
(Longfellow Towers is in area #6).
Renter-occupied housing is
highest in #6, 21 percent of the city's total.
Census area #1 shows the highest value for owner-occupied homes,
and the lowest vacancy rate.
This area, particularly north of
Tinkham, is the most recently developed area of the city with the
newest housing.
Census area #8 has the lowest housing values and next to the
lowest market rental values.
It also has the highest rental
occupancy rates and vacancy rates.
This area is intermixed with
commercial and industrial uses. Areas #3 and #9 have the highest
proportion of overcrowding; #6, #9, and #10 have the highest
proportion of units lacking complete plumbing facilities.
The age of most housing in the city suggests the need for careful
attention to maintenance and rehabilitation; the disprcportionate
number of senior citizens raises questions about the need for
specialized housing and/or special programs for low-cost
rehabilitation and maintenance.
Questions about housing on the
community survey elicited responses indicating interest in
low-income housing (40 percent of those who felt new housing was
needed suggested low-income housing; 30 percent favored housing
for senior citizens).
Almost 25 percent of those responding
indicated interest in conventional single-family housing.

30

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FIGURE VI

Census Block Map
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CITY OF LUDINGTON

MASTER

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PLAN UPDATE

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31

Not to scale.

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IV.

COMMUNITY FACILITIES
TRANSPORTATION

The transportation system includes in addition to the road
system, rail, air, lake, and public transportation.
Roads and Streets
There are three state/federal highways giving access to
Ludington. US 10 is the primary entrance to the city from the
junction with US 31, which is east of the city in Pere Marquette
Township.
M-116 extends north from Ludington Avenue along
Lakeshore Drive and terminates at Ludington State Park about four
miles north.
US 10 ends at the Michigan-Wisconsin Transportation Company's
crosslake ferry dock. Plans are underway to expand US 10 to five
lanes between Ludington and Scottville, in conjunction with the
extension of the US 31 freeway through Mason County.
The new
freeway will provide two exits into Ludington, one along the
existing US 31, and the other at US 10 about five miles east of
the city or three miles east of the present junction.
The
completion of this segment of the freeway will have a favorable
impact on the city and county by making access from the south
easier.
At the same time, i t will provide impetus for
development outside the city along the freeway.
Other entrances to the city are First and Sixth Streets, off US
31--the primary access to the Industrial Park; and Bryant Street
and Tinkham Avenue off Jebavy Drive from the north.
Ludington's street system is primarily a grid system, with public
alleys through many blocks.
Local roads are generally in good
shape. The city maintains only a small amount of unpaved roadway:
Delia south of Longfellow to the railroad tracks, Lavinia between
Bryant and Longfellow, Lowell between Rowe and Lavinia, and one
block each of Sherman and Seventh from their intersection.
The
city recently completed a major $1 million-plus
reconstruction/paving project which brought almost the entire
street system up to current standards.
The local system can be
classified into the following general categories:
(See Figure
VII for illustration.)
1.

State trunklines:

Previously described.

2.

Major streets:
Facilitate traffic flow in the area and
connect local streets to state trunklines.
Major street
designation is important for identification of truck routes,
and location of traffic-producing uses such as multi-family
housing and a variety of commercial enterprises.
Major
streets include all of Washington Avenue, Madison, Tinkham,
Bryant, and Sixth Street; most of Rowe, Harrison, Rath, and

33

�FIGURE VII

Street Map

8.

LINCOLN

LAKE

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LEGEND

- - - - - - County Line
_ _ _ _ _ Corporate Limits
STREET SYSTEMS

- - - - State Trunkline
■
■
■
• County Primary
aazzazzzzzzz County Local
- - - - Major Street
Local Street
11 I I 111111111 Adjoining City or
Village Street
®
City Offices

-

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Dowland; and sections of several other streets in the central
part of the city.
3.

Local streets:
to residences.

All other streets, primarily affording access

The city maintains several one-way streets, originally designated
as such to facilitate traffic flow.
Traffic patterns have
changed in some instances, suggesting re-evaluation.
For
example, there is less traffic to and from what was formerly a
highly industrialized area on the north side of the city.
Rowe
and Harrison Streets are not required to carry the traffic they
once did.
Closing of block-long sections of two streets has been discussed
from time to time. Presently, Foster Street between Lavinia and
Emily is closed on school days because it runs between Foster
School and the playground.
Barricades are put up by school
personnel, and this solution seems acceptable.
Lewis Street,
between Ludington Avenue and Court Street is closed temporarily
for special events in the City Park.
Since the street divides
the park and the band shell, permanent closing could have some
advantages.
Ludington Avenue dead-ends at the lake just beyond the
intersection with Lakeshore Drive (M-116).
The corner is
confusing for visitors because directional signs are not clear.
There is adequate space for an island which could include signs
indicating Stearns Park, Loomis Street boat launch, parking, etc.
Except for the bicycle lane on M-116 north of Lowell, the city
has no designated bicycle routes.
Rail Transportation
The Chesapeake and Ohio (C&amp;O, now CSX) system terminates in
Ludington and has connections via the Michigan-Wisconsin
Transportation Company (MWT) ferry to Wisconsin.
The Chessie
System has links in Saginaw and Grand Rapids where it can make
connections to locations throughout the country and Canada.
There is daily service into and out of Ludington, most coming in
on the main CSX line to the harbor.
The biggest users are Dow
Chemical, Harbison-Walker (in Pere Marquette Township), and MWT,
although several smaller businesses utilize rail service on a
regular basis.
There is also service along a portion of the
Ludington &amp; Northern line for industries in the
Washington/Tinkham area.
The materials being transported are primarily bulk products. The
rail activity is very stable and relatively significant for a
community the size of Ludington.
In 1985, more than 14,000
carloads were shipped out of or into Ludington.

35

�Lake Transportation
The Port of Ludington is the most active Michigan port on lower
Lake Michigan, but use is decreasing, reflecting the decline in
all Great Lakes shipping.
In 1982, 1.9 million short tons went
through the port, compared to Muskegon (1.2), Manistee (.2),
Frankfort (.3), and Escanaba (6.5).
The average for a period
during the 1970's was 2.98 million tons.
The commodities most
frequently shipped are limestone, sand and gravel, basic
chemicals, and paper products.
MWT's cross-lake ferry handles passengers, freight, and rail
traffic to Kewaunee, Wisconsin.
It is presently running two
round trips per day in the summer and one during the rest of the
year.
MWT is operating on a lease arrangement with CSX; no state
subsidies are involved.
The future of the ferry operation is
uncertain, since freight shipments have been decreasing--and
freight shipments are the primary source of income.
The ferry plays a major role in the tourist activity of the city.
As the only remaining cross-lake ferry, it brings as many as
90,000 people into the city annually.
During the 1970's,
passenger ferries crossed Lake Michigan from three ports:
Ludington, Frankfort, and Muskegon, with Ludington having the
most traffic.
Air Transportation
The Mason County Airport is a general aviation, Class B,
commercial airport located in Pere Marquette Township at the US
31/US 10 junction. It has two paved and lighted runways:
one
5,000-foot primary and one 3,500-foot crosswind.
It has complete
fueling and repair facilities, and is open year-round.
The
airport is rated for instrument landings and can handle all types
of private aircraft and large turbo-prop planes.
It does not
provide commercial service but does provide service to private,
corporate, and charter aircraft.
Activity at the airport is projected to continue increasing.
In
1984, it was estimated to have averaged 26 based aircraft, with
21,700 operations. This is projected to increase to 35 aircraft
and 24,500 operations by 1994.
Most of the activity is local
traffic originating and terminating at the airport; about 40
percent is from other airports.
The only regular air freight
activity is for UPS. Commercial passenger service is available
at Traverse City, Manistee, Muskegon, and Grand Rapids.
Public Transportation
Ludington had been without any intercity bus service for many
months until recently when a trial service was initiated between
Traverse City and Holland, with stops in Ludington and other
cities and towns between these terminals.
The trial will
continue for over a year, when continuation will depend on the
number of passengers using the service.
36

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Ludington Area Dial-A-Ride provides transportation in the
Ludington-Scottville area on a demand-response basis, operating
six days a week.
It serves all of the city, portions of Pere
Marquette and Hamlin Townships, and Scottville. Passenger levels
have been rather consistent, averaging about 11,500 to 13,500 per
month.
Winter months show highest use, since school children
ride the system in the city.
About one-third of the users are
senior citizens, 30 percent are students, and 40 percent regular
fares.
A line-haul route (scheduled stops) between Ludington and
Scottville was tried but was unsuccessful, so i t was
discontinued.
Long-term funding for the system is not clear.
Presently, state and federal sources provide over half the
required revenue.
Less than 10 percent comes from fares.
The
remainder is provided by the participating units of government.
UTILITIES

Except for a few isolated locations which do not have sewer and
water, the city is almost fully served by public utilities. Gas,
electric, and telephone services are available throughout the
city.
Public Sewer Services
The sewage treatment plant, about four miles east of the city,
was constructed in 1975 and has a rated capacity of 7.5 million
gallons per day (mgd) but has an operational capacity of 6 mgd.
It is presently operating on an average of 2.8 mgd, with peaks up
to 5 mgd.
This high daily load is due primarily to high ground
water infiltration and heavy water runoff .
Part of the city's
storm water drainage is still connected to the sanitary sewer
system.
The treatment plant utilizes a secondary treatment
system; effluent flows into the Pere Marquette River.
The transmission system includes both primary and secondary
transmission mains, and operates on a gravity and forced system.
Some segments are over 70 years old, and consequently have a high
rate of infiltration. The city operates seven lift stations; the
primary station at Rath and Dowland pumps to the treatment plant.
Two of the stations have been recommended for replacement: South
Madison and North James. Both of these have been in service for
about 50 years.
The main area not served by the sewer system is on both sides of
North
Washington Avenue north of Lowell Street, west to Rowe
and east to Monona, and the 40-acre city-owned land northwest of
the corner of Bryant and North Washington.
In addition, there
are some small sections around town, one to four blocks long
which are not included. Another lift station would be required
to provide adequate service to those areas not now served.
Most of the system is used by homeowners and small commercial
and industrial users.
The largest individual user is Dow
Chemical Company which pretreats its waste to remove hazardous

37

�chemical materials prior to discharge into the city system.
There are only a few isolated locations of private on-site
systems for residential use.
Waste treatment is contracted to
Pere Marquette Township and Mason County Department of Public
Works.
Separation of stormwater and sanitary sewer systems exists
throughout most of the city. The stormwater system drains into
Lincoln Lake, Lake Michigan, and Pere Marquette River.
Public Water Services
The water system includes a Lake Michigan intake, treatment plant
on the lakeshore, above~and below-ground storage, and a
transmission system in the city.
The treatment plant was
constructed in 1970, and has a capacity of up to 8 mgd.
The
average peak daily use is 2-3 mgd.
The transmission system is
virtually complete except for sections west and south from the
corner of Bryant and N. Washington.
All residences in the city
have access to the system although an unknown number use private
wells for drinking water.
The oldest segments of the system are
100 years old, but are generally in good shape; annual
maintenance and sandy soils have helped to protect the system.
The city has two million gallons of storage:
one million
underground at the treatment plant, and one-half million each in
above-ground tanks on Gaylord Avenue and Danaher Street. The
city provides water to Pere Marquette and Amber Townships, and
Scottville through a 20" line running along US 10; One-half
million gallons of storage and a booster pump station are located
near Brye Road to provide that service. The largest industrial
users are Dow Chemical, Straits Steel &amp; Wire, and Stokely in
Scottville.
Solid Waste
The city contracts with a private hauler for the disposal of all
residential, commercial, and industrial waste, except for that
from Dow Chemical which has its own landfill outside of the city.
Most domestic solid waste is transported to White Lake Landfill
in Muskegon County, with the remainder going to Mason County
Landfill.
Collections are made daily; pickups throughout the
city are on a weekly basis. Special collections for white goods
and brush are scheduled annually.
A transfer station is
maintained by the city for residents with material not acceptable
for the regular service.
The city has participated in the county's recent solid
disposal plan which recommends continuing on the present
for the next five years, but moving toward more emphasis on
reduction, composting, and recycling.
(See Mason County
Waste Plan, 1986.)

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waste
basis
waste
Solid

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Electricity/Gas/Phone and Cable Television
These services are available throughout the city.
Michigan
Consolidated Gas Company provides gas; Consumers Power Company,
electricity; General Telephone of Michigan, telephone; Cable
Vision, Inc., cable television.
All maintain local offices or
toll-free numbers for customer services. None of these companies
reported major problems or issues; all indicated that they are
capable of serving Ludington
with any type of residential,
commercial, or industrial service required.
RECREATION

The city undertook a complete recreational plan in 1984, which
satisfies the requirements of the Federal Land and Water
Conservation Fund as administered by the DNR. The plan includes
a recreational inventory which is illustrated on the map in
Figure VIII.
The following summary of some of the available
resources is taken from Recreational Development Plan of
Ludington, Michigan (1984), and Recreation Plan Update (1986).
Recreation Programming
The city works in cooperation with the Ludington Board of
Education in the operation and maintenance of city parks and
programming of recreational activities. Programs and activities
include the following:
Softball (slow and fast pitch)
T-ball
Baseball (mites, midgets, inter.)
Basketball
Golf
Soccer
Football and Flag Football
Tennis
Volleyball
Archery

Shuffleboard
Gymnastics
Ice Skating
Swimming (indoor)
Hunter Safety
Senior Citizen Activities
Health Clinics
Continuing Education
Adult Physical Education
Special Events

Recreational Resources
In addition to the playing fields and playgrounds where these
activities are conducted, the city maintains a number of parks
with a variety of recreational opportunities. The major ones are
the following (a number of smaller parks can be identified on the
map):

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1.

Stearns Park - 17 acres including one-half mile of Lake
Michigan beach, two beach houses, shuffle board, horseshoes,
playground, and picnic areas.

2.

Peter Copeyon Park - 4.2 acres with 400 feet of frontage on
Pere Marquette Lake, boat launch site, fish-cleaning station,
restrooms, playground, and picnic areas.

39

�FIGURE VIII

8

LINCOLN

LAKE

CITY OF LUDINGTON

MASTER

PLAN UPDATE

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Recreation Facilities Map
Key

Key
H

1
2
3

4
5
6

7
8

9

10

Name
Oriole Field
Steams Park
Cartier Park
Dejonge Playfield
Optimist Field
Dow Field
Blodgett Park
Senior Citizen Ctr
Copeyon Park
4th Ward Park

#

Ownership

11
12
13
14
15

School
City
City
School
School
DOW (Lease to City)
City
City
City
City

16

17
18
19
20

40

Name
Iverson Park
Community Pool
Loomis St, Boat labb
Municipal Marina
City Park/Band Shell
Fonner St. Simons Ch
Elementary Sch Plgds
Cormnarcial Marinas
Racquet Club
Golf Course

Ownership
City
School
State
City
City
City
~
School
Private
Private
Private ...__ _•_ __ j __ _.._ ..._ • - _
_
- _____J

I

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FIGURE IX

Area-Wide Recreational Facilities

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Legend

I
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/\

CAMPGROUNDS

'Y

OUTDOOR CENTERS

AOAO ANO REST AREA

+
,-ot)

SU.TE ROADSIDE PARKS
STATE SAFETY REST AREAS

PUBLIC ACCESS SITES

-J

WILDLIFE FLOODING AREAS

J...

AECREA TtONAL HARBORS

Ii;

:~~I~(ti~e~N~:~~:ri'1:~~M
.&amp;O
BANKS OVER THE

ACRES

INDICATED

-

STATE LAND

1111 FEDERAL LAND
41

�3.

City Park - 2.9 acres on Ludington Avenue between Lewis and
Gaylord, with band shell, picnic tables and benches.

4.

Cartier Park - 68 acres including 2500 feet of frontage on
Lincoln Lake, developed campground, boat launch site, nature
area. Cartier Park has been the subject of special study
recently to examine the feasibility of upgrading the
campground section of the park to provide better services to
campers and consequently, make the campground
self-supporting, perhaps even profitable to the city. The
campground, on the west side of the park off Lakeshore Drive,
covers 24 acres; the remaining east section, 44 acres, is
undeveloped except for some minor roads and is suitable for
hiking or skiing trails, and other passive recreation. The
plan calls for development of the campground in three phases,
with the cost to be spread over several years.
(See Cartier
Park; A Study of Market &amp; Development, Tom Sturr, 1986.)

Area-wide Recreational Facilities
Mason County and Ludington have a great variety of recreational
resources.
In addition to Lake Michigan, Pere Marquette Lake,
and Lincoln Lake, inland lakes and parks provide opportunities
for swimming, fishing, boating, camping, etc.
Figure IX shows
these facilities on the county map.
Port Ludington provides some of the best sport fishing on Lake
Michigan.
Public access to Lake Michigan is available at several
locations.
Those identified on the county recreation map are:
1.
2.
3.

Buttersville Peninsula on Pere Marquette Lake (city
property).
Suttons Landing in Pere Marquette Township on the west side
of US 31 (access to Pere Marquette River and Lake).
Pere Marquette River access on the east siqe of US 31, almost
directly across from Suttons Landing.

Those identified on the city recreation map are:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

Loomis Street Boat Launch.
Peter Copeyon Park.
Madison &amp; Water Streets.
Cartier Park (access via Lincoln Lake and Lincoln River).
Private marinas on Pere Marquette Lake.

The Ludington Board of Education maintains an 80-acre school
forest located just east of the city limits between Bryant and
Tinkham, with trails for nonmotorized use.
Public parks are
maintained by Pere Marquette and Hamlin Townships adjacent to the
city.
The county fairgrounds on US 10 and US 31, east of the
city, are the site of the annual county fair in August, and other
events scheduled during the year.
The county maintains a rest
area and picnic grounds on US 31 south of the city and the

42

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•
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•

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TABLE 8
Recreation Analysis

Standard

Activity

Baseba 11
Softba 11

1/6,000 people
1/3,000 people

Existing

Need

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Field

7

N

3 Fields

3

N

5 Cour-ts

8

N

Tennis Courts

1/2,000 people

Ice Skating
Basketba 11

1120,ooc2
3
111,000

9 Courts

Indoor Pool

1115,ooc2

I Pool

Beach
Boat Launch Sites
Nature Areas

I Rink

2'/people at

pop. 3/4
4
1/10 miles of stream

5a/1,000

6

3a/ I ,000

Public Fish Access

I site/3 miles of water

Community Bui Iding

l/25,0oc2

Soccer Field
Footbal I Field
+

7

1/1,500 (or 1/15,000 visitorsJ
Ia/ I ,000

Marina

I ,800'

6

Picnic Area

Shuffle Board

3

150 seasonal wel Is/
60-70 transit slips
I/ I , 500 peop Ie
2
1/10,000

Car-t ier Park area, less campground.

Deficiencies

3

N

N
I

Note:

2,640

I

10

N

45 Acres

44*

N

27 Acres

30a

N

2 Sites

3

N

I Center

I

N*

6 Courts

17

N

9 Acres

8

N*

150

y

6 Fields

3

y

I Fields

4

N

Standards were accepted from the fol lowing
sources:

* Includes public and
private facll ities.

2

3
4
5

6
7

Tennessee State Planning Commission
Michigan Department of Natural Resources
National Recreation and Parks Association
Vermont, Outdoor Recreation Plan
Arkansas Statewide Plan
New Jersey Recreation Plan
Ludington Parks Commission

43

N

3 Sites

150 SI ips

7

y

7

�Pumped-Storage Campground and Recreation Area adjacent to the
pumped-storage plant.
Ludington State Park, eight miles north of the city at the end of
M-116, is located between Lake Michigan and Hamlin Lake.
It
includes more than 4,000 acres of forest and dune lands, with
beaches on both lakes, picnic areas, campgrounds, and 18 miles of
marked trails.
In winter,
cross-country ski trails are kept
groomed. A public boat launch gives access to Hamlin Lake.
Within a 30-mile radius of Ludington there are over 2,450
campsites in public and private campgrounds. North of the state
park, Manistee National Recreation Area provides thousands of
acres of public recreation and hunting area, including
campgrounds and picnic areas.
West Shore Community College provides both indoor and outdoor
recreational facilities which are available to local residents,
some with a modest fee.
In addition, special events are
scheduled at the college which are open to area residents.
There are a number of privately operated recreational facilities
in the area: Ludington Hills golf course (south of the city) is
public, but Lincoln Hills and Epworth Heights golf courses are
both private.
The Jaycees operate a miniature golf course at
Stearns Park. A private racquet club is located on Rath Avenue,
north of Bryant. There are also seven marinas on Pere Marquette
Lake in addition to the municipal marina, making a total of about
352 slips.
Recreation Analysis
Table 8 provides an assessment of the city's recreational
resources based on standards the Recreation Commission feels are
appropriate for the city.
Deficiencies are shown in the
following areas:
Marina Slips: Although this analysis shows the city has enough
slips, the need for more slips is significant, based on the
length of the waiting list for slips in the municipal marina.
Probably the standard applied was developed before the tremendous
upsurge in pleasure boating that has been taking place in
Michigan.
It has been suggested that there is an almost
inexhaustible demand for marina slips all along the Michigan
shoreline.
The Waterfront Master Plan suggests that an
additional 160 slips would be a minimum to begin to meet this
demand.
Soccer Fields:
The city needs standard-size fields, and city
personnel have been looking at areas in the northern part of the
city.
Indoor Ice Rink: Although no deficiency is shown in the table,
need has been expressed for an indoor rink, particularly since no
outdoor rinks are being maintained at the present time.
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Overall, the city's recreational facilities are quite adequate
and, with the exception of these items cited above, meet local
needs. The strong cooperation between the city and the school
district enhances the operation and efficiency of the programs
and the facilities.
PUBLIC HEALTH AND SAFETY

These services, along with public utilities, provide
structure that allows the city to function.
The level
services is directly related to development potential.
to the community survey, Ludington residents appear to
well satisfied with these services.

the basic
of these
According
be fairly

Police Department
The Police Department provides 24-hour service with manned
patrols. In cooperation with Mason County Sheriff Department, a
central dispatch system has recently been established.
The
police department office on Loomis and Rath is open for walk-in
contact from 8:00 am to 5:00 pm, Monday through Friday.
All
phone calls are answered in the sheriff's department.
The city police provide primary road and traffic patrol, conduct
investigations, respond to criminal complaints, and assist with
crowd control, fire calls, and special event activities.
No
major issues or problems have been identified.
Fire Department
Ludington's Fire Department is entirely an on-call department.
Most communities this size have a fire department which employs
some full-time personnel.
Nevertheless, the city maintains an
insurance (ISO) rating of 6.
Rates are determined by the
National Insurance Service Office; the lower the rating on a 1-10
scale, the more effective are the fire fighting defenses.
Most
on-call or part-paid departments in other cities rate 7 or
higher.
Ludington has been at a 6 rating for the past five
years. The department is fully equipped, and water is available
on a grid system, with hydrants about 300 feet apart throughout
the city. On the average, response time for the 21-person
department is 2.5 to 5 minutes to get the trucks rolling.
The number of fire calls has decreased over the past several
years, attributed to an expansion of public education and
prevention activities.
All commercial buildings are inspected
annually.
In 1985, the department reported 75 calls, half the
number reported in 1975.
The city provides service on a contract basis to individual
property owners in Pere Marquette Township. The fire department
maintains a marine rescue squad and an extrication rescue squad.

45

�There are no major problems with Ludington's fire department.
Only two issues have been raised regarding services:
(1)
the
lack of direct water supply to the North Washington area where no
public water is provided; and (2) low pressure flows due to older
4" water mains in some areas.
Other City Services
Except for the fire and police departments, the city's
administrative of£ices are located in the Municipal Building on
William Street.
The second floor, originally designed as the
City Commission meeting room, is not accessible to the
handicapped, so public meetings have had to be scheduled in
either the school administration building or the senior citizen
center.
The major part of the municipal building is the garage
for the Department of Public Works. Recent discussion has raised
questions about the best use of this prime location across from
the municipal marina, and adjacent to the central business
district.
If the garage and the heavy road equipment could be
moved to another site in the city, the building perhaps could be
adapted for more efficient community use, including an accessible
meeting room.
Medical Facilities
Memorial Medical Center of West Michigan, located on Ludington
Avenue at the east city limits, provides area-wide hospital
services to Ludington and Mason County.
It is a full-service
hospital with 95 acute-care beds.
In 1983-84, extensive
renovation expanded outpatient and ancillary services. inpatient
services are down about 20 percent since 1980, while total
outpatient services are up 8.2 percent; outpatient diagnostic
services are up 26 percent, and outpatient surgical procedures,
274 percent.
Ambulance service is provided by the county and is housed at the
hospital. There are three fully equipped advanced life-support
units. Almost all emergencies and rescue calls are handled by
the ambulance service.
There are a number of other medical services available in the
area.
In 1982, 30 health care providers in all fields were
reported.
There are two nursing/personal care facilities:
Baywood Nursing Home and Oakview Medical Care Facility-Mason
County.
In addition, there are a number of adult care homes in
the city and the county.
Regional medical facilities are in
Muskegon, Grand Rapids, and Traverse City.
AREA PUBLIC SERVICES

These educational, cultural, and service functions, although
located for the most part in the city, serve a much wider
population. They have a primary effect on the quality of life
for county as well as city residents.

46

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Education
Ludington Area Public School District covers 75 square miles, and
includes, in addition to the city, all or portions of Pere
Marquette, Summit, and Hamlin Townships.
Enrollment in 1985-86
was about 2,500. The district operates six elementary schools,
one junior high, and one high school on 19 mills. The school
district receives no state aid. Existing physical facilities are
in good condition.
Busing is provided for all out-of-city
students; city students may ride the Dial-A-Ride system.
.The school district provides vocational education for the
and as has been mentioned, operates recreational programs
city.
Peterson Auditorium at the high school is the
meeting facility in the county. There are two parochial
in the city: one provides K-12 education, and one K-8.

county,
for the
largest
schools

Mason-Lake Intermediate Developmental Center, located on US 10
between Ludington and Scottville, provides a number of training
and support programs for children and young people in the two
counties and Pentwater with physical, mental, and emotional
handicaps, as well as a program for gifted and talented children.
Out of a total enrollment in the districts of 5,400, 625 students
are participating in these special programs.
The Intermediate
School District provides other services to the participating
districts such as in-service training for cooks and bus drivers,
group food buying, and communication with state offices.
West Shore Community College, located eight miles northeast of
the city, is a two-year college which serves Mason, Manistee, and
parts of Lake and Oceana Counties.
It provides a number of
two-year vocational curricula as well as an academic curriculum
which is transferable to four-year institutions in the state.
The college also provides a number of services to the community
at large:
conference and meeting facilities, recreational
facilities, library services, entertainment and special programs,
and exhibits of many kinds.
WSCC hosts the Manistee-Mason Community Growth Alliance (CGA), an
area-wide economic development clearinghouse.
The college's
Business and Industrial Institute provides local services such as
developing business plans and marketing studies, and coordinates
business research. The Institute receives technical support from
MSU.

Cultural and Historic Resources
The city's public library, located on Ludington Avenue in the
central business district, is a member of the Mid-Michigan
Library League; it handles inter-library loans from other
libraries througho~t the state.
The library provides a variety
of regional services, including outreach for the homebound, a
bookmobile with the county materials for the blind and

47

�sight-impaired, and a regional depository.
collection totals about 35,000 volumes.

The current

The library conducts special programs for children and adults
such as films, summer reading programs, and special seasonal
events.
The second floor of the library does not have
barrier-free access, but at the present time, public programs are
not scheduled there.
Rose Hawley Museum and White Pine Village are operated by the
Mason County Historical Society.
The museum has recently been
moved into expanded quarters on West Loomis Street, where there
are meeting facilities, extensive research library and archives,
and exhibit areas where artifacts illustrating county history are
displayed on a rotating basis on such topics as:
local maritime
history, lumbering, Indian culture, industrial and commercial
activities, dolls, toys and games, etc.
White Pine Village, located on South Lakeshore Drive overlooking
Lake Michigan, has 16 relocated or specially constructed
buildings surrounding the first county courthouse. First opened
in 1976, the Village has been growing ever since.
It is open
daily from Memorial Day to Labor Day, with many special events
scheduled which illustrate various aspects of county history.
There are a number of special programs for children, including
special tours when the Village is decorated for Christmas.
A
master plan was developed recently to guide future expansion,
both of physical facilities and programs.
Mason County Historical Society enjoys unusual support from
county residents; it is partially supported by millage which has
been reaffirmed several times.
The Society · is affiliated with
Mason County Genealogical Society and with the Old Engine Club.
Other historical sites are the Pere Marquette memorial, on the
Buttersville Peninsula, and the county courthouse in the city, a
registered historical building. Ludington also has a number of
fine older homes, some of which provide architectural
significance and charm to the city, and which might justify
investigation to determine the extent of historical significance.
Senior Services
The Ludington Area Senior Citizen Center, located on Foster and
Rowe Streets, offers a wide range of recreational and support
services for senior citizens in the city and in Pere Marquette,
Hamlin, Summit, and Amber Townships. Services are targeted to
over 4,000 senior citizens; funding is provided by the
participating governmental units, including the county.
Recreational opportunities include dancing, nature and hiking
club, shuffleboard, badminton, yoga, billiards~ table games, and
special events.
Support services include information and
referral, diet and health programs, tax assistance, and a variety

48

~

II
II
II

•
•

�'I

of cultural programs.
In addition, the Department of Social
Services offers a number of services at the center.

