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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interviews
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Jasper “J. J.” Harrington
Date of Interview: 06-10-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 6]
FRANK BORING:

Kunming going back to Rangoon to relieve the 3rd Squadron
that had seen some battle.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

2nd and 3rd.

FRANK BORING:

Right. And when you arrived. You arrived in the thick of
battles. There was battles going on there was fighting going
on when you finally got over there. I wonder if you could
from your perspective on the ground describe the bombing
and the effects on you.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

We had left Kunming - I don't recall the actual date - to go to
Rangoon to relieve the 2nd and 3rd Squadron they were
pretty well worn out so was the airplanes at the time. So the
1st Squadron went down to Rangoon and then relieved the
2nd and 3rd Squadrons which they located back to Kunming.
As we left to go Rangoon. We flew Chinese National
Airways into Lashio and then they wouldn't fly any further
down towards Rangoon than that. Then we got on this train at
Lashio and then see sawed down the mountain and then 'til
we got level land territory and then went on down to Rangoon
and we didn't have any problem I mean with the Japanese on
the way down. We made that all right and then it was a
matter of some place for us to stay and get bedded down. And
we could not leave the airplanes on the airdrome there at

�Mingaladon because the Japanese would come over and
bomb it every night. And so the P-40's came in after we got
settled down and we found some place where we could have
them and be convenient for the pilots during the day time and
then try to find some place at night I mean so that we could
get them off of the field and park them somewhere. After we
got down then we saw some formations of Japanese airplanes
coming over. I mean they come over in the morning and then
before noon and then get all the P-40's up and they would
take up after them. Most of the time late in the afternoon they
come over with another formation of bombers. Sometimes
they would be bombers sometimes they would be fighters and
bombers. They first started off coming over bombers and then
the bombers couldn't outrun the P-40's so then they starting
bringing a formation of fighters and bombers They only
thing that when the bombers dropped their bombs well then
they would take off and they could outrun I97 escort that they
had. The P-40's would leave the I-97's sitting back there and
take off start shooting down the bombers again. And then
they at times they have nothing but fighters and there would
be circling over the field, by gosh, I don't know the numbers
there were a lot of them, but just fighters. And then the P-40's
would climb up and get above them and then come down thru
them I mean in a dive and I mean there ain't no way you
gonna catch a P40 if you put it in a dive. So all the tactics that
the Japanese came up with I mean the Flying Tigers they
counteracted with something else to minimize the efforts of
the Japanese have gone to. And this went for day in and day
out. At night when we couldn't fly at night we didn't have no
landing light, well, we didn't have no landing lights. They
absolutely didn't have any lights on the field I mean that were
permitted. And I mean by the same token it was too
dangerous because the Japanese gonna be over there and
bomb you when you gone in. So what we would do the crew
chiefs would get P-40's and taxi them off the field and up a
road I mean and in behind some house or under a tree

�somewhere and then we would go off the base where we had
a place to sleep out in the jungles I mean and that's where we
set up a little housekeeping out there and the mess officer that
we had I mean he fixed it up and we had meals out there I
mean the evening. So then we would get up before daylight
the next morning and get back down and then the crew chiefs
would go out and get the airplane and taxi it back of the field.
One of the reasons we taxied those airplanes off of the field in
the evening and back on to the field in the morning is to save
the pilots the effort to going out there and getting the gad
blame airplanes. There was no use of them to go to the
trouble of going out there and getting the airplane and taxing
it off. I mean and I was always under the impression that if a
guy going to be a mechanic on a darn airplane I mean he can
sure taxi it back and forth on the ground. He ain't no pilot gad
blame but he can taxi it around I mean for maintenance
purpose. So anyway we did that and then later the Japanese
got to bombing so much around there until they found a
dispersal area that the pilots could fly the P40's out to a
dispersal area quite a little ways from the airport and then
have transportation pick them up out there. But during this
period of time they had some British airplanes down there the
Hurricanes. In the evening when they would get ready to take
to get their airplanes off the field they had to I felt for those
British ground personnel they had to push the gad blame
airplane off of the field and they had to push it up a hill pretty
steep hill to get off of the field. I'd be taxing an airplane off
and they be pushing a Hurricane up and there would be
maybe 10 or 12 of them trying to push this gad blame
airplane up and I couldn't wait on them so I just go ahead and
give it throttle and I guess just dust them off good and I'd go
apologize to the British ground personnel, but I said believe
me there should be a better way for you all to do that, but
unfortunately we don't time to stand behind you. Well, they
understood what we were talking about but that was one thing
that differed from the way the British did and we did We

�tried to work together with the pilots and the pilots I don't
know why they required them to do that I'll never know. But
why we were down there we had everybody had a jeep. We
lived quite a ways off base at night and the British had
actually pulled most of the stuff out and only an insane
asylum I mean and just let the people out. I know one
morning I was heading down to the strip and I saw this white
sheet sort of we had these black out lights on the jeep so you
couldn't see very well. I got up pretty close and we found out
it was one of people out of the insane asylum down there that
they had just turned loose. I mean I thought that was pretty
brutal type things. The guards on the gates, they had gates
there, with a guard on it as you were going into the airport at
Minagladon and we'd go in wide open with the jeep by gosh
and holler AVG and just keep going. Well, once in a while
they would get a new guard on the gate and nobody told him
this was a signal and password that we was supposed to use. I
had been going in the gate and hollering AVG and all I'd hear
was Halt and I just kept going and don't make no difference
how much noise that jeep is making when that bolt slammed
that cartridge in the chamber the guard has got you can hear
that by gosh and then you start putting on brakes. Then I get
across to him who I was and wanted to get in there and go to
work. Meantime I'd look up that head of the guard out there
and said by gosh let's get this password bit straighten out
before somebody gets shot. By anyway they did and natives
over there were just as nice by gosh and they could possibly
be. Now the British had a little problem with the natives off
and on at times, but so far as I know we never had any
problems with them.
FRANK BORING:

Let's go back just a little bit to the bombing itself. The
bombing and the strafing which the Japanese did on you.
Give us from your personal perspective what happened when
they came over. What you needed to do to protect the
airplanes, slit trenches, whatever it is. We do it from your

�point of view. What it was like on the ground to get strafed
and bombed.
J. J. HARRINGTON:

After we arrived at Rangoon and then actually started into
combat had the [?] and the Japanese were going to come over
in the morning. They was going to come over wave in the
afternoon and then they were going to come over again at
night. Well, there's no going to be anybody on that airdrome I
mean at night if we could help it the airplanes or anything
else. But during the day time they would come over in a
formation of bombers and if they had a fighter escort I mean
the fighters would be there a long with them. What we would
do and we didn't have very many people, we had about 8 or 9
mechanics at most that we had down anyway. Well, we had
already picked out a place where we could find a place by
gosh. You had to get a hole deep enough that you could get
your head down below the surface. Because they started off
dropping demolition bombs and you can have a demolition
bomb drop as far from here to that wall and it won't bother
you a bit it you just lay down on the ground. I mean because
it goes up at an angle. But then they started dropping these
frag bomb now they would just go parallel to the ground and
that's the reason you had to get your head down under the
something deep enough so you could get your head down
below the surface of the ground. It was difficult and you
knows that it was going to happen I mean then by the same
token I mean I don't know of anybody that there was panic I
mean that type bomb. And they'd do the same thing with
strafing. I mean with the fighters. And so you got down where
you could hid your head I mean down below the surface of
the ground and then you are relatively safe I mean that. Just
like when they started dropping those frag bombs, well, you
knew that you had to get your head down below the surface,
by gosh, because they were going out horizontal to the ground
anyway. We didn't have anybody get killed there with any of
the bombs or the strafing either one that was going on but the

�British did lose some people. It turned out to be more of a big
game type situation except that it was for real, by gosh, but
we had to be there when the airplanes came back in I mean,
because we couldn't be lost somewhere get in a jeep and just
hide somewhere. You can't do that. You have to be there
where you could see the airport. So we just tolerated that and
in our squadron we didn't have anybody get killed by strafing
or by bombs dropping. They come real close I mean but that
was it. It was not desirable that was for sure I mean but then
by the same token I mean you got to do a little something on
your own I mean try to prevent this sort of stuff from
happening.
FRANK BORING:

Give us an idea of the bombers or the fighters came over. The
Tigers are already up in the sky ready for them to battle-- the
battle happens. The Tigers either run out of ammunition or
gasoline or whatever, they land. The battle still going on what
is it that you had to do at that point.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Well, now when airplanes at Rangoon were in the air in
combat and we were setting down on the ground around the
strip down there if a P40 run out of gas or had some problem
there's no way that he could land on the airport there at
Rangoon. He had to land at an auxiliary place away from all
the bombing and strafing that’s going on. Lot of time we had
to go out to the one of these dispersal areas and either take
them some gas out there or go out and fixed whatever
maintenance problem that this pilot had, but it would have
been suicide to try to land there with the bombers and the
fighters going on at the same time.

FRANK BORING:

You had mentioned about the British there. I wonder if you
could give us an idea of the way that you did business in the
AVG did you work, your standard routine type of
maintenance work and the way the British did. I mean in your
interview you guys didn't take time out for tea.

�J. J. HARRINGTON:

Actually while I was at Rangoon we worked fairly close with
the British. I mean in a lot of respects they had their own
airplanes, and primarily the Hurricanes, they did have
Buffalos to start off with then they tried to dogfight with the
Japanese and they lost all of those. But basically maintenance
of airplanes is basically the same - the way we doing it, the
way the British are doing it. Except the concept is a little bit
different and the procedures just like I mentioned except for
letting the British taxi their Hurricanes off the base, by gosh,
well then they had to push them off. But one big difference
that the British had which was an advantage over us they
were getting spare parts I mean thru their system which we
were not. And that was a big, big plus for them. We got along
beautiful with the British, I mean they charged our batteries
for us they filled our oxygen bottles. They were just real
accommodating. We had one Canadian crew that operated
gas trucks for us and then after we went back into China they
followed us all the way back to China. We got along well
with British ground troops as far as I knew they got along
well with the pilots British Air Force. I don't have any quarrel
at all with them. With the exception of one thing the latter
part of the time when we were down at Rangoon we were not
worried about the air force I mean cause as I said before we
could get in a hole under a sewer pipe anything I mean as
long as we could get out of the way, but the ground troops
just kept moving slowly from Thailand toward Rangoon and
[?] Bay. Now Bob Neale and the pilots were flying [?] reports
for the British ground troops with the P40B with two 50's and
4 30's doing what they could and they were working close
together with the British and everything that they did. But
anyway, one morning I had to go I needed an oxygen bottle,
battery or something, I forget what. So I went over, got I the
jeep went charging over to [?] and everything was sort of
scattered around sort of helter skelter, and I couldn't find a
soul not a darn soul, normally there was somebody over there

�working. But anyway, I found a battery that was charged and
I picked it up and put it my jeep and went over and put it in
the airplane. Then I went down and looked up Bob Neale. I
said Bob do those British tell you that they were going to
move out last night? Nope, he hadn't heard nothing about it. I
said they did and there ain't nobody down there but us by
gosh. Anyway, he got on the radio and called Chennault
which Chennault was in Kunming of course and Bob told him
the situation and said that they had all move out of Rangoon
and we were down there with about 9 airplanes, 9 P-40's at
the time. And one thing speaking of Chennault I can inject
this some of it here, that selected these squadron leaders I
mean based on their capability and he had some good ones.
Chennault had confidence in them. And Chennault was the
type leader that he would not dictate what these squadron
leaders did and the decisions that they made and him up and
Kunming and like Bob Neale down at Rangoon. So
Chennault told Bob well, if I don't know the situation up here
you down there and you do know the situation. Just use your
own good judgment I mean as to when you leave Rangoon
and evacuate. Well, that put a load on Bob's shoulders, but it
also relieve him too, by gosh, that's the way Chennault
operated. I mean he left it up to the people, he didn't try to
make decisions I mean unless he knew the facts. So he left it
up to them and we probably stayed down in Rangoon a little
longer than we would have if Chennault would have been
involved in it. But nobody was involved and when we left out
of there except Bob Neale. And we stayed on down there
until Japanese ground troops. When they come to the
Martaban [?] Bay well of course that’s the offshoot of the
Salween River so they just turned and went up ground troops
went up the Salween River and then about 50 miles and then
cut across the Salween River and were still heading west. And
after they got about half way across Burma well then decided
that that is about time for us. Because we couldn't come up
the Burma Road that was primary route to get vehicles what

�we had and gas trucks and what ammunition we had up that
road. So anyway decided to go ahead and evacuate, Bob did,
and I started taking some [?] convoys, two or three trucks at a
time that night and going around the Japanese ground troops.

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&#13;
Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/540"&gt;Fei Hu Films Research and Production Files (RHC-88)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>1938/1991</text>
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                  <text>Fei Hu Films&#13;
Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                <text>RHC-88_Harrington_JJ_1991-06-10_v06</text>
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                <text>Harrington, Jasper J.</text>
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                <text>J. J. Harrington interview (video and transcript, 6 of 14), 1991</text>
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                <text>Interview of J. J. Harrington by filmmaker Frank Boring for the documentary, Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers. Harrington served in the AVG as Line Chief in the 1st Squadron "Adam and Eve." After experiencing some confusion with his recruitment for AVG and discharge from the U.S. Army Air Forces, he traveled to Rangoon, Burma where he was met by Col. Chennault. He was stationed in Rangoon and Toungoo, Burma and Kunming, China.  In this tape, Harrington discusses his journey back to Rangoon during a time of battle with Japan and the bombing and strafing that was taking place there. He also describes his experience working with the British during those times and how their maintenance work compared with their own.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interviews
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Jasper “J. J.” Harrington
Date of Interview: 06-10-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 7]
J. J. HARRINGTON:

During the time we were at Rangoon and just prior to the time
that we left for Kunming, the British had pulled out and left
us a couple of days before and Bob Neale had got in touch
with General Chennault as to what he should do, since the
British had pulled out their troops and Chennault told Bob
Neale "Well you're down there and you know the situation a
lot better than I do and so you just use your own good
judgment - I mean you should pull out if the ground troops
get too close." And I repeat again that was one of the reasons
that Chennault in my opinion was such a good leader. He
selected good people and put them in responsible positions,
but then by the same token he gave them the responsibility to
make decisions on their own. He did not hinder them - I mean
- I'll put you in a responsible position, but I'll reserve the right
to make a decision. Once he put them in responsible
positions, they had the authority to make decisions within the
capability of the assignment they had and that was one of the
things I thought that Chennault - he was a brilliant individual
in doing that. So many people will not do that. During the
raid that we had - and that was after the British had left - our
entire squadron of about 8 planes took off and went on a raid
and everybody came back except Bob Neale and we didn't see
another P-40 or hear another one and I think it was Charlie
Bond, one of the other pilots said the last time he saw Bob
Neale he was down on the deck heading out to sea with an I-

�97 on his tail and that is not the most attractive position for a
P-40 to be in, because if he's down on the deck flying straight
and level he just does not have enough power to pick up a lot
of speed from anything. But also this I-97 that was on his tail,
he did not have enough power, so if he could go outside and
start shooting from the side and you had to shoot straight in
from the tail, then he couldn't overtake Bob Neale either. So
as a result, the I-97 broke off for some reason, he either ran
out of ammunition or he'd run out gas and then Bob Neale
come on him and we heard this roar of his P-40 coming in
and it had to be Bob Neale because everybody was accounted
for except him. So he came buzzing over the field and rolling
over and then he let his gear down to come in for a landing
and of course I had my jeep and was watching him and I
knew that the planes were pretty well filed up by gosh
because even before he touched ground I could see fabric
flying on the ailerons and the horizontal stabilizer - I mean
the rudder really and they had fabric made out of those and
they later made them out of metal. But these were all fabric,
the ailerons and the elevators and the rudder. And they had all
kind of strange flapping and then when he touched down,
why I noticed that by gosh both landing gear - wheels were
flat - I mean the tires were flat, had been shot up. But Bob
Neale was the type pilot that by gosh that you didn't see any
swerving or anything, he was a smooth pilot, he set the thing
down and rolled down the runway just real straight and of
course I was behind him in my jeep and come to a stop. So I
drove up there and stopped and got out and jumped up on the
wing and usually when Bob would come back from a
mission, he had a lot of nervous tension. When he was in a
situation of combat or any type situation, you couldn't tell if
he was nervous - his nerves didn't bother him any at all - but
usually when he'd come back from a mission, I'd jump up on
the wing and help him off with the chute and he'd sit there
and he'd be fussin' and cussin' and everything else - a pretty
foul-mouthed individual anyway, but this time when he came

�in, I jumped up on the wing and when I got to the airplane I
could see holes all in that P-40. So anyway I jumped up on
the wing and helped him off with his parachute, of course
Bob was cussin' Japs and just carrying on a narrated type
fussin' campaign. Then he said "These Japs they can't hit the
side of a red barn" and he punctuated that with a bunch of
profanity too. I didn't even open my mouth and he kept
talking about they couldn't hit anything. So I got him in the
jeep and I still hadn't said one word to Bob and I never did.
So I got him in the jeep and carried him over where the pilots
had a little ready room so he could get some coffee or a little
something to eat. So then I just dropped him off and went on
back out to the airplane and I still didn't say nothing to him.
So I was working on the airplane for a couple of hours. I
figured he'd sort of settle down by then so I went back over to
the little ready shack and told Bob I says "How about getting
in the jeep and I want to take you out and show you
something." "Where in the devil are you going to take me"
growling at me and I said "Well just hush growling and get in
the jeep and I'll show you." So he got in the jeep and I rode
him out to his airplane and I told Bob - I said "Well Bob, you
know these Japs might not be able to hit a red barn, but they
sure know how to hit a P-40 by gosh." We counted 74 holes
in that P-40. But as I say this Japanese - this I-97 being right
on the tail of the P-40 and the bullets had to go straight into
the tail - and the tail and the metal parts that the bullet had to
go through - and they were 303 bullets - they were not 30
caliber bullets. But they didn't have any 50 caliber bullets on
those airplanes and so they'd spin a little bit going through the
tail section and the metal back there and then you had all the
communications gear sitting back there and then in front of
that you had a self-sealing fuel tank that this bullet had to go
through and then a little bit further back you had the armor
plate right behind Bob Neale. Well all that metal and the
interference that this bullet had getting in, it wouldn't go past
there to get into fuel lines, hydraulic lines, that would be

�buried in the cockpit. So apparently the Japanese that were in
this I-97 either just completely run out of ammunition or just
run out of gas and broke off. Then when it did, why then Bob
could go ahead and break off. But Bob could not break off
from that Japanese and give him a side shot from that P-40.
But anyway he came screaming in and the only damage that
was done to that airplane - see one reason was - well it was
difficult in a way - but if we could have had spare parts it
would not have been difficult. Now the damage to that
airplane and that was 74 holes in it, all we had to do was
replace the control surfaces, the elevators, ailerons and the
rudder and then we had to replace the communication
equipment, it was tore up when the bullets went in there and it
had about 6 or 7 dents right in behind the armor plate, but the
bullet was almost spent and all it did was make a dent in the
armor plate. So then we had to replace the fuel tank and other
than that the airplane was ready to go. The whole thing while
we were over there was the fact that the parts had us stymied from actually doing a better job than we did, it would have
been a lot better. But anyway it was a good thing that Bob got
out of that one. But there's reasons why he got out of it which
I've just explained, with the type bullets they were using in
the I-97's and the obstacles it had to go through.
FRANK BORING:

Why do you think you were not being provided with
equipment and spare parts?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

One of the things that I feel in my own mind that we were not
provided spare parts and support from the hierarchy, I mean
back in the United States, the War Dept. specifically, is the
fact that they had fought so hard to prohibit and prevent
Chennault from getting any American products, both material
and personnel.

(break)

�J. J. HARRINGTON:

The Army and the War Dept. had fought so hard against
giving anything to Chennault for operations in China and they
went to President Roosevelt and they were dead set against
giving him anything and President Roosevelt overrode the
recommendations of the War Dept. and the military hierarchy
and did go along with Chennault and was recorded before the
spring of 1941, that President Roosevelt did issue an
executive order over and above the objections of the military
to permit the recruit, enlistment and discharge of people for
the purpose of going over there. My feeling that the reason
they never did give us any support is the fact that they'd made
a prediction to not only President Roosevelt, but everybody
that would listen, that they absolutely cannot fight a war,
under the conditions and circumstances for which they were
trying to get airplanes and people. You're taking 100 airplanes
over there and putting them in combat, that they would not
last a week and then they would be gone. Since we stayed
more than a week in combat with all 3 squadrons, I still
believe that the War Dept. and the military power, if you
decide to still keep supplies from going to China for the
support of the Flying Tigers, is the fact that if you cut off the
supplies sooner or later they're gonna dry up anyway and then
we will be right. The time phased sequence might be a little
bit off but at least we will have been right in our assessment. I
still believe that was primarily the cause because General
Chennault did not get along with them when he was on active
duty and that goes back quite a ways further because General
Arnold was the chief of the Army Air Corps at the time and
him and Chennault never got along when he was a Captain
with his air tactics. Now General Arnold I think was a good
Air Corps officer, but he was a student of Billy Mitchell and
Billy Mitchell was a bomber pilot, but now Chennault was a
pursuit pilot and there's a heck of a lot of difference in a
pursuit pilot and a bomber pilot. Billy Mitchell showed the
Navy that he could sink battle ships out in the ocean with
aircraft, but by the same token Chennault was trying to show

�them that they needed pursuit aviation to protect these
bombers, which they never did get through their heads.
FRANK BORING:

Let's this Bob Neale thing first and then we'll go on to…

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Actually during our entire operation over there - as far as Bob
Neale being the Squadron Leader, I've never had any more
respect for a military officer or a pilot or even a man himself,
than I have Bob Neale. He was one of the most courageous
pilots I've ever known. The airplane that we had - of course
we tried to give all the pilots an air worthy aircraft to fly. We
didn't do a lot of window dressing and stuff like that on these
airplanes because we left it go, but as far as the safety of
flight items we did correct the safety of flight items before we
would release an airplane to go. But all the Flying Tiger pilots
were eager pilots and if you did not have an airplane ready for
them when the raid came over, why then they were growling
at you. Well I told them they could go ahead and growl at us
if they wanted to, but we were going to try to give them the
best that we could and then they could have a better chance to
do what they were going to do. But then Bob Neale flew this
#7 all the time, that was his airplane and I took special care of
Bob Neale's #7 airplane. But then at times I had problems
with that airplane that I didn't know whether I was gonna get
it fixed before the next raid came or not by golly. I figured
that Bob Neale was a little partial to #7 anyway and I sort of
dreamed up a little plan of what I would do if I couldn't get
that #7 ready for Bob Neale and had an air raid. I'd just get a
bucket of paint with a paintbrush and paint out #7 and go
paint #7 on another airplane and Bob came running down to
the airplane and I started hollering at him "Well Bob you
airplane's not parked where it usually is, it's over here" and let
him have it. But the occasion, thanks to the good Lord, the
occasion never did come up where I had to use that tactic, but
I would have.

�FRANK BORING:

You walked up to the wreckage and saw the aircraft, was that
correct, this was in Rangoon?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Well, I'm not sure exactly what you have there.

FRANK BORING:

Now you actually witnessed what they could do, could you
give us an evaluation how they changed your opinion?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

While we were still at Rangoon involved in combat, just the
First Squadron against what we felt like was primarily the
entire Japanese Air Force. The Second and Third Squadrons
were back at Kunming recouping and getting their equipment
back in shape. But before I went to China in the first place, all
I'd heard about the Japanese equipment, the Japanese pilots,
the military and the Japanese airplanes, that they were substandard type and inferior to anything the United States had
and in fact the United States back then didn't have nothing to
speak of. P-40 was it as far as the first line fighters and I was
associated - and especially down at Rangoon, while we were
still down there. Now the I-97, that's the airplane that we run
into first and that was what they had the most of until they all
got destroyed, now those airplanes were built - there was
nothing wrong with the way they were built and nothing
wrong with their engine, but their [?] between the wing and
the fuselage where we screw ours in so that we can take them
off for inspection, now they didn't have screws in theirs, they
put rivets in it so they didn't plan on tearing in there to inspect
nothing, they planned on an expendable airplane really. But
as far as the engine and the construction of the wings and the
landing gear system that the - in fact I had an occasion to
inspect those personally - and they were good, they were well
built as far as I was concerned, and good workmanship. The
same on the Zero that they came up with. Now the Zero was
actually a superior type airplane to the P-40 and of course the
workmanship on a Zero was good, it was a light airplane and
it had more fire power than the I-97 did. But as far as the

�quality of equipment they don't - I never did see anything that
I could pick a quarrel with the Japanese on. As far as the
Japanese pilots, now the pilots themselves can give you a lot
better input than I can because I was looking at them from the
ground coming over and been involved in them taking a
strafing pass at me once in a while, but actually the Japanese,
they were fanatics I would say in a lot of respects because
they got their airplanes shot up and they started down with it
and they couldn't go - now they were gonna dive that airplane
into some piece of equipment on the ground, whether it be an
airplane, a truck or what have you. Now we seen that happen
quite a number of times. And I don't know the reason behind
that except since it come up with the Kamikaze pilots and that
sort of stuff, I put them in the same category. But they were
going to destroy something - if they were gonna go, they were
gonna take something along with it. They did that on quite a
number of occasions. But as far as the equipment, I mean
that's…

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interviews
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Jasper “J. J.” Harrington
Date of Interview: 06-10-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 8]
FRANK BORING:

It was real chaos which eventually you escaped from, you
know, to get out of, but at any rate. Just before we get to that,
though. A part of the story we think is very, very important is
that in combat during this period of time, planes were
damaged and you've already described the kind of things you
had to do to get them back in shape and air worthy, but now
what we're looking for, you've got no supplies, you've got no
real support, there's only a few of you working on the
airplanes, what is this attitude of getting down to basics and
getting the job done?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

You're talking about getting down to basics, getting the job
done. See the British were not providing us anything except
oxygen and batteries. We were providing the equipment.