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County and state offices are located several places in the city.
The courthouse, on Ludington Avenue east of the central business
distri6t, houses the primary administrative and judicial
services.
Economic Development Corporation, and the Health
Department, Mental Health, Department of Social Services and
various other services are located on South Washington Avenue.
The County Sheriff's Department and the County Jail are on Delia,
two blocks north of Ludington Avenue.

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County and State Services

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V.

LAND USE AND DEVELOPMENT TRENDS

Ludington is a mature community, almost entirely developed. Less
than 20 percent of the city's land area is vacant, with only
limited areas available for major development of any kind.
COMPARISON OF LAND USES, 1962 and 1986

Table 9 compares percentages of various categories of land use in
1962, before the last master plan was completed, and in 1986.
The increased acreage shown in the table represents annexation of
various parcels of land over the years.
But annexation : snot
considered a reasonable alternative today, with the development
of Pere Marquette Charter Township around the city's boundaries.
Although annexation added more acres, the proportion of vacant
land is still the same today as it was in 1962.
Acreage has
increased in almost every category, but proportions have remained
virtually the same, with residential and industrial uses and
parks showing slightly increased percentages. The Present Land
Use Map (Figure X) shows where these types of uses are
distributed in the city today.
LAND USE CLASSIFICATION

Residential Uses
Single-family dwellings predominate in most residential areas in
the city.
The traditional residential and accessory uses are
expected to continue in these areas, as well as generally
accepted uses such as churches, schools, parks and playgrounds,
neighborhood stores, and other uses deemed not to be detrimental
to the residential environment.
The quality of housing is
relatively stable; however, with the age of most houses nearing
fifty years, it becomes more important to continue housing
rehabilitation programs and enforcement of building codes in
order to maintain that quality.
Two-family and multi-family uses have increased, many through
conversion of large single-family homes into two or more dwelling
units.
Conversions in single-family areas need to be monitored
to insure that traffic, parking, or other potential problems will
not have a negative impact on neighboring properties.

51

�4-lkz
CITY OF LUDINGTON

COMPREHENSIVE

8

LINCOLN

PLAN

EXISTING LAND USE
:J SINGLE FAMILY

LAKE

fi:@;:lfi::::::;t

MULTI FAMLY

IBR\IMIM

COMMERCIAL
INSTITUTIONAL/PUBLIC
PARK/RECREATIONAL
IIIOUSTRIAL
VACANT

_ISS,rr1t, J·lwmm m

~ □ Qronrol
i □□□I LJIL iLJ~.

.:.:-:4'•:•

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LEGEND
STREET SYSTEMS

~

--~--

STATE TRUNKLINE
COUNTY PRIMARY

G, .,,.116Pld•. M.c~l'I

N

---

COUNTY LOCAL

Sl1J1e

a

IJA'".l

.. ...... ..

MICHIGAN

LOCAL STREET

--------

CITY OFFICES

©

MAJOR ST RE ET

v ou

2000 '

I

-..AP BY

DE PAR TM!:.NT OF

'r•TE 'l·,'R

1000'

..

TRANSPORTATION

1986

...

G

�TABLE 9
Land Use in Ludington
1962 and 1986

1962

Classification

Residential Total
(Single-family)
(Two-family)
(Multi-family)

•
•
•
•
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II

I

I

Percent
of Total

Acres
2,044

TOTAL

1986

100.0

513.5
(473.0)
( 19.5)
( 21.0)

25.1
(23.1)
( 1.0)
( 1.0)

Acres
2,635
727.3
(596.8)
( 46.5)
( 84.0)

Percent
of Total
100.0
27.6
(22.6)
( 1.8)
( 3.2)

Commercial

35.5

1.7

55.4

2.1

Industrial

123.0

6.0

217.2

8.2

Public

92.5

4.5

103.9

3.9

Semi-Public

48.5

2.4

93.9

3.6

103.5

5.1

183.7

7.0

522.5

25.6

536.3

20.4

Water

209.3

10.2

209.3

7.9

Vacant

395.7

19.4

508.0

19.3

Parks
Streets
Way,

SOURCE:

&amp; Rights-ofinc. railroad

1962, Geer Associates; 1986, West Michigan Regional
Planning Commission.

Encroachment of nonresidential uses should be minimized by
careful review of such uses as home occupations, industrial and
commercial uses along transitional residential boundaries, and
existing nonconforming uses in residential areas.
Screening or
other buffering should be required, both in existing
circumstances and with future development, wherever
nonresidential uses border residential areas.
Multi-family housing can include a wide range of styles such as
garden style apartments, high rise buildings, clustered townhouse
or single family units, and condominiums.
Although such
developments can serve as transitional uses between single-family
neighborhoods and more intensive uses, that has not been the
pattern in the city.
There are not clearly defined areas of the
city designated for multi-family housing, and although some
vacant parcels may be targeted for such development, multi-family

53

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�housing is likely to remain scattered throughout the city.
Careful planning of new developments will insure that negative
impacts do not result if attention is given to such factors as
density, access to major streets, adequate open space, provision
for on-site recreation, adequate on-site parking and internal
traffic circulation, provision of public utilities, and
landscaping and buffering.
Commercial Uses
Commercial uses are scattered throughout the city, with several
well established clusters outside of the downtown area:
South
Washington and Madison Avenues in the fourth ward, South
Washington and Dowland, North Washington across from the high
school, as well a number of mixed commercial/residential uses on
East Ludington Avenue.
Commercial uses vary in intensity, depending to a large extent on
whether they are oriented toward pedestrian or automobile
traffic. Pedestrian-oriented areas are characterized by retail
and office uses offering comparison shopping and professional and
financial services, entertainment and restaurants, parking lots
which provide convenient access to a number of such outlets,
adequate sidewalks and pedestrian crossings at intersections,
street furniture and other amenities which encourage pedestrian
activity. Loading docks and delivery traffic need to be located
and channeled so as to provide the least possible obstruction to
pedestrians. The Central Business District is the primary area
for such pedestrian emphasis, as detailed in the recently
developed Central Business District Master Plan.
General commercial uses oriented toward automobile traffic are
usually more intensive uses, generating more traffic, sometimes
including open display areas, drive-in facilities, automobile
service facilities, etc.
Parking is usually provided on the
site.
Some commercial uses, such as neighborhood shopping areas or
other more isolated uses, will attract both pedestrian and
automobile traffic. Local convenience shopping and neighborhood
professional offices should be designed to serve the surrounding
residential areas. This type of commercial development should be
carefully planned to avoid spot-commercial or strip-commercial
results.
Parking availability and traffic flow need to be
carefully monitored.
Limited com~ercial uses often include a mix of office and
professional services with residential uses, and sometimes
represent transitional areas.
Concerns include preservation and
reuse of existing buildings such as large single-family
residences with architectural or historic significance.
Landscaping, rear-yard parking, and appropriate signs all
contribute to the preservation of the special atmosphere of such
areas. Parts of such areas may be eligible for historic district

54

I

•
•
•
•

�designation, and investigation of this possibility could serve to
guarantee the kind of preservation that is desired.

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Resort/vacation accommodations are found in several places in the
city, and this plan does not intend to change that by designating
a particular resort commercial area. Any expansion or addition
of these uses, wherever located in the city, should be planned so
as to maintain the leisure/residential character of the
community. Parking, signs, landscaping, and projected traffic
impacts need to be monitored closely to preserve the present
low-profile atmosphere.
It is expected that commercial uses
oriented toward marina and water-based activities will expand in
the future. These uses will be located primarily on the Pere
Marquette Lake waterfront.
Special consideration needs to be
given to the location of more intensive, semi-industrial
activities such as boat storage and major repair.
Adequate
parking space for boat trailers will be an increasing problem,
although such parking is not necessarily required on the
waterfront.
Industrial Uses
A ge~eral industrial district provides full utilities and
services and ideally is isolated from less intensive uses •
Access is off major streets, and the boundaries provide adequate
screening from surrounding nonindustrial uses.
The industrial
park is such an area and major new industrial development is
expected to be located there.
Therce are, however, important industries which are well
established and expected to continue in other parts of the city.
It is important to provide for expansion of these industries
where it is possible without creating negative impacts on the
surrounding uses.
Provision for adequate buffering to minimize
such impacts will be a critical consideration.
Limited industrial uses include less intensive manufacturing,
assembling, warehousing, and storage facilities.
These
activities tend to have little or no sensory impact other than
increased traffic.
Access to major streets should be required,
with truck traffic using designated routes.
Physical barriers
such as landscaping or berms should provide adequate screening
between these and adjacent nonindustrial uses.
Public/Semi-Public Uses
Governmental uses include city, county, and state offices and
other facilities which are located in various places throughout
the city.
All facilities open to the public should be fully
accessible.
Consistent directional and location signs would
facilitate identification by the public of these scattered sites.
Ancillary services such as the Department of Public Works garage
and heavy vehicle storage should be located outside the downtown
area.

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�Semi-public and institutional uses include public and private
schools, religious facilities, hospital, museum, library, and
similar uses.
With adequate provision for parking and traffic
flow, these uses are generally acceptable in most areas of the
city.
Parks and Recreational Uses
Most parks and recreational facilities are public uses as well.
Campgrounds, marinas, and public access to rivers and lakes are
included in this category. Here again, uniform directional signs
could improve the aesthetic quality as well as make finding
particular sites easier.

•
•

Pedestriin walks and bicycle paths would provide easier access
between the various public attractions and commercial centers,
such as: Stearns Park, Loomis Street Boat Launch, Coast Guard,
Municipal Marina, City Park, new waterfront develo~ment, and
downtown.
In addition, designated bicycle routes in other parts
of the city would provide safer conditions for the considerable
number of people who use bicycles for transportation and
recreation.
DEVELOPMENT TRENDS AND FUTURE LAND USE

The Future Land Use Map accompaning this Comprehensive Plan is
intended to show general land uses as guidelines for future
development.
It is recognized that there may be deviations
depending upon circumstances, and that within the boundaries of
each category there may be other uses included; there is no
intention to suggest that every parcel in a particular area must
be developed as designated. The map is subject to refinement and
amendment, as is the entire plan.
Thus, this map differs from
the Zoning Map which does dictate current land uses.
In addition to the previously described uses which are indicated
on the map, the Future Land Use Map (Figure XI) shows the areas
where development may be expected in the future, as well as areas
where redevelopment should be encouraged or where particular
concern has been expressed.
To facilitate discussion, the
following areas have been numbered on the map.
1.

Manufacturer's Addition
Manufacturer's Addition, in the northern part of the city,
was Ludington's first ''industrial park."
Originally
developed for industrial use, with residential lots platted
around it, this section has had varying success as an
industrial center over the years. At the present time, there
are a number of vacant buildings, some of which can be
reused.
There are a number of operating industrial plants,
and a mixture of scattered residences.
With the recent
development of the industrial park on the south side of the

56

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city, the interest in having further industrial development
in Manufacturer's Addition has waned.
One possibility for
reuse of some vacant buildings might be light industrial
uses, such as warehousing, which could be encouraged with
appropriate screening from adjoining residential uses. The
possibility of moving the city's public
works garage and heavy equipment storage to this area has
been discussed.
Thoughtful planning is necessary to make
maximum use or reuse of buildings and land in this area,
while at the same time, protecting the surrounding
residential areas.

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2.

Residential/Recreational/Office Development
One large parcel available for development in the city is the
40 acres now owned by the city, northwest of the corner of
Washington and Bryant.
South and southeast of this parcel
are vacant areas of sufficient size for major development,
perhaps for multi-family use. Recreational, residential, and
low intensity office or "high tech" uses have been considered
for the city property and the adjacent areas.
Major
development of any kind, however, will require extension of
the city's water and sewer lines and a lift station to insure
adequate service.

3.

Neighborhood Shopping
It is expected that future residential development in this
general area will create demand for low-intensity
neighborhood shopping outlets.
As has been previously
indicated, local convenience shopping and neighborhood
professional offices should be designed to serve the
surrounding residential areas, with adequate safeguards
against proliferating commercial development.

4.

City Entrance/Gateway
The entrance to the city is an area of particular concern.
It is considered critical that the existing style be
preserved on East Ludington Avenue from the city limits to
the Central Business District.
The strip-commercial
development outside the city limits should not be allowed to
"creep in" and destroy the gracious aspect which has
continued to exist.
It is intended that this area continue
to have mixed residential and office uses, with retention and
preservation of existing buildings, most of which were
originally large single-family houses.
Where reuse is
desirable, existing architecture should be maintained.
Particular attention must be given to appropriate signs,
parking, and landscaping so as to maintain the unique
atmosphere of the area.

57

�5.

Central Business District
The Central Business District (CBD) provides a mixture of
retail outlets, entertainment, professional and financial
services.
Activities should be oriented toward the
pedestrian shopper with provision of ample open spaces,
street furniture, landscaping, appropriate signs, and
consolidated parking.
The Central Business District Master
Plan provides detailed suggestions for additions, renovations
and/or reuse.
Residential uses ~f upper stories of downtown
buildings would probably result in more activity and expand
the market.
The southern end of South James Street has several vacant
buildings and many of the buildings currently in use show
deterioration.
In the judgment of professional planners
working on waterfront and downtown design, one of the reasons
for this is that James Street dead-ends just past Dowland.
with the development of the waterfront area, and the loop
road to connect James Street with the extension of Dowland
east (through the waterfront development area), a new
interest in reuse and redevelopment of South James Street
should follow.
Most of the uses in this area are not now
pedestrian-oriented.
However, the direct pedestrian
connections planned between the waterfront and downtown
should encourage commercial activity more appropriate to
downtown.

6.

Waterfront/Marine Areas
The property with the best potential for development is the
CSX property along the Pere Marquette Lake waterfront.
The
recently completed Waterfront Master Plan outlines the
guidelines for developing this property and some surrounding
land, part of it owned by the city.
Plans call for a second marina, redevelopment of the
municipal complex, new access to the ferry dock, housing, and
public areas.
An important goal in this plan is the
connection of this waterfront area with the downtown business
district, with emphasis on mutual support rather than
competition between the waterfront and downtown.
In addition
to the area included in this plan, it is intended that the
waterfront area include the Pere Marquette Lake shoreline
around the bayou and south to Peter Copeyon Park.
Development in these areas should include a variety of
marine-related uses targeted to both visitors and residents.
It is critical to maintain public access to the waterfront as
well as scenic vistas.
Height of any proposed buildings as
well as adequate open space requirements will be important
determining factors in any future development.
Some of the adjoining areas, particularly Madison Street
south of the bridge and South Washington Avenue, have

58

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developed more or less haphazardly and now show a mix of
residential, various levels of commercial, and even
industrial uses on some sites.
Careful planning is required
to encourage appropriate marina-related commercial uses and
specialty shops and services for marina users; adequate
screening should be provided to protect surrounding
residential uses.
7•

Industrial Expansion
Provision for expansion of existing industries could be made
on Dowland Street by the gradual phasing out of residential
uses, particularly on the south side of the street and south
to the shoreline.
Consideration should be given to
industries which may require docking facilities; industrial
requirements should be coordinated with marina-related
development expected in the waterfront area.
COOPERATION WITH PERE MARQUETTE CHARTER TOWNSHIP

Since Pere Marquette Charter Township virtually surrounds the
city, i t seems imperative that the two units of government
cooperate on future plans and development.
Figure XII, in the
Appendix, shows the Future Land Use Plan for Pere Marquette
Charter Township. For city planners, it is important to consider
what the township plans to do on our mutual boundaries.
For
example, the fact that township land surrounding Ludington's
industrial park is planned to be industrial provides opportunity
for cooperation in expanding industrial activities, perhaps
through use of tax-sharing incentives.
In other areas,
consideration will need to be given to what adjoining uses now
exist or may be developed in the future.

59

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EPILOGUE

Present-day planners are faced with both the mistakes and the
triumphs of the past. Decisions have to be made on the basis of
what is practicable and what is desirable in order to preserve
what is advantageous, to mitigate what is not desirable, and to
avoid the same kinds of mistakes in the future.
This Comprehensive Plan is designed to serve as a guide for
desirable change in Ludington's future.
If it is to remain
usable, it must be periodically reviewed, and amended when
circumstances serve to change the goals or policies.

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APPENDIX A
FUNDING RESOURCES

With many federal funding programs being cut back or cut out
entirely, the city must depend primarily on resources available
by its own authority, with support in some cases from state and
federal sources.
Local Resources
General Obligation Bonds: Public improvements are supported by a
pledge of the city's taxing authority, generally requiring voter
approval.
General Revenue Bonds:

Public purpose revenue-generating bonds.

Special Assessments: Specific public assessments by a petition
or city initiative assessing the property owners who benefit in
the designated district.
Industrial/Economic Development Bonds:
Private purpose bonding
issues under Act 62 (Industrial Development), LEDCOR/EDC,
Michigan Strategic Fund, and DOA.
Tax Abatements:
Incentives to encourage new industry or
rehabilitation of existing industrial uses under Act 198 (1974).
Tax Increment Financing (TIFA):
Tax increases in a specified
district are captured to be used for improvements in that
district.
City Income Tax:

General municipal revenue source.

Hotel/Motel Room Tax:
A specific
tourist-related development.

revenue

source

for

State and Federal Resources
Community Development Block Grants:
Discretionary loans and
grants for housing, economic development, and planning projects.
Land and Water Conservation Funds/Michigan Natural Resource Trust
Funds: recreational grants for land acquisition and development.
Michigan Equity Funds:
Historic Designation:

Cultural improvement grants.
Technical assistance, loans, and grants.

Michigan Waterway Fund/Coastal Zone Management Fund:
assistance and grants for coastal improvements.

63

technical

�Emergency Home Moving Program/Army Corps of Engineer Advance
Measures Program: Grants and loans for shore-land improvements
due to high water.
Economic Development Administration Public Works Grants Program:
Grants and loans for public improvements and economic
development.
HUD's Urban Development Action Grant Program:
for economic development projects.

Grants and loans

Michigan Strategic Fund: Assistance and technical information
through Michigan Department of Commerce, and bonding authority.
Private Initiatives
Joint ventures and private syndications have recently become
popular mechanisms to entice the private sector to participate,
finance, or even develop municipal or public projects.
Appropriate state and federal tax advantages and the appropriate
economic climate are necessary.
Private purchase of facilities or equipment and lease-back to the
municipality have also been successful if the appropriate tax
advantages are present.
Private financing at reduced interest rates.
These are
particularly successful if the low interest monies can be rolled
back into a fund which can be used to finance future projects.
Private foundations and institutions are resources for special
projects and programs. The larger industries in the city such as
Dow Chemical and Consumers Power have private foundations and
endowments whi~h have historically been supportive in an effort
to be good corporate citizens.
The establishment of a Ludington Foundation has been suggested.
Individuals, corporations, or groups who wish to make substantial
contributions to the city could contribute funds which could be
used for special projects to improve the quality of life for all
residents.
Local businesses, large and small, can be asked to participate in
community projects and programs; frequently, mutual interests can
be satisfied.

64

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APPENDIX B
Tables and Figures
Table 10
11

12
13

Figure XII

Climatological Summary
Building Permits and Valuation,
City of Ludington, 1980-1986
State Equalized Value,
City of Ludington, 1980-1986
Characteristics by Census Block Areas,
City of Ludington, 1980
Pere Marquette Charter Township Future Land Use Plan

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•.• --- . . . .

,

TABLE 10
Climatological Summary
Period:
1951-80

TFMPFAAT ,cc- IF
MEANS

. .

.
I:

&gt;- ::,

J AM
FE8
MAA
APA
MAY
J UN
JUL
AUG
SEP
OCT
NOV
DEC
YEAA

dC

X

0

",:

&gt;-

.J I:

....I

-I:

0
I:

15 , E,
15. 3
23 . 0
34 , 3
43 . 1
52 , E,
57 , E,
5E, , 8
50 , 7
41 . 3
31 . 2
20 . 9

22 . 2
23 . 2
31 , E,
44 , 3
54 . 3
E,3 , 8
E,8 , E,
E,7 , 3
E,0 , 5
50 . 2
38 . 3
27 . 4

I ;;o

28 . 7
31 . 1
40 , 1
54 . 2
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74 . q
7'3 . 5
77 . 8
70 . 3
59 . 0
45 . 3
33 . 8

z

...J

z

3E,' 91 4€, . ol
•FAQM 1951 - 8 0 NOAMALS
55 . ol

SOURCE:

0

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a: Vl
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a:

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•,._
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a: -I

5E,+
55+
73
85+
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'34+
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92+
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E,2

97

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&gt;-

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a: Vl
ow

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&gt;-

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&gt;

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0

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CD

"&gt;- "

u :I
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a: ...J

w

11 - 11+ 78 1E,
20 - 22+ 7q 17
30 -14+ E,2 2
30 12+ 73 11
25 22+ E,E, 10
1E, 28+ 72 11
3 37+ 72 5
55 1q 3€,+ 77 2€,
53 2 2E,+ 59 1€,
71
2 19+ 7E, 27
E,1
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3 58 30
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72
5E,
E,E,

I

DEGAEE DAYS

ME~~ ~\ ~~EA
MIN

MO~

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ooc-rfPTTATl r"l, rr ra ,

I

EXTREMES

AUG
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551 , 9I -22 191111

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1'3
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1327
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43

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MEfr~ ~~~~EA
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149
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11€,E,

0
0

7249 I

c;

*

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2 . 37
1 . 77
1 _qq
2 , 8'3
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2 . '33
2 . 18
3 . 7'3
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2 . 95
2 . 77

E,

352

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.... &gt;Vl ...J

w I
........

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ffi

4 . 74
4 . 12
7 . 08
4 , '35
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E. . '32
9 . 39
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c::

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27
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4 . 58
3 . 30
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2 . 71

31 . 841

AUG
q . 39I 15I

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4 . 501 e.si 001

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58 17
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- ....
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75
E, 5

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1

.0

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J AN
83 ' 41 e.e. .sl nl E,41 19 1
ALSO ON EAAL I EA DATE S

3

U.S. Climatological Survey, 1984.

JJ

�TABLE 11

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J

Building Permits and Valuation
City of Ludington, 1980-1986

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Building
Classification

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ALTERATIONS &amp; ADDITIONS

NEW CONSTRUCTION

YEAR

No. of
Permits

TOTAL VALUATION

Valuation

No, of
Permi-:s

Valuation

145
94
51

$1,076,626
392,656
683,970

$4,621,012

545,048
326,221
218,827

_4,616,422

1980 - TOTAL
Residential
Non-residential

11
9
3

$3,544,386
3,077,07921
467,307

1981 - TOTAL
Residential
Non-Residential

2

4,071,374

5

176, 7103
3,894,664

128
94
34

1982 - TOTAL
Residential
Non-Residential

l!.

136
84
52

1,103,353
786,733 5
316,620

2,956,592

6

1,853,239
1,563,373 4
289,866

1983 - TOTAL
Residential
Nonresidential

§.

473,234

117

5,154,209

--0--

77

6

473,2346

40

4,680,975
338,7557
4,342,220

1984 - TOTAL
Residential
Nonresidential

11.

973.149
413,537
559,612

118

627,240
194,336
432,904

1,600,389

60
58

1985 - TOTAL
Residential
Nonresidential

li

1,491,953
8
1,301,0649
190,889

126
96
30

2,312,250
290,873
2,021,377

3,804,203

4

5

0

11

6

10
6

446,525
1,722,743
99
2,169,268
1986 - TOTAL
li
248,845
355,800
81
8
Residential
1,473,898
90,725
18
Nonresidential
6
SOURCE: City of Ludington Building Department, 1986.
NOTE: Residential permits do not indicate actual number of dwelling units constructed; for the total
period, 55 permits were issued for a total or 160 new dwelling units,

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l Crosswinds, $2,300,000

2church, $135,000
30ow Chemical Co., $3,864,669
4Pine Way Townhomes, $1,465,273
5Addition to senior citizen apartments adjacent to
Baywood Nursing Home (now Village Haus), $505,658

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6Public, $178,228
7Memorial Medical Center, $4,031,000
8tudington Park Apartments, $1,018,980
9Public, $17,654

TABLE 12
State Equalized Value
City of Ludington, 1980 - 1986

~

Residential

Commercial

Industrial

1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986

37,949,300
41,758,946
46,809,615
46,828,900
47,079,100
48,180,300
50,353,800

7,028,700
9,968,000
11,238,100
12,542,100
12,106,400
12,201,300
12,280,800

7,299,100
7,113,148
7,991,600
7,907,300
7,993,200
7,915,400
8,348,400

Source:

City of Ludington, 1986.

Personal

Total

Increase over
Previous Year

17,212,300
18,551,000
16,578,650
16,786,900
17,569,450
18,910,200
21,197,250

69,489,400
77,391,994
82,617,965
84,065,200
84,748,150
87,207,200
92,180,250

16.32
11.37
6.75
1.75
0.81
2.90
5.70

�. ,1. -1/r••• - ••••• •••
T."!lliLE 13
Population and Housing Characteristics by Census Block Areas
City of Ludington, 1980

Neighborhood Population
Characteristics

1

2

569
187
32.9
49
8.6
33.8
52.0

917
209
22.8
177
19.3
39.6
53.0

204

3

Census Areas#
6
7

4

5

1,403
341
24.3
206
14. 7
34.5
52.7

442
111
25. 1
87
19.7
35.0
54.5

594
147
24.7
104
17.5
32.3
51.5

903
159
17 .6
320
35.4
50.0
58.8

670
107
16.0
301
44.9
60. l
60.7

401

573

208

269

508

200
138
62
31.0

385
260
125
32.5

547
447
100
18. 3

189
109
80
42.3

236
163
73
30.9

479
189
290
60.5

5.4

5.0

5.'5

5.3

11

Total

13*

12

9

10

229
66
28.8
28
12.2
28.0
47.6

562
159
28.3
80
14.2
26.6
56.9

1, 116
288
25.8
201
18.0
31.4
53.5

913
302
33.1
111
12.2
28.8
53.7

216

120

256

477

364

225

0

206
167
39
18.9

109
30
79
72.5

230
119
111
48.3

462
302
160
34.6

337
239
98
29 . 1

203
147
56
27 . 6

0

5.3

5.4

2.44

2.42

2.71

2.78

2.42

8

POPULATIOtl CHARACTERISTICS
Total Population
Pop. Less than 18 Years
Percent Less than 18 Years
Pop. 65 Years and Over
Percent 65 Years and Over
Median Age (In Years)
Percent Female

564
55
173
2
30.7 3.6
79 0.0
14.0 0.0
30.3 23.6
52.6 1.8

8,937
2,251
25.2
1,743
19. 5
34.7
53.9

HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS
Total Housing Units
Occupied Housing Units
Owner Occupied
Renter Occupied
Percent Renter Occupied
Median Number of Rooms Per Unit
rersons Per Unit

5.5+

5.5+

4.2

4.4
'

5.5+

3,821

co

35.6

5.5+

5.4

2.85

2. 38

2. 55

2.32

2.52

1.87

2.29

2.06

13

37

73

10

0

17

8

11

32

51

37

18

307

0

5

4

3

4

15

1

7

12

11

9

4

75

Median Value of Owner Occupied
Units

$48,400 $24,800 $34,600 $35,800 $28,000 $29,900 $36,100 $16,300 $28,400 $27,500 $20,500 $19,500

$28,700

Median Value of Renter Occupied
Units

s

Persons in Occupied Housing Units
with more than One Person Per Room

(overcrowding)
Total Units Lacking Complete
Plumbing for Exclusive Use

174

s

168

s

167

• Coast Guard Station and/or persons on ships in the harbor.

SOURCE:

U.S. Census, 1980.

s

180

s

151

s

116

s

240

s

127

The census labeled this area "institutional".

s

151

s

155

s

138

s

149

s

153

\D

�FIGURE XII
Pere Marquette Charter Township
Future Land Use Map

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LAKE MICHIGAN

-i

~r,==,'--"·"
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Cl

T

O

N

PLAN MAP
GENERAL DEVELOPMENT
PATTERNS

LEGEND

□

CONSERVATION

1($.:J

AGRICULTURE

t~,J

AGRICULTURE/RESIDENTIAL

=
~
~

-

LOW DENSITY RESIDENTIAL

MEDIUM DENSITY RESIDENTIAL
COMMERCIAL

LIGHT INDUSTRIAL

(ill

GENER.AL INDUSTRIAL

WJJ

AIRPORT

DISTRICT

COMMERCIAL STUDY A
I

-

PROPOSED

ACCESS

.