(break)
J. J. HARRINGTON:

I'd like to follow on the last days that we were down in
Rangoon and especially the city of Rangoon. The British had
pulled out, therefore the law enforcement officials, they didn't
have any law enforcement in the city of Rangoon. I rode
down through Rangoon during this period and everything was
completely torn up and everything had gone completely
haywire as far as law and order. There was no law and order
in Rangoon at all and it was just looting all over the city. So

�that was a sad situation and then there was just complete
turmoil and no control over the people at all that was down
there. From that one time that I went down there, I never did
go down into Rangoon anymore, we stayed out on the
airdrome out there. Since the British pulled out and in a way
with their capability for batteries and oxygen support that
they were providing, that we had quite a few things that came
up that we needed some help and primarily it was the lack of
parts and as I've told many people that wanted to know how
we made out without the spare parts that would normally be
supported - that you'd get support for you - my approach was
and it went pretty much all through the entire time we were
over there - my approach then was that if you've got a can-do
type attitude and if you work hard enough and long enough
you'll get something done and that's the first thing that we
found out was that ingenuity wasn't a lost art. Believe me, I
still believe it. If you've got a can-do type attitude and if you
work hard enough and long enough you're gonna accomplish
something and that's basically the theory that we went on.
Some of the things that we did to try to save airplanes, there
might be a small item that was wrong with an airplane - in
fact one example at Rangoon - the generator just completely
blew up on the P-40, for what reason I don't know and it was
in pieces. Well the only thing I did was take the generator off
the back of that engine and get me a plate and bolt it on the
back of that engine then you didn't have any electrical power it should be in the generator - the only electrical power you
had was from what was coming out of the battery. So I told
Bob Neale that I had this airplane but I need the [?] to fly up
to Kunming and I said we got to have somebody to pay
attention to what I tell him when he gets in the airplane.
Anyway he gave this pilot who was ready to go anyway, he
was ready to get the heck out of Rangoon for any reason.
Anyway I told him you ain't got no electricity except what's
in that battery, that P-40 had electrical props on it, they also
had radios and if - I was sitting up on this cockpit with this

�pilot and I said "You don't need it to operate the props, you've
got a manual lever over here that you can operate the prop
with, you didn't have to push a button to use electrical power
to operate it" and I said "You don't need the radio, all you're
doing is going from here straight to Kunming just as fast as
you can" Yep, yep, he understood, he understood and so we
got the airplane cranked and he run out and took off and
there's a lot of trees at Mingaladon and so he got out of sight
and I heard this terrific roar, I knew what it was and I knew
who was doing it too. And it was a prop running away on that
P-40 that just took off and he come around and the pitch - the
lower the pitch had got the fighter the prop was turning and it
was just screaming - one engine blew up completely. But then
by the same token you're not getting no bite and the tail
slowed this thing and about like an old rooster's tail that
sometimes get over a fence - anyway I looked and I was just
hoping that character could make the end of the strip, which it
did. So I run out there in the jeep and if this guy would have
had a gun he'd have shot me right there when I jumped up on
the wing. "What are you trying to do, kill me?" I didn't say
nothing and I looked over in the cockpit there and he had the
radio turned on, he had the propeller switch turned on
automatic. I said "If I had a ball bat, I'd beat your head in
too." So I told him to get out of the airplane and I said "I'll get
somebody else to fly it, but I'll be darned if I'll lose an
airplane on account of something like that." I was upset
really. So I didn't want to lose an airplane for just something
like that happening. So anyway he talked real sweet. I went
over and got another fully charged battery and he was
following me around. He wanted to get out of Rangoon. So
anyway I didn't say nothing to Bob Neale about what
happened. I did get another fully charged battery and put it in
this airplane. He got in the cockpit and I got back up on the
side of the cockpit with him. I said "You think you can keep
your fingers off of the switches until you can get from here to
Kunming?" "Oh yeah, yeah, I understand now." But the only

�thing about it that hurt me, the first time he wasn't paying
attention to what I was trying to tell him. The second time he
was and he took off and he went on into Kunming and we
saved an airplane as a result of it too, which we darn near lost.
But things like that that happened that you had to use your
own good judgment and do things - that was not the safest
flight not having the generator on there, providing you get a
little cooperation from the guy that's flying the airplane. So
anyway we saved an airplane by that and that we'd done on a
number of occasions - to try to do the best we can with what
we had.
FRANK BORING:

Could you tell us the story about the propeller that had two
holes in it and you had to - you said that to get that propeller
back in shape you had to shoot a hole through the third.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Going back to some of the things that we did - and getting
back to the ingenuity - we're still not losing safety of flight
items on airplanes. We had a P-40 down at Rangoon and we
had two props that had holes in them - two blades and then
we had one blade that didn't have a hole in it, well we didn't
have another blade, we didn't have another two blades to put
in - putting the blades in the hub of a prop is supposed to be a
shop type work, but I've been to aircraft maintenance school
and all the rest of them had too……

(break)
FRANK BORING:

We [?] the airplane blade and basically you don't have to give
us the background of the in……

(break)
FRANK BORING:

The prop - you don't need to preface it or anything - just tell
us what you actually did - you had the two blades that were
shot.

�J. J. HARRINGTON:

Another problem that we had that spare parts would have
come in mighty handy on during our operation over there - in
one incident it was at Rangoon where we - due to the
synchronized 50 caliber machine guns we had on the P-40B,
they'd occasionally if they got out of sync just a tad, why
they'd shoot a hole direct through the prop. The sequence that
they fired is direct dead center and by the time the bullet got
there they were shooting through the space. This one
particular incident at Rangoon we had one P-40 it had a bad
prop, it had two blades that had holes in them, and one blade
that didn't have any holes in it. Now we could change the
blades inside the hub if we would have had a blade to put in
it, but we didn't have a blade to put in it, so actually the next
best thing to do was to get this airplane out of the way and hid
it in a direction where it wouldn't do harm to anybody and
then pull this good blade up dead center and then pull the
trigger and shoot a hole in it. Some people would wonder
why did you want to do that. If we shot a hole in it with a
machine gun it would be similar to the holes that were already
shot in it, they went with a 50 caliber slugs through it and
then we could take a file and smooth off the rough edges so
all three holes and then let that airplane take off go back to
Kunming on a one-way flight so to speak, but not get in
combat because we didn't trust that type of operation in
combat because it didn't have to go full throttle on the trip
back from Rangoon to Kunming. And by so doing, we at least
saved the airplane and when we could get a prop with some
blades to go on it why we'd do it.

FRANK BORING:

Could you just make a comment on the statements and you
don't need a preface on either side, just make the statement
that you had made in your interview before that you had
heard that the Japanese didn't need to cross the bay they could
just go across on the wreckage of all the airplanes that were
[?].

�(break)
FRANK BORING:

Japanese wouldn't need to build a bridge across the bay they
could just…

J. J. HARRINGTON:

While we were still at Rangoon and before we left the
Japanese still came over every day, every morning, every
afternoon and at night and someone made the comment that
the Japanese ground forces had not reached Martaban Bay,
they were still in Thailand and the comment was made that
when the Japanese did reach the Martaban Bay - the shores of
Martaban Bay, they would not have to build a bridge across
to Rangoon in Burma, but all they'd have to do is just drive
their vehicles across on the Japanese airplanes that fell in
Martaban Bay from being shot down by the Flying Tigers.

FRANK BORING:

You'd left Rangoon, describe the trip up the Burma Road.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Still at Rangoon things were getting mighty hectic because
the ground troops were getting closer to the Martaban Bay
and the Salween River and instead of trying to cross the
Martaban Bay, why the Japanese elected to go up the Salween
River about 50 miles and then go across the Salween railway
heading west and they had gone across and cut off the Burma
Road north of us about 50 miles and they say the ground
troops was about the only thing that we were really worried
about because we could not get in a hole and hide from them
so we had to stay away from the ground troops and so Bob
Neale decided that we would go ahead and selected that night
that we would get our gas trucks and vehicles with
ammunition around the ground troops and we picked out a
little town just north about 50 miles north of Rangoon and so
that night I went ahead and led a couple of convoys……

(break)

�FRANK BORING:

Just start at that night.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

That night I led some convoys, ones that we could cut loose at
the time we did and then so I carried them on up to this little
town and just parked them and said just stay put until they get
back. And I made about 3 trips up there. As you're going up
this little road there's one road that headed straight and
another road that was sort of a Y and I explained everything it never looked crooked to those people and so I'd lead the trip
up there and I happened to look back and I didn't see one of
the troops and the chief, so I headed back on down this road
to the right, here this little light was waiting on the road
blinking, so I speeded up went on down there at just full bore
as I could go because we were expecting one minute some
Japanese ground troops down there if you'd have kept going
for a little ways - got him back out on the road. Anyway we
got everybody put at this little town and so I went back and
told Bob Neale that we were all set as far as all their supplies
and ammunition and the gas trucks and stuff and then all we
had to do was to get out and make sure he could start the
airplanes the next morning, which he did. I headed back on up
the road to meet up with the troops that was already there and
Bob Neale and the rest of the pilots, they flew top cover for
us till we could get away from the - on up the road and make
sure that the Japanese Air Force didn't come over and strafe
our few little trucks we had. See we couldn't go up the Burma
Road, that was our prime route to get our vehicles up, so we
went up on the road west of there, which was a Prome road.
That was up the side of the river and that was the last road in
western Burma that we could get out with our vehicles so we
went in convoy up there and they flew top cover to make sure
we didn't get shot up on the road and went up to the little
town of Magwe. Now the British had stopped at Magwe also
with their aircraft and so that's where we set up operations
again.

�FRANK BORING:

At this time, before the Third Squadron relieved you, you
made a comment that Bob Neale came to you after one of the
flights and he said that you're running out of equipment,
you're running out of - you guys are really getting tired, that
you needed help. Do you recall that conversation you had
with him? He was saying you need relief, you need help.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

I don't really recall that - I recall the semblance of that
conversation, but I don't know where it was at.

FRANK BORING:

That's all right just go ahead and give us the comment.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

See that was a B-17's that came in there when we were at
Magwe too - brand new ones.

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Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                <text>Harrington, Jasper J.</text>
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                <text>J. J. Harrington interview (video and transcript, 8 of 14), 1991</text>
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                <text>Interview of J. J. Harrington by filmmaker Frank Boring for the documentary, Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers. Harrington served in the AVG as Line Chief in the 1st Squadron "Adam and Eve." After experiencing some confusion with his recruitment for AVG and discharge from the U.S. Army Air Forces, he traveled to Rangoon, Burma where he was met by Col. Chennault. He was stationed in Rangoon and Toungoo, Burma and Kunming, China.  In this tape, Harrington discusses what it was like working to keep airplanes in the air with limited supplies and support, in addition to the last days spent in Rangoon without law and order. </text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/540"&gt;Fei Hu Films research and production files (RHC-88)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections &amp; University Archives.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interviews
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Jasper “J. J.” Harrington
Date of Interview: 06-10-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 9]
(Edited retakes at the start)
J. J. HARRINGTON:

I'd like to make one comment that Bob Neale said while we
were still at Rangoon when things were getting so hot down
there. He would take off in the morning…

(break)
FRANK BORING:

Let's just start at Bob Neale would take off in the morning,
don't worry about the preface part of it.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Bob Neale would take off in the morning on a combat
mission and then he'd come back at noon, would replace his
fuel, his ammunition and take off that afternoon, if he didn't
shoot up all his ammunition and come back and load up and
get prepared for the next day and do the same thing all over
again. Bob Neale made the remark that he said "Gee we're
sort of fighting a lost cause and a losing battle. Go up shoot
all our ammunition, come back, load up, go up and shoot all
the ammunition again" He said "By gosh it's time we got a
little help over here."

(break)
J. J. HARRINGTON:

After we left Magwe - I guess about a week - our airplanes
were shot up and beat up and we were worn out and beat up
also and General Chennault sent the Third Squadron down to

�relieve us and then we left and went back into Kunming with
the personnel we had and also our aircraft.
FRANK BORING:

When you got to Kunming, at this point the crew was resting
- resting or were you still trying to fix up the airplanes that
were brought in?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

No, we didn't get no rest we……

(break)
J. J. HARRINGTON:

When we left Magwe and went back to Kunming, that was
not for R&amp;R that's for sure. We went back and when we
arrived at Kunming and got bedded down in our barracks or
where we normally stayed at the second hostel, we started
working on our airplanes and we had a lot of work to do on
those airplanes. Not only patch holes but some engines
needed replacing and while we were at Kunming, we did have
a shop there that we could tear down an engine. These
engines could be torn down and we could grind the valves by
hand and make sure that we could get compression. We had
some airplanes that the compression was pretty low and when
you get the compression low like that, why then it's either
from rains or seepage between the valves, so you grind the
valves and the only way you can grind them is by hand and I
used to work over at the shop quite a bit tearing these things
down and then putting them back together. In the meantime
trying to grind the valves and you could do it - it just takes a
long time, but you'd take and you'd grind and grind - in and
out, in and out and sooner or later you can get it to where you
don't have any - you first start off you pour gas in the cylinder
and it runs right out. So when you get it to the point where it's
just a stain, why that's good enough.

�FRANK BORING:

Around this time Chennault asked you to go to Karachi and I
was just wondering what was the reason for him sending you
there and what actually transpired when you arrived?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Shortly after arriving at Kunming from Magwe, we were out
working on the airplanes and General Chennault came out
and there were quite a few people around and he was just
carrying on a general discussion and I was listening to him
and Chennault came over to me and said "Harrington, do you
know anything about a turbo super charger?" and he shut up,
he didn't say no more and I didn't know from Adam what he
was talking about. So there was just a little pause and I said
"Yes, sir, I know all about them things" and I shut up. I knew
that was not a good enough answer for General Chennault but
then by the same token I still didn't know what he was talking
about. But then he asked me, he says "Well how come you
know all about them things or how did you get to know all
about them things?" I told him I'd been to school in airplane
engine mechanic school. I had worked on airplanes at PB-2's
that did have a turbo super charger on them. I'd replaced
them, I'd installed them, I'd adjusted them and basically that's
all you could do on a turbo super charger. You can adjust it, if
that don't satisfy the problem, why you've gotta replace it. It's
a real high speed turbine wheel that improves the
compressions on the engine. So anyway I explained to
General Chennault and he seemed to be perfectly satisfied
that I had worked on the turbo super charger and then he said
"Would you - the Chinese have about 35 P-40E's in the dock
at Karachi and would you like to go over there and get them
off the ship and get them assembled so we can fly them back
into China?" I thought for a minute. I said "Yes sir I certainly
would. I'd be proud to go over there." So in fact I had to rush
to get my stuff together, I got my bags packed and headed
out. But what they wanted to do - we had about 5 or 6 AVG
pilots and then I was the only mechanic that went along. But
they had about 12 or 15 Chinese pilots, so the purpose of the

�Flying Tiger pilots was to - when we got the airplane
assembled, they had to get checked out in the airplane itself
first and then they were gonna check the Chinese pilots out
and so then they were going to take about 5 or 6 Chinese
pilots and one or two Flying Tiger pilots and then escort them
on the way back to China. So we left and headed out and
General Mao was in the group. There were a lot of Chinese
and he was a brilliant man, I've always had the utmost respect
for him too. Anyway we went over - we were flying in a
Sunderland Flying Boat across the desert and there's one lake
in between Calcutta and Karachi and we made a passenger
stop there. But then we went on into Karachi and as we were
flying over there I noticed a lot of tents down on the desert there's nothing but desert over there anyway - they were
scattered all over that place. But I didn't see the first airplane,
there was just nothing but tents and no airplane. So anyway
we got off the airplane and got bedded down at the hotel and
went out to the airport and I wanted to go by and see what
was in those tents out there. So the first time that I could I
went out to the tent city and there was a lot of tents out there,
but they had a hangar lying with some hangars, there was no
activity there either. I went out there and lo and behold I run
into a bunch of my old buddies that I left Hamilton Field with
and they joined this pursuit group and told me how stupid I
was to go to China in the first place. They were sitting out
there in tents and didn't have the first airplane in the entire
group - a fighter group and didn't have the first airplane out
there and that triggered off all kinds of light bulbs in my head
when I ran into that. As soon as I could I went into see Jim
Brady. They had a factory rep - a Republic Factory rep there
and a Pratt and Whitney rep so I met them and got acquainted
with them and then went into see Jim Brady. He was a
commander there and a heck of a nice fellow so I introduced
myself and told Jim Brady that I had a big problem and I'd
sure like to chat with him and I'm sure that he could help me
too. So I told him what the situation was with these airplanes

�down on this ship down there - still in the dock. I says "I
walked through that tent city out there and I run into a bunch
of my old buddies that I left in the States. They asked why I
ever came with the AVG in the first place and I said I know
they're good mechanics because I grew up with them and I
said "The bottom line of my sad story is that I need help." So
General Brady said he'd like to put them all to work because
he didn't have anything for them to do. Anyway they had a
big old balloon hangar there at Shagrin [?] and the three
squadrons in this group - they put two squadrons, one on the
assembly line on one side of the hangar and one assembly line
on the other side of the hangar and when they would get one
completed, they'd get it out to the end of the hangar, why I'd
get in it and taxied out to an old balloon tie down stake out
there away from the hangar and run it up and set the manifold
pressure on it and that's all you do to a turbo super charger,
just set it whatever reading it's set for the airplane. Once I did
that, I taxied this airplane over to one of the hangars where
another squadron was, another bunch of my good friends, and
I turned it over to them to put a shake-down inspection on it
to make sure that all the people over in the balloon hangar
had done what they were supposed to do and once they put
the shake-down inspection on it, why then the Flying Tiger
pilots would fly the airplane first and they'd get checked out
in it and then they would start getting the Chinese pilots
checked out. Once they got 7 or 8 Chinese pilots checked out,
why then they would head out back to China. So that went on
for quite a long time. Of course they didn't assemble those
airplanes very fast under the circumstances. Even though they
had a lot of manpower. But when we did get pretty close, why
about that time I got a wire from Chennault and he said some
of the P-40E's are back in China and having problems. If one
of you can turn loose over there, how about coming on back
in. So we were finished as far as I was concerned because the
group had everything under control and I was acquainted with
the B-17 crew there at Karachi, in fact I got real well

�acquainted with the people that were flying those B-17's, and
I asked the pilot could I fly to Calcutta with him from Karachi
and he said "Oh sure, but we don't have a parachute for you,
but we have plenty of room" I told him that it was news to me
that the Air Force still isn't using parachutes, because we
never used them in China but he said no you can go, so I put
my tool box aboard the airplane and then I flew from Karachi
and went into Calcutta with them on the B-17 and during the
trip, we stayed overnight in Rau and then picked up a load of
bombs on this B-17. But anyway taking to them, what they
were gonna do was go down to Calcutta and then they were
gonna run a bombing mission to Rangoon and that's a long,
all night mission from Calcutta to Rangoon. So in a way I
went out there to the airport and saw all these airplanes, P40's and P-40E's scattered around the woods and those pilots
they were about to go if they could at all set an airplane down
out in the desert somewhere, they were gonna have half of
their cylinders firing, they'd go staggering into Calcutta, but
Calcutta was a nice place to spend some extra time and that
was a mess and I didn't have no help to do any of this work.
The Chief of Maintenance with Continental Arch man there,
he got sorry for me and says I've got a good Chinaman I'll let
you have to give you some help and he came out there and he
turned this Chinaman over to me and he spoke English fairly
well. So I'd had a battery on a P-40E that had boiled over and
just made a big mess so I'd already disconnected batteries and
I wanted him to take the battery and go wash it off while I did
a few little piddling things with it and then the airplane would
have been ready to go across the hump. I got finished and the
boy never did come back and I went around the side of the
building and about half way up the side of the building was a
faucet and a tub up there and this Chinaman had taken this
battery and filled this tub full of water and he pushed it all the
way down in the water and then he'd pick it up and turn it
over and just shake it and I stood there and looked at him and
he did the same thing and he'd been doing it for about 30

�minutes. I was just laying up next to the wall and I was
thinking of doing bodily harm to that young man. I just didn't
know what to say, but anyway I went over to Sol Dishey [?],
he was the Chief of Maintenance there and I said "Sol, would
you please take your help" so then I was left without anything
but I continued to work until I got the airplanes ready to fly
back across the hump. I run into some problems there with
the [?] for the P-40E. On the fuel pump in any airplane - and
it's for the P-40E, you've got an inlet side and then you've got
a pressure side. You build up pressure inside this pump and it
goes out one side. Well on this particular pump in this P-40E
they did not have a bead on that pump so you could squeeze a
hose down it tight enough to prevent it from leaking. If you
build up pressure in that, in all probability that thing is gonna
go, it's gonna go sooner or later, it might go just as soon as
you put pressure on it. But anyway they had a note from the
factory saying that it needed a bead on this pressure side of
this fuel pump. Well they didn't have no beading tool down at
Calcutta there and you can make a bead on a tube and what I
did was get a spike - a big nail and used the head of the nail
and put it in the pipe and put it on a piece of wood in the vise
and sit there and keep pecking at it and just keep going round
and round and if you keep pecking on that thing you will get a
bead on that sooner or later. It seems that nothing's gonna
happen, but you will get a bead on it. Well with all the P40E's down there I had to spend anywhere from 2 to 3 hours
to put a bead on this tube so that I could put a hose on it, put a
hose clamp on the other side of the little bead that I put on
there and if you don't, you just have to lose the airplane. So
anyway I finally got the P-40's, the P-40E's all ready to go
across the hump back into China, so I went back on the
CNAC back across the hump. I got back into Kunming and
went and reported to General Chennault and explained why I
was delayed on the [?] in Calcutta. He said "Well I'm glad
you got in, all the P-40E's are grounded" so I said "What
for?" He said "I don't know what they're grounded for -

�they're all grounded. The prop is out of kilter and they won't
work." I went over there and was checking out these Chinese
officers in these P-40E's. I went over and talked them, a lot of
them spoke English. So I always carried a screw driver and a
pair of pliers in my pocket anyway and a pair of wire cutters.
Didn't know what I would run into anywhere. I went over and
talked to these Chinese. They explained what was wrong with
this propeller on this P-40E. On an airplane, on the pitch of
the prop you've got from high pitch to low pitch and it gives
you the amount of RPM's all the way down to low pitch, high
RPM, or high pitch you get low RPM and it's supposed on
this P-40E if I remember right, it's supposed to go from about
1800 RPM all the way down to 1100 RPM, that's the max
travel from low to high RPM. Well it liked 50 RPM going
before travel. It was the travel that you would never use in
flight of any type of reasons, but the Chinese when they run
into something like that, this is wrong, it's got to be fixed. So
they grounded all them airplanes. They could have gone out
to the line and got any mechanic to go over do it, but they got
to sit there and wait until I get all the way from Calcutta back
up there to go out there and do it. So anyway I got my screw
driver and we got the cowling off this airplane that had been
running up and sure enough they were riding like 50 RPM's
and they were telling me Yep, yep, it's right and I said "Yeah
I know it's right, it's right" We took the cowling off the thing
and you've got a governor on it and if you want to adjust a
higher or lower pitch you take your screw driver and you've
got a little set screw there, you turn it to set it. So I did and
then run it up again and it was all right. Anyway they showed
them in the book where this is wrong and I said yes it sure is.
And all these Chinese officers being checked out, they was
getting around me and getting back to General Mao, he
always put his head in once in a while too, he was interested
in what the devil these airplanes - what was wrong with these
airplanes. Of course I met him when I went over to Karachi.
So after it was all fixed then the Chinese got around there and

�they show them in the book, well it says back there in the
book, you do it. So anyway you get a part in the technical [?]
that says what it's supposed to do and that's where the pilots
to have this is the range. But you turn over to the dash 2 on
the same tech order that tells you how to fix it. Anyway I sat
there and nodded my head, yep, yep, that's right. But then I
thumbed over about two or three pages and I said "This is
what you're supposed to be looking at, this is where you're
supposed to fix that thing." By golly, so anyway I turned and
left them.

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                  <text>Collection contains original 1940s films and interviews conducted in the 1990s, documenting the history of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) "Flying Tigers." The Flying Tigers were organized by the United States to aid China during the Second Sino-Japanese War. &#13;
&#13;
Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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                  <text>Fei Hu Films&#13;
Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interviews
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Jasper “J. J.” Harrington
Date of Interview: 06-10-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 10]
J. J. HARRINGTON:

I've made the comment several times that the shortage of
personnel that we had in addition to the shortage of
equipment and parts and I've been asked many times why
didn't we utilize the Chinese a lot more with the aircraft
maintenance than we ever did and really I have worked with
the Chinese, especially around Kunming they would assign
these young fellows to us and I would try to work with them.
The only thing, they were smart people, they were intelligent
people and they were just clean-cut young Chinese, however,
they had not been to mechanical school and especially a
school on the mechanics of airplanes and one of the simple
problems of maintenance that we had on the P-40 was valves.
We had to check those valves quite often and sometimes
about every time they came down from a full throttle flight,
which is about every time they took off. So about once a day
we'd check those valves. They were easy to check. You had to
take two valve covers off of the top of the engine, they were
readily to get to and then you could reset the clearance to
what it was supposed to be on these valves. And I worked
with these Chinese and sometimes when I didn't have
anything to do and I worked with them patiently to try to get
them to learn how to check valves, well they could get the
clearance adjusted properly, but then to hold the retaining nut
and get the thing to hold the clearance nut and then tighten
the retaining nut to hold it in place. Then I'd check it after

�they got through with it and sometimes it would be too tight,
or it'd be too loose, very seldom got one that was exactly
right. Then I explained to them how they were supposed to do
this again and so they'd do the same thing and once in a while
they'd get one right and once in a while they wouldn't. Well
when we were out there - now we did not have airplanes that
we could set aside for instructional purposes. The airplanes
that we were working on, as soon as we got an air raid, we
could put the airplane back in commission right then and it
would be available by the time the pilot got out there. Well
we couldn't tear down an airplane and have a school for these
students and I tried and tried and just never could do it. It was
more time trying to teach them than there was for us to go
ahead and do the job in the first place. That's the reason really
that I never did get any productive work to speak of out of the
Chinese helpers. Now they did have a place there where they
did major maintenance at Kunming, that we called Grandma's
Old Graveyard, a wooded area off the strip down there. If we
had some major maintenance to do on an airplane, why we
would take it down there and now they had some people that
worked with them down there that they was in no hurry and
they didn't have to get it out at a moment's notice and start
running again. They did get a little productive use out of
those people. But out on the line where you had to have the
airplane ready it was just impossible to get the airplane back
in commission. You couldn't tear it down very much, you had
to tear it down just a little so you could get it right back in
commission. So that was - I would attribute to the lack of
training to the Chinese youngsters and of course after they
started getting some updated equipment and went to some
technical schools, then they got sharp. It's a different situation
completely now than it was when we were over there.
FRANK BORING:

Your next stop was to go to Kweilin, I wonder why were you
sent there and what were your duties during that period?