PERE

I

'

MARQUETTE

CHARTER

MASON COUNTY, MICHIGAN

69
- -- - - - -~ ~ - -

--

-----

-

TOWNSHIP

�~

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APPENDIX C
COMMUNITY SURVEY

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�Survey Methodology
The City of Ludington Planning Commission conducted a survey of Ludington residents.
A separate survey of residents was being conducted by
the Ludington Cable TV Advisory Committee.
It was decided to randomly
select households to survey using a mail-out/mail-back format for both
surveys.
The sample was selected in such a way as to prevent duplication; no household received both surveys.
Sample Selection
Each survey was sent to over 501 households randomly distributed
throughout the city. Therefore, 1,002 addresses were selected and every
other address selected will receive the same survey.
Since the 1980
Census identified 3,821 housing units in the City of Ludington, every
fourth household was selected from the address listings included in the
R. L. Polk City Director.
In addition, another 50 households were
selected at random to increase the sample size.
In addition, copies of the survey were made available in City Hall for
any city resident who was not included in the sample but wanted to
participate in the survey.
These surveys were printed on a different
color paper so that they could be distinguished from the surveys that
were randomly selected.
Results
Of the 501 Planning Commission surveys mailed out, 36 were returned as
undeliverable. These are attributable to vacant units and errors in the
address listings included in the Polk Directory.
Of the 465 surveys
that presumably reached a household, 203 were returned for a rate of
return of 43.7 percent. This should be considered an excellent rate of
return.
An additional 25 surveys were picked up in City Hall and returned for a
total of 228 surveys returned, representing a sample of about 6.0
percent of the total households in the city.
The similarity in rates of return for the two surveys is an
awe-inspiring indication of the accuracy of the random selection process.
Of the 501 Cable TV surveys mailed out, 40 were returned as
undeliverable. Of the 461 surveys that reached their destination, 228
were returned, a response rate of 49.S percent, again an excellent
return.
The results of the Planning Commission survey are shown on the following
tables. The Cable TV survey has been tabulated elsewhere.

72

•

l-

�COMMUNITY SURVEY FORM

Dear- Resident:

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The Ludington Planning Commlssion is worki.ng to update the City's Master Plan. This
Plan is important as lt will be used to guide future growth in our community. In
addition, the Downtown Development Authori.ty is seeki.ng directi.on for- future
planning in the downtown area. Your input and suggestions are necessary to improve
the "quality of life" for Ludington residents. We are requesti.ng your cooperation
by answer-ing the following questions:
1.

What characteri.stics do you li.ke best about living in Ludington?

(Answer only

2)

-----

Small Town Atmosphere

Educational System

Shopping Facilities

Proximity to Northern Michigan

___ Proximity to Lake Michigan

2.

What are the worst problems facing Ludington?

--------3.

___ Other ______________

Lack of Jobs

-------

Bad Streets
Dilapidated Housing

(Answer only 2)
Lack of Recreation Facilities
Lack of Activities for Youth
Traffic
Other

Lack of Shopping Facilities

What type of new residential development is needed most in the Ludington area?
(Answer only 1)

-----

More Single Family Homes
More Apartments for Sr. Citizens

- - -More Apartments
--- Housing for Low

Income Citizens

Lakefront Condominium

4.

Is there a need for additional recreational facilities in the City?
Yes
If yes, what types are needed most?
Softball Fields

---

(Answer only 3)

---

Tennis Courts

Lakefront Open Space
Picnic Areas

Marinas

---

No

-----

Neighborhood Playgrounds
Other

73

Boat Launching Ramps
Swimming Pools

�S.

How would you rate the following City services?
Good

Fair

Poor

Police Protection
Fire Protection
Water Services
Sewer Service
Street Maintenance
Snow Removal
Park Maintenance
Zoning Enforcement
6.

With respect to downtown Ludington, please check the one statement that best
describes your shopping habits.
I usually shop in downtown Ludington at least once per week.
I usually shop in downtown Ludington at least once per month.
I rarely shop in downtown Ludington.

7.

With respect to shopping in the commerical areas east of Ludington, please
check the one statement that best describes your shopping habits.

---

I usually shop east of town at least once per week.
I usually shop east of town at least once per month.

--8.

I rarely shop east of town.

With respect to shopping in other communities, please indicate how frequently
you shop:
In Scottville

times per year

In Manistee

times per year

In Pentwater

times per year

In Muskegon

9.

times per year

In Grand Rapids

times per year

Other

times per year

I believe that the reason(s) more persons do not shop in downtown Ludington
is(are):
Inadequate Parking
Poor Lighting

---

Danger to Pedestrian Traffic
Lack of Product Choice
Unattractive appearance of the downtown area
Uncompetitive Prices

---

Other

--------------------74

�~

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10.

Please check the one statement that best describes the parking situation in
downtown Ludington.
I find it easy to find a parking space when I chose to shop downtown.

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I do not have an easy time with parking because:
Lighting is inadequate
I have to park too far from where I want to shop

--11.

The building entrance closest to the parking area is unattractive
or inconvenient

The thing I really like about the downtown area is:
The friendly service and personal care of the storekeepers
The variety of stores and services available
Downtown is close to where I live or work
The number of parking spaces available
Other

12.

Does the City need more industrial deve~opment?
Yes

13.

Should the City use tax incentives to attract new industry to the area?

--14.

Yes

No

Please indicate which ward of the City you live in?
1st

15.

No

4th

3rd

2nd

5th

Don't know

Check the statements that best describe your household:
Homeowner

Married

Renter

Single, Divorced,
or Widowed

---

Number of Children in Household

Thank you for your cooperation. All answers are strictly confidential and will be
used as an indicator of community support for proposals to be developed as a part of
the Master Plan.
PLEASE MAIL OR RETURN THE SURVEY FORM TO THE POLICE DEPARTMENT OR CITY HALL BY
JULY 20, 1985.
Sincerely,

THE LUDINGTON PLANNING COMMISSION

75
-

- -- -

�- .

- - - - - -

- - -

WEST MICHIGAN REGIONAL PLANNING
Ludington Community Survey

SINGLE QUESTION ANALYSIS
NOTE:

For statlstlcal purposes, some questions have been divided In these results. Where this Is
the case, the number of the orlglnal survey question appears beside the question number.

QUESTION NO. 1
QUESTION NO. 3
WHAT CHAJl.\crERISTICS 00 YOU LIKE ~ ABOUT LIVING IN LUDINGTON?
WHAT TYPE OF NEW RESIDENTIAL DEVEI.OPMENT IS NEEDED ll&gt;ST IN THE LUDINTON AREA?
ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

Na R1Psp0nse

4

0

NET PCT
ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

Na Response

24

10.:53

SINGLE FAM

49

· 21.49

24.02

2

SENIOR APTS

62

27.19

30.39

3

LAKEFRONT CONDOS

18

7.89

8.82

4

APARTMENTS

24

10.:53

11. 76

:5

LOW INCOME HSG.

80

::S:5.09

39.22

1. 7:5
0

SMALL TOWN

--..J
--..J

TOT PCT

17::S

~

SHOPPING FACILITIES

::s

PROX TO LAKE MICH

4

EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

7:5.88

12

:5.26

:5.36

164

71.9::S

7::S. 21

:57

2:5.00

2:5.4:5

PROX TO NORTH MICH

18

7.89

8.04

6

OTHER

11

4.82

4.91

228

MEAN

NET PCT
t/l

77.2::S

:5

TOTAL

TOT PCT

TOTAL

228

MEAN

4.79

3. :54

QUEST ION NO. 2
WHAT ARE THE WORST PROBLEMS FACING LUDINGTON?

QUESTION NO. 4
IS THER

TOT PCT

RESP

Na R1Psp0nse

2

0.88

196

85.96

86.7::S

12

:5.26

:5. 31

HOUSING

37

16.2::S

16.37

4

LACK OF SHOPPING

74

::S2.46

32.74

:5

RECREATION FACIL

13

:5.70

:5. 7:5

6

YOUTH ACTIVITIES

4::S

18.86

19.0::S

7

TRAFFIC

24

10.:53

10.62

8

OTHER

36

1:5. 79

1:5.9::S

0

JOBS
2
3

STREETS

TOTAL

22B

MEAN

A

NEED FOR ADDITIONAL RECREATIONAL FACILITIES IN THE CITY?

NET PCT

ANS DESCRIPTION

6.22

ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

Na Response

22

9.6:5

117

:51. 32

:56.80

88

38.60

42.72

0

YES
2

NO
TOTAL

228

TOT PCT

MEAN

NET PCT

1.42

~

,&lt;

~

t/l

~

t/l

�.-:~
. ~-(See survey question 114)

QUESTION NO. 5

ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

No Response

88

38.b0

SOFTBALL FIELDS

14

b. 14

10.00

2

TENNIS COURTS

20

8.77

14.29

3

MARINAS

34

14.91

24.29

4

PLAYGROUNDS

73

32.02

52.14

5

LAKEFRONT OPEN SPACE

48

21.05

34.29

b

PICNIC AREAS

44

19.30

31.43

7

BOAT RAMPS

29

12.72

20.71

8

SWIMMING POOLS

24

10.:53

17. 14

9

OTHER

35

15.35

25.00

0

TOTAL

MEAN

228

(See survey question 115)

7

HOii 1/0ut.D YOU RATE FIRE PROTECTIOl/7

WHAT TYPES OF RECREATIONAL FACILITIES ARE NEEDED MOST?

TOT PCT

QUESTION Nu.

NET PCT

ANS DESCRIPTION
0

RESP

No Response

TOT PCT

NET PCT

3b

1:5. 79

GOOD

17b

77.19

91.67

2

FAIR

15

b.58

7.81

3

POOR

l

0.44

0.52

TOTAL

MEAN

228

1.v9

11.87

co

"

HOW 1/0ULD YOU RATE WATER SERVICES?

HOW WOULD YOU RATE POLICE PROTECTION?

ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

No Response

37

lb.23

GOOD

121

53.07

b3.3:5

2

FAIR

b4

28.07

33.51

3

POOR

b

2.63

3.14

0

TOTAL

228

(See survey quest ion 115)

QUESTION NO. 0

(See survey question f/5)

QUESTION NO. b

TOT PCT

MEAN

NET PCT

ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

No Response

42

18.42

GOOD

149

b:5.3:5

80.11

2

FAIR

31

13.b0

1b.b7

3

POOR

b

2.b3

3.23

0

1.40

TOTAL

228

TOT PCT

MEAN

NET PCT

1.23

�- - - (See survey question 115)

auEsTION NO. 9

QUESTION No. 12

HOW WOULD YOU RATE SEWER SERVICE?

HOii WOULD YOU RATE PARK MAINTENANCE SERVICE?

TOT PCT

NET PCT

ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

No Response

42

18.42

14:5

63.60

77.96

36

1:5.79

19.3:5

5

2.19

2.69

0

GOOD
FAIR

2

POOR

3

(See survey ques~ion f/5)

MEAN

228

TOTAL

ANS DESCRIPTION
0

RESP

No Response

NET PCT

3:5

1:5. 3:5

GOOD

112

49.12

:58.03

2

FAIR

70

30.70

36.27

3

POOR

11

4.82

:5.70

1 .2:5

TOTAL

228

QUESTION No.

(See survey question //5)

QUESTION NO. 10

TOT PCT

13

MEAN

1.48

(See survey question //5)

HOW WOULD YOU RATE ZONING ENFORCEMENT SERVICE?

HOW WOULD YOU RATE STREET MAINTENANCE?

ANS DESCR I F'T ION

--.J

'°

ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

No Response

39

17. 11

GOOD

72

31.:58

38. 10

2

FAIR

88

38.60

46.:56

3

POOR

29

12.72

1:5.34

0

TOTAL

228

ouESTION NO.

11

TOT PCT

MEAN

NET PCT

1. 77

(See survey question 115)

HOW WOULD YOU RATE SNOW REHOVAL SERVICE?

ANS DES CR I PT ION

RESP

No Response

37

16.23

GOOD

120

:52.63

62.83

2

FAIR

61

26.7:5

31.94

3

POOR

10

4.39

:5.24

0

TOTAL

228

TOT PCT

MEAN

NET PCT

1.42

0

RESP

TOT PCT

NET PCT

No Response

47

20.61

GOOD

48

21.0:5

20.52

2

FAIR

102

44.74

:56.3:5

3

POOR

31

13.60

17. 13

TOTAL

228

MEAN

1.91

�•.• ••
-

QUESTION NO. 14

□UESTION No.

(See survey question 116)

RESP

No Response

:Sl

0

DOWNTOWN-1/WEEK
2

:s

92

DOWNTOWN-I/MONTH
DOWNTOWN-RARELY

59

46

TOTAL

228

TOT PCT

NET PCT

25.88
20.18
MEAN

ANS DESCRIPTION
0

RESP

TOT F'CT

NET PCT

No Response

65

28.51

46.70

(0)

29

12.72

17.79

29.95

2

(1-3)

83

36.40

:50.92

23 . 35

3

(4-6)

30

13. 16

18.40

1.77

4

(7-12)

10

4.39

6.13

5

&lt;MORE THAN 12)

11

4.82

6.7:5

13.60
40 . 35

(See survey question f/8)

HOW OFTEN 00 YOU SHOP IN SCOTTVILLE?

HOW OFTEN 00 YOU SHOP IN DOWNTOWN LUDINGTON?

ANS DESCRIPTION

16

TOTAL

228

MEAN

2.33

0

co

QUESTION No . 15

QUESTION No. 17

(See survey question 117)

HCM OFTEN 00 YOU SHOP IN MANISTEE?

HOii OFTEN 00 YOU SHOP EAST OF LUDINGTON?

TOT PCT

NET PCT

ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

No Response

32

14.04

EAST-I/WEEK

160

70.18

81.63

0

EAST-I/MONTH

25

10.96

12.76

3

EAST-RARELY

11

4.82

5. 61

228

MEAN

ANS DESCRIPTION
0

2

TOTAL

(See survey question 118)

1.24

RESP

TOT PCT

NET PCT

No Response

79

34.21

(0)

50

21.93

33.33

2

&lt;1-3)

71

31.14

47.33

3

(4-6)

13

5.70

8.67

4

(7-12)

15

6.58

10.00

5

(MORE THAN 12)

l

0.44

0.67

TOTAL

228

MEAN

1.97

�.. -1- -\- -f.. -I-I-I- .,
1111

11111

(See survey question 118)

18

QUEST ION NO.

1111 . . . . -

QUEST ION NO. 20

(See survey question 1/8)

HOW OITEN DO YOU SHOP IN GRAND RAPIDS?

HOW OTTEN DO YOU SHOP IN PENT\lATER?

NET PCT

TOT PCT

ANS OESCR IPT ION

RESP

No Response

9b

42.11

0

No Response

bO

2b,32

(0)

95

41.b7

71.97

1

10)

4:5

19.74

2b,79

2

( 1-3)

32

14.04

24.24

2

I 1-3)

72

31.5B

42.86

3

(4-bl

2

O.BB

1.:52

3

14-bl

32

14.04

19.05

4

17-12)

2

0.8B

1.:52

4

17-12)

12

:5.2b

7.14

5

(MORE THAN 121

1

0.44

0.7b

:5

(NORE THAN 12)

3.07

4. 17

0

TOTAL

--

1. 3:5

MEAN

22B

R.E SP

ANS DESCRIPTION

7
TOTAL

22B

TOT PCT

MEAN

NET PCT

2.19

00
_.

QUESTION NO.

19

(

See

SU rvey

quest ion 118)

QUESTION NO. 21
HOW OITEN DO YOU SHOP ELSEWHERE?

HOW OITEND DO YOU SHOP IN MUSKEGON?

TOT PCT

NET PCT

ANS OESCR I PT ION

RESP

No Response

59

2:5.BB

(0)

34

14.91

:20.12

2

(1-3)

b5

2B.:51

3B.4b

3

&lt;4 - bl

27

11.B4

1:5,9B

4

(7-12)

33

14.47

19.:53

5

&lt;MORE THAN 12&gt;

10

4.39

:5.92

0

TOTAL

(See survey question 1/8)

228

MEAN

ANS OESCR I PTI ON
0

2.53

RESP

No Response

TOT PCT

NET PCT

17b

77.19

(0)

18

7.89

34.b2

2

(1-3)

1 :5

b.5B

2B.B5

3

14-6)

11

4.B2

:21. 15

4

17-12)

6

2.b3

11.54

5

&lt;NORE THAN 12)

4

1.75

7.69

TOTAL

22B

MEAN

2.40

)

�,. -••
ouEsTioN NO. 22

(See survey question 119)

ouEsTtoN No. 24

I BELIEVE THAT THE REASON(S) MORE PERSONS DO NOT SHOP IN DOWNTOWN LUDINGTON IS (ARE):

ANS DESCR I PTI ON
0

RESP

TOT PCT

NET PCT

No Response

37

16.23

INADEQUATE PARKING

13

!5.70

6.81

3

1. 32

1.57

(See survey question till)

THE THING I Rl!ALLY LIKE ABOtrr THE DOWNTOWN AREA IS:

ANS DESCRIPTION
0

RESP

TOT PCT

NET PCT

No Response

18

7.89

FRIENDLY SERVICE

83

36.40

39.:52

2

VARIETY OF STORES

16

7.02

7.62

127

:55.70

60.48

2

POOR LIGHTING

3

DANGER TO PEDS

18

7.89

9.42

3

CLOSE TO HOME OR WK.

4

PRODUCT CHOICE

1!54

67.!54

80.63

4

PLENTY OF PARKING

23

10.09

10.95

!5

APPEARANCE

'.2!5

10.96

13.09

5

OTHER

16

7.02

7.62

6

PRICES

128

!56.14

67.02

7

OTHER

27

11.84

14. 14

TOTAL

228

MEAN

TOTAL

228

MEAN

3. 18

9.27

N

co

QUESTION NO. 2:s

QUESTION No. 25

(See survey quest ion f/10)

WHIOI BEST DESCaIBES THE PARKING SITUATION IN DOWNTOWN LUDINGTON?

TOT PCT

NET PCT

ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

No Response

1 !5

6.58

191

83. 77

89.67

0

EASY
NOT EASY-LIGHTING

3

1. 32

1. 41

3

NOT EASY-TOO FAR

41

17.98

19.25

4

NOT EASY-BAO ENTR.

21

9.21

9.86

TOTAL

228

MEAN

ANS DESCRIPTION

RESP

No Response

6

2.63

206

90.35

92.79

16

7.02

7.21

0

2

l. 90

(See survey question f/12)

DOES THE CITY NEED MORE INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT?

YES
2

NO
TOTAL

228

TOT PCT

MEAN

NET PCT

1.07

�.. .. - -- - - I- - ... - - - - - ..
QUESTION No. 20

QUESTION NO. 28

(See survey question f/13)

RESP

No Response

0

YES
NO

2

TOTAL

TOT PCT

ANS DESCRIPTION

NET PCT

0

TOT PCT

NET PCT
cl•i ,

1.32

181

79.39

80.44

32

14.04

14.22

149

o:s. 3:5

00.22

SINGLE, ETC.

oO

20.32

20.07

5

0 CHILDREN

06

28.95

29.33

b

.1 CHILD

27

11.84

12.00

7

2 CHILDREN

3:5

15.35

1 :s. :so

8

3+ CHILDREN

23

10.09

10.22

178

78.07

83.18

3:5

1:5. 3:5

10.30

2

RENTER

1.lo

3

MARRIED

4

HOMEOWNER

(X)

w

TOTAL

QUESTION No. 27

(

See survey quest ion //14)

TOT PCT

NET PCT

No Response

20

8.77

1ST

30

13. lo

14.42

2

2ND

4o

20.18

22.12

3

3RD

28

12.28

13.40

4

4TH

25

10.90

12.02

5

5TH

44

19.30

21. 1:5

b

DON'T KNOW

35

15.35

lo.83

TOTAL

228

ANS DESCRIPTION
0

WHITE
2

RESP

No Respons•

8.24

BLUE

3.~4

TOT PCT

NET PCT

J

0.,44

(MAILED&gt;

2(•2

88.60

88.9'1

(PICKED UP)

2:5

10.96

11. 01

TOTAL

MEAN

MEAN

COLOR OF PAPER

RESP

0

228

QUESTION NO. 29

PLEASE INDICATE WHICH WARD OF TIIE CITY YOU LIVE IN?

ANS DESCRIPTION

, .

:?ZB

.
1
.

(See survey question f/15)

3

o.14

MEAN

RESP

No Response

14

228

, .

DESCRIBE YOUR HOUSEHOLD:

SHOULD THE CITY USE TAX INCENTIVES TO ATTRACT NEW INDUSTRY TO THE AREA?

ANS DESCRIPTION

. .

MEAN

I. 11

�,.

CITY OF LUDINGTON

PLAN

COMPREHENSIVE
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:

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-

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-

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":-t-;•:•.•.•,
. ....•.•, .
V:. ·, ...• ..

' ,.,:~!,:-?~;?:'J

a:;:}

FUTURE LAND USE PLAN
~
~

'[ill:::::{. ffiill/::
····;i)
@··········
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GENERAL RESIDENTIAL

·1i"••···
::=•:••
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~ RESIDENTIAL / RECREATIONAL /
OFFICE DEVELOPMENT

ooi::.···

·•·•••·••• .·.·.·•:•
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;:::::::::

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:::::::::! ITTI~ I~ IT

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PUBLIC, INSTITUTIONAL AND RECREATIONAL

~~&lt;:J

NEIGHBORHOOD SHOPPING

U:::H LOW INTENSITY COMMERCIAL
~ GENERAL COMMERCIAL
~

-

GATEWAY/ CITY ENTRANCE

S

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

~ WATERFRONT / MARINE

loo.ffil

LIMITED INDUSTRIAL

~

GENERAL INDUSTRIAL

NOTE: The numbers on tho map correspond to a
narrative description of the proposed
uses found In the Development Trends and
Future Land Use section of the Compre hens lve Plan .

.

..

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&lt;..__, ~

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�</text>
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                  <text>Wyckoff, Mark A.</text>
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            <element elementId="41">
              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="998783">
                  <text>Municipal master plans and zoning ordinances from across the state of Michigan, spanning from the 1960s to the early 2020s. The bulk of the collection was compiled by urban planner Mark Wyckoff over the course of his career as the founder and principal planner of the Planning and Zoning Center in Lansing, Michigan. Some additions have been made to the collection by municipalities since it was transferred to Grand Valley State University.</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="998787">
                  <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/NoC-US/1.0/"&gt;No Copyright - United States&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <name>Subject</name>
              <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                  <text>Comprehensive plan publications</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="998791">
                  <text>Zoning--Michigan</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="998792">
                  <text>Zoning--Maps</text>
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                  <text>Maps</text>
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                  <text>Land use--planning</text>
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              <name>Publisher</name>
              <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="998795">
                  <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections &amp; University Archives</text>
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              <name>Identifier</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="1009072">
                <text>Ludington_Comprehensive-Plan_1987</text>
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            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>Ludington Planning Commission, City of Ludington, Mason County, Michigan</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="1009076">
                <text>The Ludington Comprehensive Plan was prepared by the Ludington Planning Commission with assistance from the West Michigan Regional Planning Commission in 1987.</text>
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            <name>Contributor</name>
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                <text>West Michigan Regional Planning Commission (consultant)</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/870"&gt;Planning and Zoning Center Collection (RHC-240)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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                  <text>The term incunabula refers to books printed between 1450 and 1500, approximately the first fifty years following the invention, by Johann Gutenberg of Mainz, of printing from moveable type. Our collection includes over 200 volumes and numerous unbound leaves from books printed during this period.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/?language=en"&gt;No Copyright - United &lt;/a&gt;</text>
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it&#13;
la&#13;
nl &#13;
de</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Vita Christi [Dutch]. Tboeck vanden leven Jhesu Christi [folium 43]</text>
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                <text>DC-03_043Ludolphus1487</text>
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                <text>One leaf of  Vita Christi (Tboeck vanden leven Jhesu Christi) by Ludolphus De Saxonia. Printed in Antwerp by Gerard Leeu on November 3, 1487. Illustrated with red rubricated initials. [GW M19261; ISTC il00353000]</text>
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                <text>Antwerp: Gerard Leeu</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/?language=en"&gt;No Copyright - United States&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>1487</text>
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            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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                <text>Seidman Rare Books Collection</text>
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                    <text>Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

Estevan Luevano Interview
Interviewed by Andrew Schlewitz
June 18, 2016

Transcript
AS: Alright, this is Andrew Schlewitz, and I'm here today with Estevan Luevano in the Hart Public Library
in Hart, Michigan, on the eighteenth of June 2016. This oral history is being collected as part of the
Growing Community Project, which is supported in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the
Humanities Common Heritage Program.
So, thanks, Estevan, for taking the time to be interviewed.
EL: No problem.
AS: So, can you, for the record, say your full name and then spell it?
EL: Okay, my name is Estevan Luevano. It is spelled E-s-t-e-v-a-n, Luevano L-u-e-v-a-n-o.
AS: Okay, do any of those letters have accents?
EL: No.
AS: No, you don't use it. So where were you born?
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EL: I was born in San Juan, Texas.
AS: San Juan, Texas. Okay and what county is that in Texas?
EL: That's Hidalgo County.
AS: Hidalgo, okay. Is that where you grew up as well?
EL: Yeah, part of my life, yes.
AS: Okay, so where did you go from there then? You said part of my life.
EL: Yep, we're migrants. We traveled ever since I remember. We used to travel from Texas to Michigan
and back to Texas. Then one year we traveled from Texas to Michigan to Iowa, Iowa to Texas.
AS: Wow. Can you remember that year?
EL: Uh, no, I was like maybe ten, eleven years old.
AS: When were you born?
EL: I was born in nineteen sixty-seven.
AS: Okay, how many people are in your family?
EL: It’s my dad, my mom, three brothers, and two sisters and me. Eight of us.
AS: Were you in the middle there?
EL: I'm the oldest of the boys…
AS: The oldest of the boys. And your two sisters then?
EL: My sisters… one of my sisters is the oldest, then me, then my brothers, then my little sister.
AS: Okay. Did you have other family around you?
EL: Yes. We came up from Texas with my grandpa and my uncles and one of my uncles came from
Florida down here. They went to Florida instead of Texas.
AS: Okay, where are your parents from?
EL: My parents are from Texas as well.
AS: Okay, so would you say you're like third or fourth generation Chicano?
EL: I don't know because my grandpa and grandma were from Texas, too.
AS: Okay, so you've been there a long time?
EL: Yes.
AS: Many generations.
EL: Yes.

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

AS: What are your family members' names, like your father and mother? Siblings?
EL: My father is Hilario “G” Guadalupe Luevano. And my mother is [?] Luevano.
AS: Okay and then your siblings?
EL: My older sister is... her real name right now is Irman Holsa [?].
AS: Okay.
EL: And then my brother, Hilario Guadalupe Luevano Junior, and then my other brothers, Sylvester
Luevano and then Hector Luevano, and then my little sister, Elise [?] Luevano.
AS: Okay. What was your grandpa's name?
EL: My grandpa's name was Tereso [?].
AS: Tereso [?]. And what are your most vivid or starkest, clearest memories of childhood?
EL: Well, my grandfather used to have a business, semi business.
AS: Oh.
EL: A truck driving company. It was Luevano and Sons. And that's the reason he decided to migrate this
way, because he used to do all of the oranges and fruits in Texas. Well, somebody told him that over
here they had pickles and cherries and, you know, all that kind of stuff, too. So, he decided to come over
here to try it out and he brought two semis and one two-ton truck with them. And then they liked it, so
they started coming up here.
AS: Okay.
EL: And then they worked for Chase Farms and Miles Chase asked him if they knew any more people
they can work with, you know, work in the fields for them. So, he started asking people around over
there and started bringing people in and people started coming with my grandpa because there were
people they would charge people to bring him over here. My grandpa never charged nobody. He said,
do you want to come in here? Well, I don't think my truck and my car make it here so we don't make it.
We stop and fix it because my uncles were mechanics, my dad, my uncle Greg, everybody's a mechanic.
So, he said, “if you break down the road, we stop and fix it or we put it on top of the semi.
AS: Did that ever happen?
EL: Oh yeah, sometimes we stopped and fixed the car and, you know, at the rest area. We used to come
from Texas… this over here. It's kind of funny because I go to Texas and I can make it in thirty-six hours
with, you know, with sleep and stuff. Or if I don't want to sleep, you know, straight at twenty-four hours
or whatever, but we used to last four days to get here because that's how many people were in the
back, the two semis were in front and then the two-ton truck, then all the cars behind it.
AS: So, how many people would go? I imagine it started out with a few. And then by the end…?
EL: By the end, there was like fifteen cars behind the trucks.
AS: Wow.
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EL: That's how many people would come with my grandpa. And the reason why, because, you know,
other people would charge people to bring them over here. And my grandpa said, as long as, you know,
you can make it over, just come behind me…
AS: Follow me.
EL: ...follow me. And my grandfather stayed in the back and then somebody broke down and he, you
know, passed all the semis and go off the road and the semi driver, you know, my uncle knew when my
grandfather passed him, that something happened. So, they’d all stop and see what happened. And
then the semis would go to a truck stop and the rest of them are going to the rest area and the trucks
will get fuel and stuff and wait for the people, you know, for all the other people to get there.
AS: So, you always stuck together.
EL: Oh yeah. Whenever my grandfather led and he let nobody, you know, break down; my dad and my
uncles would fix it. You know, if they couldn’t fix it, they’d find somewhere to put it on top of one of
those semis. And then they would bring it to Michigan and then drop it and then they'd fix it here, you
know. But if they could fix it on the road, they would fix it on the road.
AS: What time of year did you leave for Michigan?
EL: We were here just for… we’d get here and we never picked asparagus. We always picked just
strawberries, cherries and pickles, and we never picked apples. And then we would take off because the
trucks had to be there for the orange season and all that stuff for down in Texas. And one year, after the
pickle season, we went to Iowa.
AS: What did you do in Iowa?
EL: Well, you know, we didn’t take the semis out there, you know; we didn’t take the trucks. The trucks
decided to stay that year. All the trucks stayed here and my uncle ran them here. You know, Chase [?]
had a lot of, you know, he said, “you buy a freezer, you know, refrigerator trailer. You’ve got work all
year round.” So that's when my uncle, Denny [?], and my uncle, Greg [?], decided to stay here and run
the trucks and bought a refrigerator trailer for the truck for one of them. He started driving for a trade
farm, and then my dad would come over here and drive a truck and we would go out in the fields. My
dad would go drive the truck for my uncle or for my grandfather.
AS: So, your uncle settled here?
EL: My uncle settled here.
AS: Okay. Have you settled here?
EL: We settled here in nineteen eighty-one. My dad decided, you know, at first, we stayed two years in
Texas because of school. He knew we weren’t getting a real good, you know, education because we're
going back and forth with him. Matter of fact, well I’m going to say it anyways. I don't know how to read
real good or spell real because of that. Because back then, like, the teacher didn't care, you know, they
just passed you.
AS: Oh, really?
EL: Yep.
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

AS: What's that called? Social promotion or something like that.
EL: They just wanted… because you're a migrant and they just want you to be at the school at that day
for the count.
AS: For the county, yeah.
EL: And, you know, when I grew up, I grew up after I got out of school, I worked, you know, and I did my
homework when I got home, but, you know, didn't study very much.
AS: Yeah, plus your year was chopped up.
EL: Yeah, and then we stayed there two years and then my dad was in Texas and then come over here
and then my dad had a good job, but then he started having problems with their… because he was a
good truck driver. So, the company he was driving for bought a brand-new truck and trailer and gave it
to him and the people that were there, they had more years there, kind of got mad because he got the
brand-new semi. So, they started doing stuff to the truck. Then my dad had a nervous breakdown. And
then my Uncle Phil said, “I don't know what you're doing over here. There's trucks over here you can
drive.” So, my dad decided, “well, I'm going to go over there for vacation” for a couple of, you know, the
doctor told him to take a couple months of vacation. So, he took three months of vacation. We came up
here and we worked in the fields and he drove a truck for my uncle. And then that was in 1981 when he
decided to stay here. So, I've been here since [nineteen] eighty-one. I graduated in [nineteen] eightysix...
AS: Okay, from Hart High School?
EL: Nope. From Walkerville High School.
AS: Walkerville, okay. So, the first time you came up here, what did you think?
EL: Well, the first time we came up here, I was too little to remember, but when we were younger, you
know, nine, ten years old, we used to go help my mom, you know, in the pickles, you know, to pick
pickles and stuff. We were not working. We just out there in the fields, you know, playing around. But at
the age of thirteen, that's when we started picking pickles and stuff, you know, in the young age and
ever since then, till I graduated. You know, since thirteen until I graduated. And then during the
wintertime, we lived so close to the factory at Chase’s that I would get home and Miles would pick me
up and say, “hey, do you want to work?” He picked me up and would take me. He’s the one that showed
me how to drive a forklift. I never knew how to. You know, I was fourteen years old and he showed me
how to drive a forklift. And then he would pick me up every time and I would drive a forklift. Okay, so I'd
be unloading trucks out in the skill building and stuff.
AS: So, like taking out the pallets and stuff?
EL: Yep.
AS: So, you picked and you drove a forklift. Did you have any other jobs?
EL: Yes, well, I took the vocational center. I went to the vocational center and graduated high school.
And I took diesel there because my uncle had trucks and my dad. And then from there, you know, Miles
wanted me to drive trucks, you know. So, then my uncle said my dad decided to sell everything and I
said, “why are you selling everything? I want to drive the truck.” And my uncle says, “you want to drive
5

�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

the truck for real? I'll set you up with somebody, my brother out of Hesperia and you can drive a truck
for me. If you like it, we’ll buy a brand-new truck.” But the reason that my uncle sold everything is
because my dad couldn't drive anymore. He had an accident with a semi. He had an accident in a vehicle
and he was not the driver. It was my brother driving. And somebody t-boned him and didn't stop at the
stop sign and my dad got hurt pretty bad. Matter of fact, he's got some of his nerves are pinched, some
of his vertebrae are pinching his nerves in his neck. But they want to do surgery because he's allergic to
the anesthetic, he has diabetes, and he's got a heart murmur.
AS: Oh, no.
EL: So they told him that no, they won’t operate on him. He’s losing feeling on his arm and that's the
arm that he's shifted gears and he says, you know, “I don't want to drive like that because I might have
an accident and I don't want to kill somebody in an accident.” So, he stopped driving.
AS: So, what year then did you start to drive the truck?
EL: At an early age because my uncle and my dad showed us how to move the truck where my dad
parked it, so we could put fuel in it. So, I was like sixteen, seventeen years old. I can move it, back it up,
and that's it, because that's all he let us do. [Laughter] But, you know, and Miles, when I graduated, I
was nineteen, he said, “hey, I want you to get in that truck and go to Paul’s” - his son’s place. So I drove
it all the way to Paul’s and Paul would be waiting there for me and he said, “okay, now back it up here.”
So, I’d back it up and I thought I was going to get something. I would back it up there and he’d say, “you
did good. Now go back.” And it was about eight or ten miles away from the plant, you know.
AS: So, they are like testing you?
EL: Yeah, they were, you know, so I would drive it back. And then a friend of mine, his dad is Jerry Frick,
they own Walkerville Well Drilling, and they knew I graduated from the vocational center for a diesel
mechanic. And one day they came over there to Chase and Jerry offered me a job working on the trucks.
And I couldn’t let that go because at that time, I was only getting like five-fifty an hour at Chase Farms.
And when Jerry showed up, he says, “I'll pay you ten dollars an hour at my place.” And I couldn't refuse
from five-fifty to ten dollars an hour.
AS: Sure.
EL: So, I said, “well, let me give Michael two weeks’ notice before I move over there.” He said, “I'll let
you do that.” When I went and talked to Miles, Miles wasn’t here. He was in Belize because they were
trying to buy land over there, too, for producing over there... I don't know what. And I told Michael,
“Miles isn’t here, but I'm talking to you. I would like a raise because all the forklift drivers - I've been
here more than the forklift drivers - and I'm working at the Brown garage, working on trucks, working on
this mechanical work on the forklift and stuff like that. And I'm only getting five-fifty [dollars an hour]. I
know they're getting eight, eight-fifty an hour. I would like to go up to eight ninety-five an hour.” And he
said, “well, I just gave you a raise. Yeah, a twenty-five-cent raise.” But them guys had been here less
than I'd been here and they’re getting paid more money. And he said, “well, I already give you a raise.” I
said, “well, I'm going to give you a two-week’s notice.” He said, “well, you don't have to. You can leave
right now if you want to.
AS: Wow.

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EL: I think he thought that I was kidding. I wasn't. And I said, “okay, Friday will be my last day.” And
Friday was the next day; that happened on a Thursday. So, I loaded up my toolbox and my tools on my
truck. And that Friday he said, “are you leaving?” And I said, “you told me I could go. I’ll see you later.”
And then I started working for Walkerville Well Drilling on that Monday, I started on Monday.
And then when Miles came back from Belize, he went and ordered a pipe cutter and I'm the only one in
the shop that he asked me, you know, how to use the pipe cutter and stuff. And I said, “yeah, I used it
over there at Chase, you know, I know how to use it.” Okay, come here, link this link and Miles was
coming to pick it up. So, when he came and picked it up, they called me in the shop, “hey, I put it in his
trunk.” So, I went and put it in his trunk. He was waiting for me outside and said, “how come you
couldn’t wait for me to get back?” I said, “because I talked to Michael and Michael said he would not
give me a raise.” He said, “well, if I was here, I would give you a raise. I would give you what you wanted,
but come back and I'll give you what you wanted.” I said, “well, they’re paying me more money here
than what I wanted over there. They’re paying me ten dollars an hour here.” And he said, “well, I can't
pay you that much, but I would like you to come back.” And I said, “well, I can’t. I already got obligated
to work here.”
So, I stayed there for five years with Walkerville Well Drilling, and then my friend, you know, he knew I
was a mechanic and stuff, he said, “hey, they’re hiring mechanics over here.” I said, “where?” He says,
“North American Factories in Whitehall [?].” I said, “I got a good job getting paid ten dollars an hour.” He
said they paid fifteen over here. So, the only way I could make an application there is to go to Michigan
Works and they had a test for me to do and stuff. And I did that and I didn't think they were going to call
me because I didn't. I didn't think I did good on the test. I must have done good on the test because they
called me for a job interview. I went over there for the job interview and he asked me why I wanted to
quit Walkerville Well Drilling. And I said, “well, it’s more money. I've been there five years and I never
got a raise, you know?” And he says, “well, if you get hired in here, it'll be twelve ninety-five. And then I
have two years or less than that and if they think that you learn everything and you can get top raises.
Fifteen ninety-five.” And I said okay. “We’ve got to start you from the very beginning, we just can't
throw you in as a mechanic.” I said, “okay, and how much does that pay?” Fifteen ninety-five, mechanics
get paid more than that.” So, I said, “well, if mechanics get paid more than that, I should start working
here and maybe I can make it into a mechanic.”
So, I did the interview, I didn't think they were going to hire me and they called me. They said, “I want
you to come to work Monday.” And that was on Wednesday. So, on Wednesday morning, they called
me Wednesday morning before I went to the other job and I told Jerry, you know, “I got a job offer at
this other place.” And he said, “well, I don't want you to leave, so we can talk about what they're going
to pay me.” And he said, “I can't do that.” And I said, “well, Friday will be my last day.” So, Friday was my
last day. And I wanted to give him a two-week notice, but the other job wanted me on Monday and I
couldn't lose that opportunity and I'm glad I didn’t. I've been in my job for twenty-one years and I'm
getting paid twenty-four sixty an hour as a mechanic.
AS: As a mechanic. How long did it take you to become a mechanic there?
EL: It took me five years to become a mechanic, but I'm glad I did it, because after I became a mechanic,
I became a Journeyman and they sent me to school for welding, for everything they wanted me to go to
school for. You know, I struggled at school because, you know, my spelling wasn't very good and my
reading wasn't very good. But I still passed the classes and I got my certificate for the Labor Board, and
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

I'm a Journeyman and I can work on equipment - heavy, heavy machinery. And it took me a while to
come to days, but I'm on the day shift. I'm third in seniority in maintenance. And when my group leader
ain’t there, I’m the group leader.
AS: So, it was a good move?
EL: It was a good move, yes.
AS: Where do you live now?
EL: I live in Hesperia.
AS: In Hesperia, okay.
EL: I moved from Walkerville to Hesperia in [nineteen] ninety-two when I bought my first place. And I
wasn't married, so, you know, a single white trailer house with a garage was okay. And then later on,
you know, I got married.
AS: When did you get married?
EL: I got married twice.
AS: Okay.
EL: First I got married and it didn't work out. It lasted not even a year. We got a divorce. And then a
couple of months later, I met my wife and we starting going out. She's from Mexico. She's from… where
do you call it? She's from Mexico and she's from Oaxaca, Mexico.
AS: Oaxaca?
EL: Yeah, and we started going out. And at first, she came over here with her sister from Houston and
her sisters came over here with her boyfriend and they came from Houston, but he had brothers in
Washington. His family was in Washington. They stayed here for two years. I went out with my wife,
went out with her for a year and his brothers told them to move to Washington and they were going to
move to Washington. And I didn't know what to do because she was going to leave. So, at that time, I
didn't know if I should propose to her because I had just gone through a divorce a year ago, you know,
and stuff like that. I didn't want to go through it again. But I'm glad I told her not to leave [laughter]
because we've been married ten years.
AS: Do you have children?
EL: Yes, well, first my little daughter was born and then we lost one. She had a miscarriage and she
called me in the bathroom; I went over there and I'm like, wow, I never seen anything like it. It came out
like a little egg, like it was still in the pouch, it came out. And he was about an inch and a half long, the
baby. And you can see his little feet, little arms like, you know, in the fetal position. But he didn't have
his face. No eyes, no nothing like, you know, like it was just starting to develop.
[?]: Sorry to interrupt, guys, but I just got a phone call. Make sure you get your picture taken across at
the community center before you leave. I didn’t want anyone to forget.
AS: Alright, thank you.

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EL: And seeing that, you know, upset me a little bit.
AS: Sure.
EL: And upset my wife a little bit, but, you know. They told us he was going to live because two days
before that, she started bleeding and we went to the hospital. And they told us that the baby was not in
the... where it’s supposed to be. It was in the tube. It was growing in the tube. And that's how come it
only grew that much because, you know, that's how far it could grow in the tube and then it decided
to... she started to have labor pains that day and she didn't know why. But that's why, because the baby
was coming out. But, you know, we tried again and we're blessed with Stellan [?] Jr. and he's five now.
AS: Okay, and what's the first child's name?
EL: My first child is Yasmine [?] Marie Luevano.
AS: It's my granddaughter's name, too.
EL: And my son is Estevan Luevano, Jr. And then my wife wanted another one, so we tried and she
couldn’t. We didn’t know why she couldn’t get pregnant. So, we went to the doctor and the doctor told
her the monthly cycles are lasting too long. That's how come you can't get pregnant. They should last
only five days. And my wife was, well, they were lasting like fifteen, twenty days. So, they told her that
the best thing they can do, you know, for her for that. And then they found out that her gallbladder was
bad, too. So, they said, “well, we can go in there and take your gallbladder out and then go in there and
burn the blood cells that make you, you know, go to her monthly cycle.” And my wife said, “well, we
wanted to have another baby, but we couldn’t have one.” And they said, “I don't think you can have
another baby.”
Okay, so we made the appointment in two months to go do surgery because they told us she couldn’t
get pregnant. The day of the surgery, we walked in the hospital and [?] stayed with the kids, and they
put everything… they started everything, put in her I.V. on and they didn't start, you know, putting her
to sleep because the doctor was still in surgery for another patient. So, you know, they just prepped her
up to get her ready. She was already hooked up to everything. But they had to check her blood and
check her hearing before the surgery. Then the lady that put her to sleep came in there and said, “hey, I
need to talk to one of you guys outside.” So, the head nurse went outside and talked to her and she
came back in there and started unhooking everything. I'm like, “What? What are you doing?” “Well, the
surgery isn’t going to happen today.” I said, “why?” He said, “your doctor is going to be here to tell you
why.” Then she went outside and they told her, yeah, you can tell them why. So, she came in and said,
“well, they told us that we can tell you why - she's pregnant.” What do you mean she’s pregnant? The
Doctor told her she couldn’t get pregnant. “Well, she's pregnant. We don't know how long, but she's
pregnant.”
AS: Wow.
EL: And then that's when my son was born - the other one. And so, you know, it was a blessing of God,
so I name him Isaiah Christian Luevano. So, he's one and a half right now.
AS: He's one and a half. So, you have Yasmine, who's how old now?
EL: Yasmine is nine.

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

AS: Nine. And Estevan Junior is five.
EL: Five.
AS: And then Isaiah is one and a half.
EL: One and a half. And we would have had another one between Junior and, you know, only two years
apart, not even, you know, but, you know, at that time it didn't happen. But we’re glad with the other
two. My son was a miracle. That's what the doctor said, when the doctor showed up, actually told me
she couldn't get pregnant. He said, “it must be that God wanted you to have another one.” So, he says
surgery is not going to happen today until the baby's born and then you've got to wait three months
before we can do surgery. So that's what happened. The baby was born and after three months my wife
had surgery.
AS: What's your wife's name?
EL: Marguerita [?].
AS: Marguerita [?]...
EL: Her real name or her?
AS: Yeah, her real name or prior to getting married to you.
EL: Her name is Marguerita [?] Contaros [?].
AS: So, she's from Oaxaca, but she's not from an indigenous group.
EL: What’s that?
AS: She's not from [spanish language]?
EL: What do you mean?
AS: So, in Oaxaca, there are a lot of [American] Indians. I don't know if she was…
EL: I don't know if she is. She looks and, you know, my friends told me that because he went to the ruins
up in Oaxaca, one of my friends at work. And when she met my wife, she said, “she looks like the Indians
from over there. Is she Indian?” I said, “I don't know - we don't talk about that.” I know she lived in a
small town, you know, and you can see mountains and hills there. But I don't know if she’s Indian or not.
I haven’t even asked her that question. But, you know, and she said... one time I did ask her...yeah, I
remember that because my friend told me and I asked her and she said no, but she don't know if her
grandfather or her relatives are or not. But she said no. But to me, she said, “I don't know.” [Laughter]
AS: Okay. Other people that you've said you ran into from Oaxaca, have you… are the other Latinos or
Latinas, are they mostly from Mexico or have you run into Guatemalans or other Tejanos up here?
EL: Well, when I used to come, you know, I don't know where they're from. I used to go to the dances,
they had Spanish dances here a lot. I’d just go to dance and I never asked girls where they're from and
stuff. I just knew that were you know, they talk Spanish and some of them talk English. I never asked
them.
AS: Okay.
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EL: All the people that I meet now, because I'm married to my wife, they're all from Oaxaca and they're
all from her town and that's where we go visit, you know, some other times. Because they're the people
that are still in Michigan that know her because, you know, they migrate in the state here and they’re
from Oaxaca. They live in Shelby, some live in Hart, some live in Ferry and stuff. And they know my wife
because they know my mother-in-law and stuff. And they all know each other because they’re from the
same town.
AS: Interesting.
EL: You guys can take… I’ll show you some pictures of my father-in-law and mother-in-law from Mexico
in their hometown.
AS: So, they still live in Oaxaca?
EL: Yes, my father-in-law and mother-in-law still live in Oaxaca. And her sisters, all her sisters and her
brothers - they’re from Oaxaca. But we go visit them, not every year, but every other year, you know.
Like one year, two years ago, my sister-in-law called her and said, “I'm getting married.” From
Washington, the one that was living here with her, that she lived with her for two years here and “I'm
getting married, I want to be here to be my maid of honor. And I want my other sister to be here for,
you know, further, you know, to stand up in the wedding. And I want you guys' husbands to be the
groomsmen.” And I'm like, “we should go.” We start planning, you know, because she told us there was
like three years before she was going to get married. So, I was saving money and stuff.
And then that year, my wife was pregnant. She goes, “we need a bigger house.” So, we started looking
for a bigger house and we found that the same year we went to Washington. Well, she says, “we can’t
buy the house and go to Washington.” And I said, “don't worry about it.” I had money saved up just to
go to Washington, but we also had money saved up to buy a house. And the good thing about it is that
because I had a single-wide and there was a lot of foreclosures out there, the government had a thing
that you can buy a house with no money down. And I didn't think I was going to fall into that because
we had the house. But the lender says, “you fall into that because that ain’t a house. You got a title with
that trailer house, right?” And I said, “yeah, I’ve got a title.” It ain’t a house; you need a deed to have a
house, not a title. So, he told me, “take pictures of the house, take pictures of the rooms, and write me a
letter why you need a bigger house.”
Because there's only two bedrooms and we had two kids already and one on the way. So, I told my
sister that she can do that for me. So, she wrote me a letter why and everything, and I took the letter to
him and signed it. And then, I took the title of the trailer house - what year it was and stuff - and I passed
the application. He says, “you can get any house. No matter what, no money down.” You know, no
money down, no closing cost, nothing. And that’s how come we got the house. And then we said, “well,
we can’t go to Washington.” And I reserved plane tickets because we were going to fly and then she
canceled them. You know, she [?] and I said, “yeah, we do. We’ve got this money. I'm going to resort [?],
you know, resort it with a credit card and we pay it, you know, when we get our income taxes. “No, no,
no, no.” So, I went to work and she called the company and canceled the flight. When I got home, she
goes, “I canceled the flight.” Why you do that? “Because it's too much money, we're not going. I called
my sister and we're not going.” So, I called her sister and said we're going. So, she said, “I'm going to
expect you here.” And I said, “yep, we’ll be there. She canceled the tickets, but I'm going to drive.” It’d
be cheaper for me to drive. So, I didn't have them, I had two more days left for vacation, so I took them
two. We already had the vacation to go to Washington, but if I was going to fly, not drive.
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

AS: Right.
EL: So, I had two more days of vacation left that I could schedule. And I took them and I left and I took
them two days and they gave them to me. And there was two more days so we had to leave. I told the
wife, “you better pack.” She goes, “why?” I said, “we're going.” She said, “no, we’re not!” We’re going. I
said that “your sister wants you over there and all your family, all your sisters from Houston are going to
be there, your brother from Houston, their brothers from Houston. It's like a family get-together. I guess
your family from Oaxaca can’t be there. You can't see your family over there because you can't go to
Mexico, but you can see your family that live here.” And how long has it been that we haven't gone to
Texas? I said, “for three years. I haven’t seen my brother and sister for three years. How long have you
not seen your sisters in Washington?” “For five, seven years,” she said. We're going! And she said, “no,
we’re not.” Yes, we are - you better pack. I already took the two days that it's going to take to get there
on the road off. And I says, “we’re leaving, my day starts this day, we’re leaving… after I get out of work,
we leave on that day. I get home at four o'clock, we're leaving at four o'clock.”
AS: So, the whole family went?
EL: She didn't believe me, she packed and everything. And we got there and she said, “where are we
going to leave the dogs?” I said, “don't worry, I got all my sisters and my little niece is going to take care
of them. I already talked to her.” “No, we’re not going.” So, we started putting everything in the truck,
we took the dogs over there to my sister's and we left and when we were there, she was so happy to be
there and she said, “well, I told my sister not to buy the dress.” And I said, “well, we can buy one on the
way over there. Just tell her to send you what color.” And she didn't find the same color that, you know,
almost, but she stood up in the wedding. And I think she had a good time with her because then she
hadn’t seen her aunt for fifteen years. She saw her aunt because her aunt is over there in Portland,
Oregon and it's only two hours from Irvington.
AS: I was going to ask, yeah, where in Washington? I grew up in Oregon, spent a lot of time in
Washington state.
EL: You know where Portland, Oregon... you know, Arlington. Arlington is on Highway-Five.
AS: Just up north then of…?
EL: Yeah, it’s over there by Port Washington [?].
AS: So, below Tacoma?
EL: It’s called Arlington. It's got like a port, like the ships come in there and it's like, I don't know, like a
port for ships and stuff because the companies are over there, they definitely like fish. So, they're fishing
like a fishing factory. They’ve got fish factories, they got single factories. And that's the only thing
they’ve got there: saw mills and stuff at that place. But we went over there and we had a lot of fun and
all of them took days off from work. And we all, for two days, we went to Portland, Oregon, to her aunt's
house. And then from there we went... man, that's beautiful. Portland, Oregon is beautiful. She took us
to… her cousin took us to a rose garden over there.
AS: Oh, the rose gardens, yeah.
EL: The rose garden is beautiful. It's just beautiful.

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

AS: What time of year? I'm sorry.
EL: This time right here. Right now.
AS: In June?
EL: We left in June and we had to be over there by June the eighth. And we left here on June the fourth
after work or June the fifth after work because my wife didn't think we were going to make it. We got
there on June the eighth, so it was a Saturday, I think it was. Yeah, June the eighth, I think it was. And we
got there at three o'clock in the morning in Washington that day that my sister was getting married. And
she said, [?], so we slept. And then I couldn't sleep because there was a whole bunch of racket upstairs,
you know, they had… we stayed at my sister-in-law’s, but, my sister-in-law's husband, her future
husband, brought Mariachis upstairs when they were singing and they were, you know, and I told my
wife, “what is going on upstairs?” Because we were in the basement, sleeping in the basement. Well, my
future brother-in-law brought Mariachis because that's what they do in Mexico. When somebody gets
married, the groom brings chocolate and donuts to the wife's parents house. But my parents are not
here, so they brought it here to my sisters. I went upstairs. They had homemade chocolate, you know,
chocolate for drinking - hot chocolate - homemade hot chocolate. And then they had buns from Mexico,
donuts and then they had [?] they had for breakfast and stuff. And I couldn't sleep. So, I went upstairs
and they were singing, Mariachis were singing and stuff. And I'm like, wow, you know, I never been to
a… over here, you just get married, you know, a celebration. Then they all left and my wife started
getting dressed. And my wife said, “we haven't slept hardly, it's too much excitement. I can't sleep.” So,
we went to the wedding, to the reception at nine o'clock at night. And I can't keep my eyes open. I fell
asleep in the chair for two hours, then I woke up. She was like, “do you want to go back?” I said, no,
“we're good. I slept for two hours. We're good.” So, we stayed there till almost one o’clock in the
morning. And then went, “I know we can go. We should go there. We can go now.” But then I said I
didn't want to go. She goes, well, “thank you for bringing me now,” because she didn't want to go. And I
think we're going to have the money to do it, but we had the money to do it because of my loan, I didn't
have to have the closing costs or not because we passed that government loan, they call it, like I said, I
don't know what it was.
AS: What are some of your best memories and some of your worst memories about living here?
EL: Like a good one was the trip to Washington. Well, being here, the best memory is when I met my
wife. I mean. Sheila, I never, you know, I was married to a Takana [?]and they're a lot different, they're
more… the culture's way different, you know, so it's an example of a difference, the way we talk. When I
was talking to my wife, my wife would look at me and start laughing as I don't know, what are you
talking about? I don't have the slightest idea what you're saying. So, what do you mean because you're
Spanish and you're talking differently, and I talk and we talk like a sliding Spanish and they talk to write
Spanish, and you don't say this, you say like this. All my life, I've been saying things, but now I talk with
her in my life, I talk the correct way now and when I’m with my brother-in-law and my sister in law, I
don't laugh at me anymore when I talk to him, because I first when they started talking, when they
looked at me and started laughing and looked at what it's trying to say and my wife would tell him what
I was saying, you know, and they don't do that anymore. But, you know, that's the best time. I met her
and we had kids, and at first, you know, I was like...I never grew up. I would party, go to Spanish dances,
you know. All my money was gold, like to drink and I'm going to spend it and going to Toledo, Ohio, to
see the theaters and all that and stuff like that going, you know, spending money doing that. And I never
13

�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

had nothing. You know, I was just the house and the car. I always had a brand-new vehicle all the time
because I was single, but never, you know, I always party. Then my first wife was the same way. So, you
know. And we didn't get along because she would take off and then come back, you know. And I
thought we were married. I said, you know, “you should tell me where you're going and stuff” and she’d
get mad. And you know, that time she got mad and took off. Then I didn't see her for a month. Because
she was mad at me. And when she came back, I said, “well, this ain't going to work, you can just leave
for a month. Don't know where you are and you know well you don't like it while living [?] all over
again.” That's when I filed for divorce. Because marriage is a lifetime, it's a commitment, not the way
you're doing it. I don't want that. You know, if you want to do, you know, party and do whatever you
want, you can do it without me. Because part of the time, I don't know where you are at? You know, and
I don't need that.
And then, when we were divorced, and then when I met my wife, it was, you know, the culture's way
different. Like I say, their culture is way, you know, she doesn't bring…. It's way different, I mean, this
culture, you know, our culture here and being our people and our culture in Mexico is different. And
that's come to me as my life goes along because, you know, I was at that time, you know, I was thirtysomething years old. I'm forty-nine years old. And I got that one and happy, I'll tell you something. But,
you know, I mean. And at that time, I was thinking about settling down; I didn't want to party anymore. I
didn't want to go to dances. I just, you know, I would see my brothers, my sisters, especially my
brothers. You know, they got married young and their kids were growing big. My brother, you know, I
went visiting my brother, but he's got a house here and his daughter staying there and he goes all over
working in construction and working hard. He works for a company out of Holland. They work in
hospitals and stuff, and they go all over the United States working in a hospital. And I’ve got nieces that,
you know, my brother younger than me and I got nieces, they're twenty-one, twenty-two years old and
already grown up.
And there’s one, you know, one Christmas. I went to Christmas and, you know, I started realizing, I need
to settle down. My nephews and my nieces are fifteen, sixteen, and I need to get settled down, and
that's when I decided, you know, when I got married with my first wife, I thought I was going to be
settled down. That was what she wanted to continue her life the way it was. And I was I was not going
to do that, you know, anymore. I had quit drinking and stuff she did. And she wanted to, you know, be
liberal or what you want to call it. I couldn't handle that. So, I told her, you know. This only lasted, you
know, we were together for a year and marriage, you know, I thought marriages are going to change it,
but it didn't. It made it worse. So, we were only married three months and I decided, you know, this is, I
can't have you going like that. I'm going to work and then come back, you know, the next day on a
Friday because you had Saturday and Sunday off. You know, she didn't come back until Friday and
wouldn’t come back till five, six o'clock in the morning. When I was with friends from work party, you
know, there's a phone call. I can't handle it. I married my wife. That's one of the cultural differences; we
got along great and I was ready to settle down and we’ve got to trust each other, no matter what I think,
we have that. We mean I've been here waiting for you with me, where I you and this one, you know, I
can go to my work, come back. And I love to work, we talk about work, we talk about, you know, the
kids are you know, where we differ. Yeah.
AS: Does your wife work?
EL: No.