�J. J. HARRINGTON:

Well after we had our equipment in as good a shape as we
could get it in there at Kunming, it was about time for us to
move out someplace. We were back healthy again as far as
our own selves and airplanes - as healthy as we could get and
it was decided that they would send the First Squadron to
Chungking and this was more of a diversion than anything
else. We went to Chungking and stayed up there a few days
and then one night this Chinese pilot, he was with the Chinese
National Airways, I forget his name, but he was an old,
mature pilot and a darn good one, he was as good as Bill
McDonald. So anyway he came up and picked the ground
troops up so we headed south and kept going, and going, and
going and I began thinking, well I'll look out and see water
sooner or later, but he starts letting down and making a turn
like he was coming in for a landing and everything was just
black outside and so he let his gear down and started letting
his flaps down, you could hear them, so just before he
touched down, then here comes two streaks of light down this
strip, so he just clump, clump and then the lights went out and
he was down on the ground. These two streaks of light was
lanterns and there were Chinamen and lanterns on both sides
of the runway all the way down there at Kweilin and as soon
as we touched down those lights went out, so he taxied back
on over and parked it and we got out, they had a truck there
and we went out about 3 or 4 miles a little bit farther away
from the strip and found a place to sleep and got a few winks
of sleep and got up the next morning and met up with the
Station Master to find out where we could get some gas and
where we could park the airplanes which were gonna be in
the next day. So once we started getting it all straightened out
then we had an air raid. So they'd put up the Jingbao balls and
so here comes this observation plane that came in and circled
around Kweilin and then in a little bit here comes this
formation of bombers with a five escort and we were sitting
in a hole on the side of the hill there and there's rock
formations down there and you could find a pretty good hole

�and just sit there and watch them just bomb and strafe
everything around there. So after they got through they left
and headed on back after quite a long while. So anyway we
did what we could and found out where everything was and
then late that afternoon, just before dark our P-40's, the First
Squadron came in and so we had a place already picked out
where we could put them and refuel them and what
maintenance had to be done and so that's what we did as soon
as the P-40's got in and that was the one time that I run into
refueling problem that I hadn't experienced before. The fuel
that we had at Kweilin came out of caves in 50 gallon drums
and it had been there for God knows how long. There was so
much water in the fuel that the - we had a large funnel and
then on top of that we had an insert to go in this funnel and
then a chamois skin, we could put chamois skin off in the
insert to go in it, well you just covered that up so you could
run the fuel through this funnel and chamois skin until the gas
wouldn't run and so then you had to take it out and squeeze
the chamois skin out and put it back in and do it all over
again. So it was quite a lengthy operation to refuel airplanes.
Now we started off doing that and then later they did get a
fuel truck in that helped out a heck of a lot. And even the fuel
truck didn't have the capability of siphoning out this water
with a filter so much as still run it through a chamois skin and
going through chamois skin like that, you don't get all the
water out of the fuel, but you can get it in and fill up your
tanks and then wait for an hour or two and then you can drain
the sump plugs underneath the [?] part of the tanks on these
P-40's and then you could get a good portion of the water out
of the fuel. But anyway the P-40's got in so we immediately
got in and scattered them around these rock formations and
under trees and got all the airplanes fixed and ready to go.
Then the next morning, here was this alert, the same little
observation plane came tooling out up from Canton so Bob
Neale and the P-40's they took off and headed up north of the
field and Chennault was down there for this little operation

�too. Anyway we were sitting over the side of the hill in the
rock formation where we could see the strip and all the time
that we were over there we tried to get someplace when they
had a raid so that we could see the strip and it's happened, the
P-40 had problems and the pilot had to make an emergency
landing and then the other P-40's would fly top cover for him
to try to protect him from any strafing. We'd run down with
the jeep and try to get the pilot out and get him in a hole
somewhere. So I was in a hole next to the hill and these
bombers were coming in from behind us and they saw the P40's coming and they salvo'd [?] all their bombs right on top
of this hill right behind everybody. I've never seen such a
rock slide in my life. I just hopped up in the hole a little closer
to let all these rocks rip by and they shot down about 16
airplanes and graduated them [?] and from there on out then
the Japanese were in there en mass. So later Tex Hill came
down with his squadron and he was up at Hengyang, which
was quite a ways from - the airplanes, the Japanese were
coming in from Hankow into Hengyang, well it let up on us at
Kweilin and doubled up on them at Hankow - I mean in
Hengyang from Hankow and so the First Squadron then went
up to help out outfit up in Hengyang. Since we were the first
airplanes, the Flying Tigers that had gone into Kweilin,
nobody bothered them, they'd been coming over and bombing
Kweilin and bombing the Chinese cities at will, just like they
had up around Kunming and they didn't have any interference
at all. They stopped it, but then by the same token the
Japanese increased their activity to knock out the Flying
Tigers too but they never did.
FRANK BORING:

Could you describe the caves themselves and the conditions
that you were working under in Kweilin?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

While we were at Kweilin, the terrain was rock formations
scattered all around and imbedded in these rocks were shells
as if it was on the water some many, many moons ago. But

�they had a lot of caves in those rocks and our actual
operations center was in a cave and that had been in a cave
for many, many moons really, so that's where they actually
operated from and we had a communications radio and it's
tied in with the system. In another cave, 3 or 4 miles from that
main one, that was where we had the communications set up.
But anyway in this cave is where they had the
communications from the network on the movement of
aircraft. In fact, they had this huge chart on the wall and it
would get reports from the time an airplane would take off at
Canton we'd get a report on it there and he would put a little
flag on it and then kept putting them on the board to see what
direction they were going. So anyway we stayed down at
Kweilin from the time we went down there until the 4th of
July came around and we disbanded.
FRANK BORING:

Let's go into the - during this period of time there's pretty [?]
bombing raid could you just talk about that?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

While we were at Kweilin, we still ran into the parts problems
that the P-40's and one thing about - that we did not have a
shortage over anywhere in China was manpower. Now that
was in abundance. So when the Japanese would come in on a
bombing raid, even at night, if you come in at night, the holes
were repaired before we could get out there in the morning. If
they came in during the daytime, as soon as the bombers got
out of the way, those holes were repaired immediately by
coolies. I don't know where they all came from but they just
sprouted out of the ground around there, as soon as the raid
was over with they'd done it so much until they were really
proficient in it and so the coolies would go over and cover all
these holes with a mixture of gravel and dirt and have it all
packed down. It didn't take them very long to do it. Now it
didn't make any difference when they came over and bombed,
whether it'd be night or in the daytime, now that bunch of
people was there. So the lack of manpower was not a problem

�at all as far as manual labor and that type stuff. It was more
than adequate.
FRANK BORING:

Right around this time there was a party given to you by the
Kweilin City Fathers. I understand that it was kind of a
humorous situation which you noticed about the Chinese.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Right after we got down to Kweilin, the Japanese had bombed
the cities Kweilin and the cities surrounding that area without
any opposition whatsoever and at the time the P-40's attacked
this bomber formation and shot down 16 airplanes, that was
the first time that any airplane had done anything to the
Japanese formations trying to bomb that place. So after that
the P-40's were there and they did not have no problem with
the bombing the city or any cities around there. After the
Flying Tigers shot down about 16 of their airplanes they were
more concerned about knocking out the Flying Tigers than
they was dropping bombs on innocent people and cities. Well
the mayor and city fathers they were appreciative of what the
Flying Tigers had done and Kweilin was a beautiful city. So
they wanted to do something and they were gonna have a big
banquet for the Flying Tigers and Bob told me we couldn't go
down town for a banquet because the Japs might come back
and we have to be out there. Anyway they were gonna come
out there and they come out with truckloads of fancy food and
must have gone into their cellars and got all the kind of booze
that you can imagine and they had a big spread there in this
building where we slept. It was a wonderful thing for them to
do but they brought out - this was American whiskey and
you'd have to remember that in a Chinese dinner that you
usually have about 30 courses and about 90% of them are
liquid. So anyway they were [?] by on me to this and that,
well they had downed a glass of just straight whiskey. Of
course Neale was sitting next to the mayor and the dignitaries,
I was sitting close to them and he says "Drink up back in the
United States you people drink gallons of this" Bob says

�"Yes, we do, but over a long period of time and not in one
sitting." It was not too long, you never seen like a drunk
people in your life, because they were just not accustomed to
drinking that hard liquor straight and every time somebody
wanted to toast somebody then there was another glass full of
whiskey. They started to have to drag them out and drag them
out, but the intentions were good and they were a wonderful
bunch of people. But they couldn't quite take this straight
whiskey, by gosh, toasted by gosh, by a bunch of people as
often as they toast people was what it amounted to.

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Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interviews
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Jasper “J. J.” Harrington
Date of Interview: 06-10-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 11]
FRANK BORING:

We'll have that as a separate thing, but you talked about
hearing from Chennault about the B24 bomber? You said it
was also B-25's, and then there's the B-17. You flew, I believe
in a B-17?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Yeah, we could have used that a lot better but they were
coming in to - that was after Magwe and the B-17's - looked
out one morning and here come these brand new B-17's into
Magwe and I couldn't hardly believe - I thought I was seeing so we went out and was talking to the crew and they were
coming in from India just for evacuation purposes I guess,
that hauled people from - women and kids and whoever from
Burma back out into India. So we went out and talked to the
crew and it's just so hard to believe that a brand new B17
coming all the way from the United States. You could put
bombs in it and go out and do what it was manufactured to do
in the first place. But I know they did not - at Magwe they did
not have any early warning systems, period, and Bob Neale the reason he was - I could just keep naming names and put
good things on Bob Neale, I guess, but just like when those
B-17's come in, the British was there, but they didn't have an
early warning, but nobody was taking any steps at all to
protect incoming aircraft like those B-17's. That would have
been a real jewel, I guess, for the Japanese coming over and
tore up three or four of those, brand new ones on the strip. So

�Bob then got up and said, "Let's go and get the airplanes, and
spread out, get up there and fly top cover for them and at least
have a warning system, the P40's, and extend it far enough
that they can get airborne and get the heck out of here, before
the Japanese come in." But the British weren't going to do
anything like that, so Bob Neale just took it on himself. But
incidentally, those B-17's was - I talked earlier about my trip
to Karachi - those were the same B-17's that had started flying
in to Burma, before I went to get those P-40E's, because that
was one of the B-17's I flew from Karachi to Calcutta, so I
talked to the people and those were the same ones that started
flying bombing runs from Calcutta all the way in to Rangoon
but they couldn't fly a bombing run because that would mean
when we needed them [?] and the ground troops were trying
to come in on Rangoon. I don't understand the logic in a lot of
things that took place over there is what it amounts to.
FRANK BORING:

Give us any stories that you may have before Bissell
addressed you to get you to come back into the army air
corps, one that relates to a B-24 and another to some B-25's.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

I would like to bring to your attention some personal
experiences I've had - with our association with General
Bissell as our 10th Air Force Commander and General
Chennault. As most people know that General Bissell was
promoted to General and at the same time General Chennault
was except General Bissell was promoted just ahead of
General Chennault so that he would outrank General
Chennault. General Bissell - he was under the - Indo China
[?] was under the 10th Air Force and General Bissell had his
headquarters at New Delhi, India. That's a pretty good piece
from a combat zone in New Delhi, but anyway, that was the
situation and General Chennault got to go through 10th Air
Force Headquarters and General Bissell, before he did
anything - and that was - General Bissell had instructed him instructed General Chennault to do that. It wasn't the point in

�time - there was the B24 that came in from North Africa and
some Major, I forget his name, but he came in for the sole
purpose of making surveys of airstrips in China that larger
airplanes could be used on them. I was out on the parking lot
in Kunming and talking to the engineer about the airplane and
one thing and another and what they were doing - they were
from North Africa but and General Chennault came by in his
car - his chauffeur drove him by and he got out and came over
to the B24 where we were sitting talking - standing on the
wing, and General Chennault asked me, "How long would it
take you to get all that mess out of that airplane so we can
hang some bombs on those bomb racks?" I knew what he had
in mind, when he mentioned - I said, "Sir, I'd just as soon - I
guarantee one thing, we'll have that stuff out by the time
Hoffman can get over here with a load of bombs, to start
hanging them." Which we did. He left and in a little bit we
had the entire aircraft, this B24, off -loaded and the stuff out
on the wing. General Chennault came back in a little while
and then seeing the [?] with the bombs coming over. General
said, "Forget about using them B-24's, I decided I'd better
check with my spares before we load it with a load of bombs
and my superior informed me that it was not practical to
bomb with one bomber and he told me that I would not use
that B24 for any combat purposes and said, he not only told
me not to use it, he gave me a direct order not to use it, and so
I guess that project went by the wayside. Another instance
that - conflict between General Bissell and…
FRANK BORING:

Before you get to that, let's do that story again.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

As I was underneath the wing of this B24 talking to the
engineer that came over from Africa with it, Chennault drove
up and got out and come over to where we were at and he
spoke to us and he wanted to know, he says, "Harrington,
how long would it take you to off load all this stuff you have
in that B24 so we can use it?" Jim [?] says. "By the time

�Hoffman can come out here with some bombs, we'll have it
cleaned out and I can assure you of that." So he left and the
engineer and myself went ahead and cleaned the stuff out, but
no too much - and Chennault didn't come back. Hoffman [?]
the bombs, but later Chennault did come back with a long
face, more so than normal, and he said, "I'm sorry to cause
you the trouble but I decided before we use that airplane, I'd
better check with General Bissell and get authority to use that
airplane, since I'm supposed to go through Generals and as
General Bissell was the 10th Air Force Commander - and
General Bissell informed me that it was not practical to bomb
with one bomber, and he told me that I would not use that
airplane for any bombing mission at all. In fact, he gave me a
direct order not to use that airplane, and says, "Therefore, I
guess we have to cancel our little project that I had in mind."
So then he left, but another instance of the difference of
opinion of what should be done between Bissell and General
Chennault. We did have four or five B-25's, that was the
entire bomber fleet that we had in China, and General Bissell
was going to send six additional B-25's into China but he was
going - that's after we had evacuated Burma and the Japanese
had taken over Lashio which is in northern Burma, but they
were going to send them on a live bombing run to Lashio and
then turn and go on up to Kunming, and General Chennault
tried to talk him out of taking some crews that had never
flown in that territory and run a live mission from India via
Lashio, drop the bombs and then turn north and head on into
Kunming. Of course, General Bissell didn't pay any attention
to what General Chennault said, and that was typical of the
relationship between the two the time that I was over. So I
was in Kunming the time this did take place, and I was out
there on the flight line when two of the B-25's came in, and
one of the did have a radio operator killed and in talking to
the crew - there was a few puffy clouds scattered around and
they were coming into Lashio they got attacked by some
Zeros, so they ducked into the clouds to try avoid contact

�with the Zeros, and one of the pilots said he just happened to
look through the haze of those clouds and he saw some green
right in front of him and he just turned and pulled the stick
back as far as he could and it just barely missed the mountain
and he said that the people who were on the left of him just
went clonk, clong, right into the side of the mountain. So they
lost four of those B-25's and two of them actually arrived in
Kunming with one of the crew dead. That was a sad state of
affairs because we could ill afford to lose airplanes which we
needed so bad.
FRANK BORING:

Now if you could tell us about the meeting that was called by
Bissell to talk to the AVG about staying on in China.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

While I was still at Kunming, we were still getting our
equipment in shape, and we still had a ways to go with
General Bissell. They had reorganized the entire theater, and
we came under the 10th Air Force which was organized, and
their headquarters was in New Delhi, India, and General
Bissell was the Commander of the 10th Air Force and
therefore we came under his command, being in China.
General Bissell decided to make a trip to China, his first trip
to China and I guess it was the day that he came in that they
called a meeting of all the Flying Tigers and General Bissell
was going to address the group for the first time that he'd ever
addressed the group. So I happened to be at Kunming, of
course, and it seemed like it was either two squadrons or part
of another one there. We met in the first hostel, that was the
big building on the other side of town from the airport that
most of the people were housed. We were in this conference
room, it was a good sized room, and General Bissell and
General Chennault were sitting at the table in the front, and
were all in the back, and General Bissell got up to address the
Flying Tigers that were there and they were quite a number of
them. His approach was that, to start off with - and it was
addressed to us - that we really hadn't done anything in China,

�that the people back in the States were so hungry for
information, they'd come up with a little small tidbit of
information, and then they'd blow it out of proportion and he
said that's the way it gets them in the headlines - the Flying
Tigers - he says, "Really, you haven't really accomplished
anything over here. They were just hungry for information.
Then by the same token, if you people had not joined the
Flying Tigers and been discharged from the service, you
would have been discharged from the service before the war
started in the first place. Most of the people that joined the
Flying Tigers were incompetent, incapable people and were
not the type of people that were needed in the professional
military association." He just implied that we were just a
bunch of eight balls, and we took that as a way out, to get out
of the military, rather than being discharged, court-marshalled
or something. Actually, when he said that we were just a
bunch of eight balls, the majority of the people - everybody
just come out with a big loud boo and most everybody left. I
didn't leave, I didn't get up and leave, I just wanted to sit back
and see what else he had on his mind, that he'd like to play on
to us. After about three fourths of the people got up and
walked out, then there wasn't anybody much left to talk to.
But General Chennault sat at the table and General Bissell
referred to General Chennault as "Lieutenant". Why I don't
know, tried to embarrass him or something. And General
Chennault, he didn't change expression, one iota, the whole
time that he was there. It was just typical of General
Chennault - there wasn't anything hardly he could say under
the circumstances, and I know he was boiling inside, but he
just sat there with that blank expression on his face. You
couldn't tell what he was thinking about. That resulted in a lot
of the people heading back home rather than staying over
there, I'm sure of that.
FRANK BORING:

If Chennault had stood up and asked you guys to stay, do you
think people would stay?

�J. J. HARRINGTON:

Actually at that meeting that we had with General Bissell, I
think he had already made up his mind what he was going to
say before he came over there, because, for some reason, he
and General Chennault never got along, even from way back
in the States, and since General Bissell outranked General
Chennault, I don't know whether he took that as a way to sort
of get back at General Chennault for something that happened
way back, years ago, or what. But everything that Chennault
came up with General Bissell was against. But then [?] telling
us that we hadn't accomplished anything, since they'd already
shot down way over 200 airplanes with the few airplanes we'd
got and we still were not getting supplies from anywhere, and
everybody knew that - so I was just at a loss to know whey
that approach was taken. It was the first entry into China by
our commanding General, which he was, the Commander of
the 10th Air Force at the time.

FRANK BORING:

If you could repeat again - you don't have to give any of the
context or anything, but just make the statement because I've
never heard this before from anybody, that he kept referring
to General Chennault as a Lieutenant?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

His mind must have been out somewhere, maybe there were
together as Lieutenants at one time, but he didn't refer to him
as a General, he just referred to him as Lieutenant. He knew
that Chennault was a General, no doubt about that because he
had big stars on his shoulder, they got promoted at the same
time, except General Bissell was put on the promotion list a
little ahead - I think one day, ahead of General Chennault.

FRANK BORING:

What would have happened if Chennault would have asked at
that meeting for you guys to stay on?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

I don't think - if General Chennault would have got up - I
couldn't hardly see how he could under the circumstances, but

�if he had got up and said, "Ignore what General Bissell said,
and I would like to have you gentlemen stay on," and as
General Bissell being the overall commander of the China
theater at the time, I think it would have been quite a
confused mess, more so than it turned out to be.
FRANK BORING:

But wasn't Bissell asking you guys to stay on?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

No sir, he didn't ask one time for us to stay on.

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Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interviews
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Jasper “J. J.” Harrington
Date of Interview: 06-10-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 12]
J. J. HARRINGTON:

As far as the session with General Bissell and General
Chennault, it was a strange meeting in the first place - for the
first time for the Commanding General to come in and visit
the unit that had been fighting a war for almost a year and did
have an outstanding combat record and they had been sending
in good reports, and I just still cannot comprehend the
reasoning for it. They never did send - we were not getting
parts and they knew that we were going to be - that the Flying
Tigers were going to disband on the 4th of July - that was the
end of the contract, but they still did not send active duty
people over there to replace the ones that we were losing, and
that required Chennault then to ask for volunteers to stay an
additional two weeks combat, instead of quitting on the 4th of
July when it did. During that two week period we lost two
outstanding pilots, Petach and Shamblin, that would probably
have been on their way home, and Bob Neale - I forget how
many volunteered to stay for an additional two weeks, but
Bob Neale was one, he was a top ace over there too. We still
did not get replacements in, even though they knew that we
were going to be gone on the 4th of July and I didn't
understand that either.

FRANK BORING:

Before we get too far into the last days of the AVG and
meetings that you had, apparently there was a time when
Stilwell came over, and you personally overheard a

�discussion between Stilwell and Chennault, I wonder if you
could relay that on to us.
J. J. HARRINGTON:

There were quite a few instances that came up during my stay
in China with the Flying Tigers - actually a lot of them I
couldn't comprehend, and I just mentioned some of the things
between General Bissell and General Chennault that should
not have come about - the two commanders. By the same
token, the overall commander in the theater over there was
Lieutenant General Joe Stilwell. He was placed as overall
commander of the theater over there which encompassed the
air corps and nearly everything else - it was operating in that
theater. General Stilwell was strictly a ground soldier and
General Chennault was strictly an airman and General
Stilwell did not understand air power at all and I know that I
saw them get into arguments. I was under the wing of an
airplane one time and General Stilwell with his campaign hat
on and General Chennault was out there - they were both a
little foul mouthed when they got bad and excited and
General Stilwell, he just told General Chennault, he said,
"Claire, by golly the boys in the trenches are going to win this
war yet." And General Chennault would extend that courtesy
of letting General Stilwell finish whatever he had to say and
how long he wanted to talk about it, then once he quit, then it
was time for General Chennault to have a few words. He
would sort of shake his finger in General Stilwell's face, and
he called him "Uncle Joe", and he says, "Uncle Joe, what I'm
trying to get through your head is, we don't have any men in
the trenches over here and we don't intend to have any men in
the trenches over here, and all we have is a handful of little
airplanes." And that went on for a long time, and finally - not
only did - General Stilwell didn't get along with General
Chennault, he didn't get along with Generalissimo, and would
insult Generalissimo, calling him "Peanuts", and when you
insult the Chinese and they lose face, that's a horrible thing to
do to a Chinaman. Generalissimo was one of the most

�brilliant Chinese, I think, they've ever produced over there,
and he knew what he wanted in the way of a military. It was
how to go about getting it that he was striving for, and I know
that the relationship between General Chennault and
Generalissimo had always been real close, for the last five
years, including the four they spent over there, before we
went there - but any correspondence or any dealings with
Generalissimo - it was "His Excellency" as far as Chennault
was concerned. He treated Generalissimo and the madam
with the courtesies due a head of state which General Stilwell,
for some reason, did not extend that courtesy to a head of
state even though he was assigned over there as the overall
theater commander, but still Generalissimo was the head of
state in China.
FRANK BORING:

Try and describe for us the what the last days of the AVG was
like, going to the induction boards, and the mood of the AVG
in terms of fatigue, and then this thing with Bissell and now
they're going to this induction board system. What was the
mood like? What was the morale like?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

As we were still down at Kweilin and prior to going to
Kweilin - when we were down there - we were coming to the
end of our tour of duty over there on the 4th of July, and as I
mentioned previously, that Chennault did ask the AVG
people that did not plan to stay over there, to extend for two
weeks, which a lot of them did, and in respect to
Generalissimo and the [?]. The problem that existed because
[?] duty to fill the slots that were going to be vacant on the
4th of July, and the induction board came around and General
Chennault was pretty much head of the induction board but
then had a Colonel Homer Sanders that was active duty
Colonel that came around with him, and at Kweilin, they set
up office in a cave there with the operations and the ones that
were there went in to see him and at the time I went in,
General Chennault introduced me to Colonel Sanders as head

�of the induction board. I knew Colonel Sanders because he
was squadron commander of mine as a Lieutenant Sanders.
So Colonel Sanders asked me, "Harrington, you're making a
pretty big jump from a Staff Sergeant to a First Lieutenant
and Chennault just butted in and told him that he had a letter
on his desk from the Chinese Air Force headquarters that
requesting I be transferred to their headquarters as a [?] and
says, "I told Harrington that I'd probably get him a
commission and if he doesn't get a commission, that's where
he's going." He was setting the point down that really I was - I
don't what I'd have done if I hadn't got a commission. I was
going back to the States anyway. So anyway, General
Chennault cut Colonel Sanders short and I could have told
Colonel Sanders, "Sir, back at the time you knew me, you'd
gone from a First Lieutenant to a full Colonel also," but I
didn't, I kept my mouth shut. But anyway, they didn't say any
more after Chennault butted in and when he hadn't approved
Chennault's recommendation. So then I didn't see any more of
the induction board, but later on, at the time we disbanded,
someone came in to Kweilin after I got off work on line. I
went back to the hostel where we stayed, I met this gentleman
when I was going from my place over to the place to get
something to eat, and it was getting a little dusky dark, and
this gentleman - I can't think of his name now - he wanted to
know if my name was Harrington and I said, "Yep" and he
says, "Jasper J?" and I says, "Yep". He says, "Hold out your
right hand," so I did, and he read the oath of office to me and
I says, "I do" and shook my hand and said, "Now you're a
First Lieutenant in the Army Air Corps. That was the first
time I ever saw him and I've never seen him since. But he
didn't have the courtesy of bringing me some insignia that I
could put on. My job didn't change any, I still had my tool
box and I still worked with the people on the line until we
could get enough people left to support us.
FRANK BORING:

Could you tell us that story you were telling us…

�J. J. HARRINGTON:

I'd like to make a comment before you report. I'd like tell of
an incident that happened a Kunming just before I went down
to Kweilin. General Chennault called me in the office and
wanted to have a talk with me. He showed me a letter from
General Mow, requesting that I be transferred to Chinese
Headquarters as a technical adviser. That was as a result of, as
I've quoted previously, my contact with General Mow and
going to Karachi to get the P-40E's and doing the work on the
P-40E's after they came back into China. After reading that,
General Chennault informed me that really, he'd worked with
the Chinese for a long time, and pretty much knew the
requirements and the situation I'd be in and requirements that
I'd have to live up to if I went over there by myself. After
considering the situation - I was familiar with the personnel
man at Chinese headquarters anyway - I told General
Chennault that I would really prefer to stay with the
American troops, and we let it go at that.