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

AS: Okay.
EL: She does. She wants to work, but we're trying to get her papers and it's been difficult. She's not
documented and it's been difficult for us because they denied our part because my job, you know, for
me to have what I got and for us to have the help we got, I’ve got to work overtime. And they know me
there at work. They don't ask nobody because they really know what they're going to say. They come to
me and say, “You want to stay here, you want to come in early tomorrow?” And I go in early and they
deny my pardon, they call it, because they told me I make too much money and I can afford for her to be
over there. But they don't understand how much over time I've been working. Because of her, she wants
to work. I would want her to work too, you know, to help us out, you know, but the lawyer said she
couldn't work. She couldn't drive. You know, we don't get caught working. Don't get caught driving
because there's a penalty on your account because of paperwork, because of what's going on. So, she
thinks that I don't want her to work. But it ain't that I don't want her to leave. You know what I mean?
Because she... they also told her that if she gets caught, they can send her back to Mexico or whatever.
And I don't want her to, you know, I don't want the kids to go to that, you know?
AS: Sure.
EL: And she doesn’t understand that. But, you know, right now she's understanding why but at first, it
was kind of hard for me and her because she thought I don't want her to work. She said, “no, you don't
want me being, you know, get my own money.” It ain't that, this is what the lawyer said, it isn’t that I
didn't want you to work or do that, but. And for us to have the house we got and the kids and stuff, I got
to work that overtime and I work a lot overtime. You know, last week I worked fourteen hours overtime.
This week, guys, I work for hours of overtime, and so the government is saying you make too much
money. For now, I make too much, I make too much money that I can afford for her to live in Mexico
and have my household here and still send her money to live off of. Because I worked a lot over time,
they think that they think that the money I make throughout the year, that's the money I make all year,
every year, and that ain't the case.
And this year I'm going to prove it, because this year we got bought out from another company. We got
bought out from Harverson [?] one. The company that bottomed out is Harbourfront Walker
International. Now, the company is not North American Factories anymore. This year changed name to
Harverson Walker International and they don't want to. Over time, they took away the overtime, not
necessarily overtime, but there's still overtime. Sometimes because of the vacation, people got to
vacation and stuff to get done. So, during the summertime, that's when I get the overtime. During the
wintertime, I don't get overtime. And they're going to see that this year because that's when they
bought us last year at the end of the year and at the beginning of the winter. And we didn't work no
overtime when their time started and worked overtime right now. So, then we had a bonus every month
and the whole year bonus. Don't give us a bonus anymore. So that's what they were looking at, too. You
know, I get they didn't know, how do I get paid? They were just saying, you know why he's making sixtyseven thousand, eight, you know, a year. But they don't know that. I was working a lot of overtime, you
know, six, seven days a week sometimes. You know, yeah, and the lawyer once said it's going to be a
new law coming out and then he wants me to say, you're not making any money. I said, I'm not making
overtime and I’ll say I'll be probably in the forties, forty-five or something, not in the sixties anymore,
not sixty-nine. Seventy thousand, I'm not going to be making that anymore. And you told me why...I
said, well, honest and then necessary overtime, they took our bonus away. So, you're not going to see
that I would get a thousand dollar bonus a month, just like another paycheck, you know, it's like another
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

paycheck because the government takes forty percent off that. Yeah, because it's another tax bracket.
Because of brackets, because it's a sentence, not a word. You know, it's like a center for you. The
government don't look at that, they don't look at your... you know, over there and see how much you
work, and they just see that he makes as much money in a year. You don't know why you're making that
much money in a year. You don't want me to. And that's what they should look at, the people there and,
you know, the judges and stuff. You know, how can we make so much money over time? But I just hope
they change and we can find the paperwork and because I got to redo everything again, I started from
scratch because I denied everything. And now we have to start like the lawyers and we have to start
from the beginning and see if you could. So, they're talking about the money. I don't make the money
anymore. I mean, you know, I'll be in the forty-five this year. Yeah, you know, not seventy, over seventy
down.
AS: Does your wife speak any English?
EL: No, she don't.
AS: What about your kids? Are they growing up speaking English? Spanish?
EL: Both my kids are bilingual.
AS: So, your oldest daughter is already in grade school and she's in third grade.
EL: Third grade.
AS: And then your middle son is in kindergarten.
EL: Kindergarten because my daughter was born in February and September is the deadline. So, I can't
put her in school until, you know, she has to be five years of September, the deadline. So, she was going
to be five that year. But I couldn't put her in school because the time was like she had to wait another
year to go to kindergarten or to preschool. And so, did my son. He just turned five in October, and he's
going to kindergarten and then he's going to be the same way because he was born in September 2001
and September 12th, that's the deadline. He was born September 21st. And then he’ll have to wait to
turn five years old to go to preschool right, then in kindergarten he is going to turn six years old. But it's
okay. And then all three of them are bilingual and they’re barely talking. But he speaks Spanish directly.
You know, my son talks a lot of English to me, but with my wife, he talks Spanish. And when we had a
teacher’s conference and the teacher asked me and my wife said, “do you know how to talk in Spanish?
“And so, she tells me, you know, it's interesting. Why do you think, I told her, you talk to your mom in
Spanish, oh, that's what that is, Spanish. So, it's just so natural to me. Yeah, I say you talk Spanish to your
mom. So, it is teaching, I know what to expect. But yeah, he taught Spanish to me by the time he talks
English to mom, his mom, but she is learning English by my kids, so she understands it, she can read it,
she don't know what she's reading, but she you know, that's the good thing about it. They are not a very
good reader. And she can read it to me how she can pronounce the words very good. But I understand
what she's saying and I can, you know, you know, relate, you know, to stuff. You know, I don't know the
words and stuff. And in English, all I'm doing, I'm using the words in Spanish. So, when she tells me that
in Spanish, I'm telling you in English, but she tells me that and how are your kids learning to read in
Spanish where they just talk and understand English talk and understand.
My daughter loves to read. I didn't know one time I went to bed and I'm like, I'm here and stuff like. I
was talking why she stopped. You will you will find out for a lot closer to her over get the door open a
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

little bit and I see a little light coming from open the door, turn the light on. She's underneath the covers
with her flashlight reading a classic. I think a lot of kids have done that and say, what are you doing? She
goes reading, I go to bed. I said, no, you can read. She goes like me before I go to bed. That makes me go
to sleep. I love it. She does that every night, reads something with the little flashlight. So sometimes I
have to tolerate it. If you need better batteries for your flashlight. And I said here, just keep them in
your room and then she already knows how to change them and everything. So, then I got her little
lights that’s got that clip. No, no, it's a light that it's instead of twenty-five lumens or whatever you call it,
it's like sixty, so it's a little brighter. I got one of them and she loves it. Thank you for the light. I would
like, you know, to know what she reads every night, every night. And I could hear you talking at night. I
really know that a couple of nights there, I'm like, let's talk. So, Yasmine, I thought maybe she started
her sleep or something. One night I said, man, she's talking like she's reading something and you go
check and my wife already knew what's going on. I wanted to act and she was reading. So, she likes to
read. At school they get a little piece of something. Every month during the winter time, she got one
little piece of fruit because she read a whole bunch of books. She likes reading.
So, my son is a different story. You know, you don't know how to read in preschool. You don't pick up a
book and read or not, I think it's going to be like me. He likes mechanical stuff. I'm working on stuff
where I go outside to the garage. He goes outside to the garage with me. And what is that? What is this?
What is that for? What is this used for? So, I show, you know how to use it to stuff some. And he said,
we got to fix the bike, what to do, and I help him to fix this and that. And he surprised me this year. He
says that I need a bigger bike. I said, no, you don't. Yes, I do. You don't. Your bike, it's good. No, I need a
bigger bike and I need to take the training wheels off. It had training wheels on, but bigger than the one
he had, he can barely put his feet down like he is too tall. You know, I can do it now. That's what
happened with the little one. I would get stuck like those that take the training wheels off. I didn't want
to, but I took them off. I mean, it surprised me. We took off all around the house and stuff. And I'm like,
I can't believe that Yasmine didn't do that. She had the training wheels until she was like six or seven
years old. He's only five, we need to take the training wheels and he took off with his bike and he's
bigger and he barely can put his feet down as it is. And I got to see it all the way down, you know, all the
way it can go down. And he says, you know, one time you fall off the bike, I'm like, so he can yeah. It's
because I have been on my tiptoes. I lost the footing. I think I said, well, get the other one and I put the
seat on it. No, I want this one. And he rides and he rides that bike every day. Now after he got out of
school, and I said, what are you doing out there? And like I said, he's out there on his bike. Yeah, he's out
there every day. And he wakes up, he goes out there, gets his bike, riding his bike all day.
AS: Apart from family life and your work, are there other kinds of things that you do in town?
EL: Yes, I'm a proud member of the Knights of Columbus. I didn't know what it was at first when I was
married to my wife, with my wife here. One day a friend of mine said, you know what we're doing
tonight? I said, well, what is that? He said, Well, I'll bring Mr. Mason with me and we can talk about it.
His name is Jim Mason from Fremont. He came and talked to us at St. Gregory and I said, well, I'll try the
way he talked to Mr. Mason. I mean, just look at Greece this year. Yes. Mr. Mason talked about the
nights when he talked about the nights. It was like, you know, it was like a great thing to do. The way he
talked, you know, when Hector told me about it, I don't want to do it. So, I wouldn't bring Mr. Mason.
But when he talked, he was the one that convinced me, you know, OK, I've been in the knights for five
years. And I'm a fourth-degree knight. You know, they go by degrees, they go first degree, second
degree and third degree in fourth degree and fourth degree night. I do the [?] with the fourth degree.
17

�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

And I like it because it gives me something. To do one, you know, sometimes they have, like breakfast
and stuff and that's my time for me. I tell the wife, I said, I'm going to help, you know, help out there.
And I come and help and I go back home. She told me how much money you guys make and, you know,
stuff like that because, you know, we make money, too, for charities. And I tell her stuff that's done all
the time alone for me because the rest of the time I spend it with my kids.
There was a time that I was spending too much time doing because I was a great knight. I don't know,
what a great knight, you know, great knight is your… the council is your council. You're the one that
makes the meetings. You're the one to send letters to your council members. You're the one that makes
the decisions for them. It's like being like a president. And it's like you got a president and vice president
for a company. That's what it is. The grant like, you know, does all that where the money is going to
where you know, and you got your assistant knight. You got your treasurer, you got here. So, it's you
know, and it was getting to be too much, you know. And then the kids got baseball stuff, you know,
practices and Girl Scouts, Boy Scouts. And my son just wants to be a Boy Scout and we're trying to get
them in Boy Scouts. And he plays football. You get, you know, stuff like that. My daughter plays it and
she's been trying everything. And I think she wants to do baseball, basketball, and volleyball and not
football. Yes. You know, she liked football, but, you know, she's a girl. So, football, soccer or no football.
Football where they call it Football Americano.
AS: Right.
EL: But, my son wants to play that. So, I put them in and he sees Yasmine being in Girl Scouts. You've
been in Girl Scouts and since she started, if you want. You know, since we went there, we asked her if
she wanted to be a Girl Scout in first grade. She was going to first grade and she likes it. And Junior sees
her going, like, they go on trips, they go on camping trips and stuff like that. He says, I want to do that.
Then I want to be in Girl Scouts. I say, you can’t be a Girl Scout. And they’ve got Boy Scouts. Oh, they do
the same thing as Yasmine. Go on trips and go on camping trips and soccer. He likes camping. We go
camping sometimes. I went back in the day and my wife doesn't like camping. But, you know, I once had
just gone a couple of miles away from home, you know, we can do that at home. And I said, you don't
understand this. Can you keep away from home, you know, just for a couple of days? You know, it's like
she don't like it, but the only way she's going to go to Europe or something or like Ludington and stuff,
you know, they were far away from home, but we try to do it here in the Hart. It's too close to home. I
don't understand going camping. But she does understand the kids like it, so they must love camping,
fishing, we go fishing, camping together and I take my daughter, she loves fishing. You know, I used to
party a lot, and when I decided to settle down, I picked up fishing with my cousin Roy. We used to go
fishing in Ludington. And that was, you know, that was my time away from work, to go fishing. I was
working third shift, I would get out and he worked at [?]. And he said, I might take a day off Friday. I
said, well, Friday is my last day and I get out at seven o’clock in the morning. I said, I'll meet you at your
house at eight o’clock. Okay, so I will get out of work, and that was my last day of work, you know, and
before I used to go party, and I’d go to the bar and all that stuff.
Now it's time for me to settle down. So, I go fishing with my cousin and then, you know, what time you
get out of work? And it's about five o’clock and said, well, we got a couple hours to go fishing. I'm going
to be at work. And we go to Ludington and I got to drop you off and I got to go to work. So that's what
we do. I sleep at home, get up, get all my equipment ready, and wait for him to get out of work. We go
fishing up the [?]. I come back and drop him off at work so I can go home. Sometimes they say, well, just
meet me at home. So, I'm home. Now, wait a minute. You know, I'll get there before you always get
18

�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

there before. One time I got there and I thought you said you were going to [?}, so I left early and then
he had an accident and he messed up his back. He doesn't work there anymore. Matter of fact, he can’t
be seen very much because his back. I went to my little nieces, his daughter's graduation party and says
he's still fishing. I said you should come pick me up one time. I said, well, I thought you didn't want to
fish. Come sit down and kind of stand up. Well, he says I can do a little bit more now, but not very much,
he said. But we can still go fishing. So, I have to call him up. I didn't know his number. You know he
changes it. Yeah, I had his own phone number, but then he got a cell phone and I didn't know his
number. A couple couple of days ago, it was last Saturday. Now we've got his number. Give me your
phone number on it. Call me when we've got to go fishing. My wife called me to say where I left that
because I thought I might be home by one or twelve [o’clock].
AS: I just have a couple more, quick questions and we can wrap it up and we can take you over to get
your picture taken. We can give you a copy of this. And if you wanted to give us some pictures or you
could send them.
AS: So, this interview is going to be archived, it's saved for years and years, and so if you think of
somebody fifty years from now listening to this. What's one thing that you would want to say to them?
That really matters about your life here?
EL: Life in Michigan?
AS: Yeah, or maybe your life growing up first as a migrant settling here, something like that.
EL: And I don't think I would have this opportunity when I got in Texas, so I talked to my cousins over
there in Texas and they earn a lot less than I do, you know, but the cost of living is a lot less over there.
But the job I got, I don't think I'll find anywhere else. I mean, in order have a job like that and like it is
very slim and I like where I work at because of the people that work there, but the president and the
president of the company are nice people, you know, not the people that bought us out because I don't
know them. But the people there in the plant itself are like a big family. I mean, if something happens to
somebody, like an operation. My friend's wife had cancer and fortunately she died about a couple of
weeks ago. But we all had… a hat goes around people for money in there and it all goes to get a car and
everybody finds it and it goes to the person because the medical bills are pretty expensive, that stuff.
And our insurance company is not a Michigan insurer or insurance. Now, we had good insurance, but
they took it away from us and they gave us insurance from Pennsylvania. And I don't know, is it different
over there or whatever is here in Michigan? They don't cover hardly anything.
But, you know, I like working there, and I don't think I would get an opportunity to go to a place like that
and get on with the people, get along with your supervisor, get along with the company manager and,
you know, stuff like that. I don't know. And there is a place around like that. I mean, ever since I worked
there, I felt at home because the people are just, you know, they reach out to people and. And I like
working here.
AS: Is there a mix of Anglo and Latino workers there?
EL: No, well, at first, there were African-American, Latino and Americans. But throughout the years, I'm
the only Hispanic that works there…. African-Americans, their only used to be four of them. The other
one, the other two retired, one quit, and there’s only one left and the rest are Americans. So there's
only two of us, the one African-American, one Hispanic. Yeah, and there's no racial stuff going on,
19

�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

nothing. They're just like, you know, you're the president of the company who walks around and, well,
how are you doing? You know, all the kids now, they don't talk about it when they talk to you. You
know, when he's walking around first thing or, you know, out of his mouth is, how are you doing? I was
a kid, you know, stuff like that. Not that, you know, you don't talk about work or anything, you know,
and then you talk to him about the kids and stuff and he and all the kids down there, they're pretty
grown already. You know, I've been there twenty-one years. And, you know, people think, how people
are going to act or who, you know, who's nice, who's not. But mostly everybody is, you know, a good
person. They're working.
AS: Well, to finish up anything else that you'd like to share that I haven't asked you about? I don't know
whether you want me to talk about it, maybe?
AS: How do you feel like you've gotten your story out, you feel like if somebody else listens to the story,
they’d have a pretty good idea of this guy's life?
EL: Well, I don't know, I just know that, when we were younger, it's kind of hard because going from
Texas to Michigan, it's kind of hard because, you know, you don't… you only knew a couple of people at
school, and there's always problems in school because, you know, you're new here and people didn't
like you here. Then when you go to Texas while you were a part of the problem, the school first started
for you or it’s not your problem there to me. So, it worked both ways. You know, it doesn’t matter, you
know, people say there's racial stuff. It don't matter where you go, you know, it's got to be, like I said
here, because I was the only Spanish guy here at school in the high school in Walkerville, you know, and
then over there is because you didn't start the school year when they started, you know, and they're
your own race, you know, you want me to be like, hey, you know, and then over here the same way, you
know, that's where I come from. That's why when Miles would come up and say, you want to work, go
to work and hang around with anybody, you know, I'd rather go work than, hang around with people.
The people used to be wrong, you know? Yeah, and over there in Texas, we got home. My grandfather
had cattle and some cattle, not very much. And my uncle and we get home and [Inaudible] be waiting
for us a long time. Let's go cut some grass for the cows and stuff and we'd help out, you know, water.
The cow will take food, too, you know, and hang around my grandfather. That's what I miss most about
my time when my grandfather died, as part of me died because I used to hang around my grandfather a
lot when we used to do a lot of stuff because my dad was a truck driver, he was never home, but my
grandfather was there for me.
AS: Alright, very well. Thank you for that. Thanks for your time and for sharing your memories with us.
And that concludes the interview.

20

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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Ricardo Lugo
Interviewer: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 12/14/2012
Runtime: 01:36:06

Biography and Description
Oral history of Ricardo Lugo, interviewed by Jose “Cha-Cha” Jimenez on December 14, 2012 about the
Young Lords in Lincoln Park.
"The Young Lords in Lincoln Park" collection grows out of decades of work to more fully document the
history of Chicago's Puerto Rican community which gave birth to the Young Lords Organization and later,
the Young Lords Party. Founded by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, the Young Lords became one of the
premier struggles for international human rights. Where thriving church congregations, social and

�political clubs, restaurants, groceries, and family residences once flourished, successive waves of urban
renewal and gentrification forcibly displaced most of those Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos,
working-class and impoverished families, and their children in the 1950s and 1960s. Today these same
families and activists also risk losing their history.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

All right, if you can, give me your name again.

RICARDO LUGO: Sure. Ricardo Lugo. And do you want me to look at you or the
camera, how does it...
JJ:

Yeah, no, (overlapping dialogue; inaudible). Go ahead and look at me.

RL:

Okay, okay.

JJ:

(inaudible) Okay. Ricardo?

RL:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

Okay, Ricardo, if you can give me your full name, when -- you know, when you
were born, and where you were born.

RL:

Okay. My name’s Ricardo Lugo, I was born in Chicago, in 1962. And the
Cabrini-Green neighborhood’s where I was raised.

JJ:

Okay. And where in Cabrini-Green?

RL:

It was actually at 1230 North Larrabee, number 303. I remember that.

JJ:

Okay, at that time, and so, who were your parents (inaudible), and what were
their names?

RL:

[Luis?] Lugo and [Marta?] Lugo. They came from Puerto Rico in the ’50s.

JJ:

Do you know what year, or (inaudible)?

RL:

I don’t know the exact year, but I remember the story is that they did come with
three of my brothers, the first three that were born, and then they came here
[00:01:00] and had nine more after that.

JJ:

Okay, over here, okay.

1

�RL:

In Chicago.

JJ:

But it was, maybe the first part of the ’50s, mid ’50s, late ’50s, or -- you don’t
know. Okay.

RL:

Yeah, I’m not sure.

JJ:

Where did they come from, what town?

RL:

Oh, Yauco, Puerto Rico.

JJ:

Yauco?

RL:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay. Are they there now, or...?

RL:

My dad retired to Puerto Rico, to Yauco, Puerto Rico, and my mom also stayed
with him for many years out there, you know, when he retired. He was a laborer,
worked in the factory his whole life, until he retired.

JJ:

Do you know what factory, or...?

RL:

It was called Humboldt Manufacturing.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

And ironically, they were located in Humboldt Park area. And so, he would go
from Cabrini-Green, drive to work, and this factory in the Humboldt Park area, it
was near Armitage and Whipple. Sort of in that area. And for that reason, he
happened to see a house that we eventually moved to in Humboldt Park, 1920
North Humboldt.

JJ:

1920 North Humboldt?

RL:

Mm-hmm.

JJ:

Okay. So you moved -- what year did you move, do you know?

2

�RL:

[00:02:00] It was about ’70, 70-71.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

Yeah.

JJ:

So other than that, you lived in Cabrini-Green (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

RL:

Yeah, from 1962 till 71, I lived in Cabrini-Green myself. And, you know, my
whole family.

JJ:

Yeah, and your whole family. Okay, now what about your siblings, what are
some of their names?

RL:

Okay, I have 12 siblings, 8 boys and 4 girls. I’ll start with the boys, and from the
oldest down to the youngest, there’s [Antonio?] Lugo, [Raul?] Lugo, [Wilfredo?]
Lugo, [William?] Lugo, [David?] Lugo, [Orlando?] Lugo, myself, and my younger
brother, [Daniel?] Lugo. As for the women, there’s [Alicia?] Lugo, I don’t have to
say their last name but [Lucy?] -- [Lucia?], [Elena?], and Teresa.

JJ:

And Teresa? Okay.

RL:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

Okay... Now, they all live in the same house all the time till 1971, or...?

RL:

I’m trying to thi-- When we moved to Humboldt Park, I think the -- [00:03:00] at
least the -- the top three -- the three older brothers, I think, had already moved
out at that point. So there may have been about, at least nine of us living in
Humboldt Park -- in the house we moved into in Humboldt, 1920 North Humboldt.

JJ:

But they had moved out before moving to Humboldt Park?

RL:

Well, we lived in Cabrini.

JJ:

Okay.

3

�RL:

And I’m assuming most of us, maybe except for a brother or two, may have
already moved out as I was growing up in ’62 in Cabrini. And I think at that point
we only had maybe a three-bedroom apartment. It was public housing.

JJ:

So where did people sleep, then?

RL:

Bunk beds were big. I know I slept with my little brother all the way through the
house in Humboldt Park. I mean, we still had bunk beds, and I slept with my little
brother.

JJ:

And were there other Puerto Ricans near where you were at, or...?

RL:

In Cabrini? In Cabrini-Green? Yeah, as a matter of fact, there was one
particular family, they grew up with us, and then when we moved to Humboldt
Park, they [00:04:00] lived in Cabrini. And so we were great friends. Then we
moved to Humboldt Park, they actually lived there --

JJ:

[Do you know?] the name of the family?

RL:

Yeah, the [Perez?] family.

JJ:

The Perez family?

RL:

[Clotilde?] Perez was his name.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

And [George?] Perez was one of the sons, and [Gladys?] Perez, [Lolly?] Perez,
her name. So it was the Perez family. And the father, Clotilde, he worked at the
Palmer House. He still does, even now, like, I don’t know, almost 40 years later.

JJ:

He’s still working at the Palmer House?

RL:

Yeah. And he got jobs for my brothers, his sons, at the Palmer House.

JJ:

Okay.

4

�RL:

(inaudible)

JJ:

So was the Palmer House a place where a lot of people worked at that time,
or...?

RL:

Lotta Puerto Ricans. The Palmer House hotel was a Hilton hotel, it’s downtown,
still there, the Palmer House hotel. And a lot of Puerto Ricans worked in the
main kitchen, from when I got there, as a teenager.

JJ:

So you worked there, too.

RL:

Oh yeah, I worked there as a freshman in high school. And it helped pay for my
education, actually. Well, a sophomore in high school, I [00:05:00] think it was.
But it helped pay for my education. Yeah.

JJ:

Okay. What high school was that?

RL:

Holy Trinity. But actually, I studied at Prosser Vocational High School, and
Prosser Vocational High School is located by Grand and Long, near Central
Avenue.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

Yeah, on the west side of Chicago. And at that time, when I was there, 1980,
that was where, pretty much, for the most part, most of the white gangs were
there. As we know, Clemente High School had Latino gangs and things like that,
but -- and that was one of the worst schools, Clemente, of course, but Prosser --

JJ:

So who was in the gangs, that you (inaudible)?

RL:

The C-Notes, the Jousters, the Gaylords, Simon City Royals. I mean, like, every
white gang in the city who was there. I remember the first day I went there as a
freshman, my first day, September, I have a sweater on, you know, no big deal,

5

�right, it’s a little cool outside, with a belt on it. And I’m just standing outside
waiting for the bell to ring [00:06:00] so I could start my first day as a high school
kid. And a white guy came and grabbed me by my sweater, said, “C’mere.” So I
followed him, I mean, he had me, of course, so I had to follow him. And he just
took me a short distance and he showed me where my belt was. And, you know,
the point was, I knew, had those senses about me, I mean, I grew up in
Humboldt Park, I knew how to defend myself and so on, growing up in Humboldt
Park. But I also knew I was in territory that was all white gang. And they were -I’m sure they were salivating for, you know, for all of them to jump me if I tried to
make a move, so, of course. You know, but that was just the beginning of my
high school career.
JJ:

And this was on what streets?

RL:

On Long. Long Avenue.

JJ:

You said Long -- Long Avenue.

RL:

Yeah.

JJ:

So that’s pretty west.

RL:

Yeah, that’s west, almost towards Central.

JJ:

Okay, but, by North Avenue or by Armitage, or...?

RL:

It’s on Grand, it’s Armitage, pero, then Armitage turns into Grand.

JJ:

Exactly. (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) Yeah.

RL:

As you go west. Yeah. They’re still [00:07:00] there, they’re still there.

JJ:

You were just there because of the high school, so, because you were living
more east of that.

6

�RL:

Yeah, I mean, I could have gone to Clemente, but I wanted to go to a decent
school, and that was a decent school in the area. Frankly, I know I wanted to go
to Weber, which was a couple blocks away from Prosser, but, you know, Catholic
school, but I couldn’t afford it, we couldn’t afford it, my family couldn’t afford it, so
I went to public school.

JJ:

Okay, so, ’cause you mentioned there were some gangs in Clemente.

RL:

Oh yeah, ’cause, you know, growing up in Humboldt Park, I knew the Clemente
gang issue too.

JJ:

So were you in the gang [at all?]?

RL:

No. Most of the guys in my neighborhood, I mean, they were in gangs, most of
the guys in my neighborhood were in gangs. But because of my parents,
obviously, I think, it was because of my -- there was a strong foundation from my
parents, who were religious and strict. They kept me in, my brother -- none of my
siblings were in gangs, per se. You know, and when I say “gangs,” ’cause I know
my oldest brother, he was a Young Lord. But the Young Lords were a social
organization, not what we consider gangs, you know, [00:08:00] nowadays,
where they’re killing each other and things like that. And so, when I grew up,
there were gangs, and there were the Ghetto Boys Organization, the Yates Boys
Organization, Latin Kings, in my neighborhood, I’m just talking about my specific
area. And I knew ’em all, they were all my friends, so I knew ’em all. And...