FRANK BORING:

I wonder if you could just make a quick comment on - you
had heard a speech that Churchill had made about the fighters
in the Battle of Britain, and that the AVG was compared by
Churchill to the men in the Battle of Britain.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

The RAF? There had been a lot of quotes and statements
made by a lot of important people as far as I'm concerned. I
remember one particular quote of Churchill and he was
making a comparison of the Flying Tigers that they were
similar to the problems and the odds that the RAF went
through in the Battle of Britain. His approach was that it was
similar, if not in scope - and of course, the RAF had a larger
scope than the Flying Tigers, which was understandable, but
they were similar as far as the activity and what they were up
against. But the only thing I made reference to regarding
Churchill's quote - I know he meant well, but he didn't go
back far enough - I didn't want to take anything at all away

�from the RAF pilots, that was undoubtedly up against odds,
no fine, young - had ever been placed before, and they say the
British people as a result of it - but the only difference, if you
look at it a little bit further, at least when the RAF pilots were
on the ground from a mission - but at least the slept in clean
beds, clean sheets, and the mechanics - due parts, and plenty
of parts to replace the old, worn parts which were on the
aircraft at the time, and that was where the Flying tigers came
up a little light in that we did not have the accommodations as
far as the sleeping quarters are, the parts to put on the
airplanes when they were worn.
FRANK BORING:

Can you describe the July 4th party given by Madam Chiang
Kai-shek and Chiang Kai-shek, and if you could comment you've already commented on Chiang Kai-shek, but comment
also on your impression of Madam Chiang Kai-shek.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

That was the party…

FRANK BORING:

The last party where you played musical chairs or something
like that. Were you at that?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

I've got to say something about the Madam because she was a
wonderful lady.

FRANK BORING:

Let's get that little bit first because I think that's kind of
humorous, the day of the party boys and I think they were
getting a big kick out of it.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

I'd like to bring up something about Madam Chiang Kai-shek,
while we're discussing the Chinese portion of it. Madam was
a wonderful lady and she told all of us that there were
occasions that we were her boys with or without wings, and
she was just a gracious lady, and she visited the areas where
the Flying Tigers were. On one occasion that she had a party
for the Flying Tigers, for the work they did and they

�accomplishments as far as reducing the Japanese inventory of
aircraft that were flying over Rangoon, and just to give thanks
to the Flying Tigers for all they did in supporting the Chinese
cause. It so happened that the time they had this party, the
2nd and 3rd squadron were at Kunming and they had a party
and there some - I understand it was a nice party except we
were down at Rangoon fighting for our lives down there about eight or nine airplanes, fighting the rest of the Japanese
air force. One other time that they did have another party at
Kunming and that was the deactivation of the Flying Tigers it was going to be deactivated on the 4th of July, and Madam
Chiang Kai-shek had this party which was a nice thing to do.
As the night went on and it was nearing midnight, everybody
was counting the minutes to the end of the contract that we
had with the Chinese government and counting them right on
down to midnight, except that was the 2nd and 3rd squadron.
The 1st squadron was fighting for their lives down at Kweilin
because we were the only combat to combat duty in all of
China at the time. So anyway, we were referring to the 2nd
and 3rd squadron as - they took care of the social activities,
the parties for the entire group, sort of left the 1st squadron
out on the side. We remind them about that once in a while.
FRANK BORING:

The last few days in Kweilin, you said that there still was
battle activity going on. Can you give us an idea of what that
was like the few days?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

During the actual last days of our contract, it was still at
Kweilin, the Japanese knew exactly when the Flying Tigers
were going to disband the unit and quit, but I don't think they
knew that they were going to get volunteers to stay with the
unit for another two weeks, and we were still down at
Kweilin - that was a hectic time for us because the Japanese
were still coming out of Canton and then they would still run
flights out of Hankow into Hengyang and Ling Ling to do
what damage they could in that area, and so really the activity

�intensified the latter part of the time of the Flying Tigers was
- and being over there, and then past the 4th of July is when
these additional people stayed on and volunteered for the
additional two weeks, the Japanese knew when the contract
was up, they would not be any more Flying Tigers in that
area, and the 5th of July, they went out and intensified their
bombardment and activity, and try to knock out these
unskilled pilots, and probably come over there and take over
the Flying Tigers, but they were a little disappointed when
they found they did have material pilots and people with a lot
of know-how in control of those P40's, so I think they were
quite surprised when they ran into that situation.
FRANK BORING:

What was your impression of the new personnel…

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&#13;
Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
&#13;
Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interviews
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Jasper “J. J.” Harrington
Date of Interview: 06-10-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 13]
FRANK BORING:

I wonder if you could give us your impressions of the new
personnel that started to come in to replace the AVG towards
the latter part of the two weeks.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

While we were still down at Kweilin, as I mentioned, I did
get discharged really from the Flying Tigers and accepted in
the regular air force, then the extension of the two weeks of
quite a number of people that Chennault asked if they would
extend it to regular duty - that people could come in. We were
not getting regular duty people in and at the end of the two
weeks - and then all of the Flying Tigers left., we were down
to the bare bottom of the barrel, then we did start getting a
few people in, the highest rank that we got in for a long time
was a Staff Sergeant, and that was not sufficient, we should
have been given a lot higher rank. To take over not only what
we were doing but active military unit consists of more than
just mechanics and pilots, you had specialists and stuff like
that involved in it which we never did. We were being short
changed on the specialist support that came in and I never did
get rid of my tool box for quite a long time, and I was still
basically the line chief of the squadron down there. Actually I
don't think that they really started manned fully until the - it
was reorganized into the 23rd Pilot Group and Tex Hill had
the 2nd Field Squadron and Frank Schiel had the 74th and Ed
Rector had the 76th which I was with down at Kweilin. The

�76th moved back to Kunming and I was left down there by
myself to repair [?] and try to get the airplanes that were still
located there in shape so they could be flown back or maybe
bring some of the parts like engines, back to Kunming. At the
time, I did get back to Kunming, where the 76th had received
additional personnel, manning, which did bring it up to what
it should have been that it started with. But that was three or
four or five months from the time that we disbanded, before
we could ever get adequate manning of the organization.
FRANK BORING:

If you could explain somewhat of the difference in attitude
between these new recruits coming in and the AVG spirit.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

When I think back over the personnel that we received, that
came in, the active duty personnel after the Flying Tigers had
disbanded, the majority of them were not as skilled in their
specialties as we were when we went to China in the first
place, and I don't really understand why the skill level was
little bit lower than I had anticipated, but instead of working
on their own like we did from the time we got over there, they
needed additional help from somebody when they ran into a
complicated job, and by the time I - and that remained in
effect to just before I left China, that the units were manned
as they should have been on the 4th, or 5th of July, the year
before.

FRANK BORING:

I'm going to go through a few different points of people and
incidents and whatnot and then we'll finish up with the last
few questions. How did - first of all, a comment that you had
mentioned in your interview, you said that one thing that
Chennault wanted to do while he was out there was to stop
the merciless killing of the Chinese civilian population, this is
what he saw one of his purposes of being out there. Can you
comment on that?

�J. J. HARRINGTON:

Actually a lot has been said about Chennault, from the time
he received a letter from Generalissimo to go to China in the
first place, and actually the goal that he had in mind after
surveying the situation over there, and I would think that
really, his goal - he had a burning desire to help the Chinese
people and he'd seen - the four years that General Chennault
was over there, he had seen a lot of horrible things happen to
the Chinese people, and it was perpetuated on them by the
Japanese, and one of his goals and it had always been, to
relieve the pressure on the Chinese that had been inflicted on
them by the Japanese, and really I think that he had
accomplished a lot of that the time that he was over there, and
to what degree that he would think he had accomplished that,
I don't really know, but I think the facts point out that he did
help the Chinese people an awful lot.

FRANK BORING:

If you could, two of your - at the very beginning of this
interview, two pilots that you admired a great deal in the
States that eventually became Tigers in the AVG, were
Merritt and Mangleburg, I wonder if you could comment on
the affect that it had on you when you'd heard they'd been
lost.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

My experience in China, and we lost a lot of people over
there, and I mentioned about Lieutenant Merritt and
Lieutenant Mangleburg which were in my organization on
active duty prior to the time I left to go to China in the first
place…

FRANK BORING:

Just begin along that line - of Merritt and Mangleburg.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

The two pilots that I admired a great deal that I was
associated with prior to going to China in the first place,
Lieutenant Merritt and Lieutenant Mangleburg - they did all
they could after they became Flying Tigers, and as far as I'm
concerned, they did all they could while they were on active

�duty in the United States Air Force, the army air corps at the
time, and we lost a lot of people over there, while we were
over there, but those two officers at the top of my list - of the
people that - I later heard - to lose - because I had known
them longer than others, also I thought that Lieutenant Merritt
and Lieutenant Mangleburg had really not been given a fair
shake really, and I don't think that their capabilities were fully
utilized while they were on active duty in the army air corps
because I was personally aware of the capabilities of those
two officers. I thought they were both outstanding.
FRANK BORING:

Comment if you will on a friend of yours, a person you
worked with, who had the nickname, "Herman the German."

J. J. HARRINGTON:

I would like to make a few comments regarding unusual
incident that happened in the Flying Tigers, and that was appeared on the scene a guy by the name of Neumann, and he
and his mother were in China, and they'd lost all this family
in Germany when the Germans made their…

FRANK BORING:

Stop, stop…

J. J. HARRINGTON:

That was not really a problem in the communication between
me and Herman because the things that we were talking about
finally were things of maintenance and repairing the
machines, and that he thoroughly understood.

FRANK BORING:

We'll start from the top with Gerhard Neumann.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Herman. I'd like to make a comment regarding some of the
personnel that Flying Tigers were associated with while I was
in China and I was surprised to learn when I was in Kunming
and I met Gerhard Neumann and come to find out that he was
an outstanding engineer, he was a good mechanic, and
fortunately he was assigned to the 1st squadron, and I thought
- Herman, we used to just call him Herman the German - but

�he fell in good and got along good with everybody in the
squadron and he did his share, not only the maintenance work
that had to be done - hours were no problem because we
never did go by any type of hours done, we'd just work until
the job was done, then we'd just quite until the next day, and
if it took all night to do it, that's what we did too, and Herman
just fell right in with everything that we had to do and he was
liked and respected by everybody, and there will always be a
warm spot in my heart for Herman the German as a result of
our contact and association.
FRANK BORING:

During the last two weeks, one of the men that had actually
married one of the nurses from the AVG, Red Petach and
Petach himself, Petach got killed. I'm just wondering what
kind of reaction you had, what you observed to the death of
Petach.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

What was that nurse's name?

FRANK BORING:

Red, she was Red Foster.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

In looking back over some of the personnel, that were
members of the Flying Tigers organization, and going back to
the end of the contract, and things seemed to be going along
real smooth and coming up to the end of our contract on the
4th of July, we had a couple of members of the Flying Tigers,
a guy named Petach, he married one of our nurses, and we
just referred to her as Red, her last name was Foster - they
were two wonderful people and they were liked and
appreciated by all the members of the Flying Tigers
Association, and at the end of the contract, we did not have
sufficient active duty military people to take over the
responsibilities and operate the equipment that we had hoped
for, and General Chennault had asked for volunteers if they
would extend for two weeks active duty until such time as the
active duty army air corps could get some people in there. I

�forget the number of people that actually volunteered for
additional duty but one of those that did volunteer for
additional duty was Petach. He was a pilot and he was
married to one of our nurses, we always just referred to her as
Red, and on the mission, during this two weeks active duty,
then Petach was killed along with another pilot, Shamblin,
and that was one of the horror stories that we encountered
during the time that we were in operation for a year over in
China. As far as Red, she was just an outstanding nurse to
everybody over there and Petach was just as fine a gentleman
as you ever want to meet. So the loss of Petach put a deep
cloud on the deactivation of the Flying Tigers. It did more to
put a cloud than any one item than I can think of at this time.
FRANK BORING:

If we could just have a few comments or stories that you may
be able to tell us about a man they called Tex Hill.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

In thinking back on some of the personnel that were with the
Flying Tigers, I'm always reminded of one individual with the
name of Tex Hill. He was in the navy at the time he started
and went with the Flying Tigers, and he was operating off the
aircraft carrier at the - Tex was the son of missionaries in
Korea…

FRANK BORING:

We have his whole background… what we're looking for
mainly is your - something you can remember…

J. J. HARRINGTON:

We went over on the same…

FRANK BORING:

Just one story? Is there any one story that you can think of
that - about Tex?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

Can you cut that off for a minute? I have so many of those it
would be difficult to relate to specifically to what but he and I
went over on the Bloemfontein together and he was one of a
kind, you'd never see another one like him. He was just like -

�Johnny Allison talking about Tex Hill - him [?] with a Zero
on a collision course and just lucky that Zero blew up, before
him and Tex just run together but that happened after the
Flying Tigers, but John Allison says he was hoping that
Japanese would break off. "I know darn well," he said "that
Tex was so bull-headed that he wouldn't break off for
nothing, he just went right to get him," and I guess he would,
he's just that type of individual. But I don't really know of
anything, see, he was in one squadron and I was in another
when we were over there, and even though we worked - I
worked on a lot of Tex's airplanes and just like that little item
that I quoted about when Tex went up to Hankow, taking off
from Hengyang and going up to Hankow, then missing the
turn to go back to Hengyang.