JJ:

But you didn’t get into that?

RL:

No, I used to, you know, hang out with them and things like that.

JJ:

And your family, the other brothers didn’t get into it?

7

�RL:

No, no. None of us were in gangs.

JJ:

[As you were saying?].

RL:

Yeah, I think, growing up with a family of seven brothers, you know, eight with
me, it was almost like, you’re supposed to take care of yourself. We didn’t need
a gang to protect you.

JJ:

“We have a group here.”

RL:

Huh?

JJ:

Were you saying “We have a group here,” is that what you’re saying?

RL:

Right, right, we have our own group. I mean, you know, it was almost like, the
other brothers would think you’re a punk.

JJ:

[It wasn’t a?] gang, but you kind of (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

RL:

Yeah, it was almost an unwritten rule that you, you know, you should take care,
you know, should be able to take care of yourself.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

I mean, I never felt like I could even go to my brothers and ask for [00:09:00]
help, because I always felt like, “Hey,” you know, “I had to deal with it,” you know.

JJ:

Yourself. (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

RL:

Myself, right. And I didn’t need a gang, I didn’t need my brothers.

JJ:

And you didn’t believe in none of that gang philosophy type of...?

RL:

I mean, I understood it, ’cause I grew up in that environment, so I could see, you
know, and understand it. But, in terms of believing in it, I mean, I wish, you
know, all of us had opportunity to go to Weber High School, or, you know, places

8

�that other kids had opportunity. A lot of us just didn’t have the opportunity,
myself included. Again, I went to Prosser. And my first two years -JJ:

What was Prosser? (inaudible)

RL:

Prosser High School.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

My first two years at that s--

JJ:

Where is that located? I’m sorry.

RL:

I’m sorry?

JJ:

Where’s that located?

RL:

Over on the west side, by Grand and Long Street.

JJ:

Okay, the same thing. The same thing.

RL:

And remember, I started there, the gangs, white gangs. And I got D’s and F’s my
first two years. Okay, D’s and F’s. That’s all I got. Why? Because it was more
of a issue of survival than going there for an education.

JJ:

What do you mean? In [00:10:00] that area?

RL:

Well, yeah, with the gang members, you know. You know, like --

JJ:

Like, you were just trying to figure out how to get to school [and back?].

RL:

Right, exactly, exactly. ’Cause even within the school setting, inside the building,
there was issues. And there was only a handful of us Latinos. You know,
Dominicans, Cubans, Mexicans, myself, Puerto Rican. There was only a handful
of us, maybe seven, eight guys and stuff, and other Latinas. But the white gangs
would try to pick on us because they just assume, you know, because at that
time Latino gangs were big, so, you know, and they were the enemies, so. Not

9

�that I was in a gang, but still, you’re Latino, teenagers, you know how they,
machismo, from the white perspective, they think, “Oh,” you know, “good, we got
some Latin guys and teenagers in here, so let’s pick on them.”
JJ:

So even though you weren’t in a gang, they were picking on you.

RL:

Yeah...

JJ:

Did they know that you weren’t in a gang?

RL:

I mean, but pi-- when I say picking on me, I mean they didn’t confront me, you
know, by touching me, because that would [00:11:00] equal a fight again, but it
was there, the tension was there.

JJ:

The tension, you felt it. (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

RL:

Right, right, a tension was there, and you had, you know, smart enough to watch
your back, and, yeah. But it wasn’t -- I mean, school wasn’t the main focus.

JJ:

Your focus at that time.

RL:

At that time for me, and I think Chicago public school system. It didn’t really help
a lot of inner-city kids, you know, not today, not yesterday. I mean, the story
seems to be the same anyway.

JJ:

Okay. What about grammar school? Did they ever help you in any way?

RL:

Yeah, it helped me --

JJ:

What school did you [attend there?]?

RL:

Well, in Cabrini-Green, I went to Schiller School. And actually, I started with
Head Start. And within our building, on the first floor, the ground floor, there was
a classroom, for Head Start. I’m assuming I was four years old at the time --

JJ:

Now you’re talking about -- how tall is that building (inaudible)?

10

�RL:

16 floors.

JJ:

16 floors. So a downstairs, on the first floor.

RL:

Yeah, the ground level. The sidewalk level. And [00:12:00] when you bring up
that six-- and, you know, there was 16 floors, and you could go to the top floor,
and you could look over, and you see the lake. You know, just briefly, you see
the blue outline. So you could actually see the l--

JJ:

So that was pretty -- did you spend a lot of time up there, or...?

RL:

No, no, no, no, no, no. That building was dangerous too, you know, and plus I
was a little kid --

JJ:

What do you mean dangerous? What do you mean?

RL:

Luckily for me, I was a little kid, and so, when I say little kid, from the age of zero
to eight, nine years old is when I grew up there. So I was able to go to the
playground and things like that. But once you became a teenager and things like
that, then, you know, other kids will start picking on you. For example, my
brothers, they were robbed, you know, like, if you go walking down the street to
the store, you know, “Hey, give me your money,” you know, that type of things. I
mean, they had a -- what was it, Blackstone Rangers, I think at that time?

JJ:

Clybourn Corrupters, maybe.

RL:

Yeah, by Cooley High School, Cooley High School [at that park?].

JJ:

Oh, Cooley High School was right there.

RL:

Yeah, and the Black gangs were around there, and, you know, that [00:13:00]
area. Cabrini, it was the Black gangs.

JJ:

Right.

11

�RL:

So, yeah, so there was a few of those. And, you know, they had to leave the
building to go to high school, farther away. See, I was within the building,
studying, so that helped. I mean, even my grade school, when I started first,
second grade, wasn’t that far away. A block away, you could see it out the
window. Yeah. So it wasn’t too bad, for a kid growing up there, but it was more
dangerous for a teenager. You know. ’Cause again, you’re, you know, we’re
considered white in Cabrini-Green, even though we’re Puerto Rican, Spanish,
but, you know.

JJ:

Considered by who? By the --

RL:

By the Black gang members, you know. Or even some of the people in the
building, ’cause maybe they didn’t, you know, all they see is the white skin, or the
brown skin, and think of it more as, you know, white people. Yeah. ’Cause I
remember growing up, in the hallway going up the stairs one time, we lived in the
third floor, and I saw on the wall it says, “The white people in 303 suck!” You
know, I remember that [00:14:00] growing up as a kid, so. But it was fun for me, I
mean, I got along great with the families, they got along great with us. It’s just,
once you leave that building, going down the street, you could get jumped by
outsiders.

JJ:

So the building was fun, you can hang out [in front of?] --

RL:

Oh yeah, the building was great.

JJ:

Front and around the building, and the parking lot, and...

RL:

Right, exactly, it was great. It was fun.

JJ:

But once you went to the other [parts?] --

12

�RL:

Once you left the safety of that building, you know, now you engaging with
strangers, or people who need some money, so they’re gonna rob you. It was
totally different at that point.

JJ:

So how --

RL:

And plus, a lot of people knew you. In the building they just know you, you know.
And in those days, you could throw stuff off the -- from the floors, nowadays you - well, Cabrini-Green’s torn down now, but many years ago they did enclose it, so
that you couldn’t throw things over the balconies and things like that. So you
would throw a body over if you wanted in the old days.

JJ:

Throw a body over?

RL:

Yeah, if you wanted to. (laughter) I mean, you know.

JJ:

People threw bottles and [00:15:00] things like that, or...?

RL:

Yeah, one time, when I was a little kid, I was waiting, I don’t know why I was
waiting outside, you know, and s-- you know, on the first floor, you could be
under the building, and you’re protected from any debris or whatever. But for
some reason I was on the sidewalk part, and I was waiting for somebody, you
know, somebody, in those days, the milk delivery, it was a glass, milk was in
glass, not, like, cartons or anything. So a bottle actually came, like, inches from
me and just, I don’t know what floor it came from, but the point was, it was
coming real fast, and it just splattered. It didn’t even scare me, because it
happened so fast. You know, all it did was (sound effect) and it didn’t scare me,
but then I just thought to myself, you know, “Dumbass, you shouldn’t even be

13

�there, take your [walk?].” The safety of the vestibule, you know, just be under the
building a little bit.
JJ:

So, what kind of -- what was the school like then? You went to school right
around, you said Schiller? What was that --

RL:

Yeah, Schiller School, and you know who taught at that time, at that school, as a
PE teacher? Jesse [00:16:00] White, secretary of state.

JJ:

Okay. He taught there?

RL:

He was actually a teacher at Schiller High School -- Schiller School, I’m sorry.

JJ:

Did you meet him, or...?

RL:

No, ’cause I was, you know, I was a little kid, I don’t even know if I crossed paths
with him, maybe he might’ve been a PE teacher for the upper, you know, the
fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth grader. But, yeah, he was from [that area?].

JJ:

And there was a -- ’cause, around that time there was, like, the Old Town, that
was near Old Town, too, right?

RL:

We weren’t that far away, but we were far away enough -- Division and Larrabee,
so yeah.

JJ:

Enough that there was a separate culture, then (inaudible)?

RL:

Yeah, or -- yeah, kind of, maybe --

JJ:

But there were Puerto Ricans around there, yeah?

RL:

Yeah, see, but I don’t remember that, ’cause again, I was a kid, so I wasn’t old
enough to venture. You know, I was old -- that was my community, that 16-floor
building was the extent of it. Unless we went to church, you know, we went to St.

14

�Francis of Assisi, where, at that time, was the first Hispanic mass. Spanish
mass.
JJ:

Oh, you went there, your family went there?

RL:

Yeah, I was baptized at St. Sylvest-- St. Francis of [00:17:00] Assisi. And
Maxwell Street was there, that’s where -- that was, like, the mall.

JJ:

So you remember that? But, I mean, what do you remember of that?

RL:

Oh, yeah, yeah. Oh, the Polish sausage, and mainly, my dad negotiating, I think
I learned my negotiating skills from my dad, ’cause I could w-- I would watch him
negotiate with the guy, and literally, you would think they were gonna fight,
because they were going back and forth, you know. And then my dad would just
leave, “Come on, let’s go.”

JJ:

Over clothes, [or something?]?

RL:

Right, anything. Gym shoes, coats, clothes, anything. And then we’d walk up
the stairs, the owner, “Come back, come on, come on, I’ll give you the price, give
you the price.” So, you know, my dad always seemed to win the arguments. But
it was pretty fascinating watching that, because --

JJ:

You’re talking about Maxwell Street, that’s [how they negotiated?].

RL:

Yeah, Maxwell Street, that’s the way it --

JJ:

I remember [that?].

RL:

That was the way it worked. And then that Polish sausage place that’s famous
now, for Maxwell Street Polish, started there, ’cause that was the lunch. That
was the first mall for us Hispanics, anyway. I don’t know if there were malls
elsewhere, like I said, ’cause we -- [00:18:00] our own environment is what it is,

15

�you know. You go live in your building, you go to church, and it happened to be
St. Francis of Assisi, which is near, you know, Maxwell Street. And then there
was another church, too, that we used to go to, St. Joseph, which was near
Cooley. Cooley High School. So we’d go there also.
JJ:

So you remember the [area?]. I remember -- well, not St. Francis, but St.
Joseph, I remember [that, yeah?]. But -- so, okay, so you remember St. Francis,
that’s interesting. So then, you’re going to Schiller, what was Schiller like, [inside
the?] school?

RL:

Schiller was good, it was a good school. It was walking distance --

JJ:

Were there more Puerto Ricans there, or...?

RL:

No, again, it was still just a lot of African American kids and myself, you know,
me and a few kids, Spanish. Yeah. I mean, but, what I remember is the African
Americans. I had a great time, actually, as a little kid, meeting the, even the
African American [00:19:00] women, you know, the girls, my age, stuff like that. I
mean, ’cause you -- there was a laundry room on every floor, too. So
sometimes, you know, you go in the laundry room and play. Yeah, I mean, it was
interesting. And the laundry room, they had cages in the laundry rooms. So,
like, if people washed their clothes, they would hang up their clothes in the
laundry room. We didn’t have a dryer, it was an old-fashioned washer. And
then, to --

JJ:

And then you just hang up your clothes (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

RL:

You hang up your clothes and then you lock it in that cage.

JJ:

And then they would dry (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

16

�RL:

It was, like, three cages per --

JJ:

-- it would dry? And iron --

RL:

Yeah, you just [pick it up?] and it dries. Yeah.

JJ:

And then, so what about the family, what about the entertainment, what was that
like?

RL:

Yeah, it was great entertainment, ’cause it was all families. Basically, our
families would get together, because, you know, they all came from Puerto Rico
for the most part, and so, the entertainment was, you know, getting together,
’cause now you’re [00:20:00] working hard during the week, you got your kids,
you gotta do all this. But on Sundays, it seemed that we’d go v-- you know, after
church especially, we’d go visit families, and, or they’d visit us, and, you know,
we’d just interact with the kids. Me being a kid, I interacted with my cousins, and
it was fun.

JJ:

[Okay, was?] -- yeah, your cousins. Where were they living?

RL:

I had a cousin in particular who lived -- they lived, this family lived in -- the
Quinones. Family lived -- my uncle and his wife and children, they lived by
Wrigley Field, Wrigley Field, actually, over in that area. And so they had a nice -I remember they had a view of Wrigley Field, practically, you know, like, from far
away you could see Wrigley Field. But, yeah, we interact --

JJ:

You said Quinones? Were they -- were there Latin in them too, or...?

RL:

Yeah, well, yeah, because my mom is a Quinones, that’s her maiden name, and
the reason why that’s, you know, it’s a good question, ’cause she had 13 -- she
had 26 brothers and sisters in Yauco.

17

�JJ:

In Yauco.

RL:

Yeah.

JJ:

[00:21:00] She’s from Yauco, too, then?

RL:

Yeah. So what happened was, my grandfather married, had 13 kids, and then
she passed away, my grandmother, and so he remarried and had 13 more kids,
so now my mom has 26 siblings. And the reason why, because they really
[liked?] the Ponderosa, you know, they lived off the land, they had a lot of land,
and they even had hired -- they would hire people. So that’s how my dad met my
mom, because he was a hired hand also, working on the land and stuff like that.

JJ:

In Puer-- in Yauco.

RL:

In Yauco. So there was a lot of -- they had -- it was like the Ponderosa, I guess,
you know, but mountainous, of course.

JJ:

Oh, Ponderosa, you mean it was like a plantation type of --

RL:

Yeah, you know, but it’s all mountains and, you know.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) [border?], yeah.

RL:

Yeah, I call it the Ponderosa.

JJ:

So they would hire -- so he would get hired by the other farmers to work on the
food?

RL:

Right, my grandfather hired my dad.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

Yeah, as young teenagers that they are, making some money.

JJ:

Okay. So he told you about that, [00:22:00] or...?

18

�RL:

So -- huh? Yeah, my dad met my mom, of course, and so that’s how that came
about. And most of my uncles and aunts, they had a lot of kids themselves, see,
so they were used to a big group of people, you know, within their own family,
growing up with 26. So my parents had 12, and my aunt had 10, and other
family members, you know, uncles and aunts, they had a lotta kids also.

JJ:

You have kids too, or no?

RL:

I have one boy, a seven-year-old boy.

JJ:

What’s his first name?

RL:

Jake.

JJ:

Jake, okay.

RL:

I mean, I --

JJ:

And your wife’s name, what’s her name?

RL:

I’m divorced now, pero, because of this family background I’m describing, I also
wanted six kids. [My aunties?] would remind me, “Hey, you always said you
wanted six kids,” ’cause yeah, I love being around -- I love kids, ’cause that’s
how, you know, you learn that from home and things like that. And ironically, in
my case, and I was a good -- let me back up a little bit, I was a good boy,
because when I was young as a teenager, people were having kids left and right
as teenagers. You know, the gangbangers, and, you know, not even
gangbangers, they were just young people who were [00:23:00] havin’ sex, and,
you know, they didn’t know -- they weren’t educated in terms of sex education, so
all of a sudden, a girl gets pregnant, and so now they have to deal with it. So I
saw a lot of that in Humboldt Park. Luckily for me, I didn’t, because I was always

19

�afraid of getting a girl pregnant. Really, that was the key, and plus, my parents,
you know, they wouldn’t have been happy, so you keep that in the back of your
mind. And I wanted an education anyway, so funny thing is, okay, now I go -- I
ended up going to law school and so on and so on, and I married twice. And
both women couldn’t have children. So, you know, I did want -- still wanted my
six kids, if possible, God willing, but right now I have one child. And, so... And
he was born -- I was married to a public defender in Wisconsin. And then I got
married and, you know, after Wisconsin, I got divorced, came back to Chicago
[00:24:00] in 2000, and the second wife I married, she’s also a lawyer, from Iowa,
and she lives here, works here in Chicago. And so, her best friend from third
grade, all of a sudden, just told her, “Hey, I’ll carry your kid if you want.” So it
was my ex-wife’s egg and my sperm, and, you know, this lady became a carrier
for our child, so that’s how I got a seven-year-old boy.
JJ:

Okay. (inaudible) Jake.

RL:

Yeah, right? Exactly.

JJ:

What were you doing in Wisconsin, [I mean --?]?

RL:

I was a public defender.

JJ:

In Wisconsin?

RL:

In Wisconsin, ’cause what happened was --

JJ:

You moved out there, I mean --?

RL:

Yeah, what happened was, I ended up getting a scholarship -- this is my story.
When I applied to law school, well, let me back up a little bit more. I went to
Illinois Benedictine College...

20

�JJ:

Okay.

RL:

Okay, which is in Lisle, Illinois, not far by Naperville, Downers Grove. And, you
know, it took me time to graduate, ’cause it’s a Catholic school, it’s expensive, so
I would drop out, [00:25:00] get a job, go back, and live on campus. So, it took
me about six years to graduate because I just kept, you know, my goal was to
graduate, and I did. But towards the end is when I really, really got serious, and
started pushing myself to get excellent grades. And that’s what I was trying to
do, just get some excellent grades, and I did. And so I applied to law school. In
University of Wi-- At that time, I wanted to just to go to a top 20 law school. That
was my goal, that’s it. “Gonna apply to a top 20 law school, if I don’t get
accepted, okay, different career choice.” You know. So, I luckily, thank God I
got accepted at University of Wisconsin, which was a top 20 law school. And got
a full scholarship on top of that. So then I went out there, they also had a good
criminal program, which, you know, I, based on where I grew up, with criminals, if
you wanna call it that, my buddies, you know, I know that stuff. I became a
[00:26:00] public defender. I wanted to help people. Why? Because I saw it, I
saw the injustice on the street, I saw police brutality, I saw police do things. And
not all -- and, like any profession, there’s good, bad, and ugly. So not all cops
are bad, not all teachers are bad, not all lawyers are bad. I mean, I’ve seen
some bad lawyers, you know. So in every profession, there’s some great
teachers out there who love to do what they do, there’s some bad teachers who
don’t care. I mean, so I’ve seen it all, you know. Growing up with 12 kids,
growing up in Cabrini, Humboldt Park, you know, there’s a lotta stuff out there

21

�that, luckily for me, I was able to experience. So then I became a public
defender after I graduated from law school. And I stayed out there, Racine,
Wisconsin, for seven years and Milwaukee, Wisconsin, for three years. And I
really loved working with juveniles, that was really what, for me, it was almost like
a dream come true. You know, here I am, cross-examining a cop, basically
beatin’ em up verbally. Basically, [00:27:00] helping my client in a way that,
maybe the stop was illegal. Maybe the cops searched him illegally, no rights.
People have -- there’s constitutional rights that we all have, most of us don’t
know it though, ’cause for whatever reason, they don’t really -- they teach that in
some schools, but some schools maybe just don’t, but. I felt good protecting the
rights of individuals, especially based on what I saw as a kid.
JJ:

So you met your wife there, and then...

RL:

Actually, when I went to go visit that school, I met my wife-to-be. It was like a
one-day visit, and she invited me to a party where the other Latino students were
having law students, and I said, “No, I gotta go back to Chicago,” so, you know.
And then when I did go to law school, she was a third-year law student and I was
a first-year. And so we, you know, I could tell there was some connection there,
[00:28:00] but my goal was to go to law school and get an education. And I was
not gonna get involved in a relationship that may, you know, take my focus off
what I came there to do. So, we were great friends, but I never dated her in law
school. And ironically, I ended up in Racine as a public defender, where she was
working in Racine as a public defender. I tried to go to Kenosha, but they
needed me in Racine, so they put me in Racine, ’cause Kenosha was closer to

22

�Chicago and I wanted to be closer to Chicago. So that’s why I ended up in
Racine.
JJ:

Now, what about your other siblings? What kind of work did they get into?

RL:

Well, starting from the top, my oldest brother, growing up, he worked at
Sandburg Super Market, which is over there in Lincoln Park by North Avenue
and Clark. And so, based on that experience --

JJ:

Actually, by Old Town, it’s more like Old Town, we used to call it La Clark, the
neighborhood, La Clark.

RL:

Right, right, near Old Town, también, exactly.

JJ:

Right, yeah.

RL:

So, yeah, ’cause Old Town is just a few blocks [00:29:00] west of there.

JJ:

Right, (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) [it’s?] the border.

RL:

Because, yeah, where he was was Clark, and Old Town’s on Wells, just a few
blocks to the west.

JJ:

Okay, so he worked there...

RL:

So he worked there, and he learned a lot about the supermarket business. And
eventually, he ended up buying and opening his own supermarket. I remember
he called it --

JJ:

What’s the name of it?

RL:

He called it [Lugo Warehouse Supermarket?]. Yeah.

JJ:

And was it located (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

RL:

It was on the west side, by North Avenue, going towards [Austin?] over there.
Yeah, so for many years, he had that. Eventually he opened one up in Elgin, you

23

�know, he closed that one and went to Elgin and opened a bigger supermarket.
So he was doing pretty well for himself, invested in property and real estate, so
he was doing well for himself. And then there was my -JJ:

In Elgin, or in Chicago?

RL:

In Chicago, in Chicago. Yeah. And then he ended up living in Skokie during
those years, that’s where he was living with two boys, you know, my [00:30:00]
nephews, and his wife. And then my other brother, Raul, the second oldest, the
former Young Lord, he was in the computer -- he worked for a computer
company, I forget the name of it. Or was it...? I remember he worked for
Continental Can Company for many years first, and ended up doing a lot of
computer stuff when computers were still(inaudible) and coming out, and things
like that.

JJ:

Actually, Gladys was a Young Lord, too. His --

RL:

Oh, his wife, Gladys.

JJ:

Yeah, (inaudible) was a Young Lord too.

RL:

Right. Right, she worked for the federal system for -- till she’s gonna -- she’s still
working there.

JJ:

And her brother [Edwin?] was also a Young Lord.

RL:

Right, Edwin, I remember.

JJ:

[Lots of?] Young Lords in that family there.

RL:

So I knew that family forever, ’cause they actually lived over by Armitage, and
Halsted, and that area.

JJ:

Yeah, so they moved in that area, they were living there, yeah.

24

�RL:

Right? I remember visiting them.

JJ:

Right by the church, right by the church.

RL:

Right by the church, I used to go there. Yeah.

JJ:

Now, you were only, like, seven years old, though, and the Young Lords were -had the church and all, you don’t remember any of that?

RL:

No, I just remember visiting my [00:31:00] brother’s home, just to visit, you know,
the family visit. But yeah, the other things, I wouldn’t know anything about, or
didn’t notice it because, you know, we didn’t hang out on the street or anything
like that, we’d just visit family, and I was a kid.

JJ:

Do you remember the neighborhood at all, how it was, was it...?

RL:

Yeah, it was nice, I mean, ’cause I [still?] could picture the train station right there
in Armitage, and I used to walk through that area growing up, as a teenager I
used to walk in that area también. But I remember it was still -- in those days
everything was simple, you know, it wasn’t gentrified, is what I mean, the
difference. Right now, you go there, there’s nightlife, and restaurants, and bars,
and the noise, you know, and it’s a whole different -- in those days, it was just
quiet and simple. You know? People -- just blue-collar people.

JJ:

Like worker, working people.

RL:

Yeah, just, yeah, exactly. Yeah, just (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

JJ:

Was there a lot of violence there or anything, like a Humboldt Park [gang
leader?], or...?

25

�RL:

[00:32:00] Not in that area, not in my brother’s area, but there was a lot of
violence in my area. Yeah. Growing up, we had the highest homicide rate in the
nation.

JJ:

Right, in that area, in the Cabrini-Green area.

RL:

No, no, in Humboldt Park.

JJ:

Oh, in Humboldt Park, oh yeah.

RL:

Humboldt Park, as a teenager.

JJ:

Oh, so when you were [growing up?].

RL:

And I remember seeing that sometimes, in the newspaper, when I was reading it,
’cause I used to read the paper all the time, ever since I was in third grade, going
to St. Sylvester, ’cause -- see, I went to Schiller, and then when we moved to
Humboldt Park, my parents, you know, I finished my second grade at Schiller,
and then we went to St. Sylvester. The beginning --

JJ:

Oh, so you went to school at St. Sylvester, okay.

RL:

Yeah, the beginning of the school year, we started -- third grade, for me, and
then I had a sibling in fourth grade, fifth grade, sixth -- you know, ’cause there
was so many of us, so we had every -- everybody was in a different grade at St.
Sylvester when we transferred.

JJ:

And actually, that became a big stronghold, Puerto Rican stronghold, in terms of
the church.

RL:

Oh yeah, St. Sylvester church.

JJ:

And my uncle was part of that too.

RL:

Yeah. [00:33:00] Very strong, my parents and other -- you know, their friends --

26

�JJ:

And your friends were there at that [school?]?

RL:

Yeah, they had a very, very strong Puerto Rican community within the church
and --

JJ:

Caballeros de San Juan.

RL:

Caballeros San Juan, my dad was a member of that.

JJ:

Oh, he was a member?

RL:

Oh yeah.

JJ:

At St. Sylvester?

RL:

It started at St. Francis of Assisi.

JJ:

Oh, so he started there as a Caballero de San Juan.

RL:

Oh yeah, yeah, their first wave of I’m assuming, you know, the ’50s is when the
big wave of Puerto Ricans came.

JJ:

Right.

RL:

And that’s when they started all these organizations, you know, to...

JJ:

Okay, so your mo-- that’s why you were saying your mother and your father were
kinda strict. Did you say that, “strict,” or am I putting that (inaudible)?

RL:

No, no, “strict,” meaning they’ll whip your ass in a minute with a belt. (laughter)
Yeah. (inaudible) clarify, the strict part, not just, “Don’t do that or I’ll get mad,”
you know, nah, they don’t even -- you do that, you just, you’re gonna get a belt.

JJ:

A belt whooping. (laughs)

RL:

You’re gonna know it in a second, not to do it. Which was very effective,
because, you know, it’s hard raising 12 kids, [00:34:00] first of all, but then the
elements on the streets. I give ’em credit because, you know, bottom line, I was

27

�wrong. Even though, as a kid, you’re thinking, “What am I doing wrong?” I
mean, this is just, kiddie stuff, you know, this is just, teenage stuff, or kid stuff, I
mean, “Everybody else is doing it.” But luckily, they kept me on the straight and
narrow with that. And I think that was it too, you know, I wasn’t afraid of the
streets, I was more afraid of my parents. You know? I mean, not that these guys
on the streets couldn’t do, yeah, my parents, you know, that belt, shit, you know.
And then after a while, the belt didn’t hurt! I mean, I could get hit with a belt and
it wouldn’t hurt me. It got to the point where the ironing cord, you know, the white
and black ironing cord, that shit hurts! (laughter) ’Cause, you know, the belt
didn’t hurt, and they knew it, and after a while. And then you cry before they
even hit you with a belt anyway, and you act like you’re dead before they even
touch you, and, [00:35:00] you know, all that stuff didn’t work though. (laughs)
So no, I think it really helped, though. It really, really helped. Yeah, because...
JJ:

They were also religious, or no?

RL:

Yeah, very religious. We’d go to church every Sunday, and then we’d also pray
at night, the rosary. Yeah, they had a little, I don’t know, sanctuary or
something?

JJ:

Altar?

RL:

Yeah, a little altar at home, you know, made out of wood and stuff like that. And I
have a picture of it too, ’cause I got some pictures just recently of the inside of,
you know, our apartment.

JJ:

We probably are gonna call you for some pictures.

28

�RL:

Yeah, and I hadn’t seen these until my aunt passed away recently, about June or
July, in July she passed away. And I never really saw --

JJ:

Is there any way you can put ’em on a disc, or anything, or...?

RL:

Shoot, I don’t know how to do -- I’m not too electronically inclined, you know, but
I’ll see what I can do, ’cause they’re at work too, I coulda brought ’em with me.
Yeah.

JJ:

We have a scanner, but we’re gonna take off tonight (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible).

RL:

Yeah, in the background, I could see the [00:36:00] altar, you know, like, “Wow,
check that out.”

JJ:

Yeah, we had an altar too, but my mother got into that spirit -- (Spanish)
[00:36:06].

RL:

Oh, santería?

JJ:

San-- not santería, something similar.

RL:

Something similar?

JJ:

[Not real deep?].

RL:

Right, right.

JJ:

But, so I didn’t know what -- was -- “Are we doing the Catholic [name?] things
today, or the spiritual?” But yours was all Catholic.

RL:

Oh yeah, ours was straight up Catholic.

JJ:

They didn’t -- (Spanish) [00:36:23]?

RL:

Oh, no, no, no, they wouldn’t.

JJ:

So it wasn’t [into that?]

29

�RL:

They wouldn’t even go there, you know.

JJ:

So they don’t (inaudible)?

RL:

Right. So it was all Catholic, we’d say the rosary, and then we had to kneel
down, cement floor. You know, during the part of the rosary where you’re
supposed to kneel down, I guess, and we’d do it as a family, all of us. We’d fall
asleep, but hey, you fall asleep, you -- there’d be times they would take out that
belt. “Let’s see who falls asleep now!” (laughter)

JJ:

That was a thing [at night?], a regular thing.

RL:

Yeah, it was a regular thing. Yeah.

JJ:

’Cause I remember in the ’40s, [they had to do that?] in [00:37:00] Puerto Rico,
so (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

RL:

Oh, okay.

JJ:

They just brought the culture here.

RL:

Yeah, exactly. ’Cause I’m sure it was going on over there, and they just -- yeah,
they brought it over here. The rosary, you know, my dad would lead the rosary,
and we’d all read Spanish -- everything was in Spanish, to this day I only speak
to my parents in Spanish. You know, that’s the only way we spoke to them
growing up, in Spanish.

JJ:

But they spoke English, though.

RL:

Not necessarily. My dad, of course, ’cause he started working in the factories, so
he picked up the language easier. My mom, she was working when she moved
back --

30

�JJ:

What kind of work did your mom do? Your father was in a factory (overlapping
dialogue; inaudible)?

RL:

Right. And my mom started working when she came back -- when she came
from Puerto Rico with the three children, she worked at the Oscar Mayer plant
over by Cooley High. The Oscar Mayer plant was there. And I’m sure it was a
good job, and things like that, but once she started having more kids, then she
had to drop out and not work to stay home and take care of the kids.

JJ:

Did she -- a lot of years that she worked at Oscar Mayer, or...?

RL:

See, I wonder how many years...

JJ:

(inaudible)

RL:

But she was having kids so fast, so maybe it wasn’t [00:38:00] that many years,
but, you know, I’m assuming she might have worked there thr-- four years, or
something. Yeah.

JJ:

[And we were asking?] about the other sibling, what kind of (overlapping
dialogue; inaudible)?

RL:

Oh, then Raul, then Wilfredo, my third brother. Oldest brother. He’s a factory
worker, blue-collar. Then there’s Alicia, my sister, she clerked for a judge,
worked as a court clerk for -- to this day, in the federal court.

JJ:

In the federal court?

RL:

In the federal court, downtown.

JJ:

Is she still -- how many years? I mean, has she worked a lotta years?

RL:

Yeah, she could retire now.

JJ:

She’s retired?

31

�RL:

She’s already [beyond, yeah?]. She just --

JJ:

[This is the?] federal judge, in downtown?

RL:

Yes.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

Yeah, with the federal judges, right there on Dearborn. And things like that. And
then, Dearborn and Jackson. And then, who comes after? William, my brother
William. He worked -- he went to the service, and then he ended up with a
railroad, one of the railroad companies, and now he’s with United Airlines.
[00:39:00] And then David, the brother after him, he worked for the railroad also,
still does to this day. And then there was the brother named Orlando, and I’m
going in descending order, so, you know, three boys, one girl, then three more
boys, and then another girl. So then the third boy out of that order, Orlando, he
passed away around eight-- he was around 18. He was sort of the black sheep
in the family, he got caught up on the streets a little more than the rest of us, and
he ended up owing some guy some money and the guy stabbed him to death.
And I remember getting that call as a 16-year-old, you know, they called the
house and I remember picking it up and talking to the police officer, asking us to,
you know, come identify the body. Yeah, so.

JJ:

So you got [the call?], they told you to come and identify the body?

RL:

Yeah, I remember telling my dad, and I went with them, yeah. Yeah, so, I
remember that.

JJ:

So you guys were pretty tight-knit (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

RL:

Oh, yeah, yeah.

32

�JJ:

Pretty much, or (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

RL:

Oh, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. [00:40:00] It was a big thing. Yeah. It
was... Yeah, we were pretty tight, yeah. And then after Orlando came Lucy,
who’s a year older than me. She ended up going to -- well, the first oldest of the
girls, I think she was the first one to go to college. She went to Rosary College,
which is Dominican University now. And then Lucia -- then our other brothers,
well, three of ’em went to the service, and then Lucia, the sister older than me,
one year older, she ended up going to Loyola University, and graduating from
there. And then there was me.

JJ:

So what’s she doing now? [I mean, she graduated?]?

RL:

She works for the U.S. probations department. In the computers --

JJ:

Oh, computer?

RL:

In computers. And she’s been there many, many, many years also. Yeah. So
she could retire, I’m sure, soon. And then... Let’s see... Elena, who was one
year younger than me, she graduated [00:41:00] from Dominican University, you
know, Rosary College. And, where does she work? She works for an insurance
company.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

Yeah. And then after her, Teresa, my other sister --

JJ:

And I think I met Teresa, she went to Michigan for one of the camps that we had.

RL:

Oh, really? Oh, okay.

JJ:

I think, yeah.

33

�RL:

She’s more of a businesswoman, so, she had a couple of stores in Oak Park,
clothing stores.

JJ:

Clothing?

RL:

Uh-huh.

JJ:

Now one of them had a, was it a beauty salon or something? Was that Lucia or
something? (inaudible)

RL:

Oh, matter of fact, Lucy, she has a restaurant in -- with her husband. They have
a restaurant in Oak Park --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) Okay, [that’s a restaurant?] --

RL:

-- right now, called Hemmingway Bistro.

JJ:

Hemmingway Bistro...

RL:

Very good restaurant. They’ve been there over 10 years now. They’re gonna
actually open a -- they bought another building in Oak Park, and they’re gonna, I
believe, have another restaurant.

JJ:

Yeah, ’cause I think Teresa left that number for us to call.

RL:

Oh, okay.

JJ:

And if we had other events or anything like that.

RL:

Oh, okay. And then the youngest is [Danny?], he graduated from Rosary
College, you know, [00:42:00] Dominican University, they call it now. Yeah, and
so I was the only one that went beyond college in terms of graduate studies,
which was, in my case, was law school.

JJ:

And recently, you were involved in, was that the first time you ran for judge?

34

�RL:

Yeah, one thing I always knew I was gonna do when I went to Wisconsin, when I
even mar-- before I even married my first wife in Wisconsin, I told her, “Hey, I’m
going back to Chicago.” You know, so, because she was born and raised in
Wisconsin, and so I knew, you know, lotta Wisconsin people don’t really like to
come to Chicago, and a lotta Chicago people don’t like to go to Wisconsin. So I
told her, I said, “Before I marry you, I gotta let you know, I’m moving back to
Chicago at some point in my career, so -- to get involved in politics, so, let me
know if you can handle that.” So she, “Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.” So that was all
good. And the reason why I was always intrigued by politics is, first of all, I used
to read the paper since third grade. The newspaper, the daily paper here in
Chicago. ’Cause there was a store in the neighborhood, you know, [00:43:00]
Puerto Rican-owned, regular mom-and-pop place, and the store owner would
give me a dime, at that time, for a newspaper, that’s what it was, in the box, the
Sun-Times box, or whatever, the newspaper. And I’d take two of ’em, give the
store owner one, and take one with me as I walked to school. So I would read
the sports, I was more into the sports and stuff like that, and the teachers, when I
get to school, they would take the paper, ’cause they wanna read it anyway, so
they’d read it and give it back to me. So I was always reading about Chicago
history, and the sports, and then I’d read the news, also. But the main thing was,
during one particular period was the Harold Washington days. I mean, that was
a fascinating time to be in Chicago, if you wanna learn about politics, that was
some crazy stuff. Crazy stuff. I mean, it was cold-blooded, it was racial, it was
everything that politics shouldn’t be. It was. I mean, it was just cold-blooded.

35

�But, the beauty of it was, it galvanized the people. The [00:44:00] Latinos, the
African Americans, people who were disenfranchised, I mean, these people had
no-- we really didn’t have nothing going on in our communities, in terms of not
only political power, but services. Basic services. We all pay our taxes, we’re
supposed to have equal services, our schools were real bad. Basic services
were real bad, our neighborhoods were run down. And the way you fight that is,
you know, some political juice. I mean, we saw that. We saw it in those days.
You go in the north side, go in different parts of the city, where different aldermen
have some pull, and they took care of their neighborhoods. Ours were treated
like garbage, really, a dump. So then, once Harold Washington came about,
which was, in those days, a miracle, for a Black man to run Chicago, we’re
talking 25 years ago? And he won, because of the people. The power of the
people, it was fascinating. It was cool. It was very nice. Unfortunately, he
passed away in his second term, [00:45:00] but his first term wasn’t easy. The
first term, you know, all the politicians that were aldermen in those days, a
majority were white, they were just pushing back, they were trying to get rid of
him, they were trying to discipli-- you know, disrespect him, they were doing
whatever they could to retain their power. I mean, Chicago was a power-driven
city. And still is. But... Unfortunately, he, you know, had a heart attack, 25 years
ago. And in his second term, he was gonna do a lot, because again, the first
term, he was being held back a lot. But, the second term, he was gonna do a lot,
but he passed away. So anyway, and I was involved, I had cousins who were
involved, Luisa Quinones and Noemy Quinones, they were involved in that, and I

36

�had a good buddy, [Oscar Ortiz?], at that time who grew up with me, he was
involved in that, so I would watch. You know, I would see that. And one thing I
learned, though, by watching all this, was that, if you really wanna be involved
[00:46:00] in a more advanced way, I don’t know what the word -- you know, if
you wanna really be involved, get a law degree, or be somebody. ’Cause the
people -- you know, most of the people that I knew were door-knockers. I didn’t
do that, I never knocked on doors, but I saw it, and they were mainly the people
who were -- who didn’t have, really, the college degree and things like that, it
seemed like those who were more educated had higher positions in the political
arena. So if you were a lawyer, if you were, you know, higher education,
whatever, master’s, you seemed to have more ability to do things. For the
community, especially, too. So my -- what I saw from all that was, I gotta, you
know, I gotta educate myself. And then I’ll come back, ’cause I don’t wanna be a
door-knocker. I wanna be somebody that, when I sit at the table, we could talk,
and they won’t try to treat me as a, you know, [00:47:00] less than they should.
Anyway, and we should all be equal, of course, but sometimes the lack of
education could hinder that. So.
JJ:

[So, you were?]...

RL:

So, going back to your point, yes, I ran for judge. I ran for judge in the March
primaries. So, to me, that was a big thing, ’cause I knew that’s what I wanted to
do in terms of coming back to Chicago, run for a political office, get involved in a
political arena. But what also helped me to get into the political arena was the
job I have, and I still can really have, with the Cook County Clerk of Court. When

37

�I got that job, I was very, very happy, because I knew, “Okay good, I could finally
get into the political arena. ’Cause I’m gonna work for elected official, and now I
could see how,” you know, “the system works from the inside now.” Before, I
was an outsider, as a kid. Now I could actually come here, not only as a lawyer,
but now I can work with an elected official, and get a bird’s-eye view of what goes
on. And, [00:48:00] you know, and hopefully make my move, which was running
for judge. And...
JJ:

So how did that work, I mean, how’d you get that going, and...?

RL:

You know, and I had my own way of thinking, as to how people should run for
office, or how people should do what they have to do to get elected. My thing
was, you know, you should knock on people’s doors and get to know people, you
should go to train stations and get to know people, you should go to churches,
you should go to the community and introduce yourself and let them know what
you’re doing and why you wanna do it. And I did, I did it the old-fashioned way.
People don’t do that anymore, I did it the old-fashioned way, and it worked. Did I
win? No, but did it really, you know, elevate me to a position of awareness?
Yeah. Yeah. And then, I think I was doing things that were forgotten traits, you
know, the political process, which is to actually get out there, you know.

JJ:

And [00:49:00] did you build, like, your own organization and work with the
Democratic machine, or [no?]?

RL:

Well, yeah, that’s the way it works, I remember being at St. Sylvester with my
petition, you know, you needed 1,000 signatures. I was by myself, with that one
sheet of paper, or that one pen and those sheets of paper, collecting signatures.

38

�But I also knew, the reason why I was doing it, too, I also knew that it was gonna
be a snowball effect. I knew that it was gonna be a tiny snowball, me by myself,
but I knew as things -- people got to know me, and as I was out there doing what
I had to do, that that snowball was gonna progress as time went on. And election
was in March, I was out there in September, which was unheard of, really, for
somebody to be out there in September for a March, six-months-later election.
’Cause they don’t really get out there till way later, you know, in the game. But I
was out th-- I knew what -- I knew I had a lotta work to do. I was by myself,
[00:50:00] but I -- again, I knew that snowball effect. And it happened that way.
People started helping me, getting involved, they got to know me, and volunteers
would call, people I didn’t know, you know. Friends -- it’s funny, ’cause I
remember sometimes I said, you know, “Friends became strangers and
strangers became friends.” Because a lot of people that I didn’t know would help
me, people that I thought would help me weren’t helping me. And because I’m
the type of guy, I will help anybody, you know, I won’t ask for anything in return.
But yet, I saw that some people didn’t help me when I needed them, but that was
okay, because that’s how you learn, you continue learning about people and
situations. And so, it was all good. It was a lot of work, it was a lot of work, I was
up in the morning at the trains, I was at trains at night, I was at church on
Sunday, Saturdays I had a group of people knocking on doors, they said,
“Judges don’t knock on --” People would respond, “Are you running for judge?
Judges don’t come looking for votes.” You know. ’Cause they [00:51:00] don’t,

39

�judges don’t knock on doors. I was doing things the way I thought it should be
done. It was pretty exciting, though.
JJ:

So you had some opponents, or...?

RL:

Yeah, there were five people running.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

There was four guys, and one female. The female was the Democratic-slated
candidate, she was Puerto Rican. This other guy that was running was Puerto
Rican, myself, Puerto Rican, and two Anglos were running. And --

JJ:

And your area, what was the boundaries?

RL:

There was 10 wards, which included Humboldt Park --

JJ:

There were 10 wards, okay.

RL:

-- most of the minority wards. Majority -- a lot of the minority wards. You know,
Logan Square, Humboldt Park, going all the way west, you know, Chicago, west,
almost towards Central, practically, you know, Laramie. It would go as far -- it
was a lot, it was 10 wards, which is, I didn’t realize it was gonna be that much
work, but hey, I had to do it. And it was great ’cause, the funny thing is, ’cause
the three Puerto Ricans, [00:52:00] we all had mutual friends, so it was kinda
hard to -- some of your friends won’t support you because they were supporting
this person, or they were supporting that person, so it’s kind of an interesting
scenario going on there. The Democratic-slated candidate, the Puerto Rican
female, she ended up winning. And luckily, her and I -- I went in there with
nothing but respect, I did not go in there to engage in dirty politics, ’cause I don’t
see a need for that. So I came out looking good in this election because I was --

40

�the Democratic Party saw that I was just out there doing what I had to do to try to
win. I wasn’t trying to step on somebody’s toe to do it, I was just out there to do
it, the old-fashioned way. Let the people decide.
JJ:

So why didn’t you try to get in the Democratic slate at that time?

RL:

I did. I actually did. Because what you do is, you go in front of the committee,
there’s like 10 of ’em, and then they vote and decide.

JJ:

10 because there were 10 wards, or...?

RL:

Exactly. One committee member per ward.

JJ:

[00:53:00] So you went in front of the committee of the ward?

RL:

Yeah. So all of us did, there was, like, four or five of us, you know, candidates,
who met up, at a restaurant, and then the committee were in a room. So we go
in one by one, and basically sell yourself, and explain why you want them to back
you and why they should back you and things like that. So they ended up
backing the Puerto Rican female.

JJ:

But then you decided anyway. You were just stubborn, or...?

RL:

No, because what happened was, at that time, it was just a matter of, you know,
deciding what you wanna do as the days went by, and things like that. And I just
saw, too, I was working hard, and I didn’t wanna -- remember, it started as a little
snowball, now it seemed like a big snowball, and it was hard, not to -- people
counting on you. People helping you. People believing in you. [00:54:00] And
that’s -- it would’ve been hard to drop out of the race, it would’ve been hard, so,
you know. But...

JJ:

So you went all the way through with (inaudible)?

41

�RL:

Yeah, I went all the way through.

JJ:

And how did you do it? I mean, how...

RL:

I ended up coming in last place. The guy ahead of me, he had -- the guy ahead
of me, the Puerto Rican guy, he had the former judge position, he retired, the
former judge backing him, other politicians backing him, and yet he wasn’t even
that far ahead of me. I didn’t have anybody backing me, any politicians or
anything. Which was amazing. And limited resources, in terms of putting money
out into the campaign. I mean, one person who lost in the race, the Anglo guy,
one of the Anglo guys, he spent like 200,000. I mean, that’s a lot of money.

JJ:

Right.

RL:

And he didn’t win. Again, the Puerto Rican guy, he had all these politicians
backing him, and he only had maybe [00:55:00] 400 more votes than me. So, I
actually came out looking real good, based on the lack of resources, based on
the lack of support. But I had the support of the community, which was very
important.

JJ:

So did you set up an office, or no?

RL:

No.

JJ:

You didn’t [at the time?]?

RL:

No, what we’d do is we’d meet once a week, the committee of us, and we
strategized what we’d do that weekend, Saturday, Sunday. So every
Wednesday, we’d meet, we had some wine, some food, you know, just relax and
think about, “Okay, what’s our next move? Where we gonna go on Saturday and
Sunday?” What fundraiser we may have, things like that.

42

�JJ:

So you were doing fundraisers and (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

RL:

Yeah, that was, you know, so I -- my fundraisers were not typical, “Come and
support me.” ’Cause, “Who are you?” Nobody’s gonna come. So I did more of a
marketing thing, like, yeah, sure, “Support me,” but [00:56:00] it was more of a
party type of thing I was advertising. I mean, it was a party, it was food, it was
drinks, dancing, you know, it’s a good cause, so...

JJ:

And that cause, your main cause, what was your main cause?

RL:

Me. (laughs) You know what I’m saying? Support my candidacy.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) Support your candidacy.

RL:

But that wasn’t the focus, the focus was, “Let’s have fun and do this.” You know?

JJ:

Okay, all right. So it was civil.

RL:

And then I know, you know what --

JJ:

Like a civic thing.

RL:

Right, and that was never done that way before. Now, people are starting to do
that. I see that now, politicians are out there advertising, almost, similar to the
way I did it. You know? The most recent one was last week or two weeks ago, I
went to a jazz club for a fundraiser, and it was advertised almost the way I -similar to the way I would do it.

JJ:

So people [that?] more like party, family, getting together?

RL:

Yeah, I think --

JJ:

Not so much family, but party (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

RL:

Yeah, ’cause I felt like people are not [00:57:00] gonna come and just give you
money --

43

�JJ:

-- civic thing, with fun.

RL:

Yeah, ’cause even I did something with the word fundraiser. I put F-U-N in
parentheses, and called it a FUN-raiser, without the D, I dropped the D, and
things like that, I mean, I just went to a different type of -- reaching the people on
a different way. You know?

JJ:

If you won, what did you want accomplish?

RL:

What I wanted to do would be an active judge. And what I mean by that is, I
thought it’d give me more credibility, because I enjoyed talking to children, I
enjoyed talking to senior citizens and people in the community. I wanted to go
and, as a judge now, and talk to kids and say, “Look it, this is where I came from,
and this is where I’m at, and you can do it.” Because I tell kids, I say, “You know
what? On the first day of school, what -- if you were to give yourself a grade,
what would it be?” A lot of ’em may not [00:58:00] respond, I’ll tell ’em, I say, “It’s
an A. ’Cause that first day of school, as you sit there, everybody in this class has
an A. Because we’re all on the same page, we all have the capability, we all
have an A. The issue is holding onto that A as, by doing homework, by studying,
by completing assignments, and as the year progresses, the semester
progresses, but right now, you’re an A student. So, how bad do you want it?
What do you have to do? Look at me, I grew up in Cabrini-Green, I grew up in
Humboldt Park, I grew up with gangbangers, my friends were dying, I have a
friend on death row, you know. From Humboldt Park. [Juan Caraballo?], he’s
still on death row, in Stateville. And then I have a friend who, in the same
neighborhood, kitty-corner from each other, went to Harvard Law School. He

44

�grew up in a family of 13 kids, Anglo family. A family of 13, this kid went to
Harvard Law School, doing well now, and is a partner in the law firm. You know.
[00:59:00] So, you know, and I have another friend from St. Sylvester who
became the first Hispanic judge in Lake County. Jorge Ortiz. And yet we all
grew up in that environment, but again, it’s, you know, there’s a lot of things that
go on in people’s lives that affect their ability to move forward. You know. But I
would love to go and let these kids know, “Yeah, you know, I grew up this way,
but it’s possible. You just gotta have a little more focus and not be -- not allow
others to drive you this way, or take you that way. You gotta take it.”
JJ:

So it’s possible -- so what do you think needs to be done for these -- what do
these kids need to do to do what you did, [basically?]?

RL:

Well, the main thing is just to -- I mean, education’s everything. Why? Because
my parents, they harped about education all the -- we had to do our [01:00:00]
homework, we had to -- even though they only had third grade, fourth grade
education, my mom, I think, had an eighth grade education, my dad, third grade
education. Yet, they harped about school all the time. Doing your homework,
and school was very important, that’s why they sent us to Catholic grade school
and things like that, even though, you know, resources were very limited. I
mean, I remember getting toys from the church for Christmas because we
couldn’t afford a lot of stuff. But, you know, I think with my story, they could see
that even with that type of background, because a lot of it is similar to what
they’re experiencing, see, and they just gotta hear it. See, we don’t have role
models out there, we don’t see ourselves in that position because we don’t see it,

45

�a person of that ability. A Puerto Rican doctor, a Puerto Rican lawyer, a Puerto
Rican president, we just don’t see it. Because they don’t come visit us, they
don’t come talk to us, they don’t come and show that they are us, they are where
I’m at now [01:01:00] as a third grader, fourth grader, sixth grader, high school
kid. I mean, those people experienced what I experience. You know, when they
hear a speaker. I have good credibility when I speak because, for example, my
own clients, as a public defender. I could tell ’em my background, they’ll know
we’re on the same page, you know. I remember one time I went to Cook County
jail with a friend of mine who’s a lawyer, ’cause he had a client, and as a favor I
just went with him to go visit the guy, and the guy -- the defendant, okay, the guy
in jail is explaining how the crime occurred. And I’m sitting there listening, and
after he finished I told him, “It didn’t happen that way, I’ll tell you how it
happened. This is the way it happened.” Why? Because my own background
on the streets -- I know how -- so this guy was just bullshitting the lawyer, my
friend, but as I’m listening, I know what I know, growing up on the streets of
Chicago, I know that’s not how we would do things. [01:02:00] So when I can do
that, then they could relax with me, knowing that I could have, that we could
communicate now. “Okay, don’t bullshit me, I’m here to help you, so let’s do it.
I’ll be for real, you be for real.” So on and so forth. And kids know when you’re
for real, especially young people. If I’m going to a school and talk to a kid, and
try to sell ’em on going to school and being educated and being successful, you
know, I’m not gonna go on there and say, “Yeah, I grew up -- my parents gave
me everything in life, and you guys shouldn’t complain.” You know? “You should

46

�-- you just gotta deal with life.” Nah, I tell ’em, “Hey, life is not easy. It was never
easy.” That’s the beauty of it, though. That’s the beauty of it, ’cause if it wasn’t,
it’d be too boring. You know?
JJ:

So what are you doing today, I mean, in terms of your -- the lawyer, are you still a
public defender, or...?

RL:

Nah, right now I work for the court system, so I can represent people. I’m a
deputy general counsel at the Cook County Clerk of Court’s office.

JJ:

What -- [01:03:00] [I don’t know -- what do you mean?]?

RL:

And what they do, the Cook Clerk of Court, they gather all the -- any paper that
you file in court, we’re in charge of. We put it in a folder, and we file it, so any
document in a court case, any paper in that file, we’re responsible for it.

JJ:

For any cases, criminal, or...?

RL:

In any case in any Cook County. Any case in Cook County. So that’s a big --

JJ:

Civil or criminal, to both?

RL:

Criminal, civil, I mean, traffic, anything that comes into the court system --

JJ:

Goes through your office.

RL:

We deal with it. And we’re, like, the second biggest in the nation. Cook Court
system.

JJ:

Court system.

RL:

Yeah, we’re that busy. So, it’s a interesting, you know, place to be. I enjoyed
litigation, when I was a litigator, in court fighting for my clients, because I thought
it was good to try to talk to a jury. I don’t know if -- a lot of attorneys aren’t good
with juries.

47

�JJ:

Litigation means trying (inaudible) attorneys (inaudible)?

RL:

Huh?

JJ:

Litigation means trying (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

RL:

Yeah, you’re right, [01:04:00] trying a case to a jury of 12 people.

JJ:

Okay.

RL:

And I enjoy doing that because I could be for real with the jury. A lot of attorneys
don’t know how to relate to people because, for their background, whatever, they
just, sometimes they forget that -- ’cause sometimes lawyers think of themselves
up here, and then the jury, you know, common folks that we are, down here, and
they see that, you gotta come down if you wanna communicate, you gotta make
sure you’re at the same eye level, and make sure you could get their point
across.

JJ:

So that’s a pretty good job. Why do you wanna run for the judge thing?

RL:

Because I wanna - the reason why I wanted to run for judge was to allow me to
continue. ’Cause my ultimate goal, and I think it’s important that people have
goals in life, because then you’re not gonna get bored, because you’re always
trying to work towards something else, you know, and every time you accomplish
something, that’s a big thing. But then, does that mean you [01:05:00] stop
accomplishing? No, because if you have another goal, then whether it’s
education or something that you have to work towards, at least you know, “Okay,
that’s what I have to do, I have to work t--” So in my case, being a judge was
gonna give me that [instant?] credibility so I could go in the neighborhood, do
what I wanted to do in the community. My ultimate goal, I tell people, is to

48

�become the first Hispanic mayor of Chicago. Will that ever happen? I don’t
know. But it’s the same as people saying, you know, “Shoot for the moon, and
you’re amongst the stars, at the very least.” So it’s the same mindset, you know,
I’ve always been inspired by Harold Washington, and things like that, and
politicians like that. And so I say that, so I, you know, I consciously work towards
that, so I was very satisfied when I ran for judge, because I never, you know -JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) the first election is usually an experience for the
experience.

RL:

Exactly, it is, and you’re right.

JJ:

[And, so that was good?].

RL:

And get your name out there so [01:06:00] people know who you are. You know,
you gettin’ off the bench, I respect those that get off the bench than just sit on the
bench. I may talk about it, but if I don’t do anything about it, it’s all talk. So.

JJ:

Now, since Harold Washington, ’cause I think he opened the doors for a lot of
Latinos, you know, I mean a lot of people, but I mean Latinos also. Have you
seen other Latinos more since that period of time move up the ladder...?

RL:

Yeah, yeah. And, you know --

JJ:

I mean, are they working all over the...? Within the Democratic party, I mean, are
they working within...?

RL:

Yeah, I mean there are some good politicians out there, Hispanic and African
American, but are they really helping us as a community? To a certain extent.
To a certain extent. Why? Because I’d rather have ’em in there than not have
’em, because I remember how it was when we didn’t have ’em. Some of ’em are

49

�limited and, you know, they limit themselves, I guess, in their ability to [01:07:00]
really help the community. I think they could take us farther.
JJ:

Do they do it intentional, or -- what do you mean they limit themselves?

RL:

I know, that’s kinda sad, a sad thought, do they do it intentional? Maybe. Maybe
some do.

JJ:

If they do it intentional, they just wanna get the job and that’s it.

RL:

The prestige, the money, the power. Yeah. ’Cause there’s not enough of us out
there, so the few that we have, you know, they’re almost on the -- not the level of
God, but they’re up there, the people give ’em that without them actually proving
themselves. I mean, I’d rather see you -- you know, I give it to you but, show me,
you know, you should deserve it though.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) the job, they just got put on there.

RL:

Right.

JJ:

Without skills, is that what you’re saying, or...?

RL:

They may have the skills --

JJ:

I don’t wanna put --

RL:

-- no, they may have the --

JJ:

I don’t wanna put words in your mouth.

RL:

Right, they may have the skills, but it’s the power trip, you know, they’re making
their money, they’re making -- [01:08:00] you know, they get complacent. They
get complacent. Maybe that was their -- again, maybe that was their goal to be
aldermen, and then, “Okay, what’s your next goal? Now you became an
alderman, what is it you wanna do with that? Do you wanna just make money

50

�and cut deals and just do minimal for the community, or are you gonna maximize
and do everything that you aspired to do when you did run for this office?” You
know, there’s a difference between wanting to do something, talking about doing
something, and actually doing it. See? So that’s why I think they do have the
right attitude and the right heart when they do run, and then they do win, and
they love it, they celebrate it with the community, but now what? What are you
gonna do with it? I mean, we put you in the driver’s seat, but how far are you
gonna take us?
JJ:

So what do you think holds them down? ’Cause it’s sorta like, they jump, they’re
jumping up and then they [01:09:00] stop. So (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

RL:

Right, I think they fall into the trap of their peers. And when I say peers I mean,
like, the other aldermen who have been there for many years, more the -- it could
be other aldermans, whether they’re white, Black, or Spanish, who have been
there for many years, and maybe their focus is just to make money, and they’re
teaching you the game. You know, “Just keep your mouth shut, or just do it this
way, and we could work it together. Now, if we don’t work it together, you’re
gonna be an outsider, and you’re gonna be limited. We’re not gonna give you
much of the pie. You want a piece of the pie? Work with us, we’ll share with
you.” But...

JJ:

That’s straightforward, [then?]. (laughs) Is that what you’re saying?

RL:

Yeah. I mean, there are some renegades out there that don’t fall into that trap,
that want to do what they can for the whole community, and fight the powers that
be to get that [01:10:00] slice of the pie to share with the people, you know.

51

�Evenly. But I mean, the schools are still messed up, I mean, there’s just too
much, our people are just screwed. Are we screwing ourselves? I mean, what is
our problem? The same issues that I saw when I was a kid, a teenager, you saw
in the community that you guys fought for.
JJ:

What were those issues? That you saw.

RL:

Lack of education, lack of opportunity, jobs. At the very least, that we were, [if
had?] good education, you know... We’re not graduating from high school.
We’re not graduating from college. I mean, education’s everything. I mean, it
opens your mind to question, you know, and look at things differently, or at least
question instead of just allowing somebody to tell you that, “This is blue, so
[01:11:00] believe me it’s blue, even if it’s not,” you know. They may have the
handkerchief over and say, “Just trust me, there’s something blue under here.”
But, you know, education is the bottom line. Why? Because then, that next
generation, you’re gonna help educate them too. We can’t just rely on teachers.
I help my kid with his homework and things like that ’cause I realize, teachers
have a role, but so do parents. You know? You really wanna maximize your
kid’s abilities, it takes more than just going to a school. When they’re young like
that, I mean, you have to help them and motivate them and make them feel good
about going to school and saying, “Yeah, this is good, I wanna go back to school
and raise my hand when a teacher has a question and challenge her or him,” and
feel like their brain is working, they’re being creative and they’re actually learning,
instead of being bored and feeling like “Oh, I’m not as smart as the next
[01:12:00] person.” And just allowing yourself to vegetate, really. Come home,

52

�watch movies, and forget about. You know, almost giving up. Almost giving up,
even though you got a brain that’s priceless, you know. But...
JJ:

So what are some of the other issues? I know we did discuss, like, police abuse
at that time. And we discussed housing [in that?] -- is that a problem today, too,
or no?

RL:

Well, gangs, gang issues are still a problem. Why? There’s no excuse for that,
really. But at the same time, I remember when we grew up, there was boys’
clubs, there was YMCAs, there was all kinds of community organizations and
places you could go and be involved, and things like that. Now, there aren’t any.
There aren’t any community things going on. There’s no YM-- you won’t find a
YMCA or Boys &amp; Girls Club in your neighborhood anymore. They’re replaced
[01:13:00] by McDonalds, Burger King, or fast food joints, or businesses. And,
you know, the contrast was, if you were in the suburbs, you go to school in those
days, you could play sports, you could do this, you could do that, you could do all
these things. Over here, yeah, you could say the same thing, but it’s not the
same. I mean, I remember I played soccer at Illinois Benedictine for a couple
years because they would give me, like, 800 bucks. For me, anything was good,
so I could make some money to pay my tuition. I remember we played Lake
Forest College. Man, those kids, they all had beautiful duffel bags, they all had
the exact same ones and beautiful uniforms, and here we are with our, you know,
little garbage bag, practically. I was like, “Wow, that’s pretty cool.” I mean, we
don’t have that, but, you know, it’s the school system that buries us, or allows us

53

�-- or we bury ourselves, [01:14:00] too, though. It takes two. You know, it takes
two.
JJ:

And you don’t think the housing was contributing at all, or...? You just think that if
we fixed -- I just wanna get clear what you’re saying. So you’re saying that if we
just fixed the school system, that would get people more educated and that
would improve other services?

RL:

Right, it would improve our, you know, ourselves a lot, why? Because I think it
allows us to -- the next generation to be hopefully, you know, the American
Dream’s always that the next generation does better. But if we look at our -- the
way things are going, partly because of the school system being as bad as it is, I
may not graduate, my son may not graduate, my daughter may not graduate.
But if I have a degree and understand the value of it, my son, my daughter may
be tutored by me, even at home. People hire tutors out there, and it’s, like,
amazing. Which is good, if they can afford it, [01:15:00] but yet, we don’t even
come close to doing that. I mean, we don’t even do homework. Not we, 100
percent, but there’s parents out there who are just too busy. Why? They work,
they both work, they’re tired, they come home. You know. They forget the most
important investment is that child, though, in your own household. I mean, that’s
really the biggest investment in your household, and you’re letting it go down the
drain. I mean, like, when we educate ourselves, when we have kids, we’re
gonna let them know how important education is, and we want them to do better
than us. And we want them to be in first grade and not feel behind. Because
we’re gonna be, you know, teaching. I remember, in college, between age of

54

�zero and two, a child, reading that their brain is like a sponge. I mean, they just,
like, soak up information. So, when my kid was, when he was born, I was always
interacting with him. Reading to him, talking to him, whatever, ’cause I knew that
was an important window. And then thereafter, I would [01:16:00] take him to the
book store with me. Instead of buying him books, I figured, “Hey, let’s just go
have dinner, let’s go to a bookstore and relax.” And then he could read three,
four, five books. So he understood, you know, there was a lot going on in life, by
reading, and things like that. I’d read to him, when I would read I would stutter,
because I want him -- because my thing is, when I say stutter, is because I think,
if you know the alphabet, you could read. That’s what I say. So when I read to
him, I show him the alphabet, so I would repeat the B in the word “butter” a
couple of times, U, I would repeat it, so he could see that these are just letters
that are put together. And so he’s a very good reader, he’s in a gifted school,
Skinner, right now, which is -- you had to apply for. I mean, it’s funny, because
nowadays we have gifted schools in this city. We didn’t have that before, we
didn’t have any of that. But now that more people are living in the city, moving
from the suburbs, we feel the need to have that type of service for them. But we
didn’t feel the need to have that type of service for us when we were growing up
[01:17:00] in the city. ’Cause I think everybody’s gifted, I mean, we’re all gifted,
long as we have a brain, you could do a lot. If you’re brain damaged, I can
understand the limitations, but as long as we have a brain and we have
somebody that cares, a teacher, a parent, to help us along, you know. I feel bad
when I see kids not really being -- don’t know how to read and stuff like that,

55

�because I’m thinking, “Wait a minute, at least that parent has a eighth grade
education, so they --” You should be able to teach ’em, and your child, first
grade reading, math, whatever, but parents don’t wanna involve themselves that
much. You know, across the board, anyway. And so that, remember, there’s
that cycle, and that sucks. That sucks. I mean, you wanna educate your kid, you
can do it. You don’t have to rely on a teacher. I mean, you are going to, ’cause
the child automatically goes, but he needs that tutor at home. He needs to see
that the parent cares, that it’s important to the parent too. You know? That their
child does well. ’Cause they get a lot of [01:18:00] reinforcement from the
parents, too. “Wow, you did great,” you know. “Mira, Jose, you got an A, wow,
that’s good, see, I’m glad you did your homework, we did your homework, yeah,
we interacted.” Instead of popping a video in there, or a Game Boy, I don’t like
Game Boys or whatever the kids do on TV, or. His mother bought him one, you
know, my ex, but I’m not a big fan, and now she’s complaining he’s spending a
lot of time on it, I say, “Well, what do you expect?” You know, “It’s catch-22, you
buy it, he uses it, now you’re complaining? Come on.” (laughs) So, but...
JJ:

Any final thoughts?

RL:

Well, you know, and again, it goes back to -- it’s a collective, you know, it’s a
collective. And what I see right now is that we’re thirsting for leadership, our
community. [And I’ll call it?] Hispanic community, ’cause I see that more, you
know, I’ll talk about our people. We’re thirsting for leadership, we don’t have it.
We elected people, and we put ’em in positions of [01:19:00] leadership, and we
wanted them to lead us. And, you know, they’re like tires in the winter, just

56

�squealing in the snow, you know, slip-sliding away. And we’re like, “Wow,” you
know. And now we’re getting -- so it’s almost like we’re frustrating ourselves, you
know, we’re getting frustrated and saying ”What the heck?” It’s almost like kids,
we’re looking for that leadership, like a kid looking to their parents, and we do
that with our leaders as adults. We’re like, “Where’s our leadership? We wanna
move forward.” Which was why, when Obama won as president, President
Obama, the Blacks of course, the African Americans, very, very happy, of
course. But we were all also very happy, because that’s the closest that we
could get to a minority person that we think our, you know, is a leader, and is
gonna help us, and so on and so on. Imagine if some of us were in high
positions, you know, Latinos. ’Cause we do, we do get some satisfaction, and
we do get some pride and we, [01:20:00] you know, it kinda wakes us up. And
then maybe we can start realizing, “Wait a minute, we can do it.” [John?] and
[Jack?] from Humboldt Park, there’s that Young Lord who was doing drugs, and
look at him. You know? I mean, we don’t see those stories, because right now
we’re just so busy trying to make our money to survive. I mean, I’m just talking
about people working, I mean, we’re just busy doing that, and it’s kinda hard on
our kids, right, education and stuff, we don’t help them, but it’s hard on us too.
That’s why we’re looking for our leaders to pull us a little bit, and we don’t have
that. We have gangs, we have schools that are bad, we have just too much -we’re kind of giving up hope in a sense, you know, because, especially Latinos,
because we have the church, that we don’t see it as strong as it used to be. We
see kids being molested, and then we see the leadership not responding the

57

�way, [01:21:00] you know, the way they should, I guess, right? I mean, I’m not
blaming the whole church because, again, in every profession, we have good,
bad, and ugly. There’s a lot more good than bad. But the bad is what we have
to deal with, and hopefully respond appropriately. So, that’s why I have that in
the back of my mind as a goal, to become the first Hispanic mayor, because I
saw it in Harold Washington, I saw what he did, and what he was going to do,
and then he died. But, I’m sure Chicago would’ve been way different.
JJ:

And you said you worked on the Harold Washington campaign, what were you
doing then?

RL:

No, my cousins were, my buddy was, and so I would, like, go watch -- go to the -when he won, or I’ll watch it on TV, or I’d read about it in the paper. You know.
’Cause I remember when [01:22:00] Harold -- Epstein or whatever the
Republican --

JJ:

Epton, yeah.

RL:

Epton, Epton. Was running, when the commercials showed, like a Black hand
voting, and then the tag word was, “Before it’s too late,” you know, “Vote Epton
before it’s too late.” I mean, it was so racist, I was like, “Wow! This is amazing,
how 19-whatever!” Yeah. And commercials are just straight up racist.

JJ:

Well, he was being picketed and everything by Epton supporters. They were
picketing him at the time.

RL:

Right? I mean, everything was -- it was just crazy. Even on TV, I remember the
Council Wars. The way he was just --

JJ:

The Council Wars, can you explain what that is, or...?

58

�RL:

Yeah, it was basically the aldermen, for the most part, the white aldermen in
Chicago. When Harold won, they ganged up as a group of 28, I believe it was,
and Harold Washington, to get a lot of bills passed, or [01:23:00] ordinances, or
whatever, laws, he would need them. He would need a majority, you know, at
least. But the majority were the whites, so they would block almost everything he
would do. So even though he was the mayor, he was like a lame duck mayor,
because he wasn’t allowed to really run the city the way he wanted to, the way
he thought would be a better -- to make the city better for everybody. But the
power, the Council Wars, as they called it, because now, the 28 aldermen versus
the mayor, and it was pretty ugly. It was -- you see it on TV, you read about it in
the paper, but they didn’t care. I mean, power was the ultimate goal for the 28,
they did not wanna lose it, especially to a Black man, especially to the minorities
in the community, ’cause he represented -- he was gonna represent the
minorities, ’cause we really didn’t have representation until he came along. And
not only that, he was [01:24:00] gonna appoint Latinos and African Americans to
a position of power in the city departments. Hell, we’re all taxpayers, we should
all have equal rights, but you know.

JJ:

Actually, I think he said that publicly, like when they had the Puerto Rican
parade, they had the first neighborhood festival in Humboldt Park. Do you recall
it? It was, like, 100,000 people or something like that in Humboldt Park.

RL:

Wow.

JJ:

You don’t (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)?

RL:

No, I don’t remember that.

59

�JJ:

I think he said that publicly, then.

RL:

Oh, really good.

JJ:

About appointing Latinos. And he did (overlapping dialogue; inaudible).

RL:

Right, right, exactly, oh yeah. Yeah, it was good, it was good stuff. It was a lot of
stuff happening in Humboldt Park, I mean, I remember the 1976 riots, Puerto
Rican Day parade riots.

JJ:

The ’66 riots?

RL:

That was the first. The second one.

JJ:

Oh, the ’76 --?

RL:

The second was ’78.

JJ:

’78, okay.

RL:

’78, the second one, ’cause I was a sophomore and at Prosser. And that was the
second riot, it was a two-day riot. A couple people died the first day, and the
second day, I think a couple more [01:25:00] people got shot by the police, and
businesses were burned, and everything.

JJ:

[Five people died?] in ’78, I wasn’t aware.

RL:

Yeah, 1978, the day of the Puerto Rican parade. And what happened was,
’cause I remember being there --

JJ:

Oh, I was here, yeah, just saying, I didn’t remember.

RL:

Yeah, Google, man, that’s a good one. I mean, nowadays, you know. And that’s
another thing, when I say Google. A lot of kids think they can’t go to college
’cause they can’t afford it, and I’m thinking, “Wow, all you gotta do is Google for
scholarships and,” you know, “just put in some keywords and things’ll pop up, a

60

�little research, you’ll find some money out there.” A lot of people don’t do that,
when I was young I had to go to Harold Washington Library downtown, which
was at Randolph and Michigan, which is now the cultural center, and I would go
in there and ask the librarian, you know, “I’m looking for scholarships, do you
have a book on it?” And they’d give me these dusty old books that nobody was
looking at and, you know, there was obsole-- half of the scholarship information
in there was obsolete, wasn’t even in existence anymore. But I had to, you
know, [01:26:00] find a way, I had to take the train and go downtown. Kids
nowadays, they could just go on the computer and do some research, and
hopefully find some money out there. And it is, there’s money out there.
JJ:

Now you mentioned your brother, Lugo, and you didn’t know Gladys was part of
that too.

RL:

Right, right.

JJ:

And Edwin.

RL:

And Edwin, right.

JJ:

And Edwin is her -- Gladys’s brother.

RL:

Brother, exactly.

JJ:

So, Edwin [Diaz?].

RL:

Right, Edwin Diaz.

JJ:

Now, you said he [talks?] -- you’re hearing some stuff about the Young Lords
from him, or...?

RL:

No, I never really -- I didn’t --

JJ:

[He?] never [talked about it, or...?]

61

�RL:

No, no.

JJ:

Was he embarrassed of them, or...?

RL:

No, it just had -- you know, I was a different generation.

JJ:

Oh, you were a different generation.

RL:

Yeah, ’cause he -- I don’t know how old he is, but, what, maybe about 58, I’m
guessing. 59.

JJ:

In terms of age?

RL:

Yeah, I mean [it was like?] there was a big gap, because he’s the second oldest
and I’m one of the young ones, the babies, you know.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

RL:

My crew was different, I was at home. [01:27:00] I was more of a kid, you know,
and what they did on the street, they did. You know, I wouldn’t even know.

JJ:

But you wouldn’t -- he’s not considered someone involved with drugs, or gangs --

RL:

No.

JJ:

-- or anything, but you never saw them do that?

RL:

No. But you know what, he did influence me in a positive way one time, because
when I went to Holy Trinity, I was behind on credits, because again, I got D’s and
F’s at Prosser. So I wasn’t gonna graduate on time. So I actually went to a
counselor, and he signed me up for a fifth year of high school at Holy Trinity.
And then for some reason, well, I was at my brother’s house one day, and I
mentioned that to him. We were talking, and he mentioned how he went to
colleges, he said, “Why don’t you go to college?” And that kinda surprised me,
because nobody ever mentioned colle-- college was never in the picture for me,

62

�okay. I thought if I graduated from high school that was a big, big thing. And
nobody ever mentioned it until he did, he said, “You should go to college.” And
then [01:28:00] he backed it up by explaining why. He said, “You know what? I
went to Berkeley, and Michigan, as a speaker, as a Young Lord.” ’Cause in
those days, psychology and sociology were big things, and they’d invite some of
the Young Lords to tour their college’s campus, and talk to the students, and stuff
like that. So that kind of amazed me, ’cause first of all, I didn’t know anything
about college, but second of all, I didn’t know he actually went to these major
universities.
JJ:

I remember when he went to Berkeley, [I remember that?].

RL:

Yeah, that kinda tripped me out, so that had a big effect on me. So what I did the
next day, it was a Sunday, I was visiting with him at his house. I went to Holy
Trinity, I told the counselor, I said, “You know what? I’m going to college.
Whatever it is I gotta do to graduate this year, tell me, ’cause I’m not gonna do a
fifth year of high school. So tell me what I gotta do.” So, he told me, “Well, take
some correspondence courses.” Whatever -- this is what you had to do. And I
[01:29:00] did, I took some correspondence courses besides my high school
courses, and I was real busy, but I graduated. You know? And then I just, you
know, ended up, of course, graduating from college and things like that, but
yeah. It was because of him, because of that. Nobody ever said anything --

JJ:

I remember, he traveled through the [whole coast?] of California, speaking at
different --

RL:

Oh, really?

63

�JJ:

-- places, yeah, [I remember when?] he did that.

RL:

So, you know, so I helped his daughters, he had three daughters. All of ’em
graduated from University of Illinois Champaign-Urbana.

JJ:

Lugos? Lugos? Okay. Good.

RL:

Yeah, uh-huh. And because --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

RL:

Right, right, exactly. (laughter) So it was [funny?] because he inspired me, you
know, I learned everything I learned about applying for school and everything on
my own. And so, when the girls were getting to that age of applying for college, I
would tell ’em, “Hey,” I was the one to [01:30:00] tell ’em exactly what to do. And
they did, because they had a thirst for -- ’cause I could tell kids what to do, if they
don’t listen, what good is it, right? I could give ’em the whatever, but if they won’t
work it, you could lead ’em to water, if they don’t drink, then they’ll stay thirsty.
But his girls, they listened to me, and they applied to -- I would tell ’em after their
junior year, the summer of their junior year, you know, after the junior year, I said,
“Right now’s the time you guys gotta apply for college. Get the application, start
getting ready for those recommendation letters.” And I’d give ’em the process,
because once they became seniors -- you know, ’cause I always feel like, you
gotta be first in line, when you -- the applications are ready, they tell you, “Send
your applications, admission application, beginning September through March.”
Well, guess what, if you do it in March, the chances of you getting in are almost
zero. But if you were part of the people that sent it in in September, you know,
that’s a big [01:31:00] difference. So I told ’em, “You gotta get -- a ton of kids are

64

�gonna ask their teachers for recommendation letters, these teachers are gonna
be busy, and they have a personal life, and they’re not gonna have time for 100
personal letters. Get your stuff ready, and do it immediately, and be first in line.”
Sure enough, they all graduated, they all did what I told ’em and they did it. I told
other siblings, you know, nephews and nieces, I tried to help them, they wouldn’t
listen, so of course they didn’t go to college, or they didn’t go to graduate school,
or whatever. You know? I try to help people as much as possible. I was on the
admissions committee at University of Wisconsin Law School for minorities. And
then, what it consisted of was, four law professors, and an African American,
Spanish representative, and an American Indian representative. So we were on
the committee for minority applicants.
JJ:

And this was in what city?

RL:

University of Wisconsin Law School, Madison.

JJ:

[01:32:00] In Madison, okay.

RL:

Right. As a law student, I was on the committee. And I brought in the most
Latino law students ever. Based on the admission. Why? Because I was
proactive. I see their qualifications, we’d vote on it, but more -- that’s one thing,
you could send an admission letter, they may not come, they may go elsewhere.
But I get on the phone, and I call these people and say, “Hey, you know, I’m soand-so, Ricardo Lugo, I’m at the law school and I saw your application, we would
love for you to come visit, we’d love for you to come here.” Or something to sell
these students to come here. I’d represent the Latino students, so that’s why I
would call, and the African American guy or girl would call the African American

65

�applicants, you know. So I recruited -- and the ones that actually came, we had
the highest -- the largest Hispanic law student class, first-year law students, was
when -- because of my efforts. You know. ’Cause, you know, I just want
everybody to [01:33:00] have that opportunity. I mean, it’s a great school, it’s,
whatever it takes. I even had -- one friend of mine in particular, he’s here in
Chicago, he went to University of Chicago undergrad, [Morrison the Mejicano?].
I called him, I said, “Hey, come visit, and you can even have my apartment.
Come for the weekend, you can have my apartment, I can stay somewhere else,
but that way you have a place to stay.” Sure enough, he came to visit, and he’s
still a good friend of mine now. The other day I saw him, a couple weeks ago, he
said, “You know, I might run for judge myself.” We were just talking. So I like to
back up what I say. I don’t like to just talk to talk, you know, I like to back it up.
You know, and hopefully if I’m around a group of young people, I tell you, “Hey, I
would love to talk to your kids.” I was at a LULAC convention in Puerto Rico, and
a woman that worked with the Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, a Latina,
happened to be from my same town, you know, Yauco, Puerto Rico. She said,
“You know what, I’m the diversity [01:34:00] coordinator at the -- on the Air Force
base, would you come and speak to us during Hispanic Heritage Month?” I’m
like, “Sure, I love doing that stuff.” So then a few months later, she called me
and told me, “Hey, yeah, remember we talked? Why don’t you come down?”
And she said, “How much do you charge?” And I said, “Nothing.” You know, I
enjoy doing that. You know, I don’t charge to talk. And sure enough, I went
down there and it was in -- it’s in Dayton, Ohio. And, yeah, so I flew into

66

�Columbus, Ohio, rented a car, went over there and slept on base. They had their
own hotel. They gave me -- put up the room and stuff. But yeah, you know,
again, I just enjoy doing it. People helped me, so I don’t see any reason why we
can’t help each other. The payback is the positive, you know, the seed you may
plant in somebody. But it’s up to them to put some water or knowledge,
whatever.
JJ:

So there’s [01:35:00] some elections coming up, are you -- the mayoral thing is
[not?] coming up soon, right? (laughter)

RL:

I’m not -- yeah, I gotta -- I’m working with the party, Democratic Party, to try to
get into their good graces. In other words, to have them help me, slate me, you
know, in becoming a judge, or becoming an alderman, or whatever, down the
road. That’s where I’m at. ’Cause they saw that I did a good job, and they were,
I’m sure, surprised, at what I did. But at the same time, impressed with what I
did. So, we’ll see. I mean, I was going to senior citizen homes, I was all over the
map. Yeah. It was busy, it was nonstop, I --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) Busy, yeah. Busy work.

RL:

I think I put three years of work into six months, man. (laughter) ’Cause I have
my job, I have my son, I have the streets, the work, the streets, get that vote. I
had to do what I had to do. [01:36:00] So.

JJ:

Final, final thoughts?

RL:

That was my final thought, but, yeah. (laughs)

JJ:

I appreciate it. I appreciate it, Ricardo.

RL:

Gracias.

67

�JJ:

Gracias.

END OF VIDEO FILE

68

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The Young Lords in Lincoln Park collection grows out of the ongoing struggle for fair housing, self-determination, and human rights that was launched by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, founder of the Young Lords Movement. This project is dedicated to documenting the history of the displacement of Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos, and the poor from Lincoln Park, as well as the history of the Young Lords nationwide. </text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project
Harvey Lugten
(52:36)
(00:05) Background Information
•
•
•
•
•
•

Harvey was born in Holland, Michigan in 1922 and graduated from Holland high school
in 1940
His father was a cabinet maker, but lost his house and job during the depression
Harvey worked as a paper delivery boy during school and began working in
manufacturing once he was done with school
Harvey worked in a tool room and was deferred from service 3 different times because of
his job
Once he was drafted he had his choice of joining the Army or the Navy
He had always enjoyed going sailing and fishing so he chose the Navy

(6:55) Training
• Harvey was sent to Great Lakes Naval Academy in Chicago for training
• They went through lots of marching and other physical activities for 9 weeks
• He was then sent to machinist school in the same area of Chicago
• Harvey was later interviewed to join in submarine school and went through psychiatric
testing as well
• He passed his testing and was sent to submarine school in Connecticut
• The submarine service was very selective and the classes were difficult
• There was hands on training and they were working in subs the whole time
• He then had training in submarine diesel school
• Both courses lasted 13 weeks and Harvey spent about 6 months altogether training in
submarine school
(14:55) Overseas
• Harvey finished his classes in 1944 and took a troop train from Connecticut to California
• He boarded a troop ship headed for New Caledonia and then was transferred onto a
coastal steamer
• They stopped in New Guinea to stay for a while on a very old and beat up base and then
left for Brisbane, Australia
• While in Australia Harvey also visited Sydney, Adelaide, and Perth on the western side
of the country
• They took trains across the country that were very old and slept on straw
• They only thing in Australia to eat was mutton and after that, Harvey never ate mutton
again

�(18:20) First Sub War Patrol
• Harvey had been staying at a sub base in Fremantle, Australia
• They then left on the Hake, USS 256 submarine, which had just returned from 2 previous
war patrols in the Atlantic working to fight German U-boats
• The sub had also been on 5 patrols in the Pacific and was successful in sinking Japanese
vessels
• On Harvey’s first patrol, he witnessed the sinking of a Japanese destroyer and a ship
• On another patrol Harvey and others had been attacked by 147 depth charges for 16 hours
• When attacked by a depth charge, everything on the ship is shut down and it operated for
“silent running”
• They turned the devices back on after the attack and the sub had been flooded with about
4 inches of water
(25:20) Submarine Crew
• When Harvey joined the crew he had been a replacement member
• Much of the rest of the crew was experienced and had already been on 5 patrols in the
Pacific
• The sub contained a control room, torpedo room, officer’s quarters, mess hall, engine
room, and maneuvering room
• Harvey worked in the engine room while they were on the surface
• Every man worked for 4 hours on, 4 hours off, and so on
• While they were submerged he worked on maintaining the level of depth for the sub
• Most war patrols lasted two months and then they would have two weeks off while the
sub was at port
(35:50) Third War Patrol
• For his third patrol Harvey traveled to Manila Bay, but the ship was called back to the US
for an overhaul due to the beating it took from the depth charges
• They traveled to CA for the sub to be worked on and Harvey had time to go back home
on leave
• He had been at home in Michigan on VE Day in May of 1945
• Once he was back in California they headed for Pearl Harbor and then Wake Island to
load up on fuel and supplies
• The sub was then on lifeguard duty near Saipan, helping to pick up downed pilots
• Then they headed to Tokyo Bay for the Signing of the Peace
• They left Japan and headed back to the Eastern US
• The sub was sent to Connecticut to be decommissioned
(41:15) Discharged

�•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•

Harvey was discharged in February of 1946 and planned on going back to college after
that
He started a little late in the semester at Hope College in Holland, MI
The GI Bill helped him pay for most of his classes
Harvey got married while in college and dropped out
He built his first house on his wife’s property in Holland
Harvey worked at GM for a few years, but decided to go back to college and graduated in
1954
He received a degree in mathematics and then went to Western Michigan University in
Kalamazoo for his masters degree
Harvey eventually became the superintendent for Byron Center schools and remained in
the position for 20 years

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                <text>Moving Image</text>
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                <text>Text</text>
              </elementText>
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          <element elementId="46">
            <name>Relation</name>
            <description>A related resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="548790">
                <text>Veterans History Project (U.S.)</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <text>2008-10-14</text>
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          <element elementId="48">
            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="567696">
                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/455"&gt;Veterans History Project Collection, (RHC-27)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <text>application/pdf</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="797217">
                <text>video/mp4</text>
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          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="1031286">
                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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