�</text>
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Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interviews
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Jasper “J. J.” Harrington
Date of Interview: 06-10-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 14]
FRANK BORING:

What do you think the AVG accomplished in its brief
history?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

I think the AVG accomplished an awful lot during the years
that they were in existence in the China theater. One thing
that it brought out loud and clear that the air tactics and
strategies that General Chennault had tried to teach over the
many, many years was proved to be fact and not something of
Chennault's imagination from the time that he was in the
service, and that was brought out loud and clear, at least,
finally proved that he was right, regardless of the criticism he
might have received over many, many years. I think it also
proved that the air tactics that were used by General
Chennault proved beyond a question of a doubt that you
cannot have a ground force without air superiority to support
it, and that was the big argument that General Stilwell and
General Chennault had at length all the time. It takes a
combination of two and I don't think air power alone can do it
and I don't think ground troops alone can do it, but it's a
combination of two will win out, and I think that certainly
was proven in China as we did not have an active ground
force and we did not have sufficient air force. It takes a
combination of a ground force and an air force to accomplish
a mission.

�FRANK BORING:

It was said in the beginning that the AVG wouldn't last a
week. Why do you think the AVG didn't collapse and all the
Japanese come over?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

The consensus of opinion of a lot of people in the War
Department that the Flying Tigers were going to fold up - I
don't think they really took into consideration the caliber of
people that the Flying Tigers were made of in the first place,
not because I was with - a small part of it, but the people that
we had were the type of people that didn't say "no" and "I
can't do it" - they put forth an effort and did what had to be
done regardless of the time and hours that they took to do it,
and one of the things too - after the Flying Tigers had
disbanded, and I had gone to Chunking and checked with
Skip Adair to finalize the number of airplanes that the Flying
Tigers had of the original group that we turned over to the
army air corps at the time we disbanded, so in figuring all
these airplanes up, and I'm not talking about wreck of
airplanes, I'm talking about operational P40B aircraft, and we
finally came up with a total of 35 P40B aircraft. They were
turned back over to the army air corps at the time we
disbanded and at that time we were winding up our figures on
this, General Chennault came in and we told him and showed
him a list of the P-40B's that we originally [?] at Rangoon that
we finally turned over to the army air corps when we
disbanded on the 4th of July, '42, General Chennault's
comment was, "I wonder where those people that said we
would only last for a week became experts and how they
became experts in the first place." So, he just said "That's
good, that's better than even I expected, under the
circumstances."

FRANK BORING:

What do you think the AVG accomplished in terms of the
Chinese?

�J. J. HARRINGTON:

During our stay, the Flying Tigers' stay in China, we made an
impact on all Chinese, whether they be Nationalists or
whether they be Communist. As most people know, the
Chinese at one time, were trying to fight one another and
fight the Japanese all at the same time. They finally had a
meeting of the minds and decided they couldn't do that, then
nobody would survive and they joined forces to fight the
Japanese, but shortly after the war was over with, then the
Communists were better organized than the Nationalists were
and therefore, that's the reason they took over at the end of the
war. But while we were over there, we worked both with the
Communists and the Nationalists and we won the friendship
and the gratitude of both the Nationalists and the Communist,
and even though we - I'd like to see a united China, the way it
should be - and just like when we go on a tour - I've never
been on a tour because of difficulties that I've had - but the
tours that the Flying Tigers and still do make of China, the
red carpet is rolled out at any place they ever stop.

FRANK BORING:

The next question, I want you to, in a sense, not worry about
talking about yourself. So many of the Tigers we've talked to
are proud of what they did - feel what you personally
accomplished during that period and what effect did that have
on the person that you are now.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

My own personal experience as being a member of the
American Volunteer Group and the Flying Tigers - I can tell
you one thing, I matured in a heck of a hurry. I was 24 years
old when I left to go over there. I had never been to a foreign
country, I'd never been out of the United States, and the
closest thing I'd ever come to combat was maneuvers - but to
get over and run into the situation that we did with the lack of
parts, or no parts - initially I thought we were going to go
over and maintain P40's and have support. When I get over
there and find out that we're not going to have spare parts,
we're not going to have support, you had to sit back and take

�a hard look at the situation and just like I've said before, I
think all of us matured in one heck of a hurry. When you get
over there and start - and it's for real, it's not maneuvers, it is
for real, and to run into a dedicated bunch of people, not only
the pilots but the ground crew, I've never seen a more
dedicated bunch of people in my life, and they could talk
about what their - I mean about the caliber of people over
there, but they were outstanding from one end to the other,
and I'll always have a debt of gratitude for all of them to the
day I die, and I think the feeling is pretty much mutual with
the entire clan of the Flying Tigers.
FRANK BORING:

How do you react - how do you feel to be called a Flying
Tiger? What does it mean to you to be a Flying Tiger?

J. J. HARRINGTON:

I take pride in being a Flying Tiger. I think all the Flying
Tigers take pride in being a Flying Tiger and I'm sure I can
speak for all the other Flying Tigers that we don't want some
credit that's not rightfully due the accomplishments of the
Flying Tigers. I think that we have accomplishments that
we're rightfully proud of and that is all that we care about, but
we do sort of take exception from the little nitpicking to
reduce what we feel was our own capabilities, and for them to
be exploited then that leaves a bitter taste in their mouth. But
I'm proud to be associated with the Flying Tigers and I will to
the day I day, and I think that we did accomplish a lot over
there under the most adverse conditions of any actual fighting
unit and the circumstances that we encountered.

J. J. HARRINGTON:

During my tour with the Flying Tigers - I had never been
overseas, I'd never been in any type of combat other than
maneuvers in the military and I might have had some
illusions when I signed up to go China in the first place
because I was not really briefed on the exact duties that we
were going to be required to perform, and then after I did get
to China and run into the obstacles that we ran into, I think

�that we all matured real rapidly. I know that I did, very much
so, and instead of throwing up our hands and saying we're just
going to have to call this whole darn thing off, we can't make
it. And as I said to a lot of people before, that anybody,
regardless of the obstacles that they run into, if they have a
can do type of attitude and if they work hard enough and long
enough, they will accomplish something and by the same
token, and just like when we first got over there, that we
found out that ingenuity was not a lost art and we applied it.
And so if you apply the ingenuity and if you work hard
enough and long enough, you're going to accomplish
something and the degree of it is how much effort that you
put into it. I want to tell you more on how that did affect my
life after the Flying Tigers. Most certainly it did, I matured in
a hurry when I first got over there and we worked for a year
and were pretty much in combat on a continuous type
schedule, except for just a few break periods, and during that
entire time we were over there, there were a lot of people
quitting and coming home and people that I knew that I was
very much disappointed in them quitting, but they did and
that was a fact of life. I had always been a conservative, I was
a conservative before I went to China with the Flying Tigers,
I became more of a conservative after I was with the Flying
Tigers until what could be done if you apply yourself, and
that benefitted me in later years, and after I came back to the
States, by then I was still in maintenance - until the main time
in the service, but then when I came back to the States [?] and
of course I was on the line getting acquainted and this
airplane was out of commission, I mean out on the line, so I
asked him why this had an electrical problem and I said, Are
you doing anything about it?" and they'll be waiting on an
electrician, and I stayed for quite a while, had a lot of
airplanes there and before I really started sort of stepping on
the people that don't wait for electricians. I said, "You went to
airplane mechanic school and you should be able to actually
analyze a lot of these problems and not wait for a specialist.

�That type attitude I carried throughout the entire service
career and I know my last assignment was directed mainly
through our headquarters [?] and that had all the reserve
forces in it. I was in Germany at the time, I had received my
assignment and those material losses [?] and I wasn't too
happy about being assigned to [?] I figured that would be the
last step before you jump off the cliff and disappear, but
anyway [?] was setting the table - we were having lunch - and
I was griping about it. He said, "If you go into headquarters
[?] you must have a pretty good report card. When you get
over there take a look at your files and see if General - I can't
even think of his name now but - Timberlake's initials are on
your record, if it's not on your record, you wouldn't have been
going to [?] in the first place. He left the Pentagon - he has to
go down and straighten out some of the dead wood." So I did
shut up when I did look in Personnel and saw his initials on
my record. I visited all the reserve units that they had in the
system and at the time I went to [?] in '62, you got to
thinking, if only half of the reserve forces and eliminate them,
you wouldn't have lost any of your capability whatsoever, and
my job as Director of Maintenance - I've travelled a lot and I
want people to take a look at me and I want to look at their
operation, because you can do business if you get personally
acquainted. I knew that General Timberlake was going to
back me up because he was a maintenance and material type
anyway, but my primary job in this and all these units was to
make sure that there was only one standard of maintenance
and that was an air force standard. For so many years they
had used a standard of maintenance up so high for the air
force and a somewhat lower standard for the reserves, so my
approach was that we only had one standard of maintenance
and so we can forget about the other one. I mean we've got
one standard of maintenance and that's an air force standard
and I never did - in maintenance you don't get involved in
politics and if that's the only purpose I had in mind - if
somebody wanted to bring up politics in the reserve unit, I

�told them you have to see General Timberlake on that. But
basically that's what we did and I had to leave the service at
65 to do the disability. But now, I'm proud to say that the
reserve unit can perform equally as well as I could do the
units and that is the product of people like General
Timberlake could get in and change it.

�</text>
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P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Korean War
Jack Harris
Length of interview (00:45:32)
(00:00:18) Introduction &amp; Pre-War Life
 Childhood (00:00:18)
o
Born in Lucas, Ohio to a family of farmers in 1933
o
Father was a bootlegger
o
He was seven when World War II started
 Education (00:01:38)
o
Attended High School in Buckley, Michigan, south of Traverse City
o
He then went to Michigan State
 Remembering World War II (00:02:30)
o
He remembers seeing newsboys selling extras right after Pearl Harbor was
attacked
o
His father entered the army, serving in Italy as a cook in Patton’s army
 Korean War Era (00:04:35)
o
He finished high school in 1951
o
Jack was in the ROTC while at Michigan State
o
He struggled with college and eventually dropped out and was almost
immediately was drafted into the army in April of 1953
(00:06:00) Training
 Jack went to Camp Atterbury, Indiana, for basic training (00:07:55)
o
He remembers it being a rather active training camp, having maybe as much as
30,000 troops there at one time
o
Jack had sixteen weeks of basic infantry training
 How to throw grenades, shoot a machine gun, how to use a bayonet, and
rifle training
o
He remembers having no fear of going to Korea
 He was in his fifteenth week of infantry training when news of the armistice came
(00:09:25)
 He was on a march to where they were going to bivouac when a jeep came up and the
driver announced “it’s over”
 Jack remembers that after the armistice, training was pretty loose and the army had
difficulty with discipline (00:10:04)
o
He remembers that discipline was relatively lax to begin with
o
Jack also remembers some corruption at the camp, with the officers giving men
leave and then renting their cars to them so they could travel to Detroit for $50 to
$100 a piece
 Most of the camp cadre had been to Korea (00:11:37)
 Jack remembers there being propaganda that they were soon going to have to fight the
Russians and they had to be ready, however he and most of the men knew this wasn’t
likely to happen (00:12:16)

� After basic, Jack was assigned to keeping the fires going in a coal fire furnace that heated
the barracks (00:13:00)
 Jack was interviewed by a corporal, who was trying to figure out where to send him
(00:14:08)
o
During the interview the two built a rapport and the corporal moved him from
the list of men being sent to Korea to the list of men being sent to Europe
(00:15:15) Atlantic Voyage and Active Service
 He reported to Camp Kilmer, New Jersey, getting there by train, before being sent to
Europe on a troop ship (00:15:20)
o
Spent ten days crossing the Atlantic
o
He remembers the weather being spring-like
o
Jack was sea sick for some of the voyage
 They landed at Bremerhaven, Germany where the men were then dispersed in Germany
(00:16:37)
 Jack was sent to Frankfurt, Germany (00:16:56)
o
Germans were very friendly towards Americans
o
He was a part of a German-American club, which was a social club with
German citizens, American serviceman, and German students
 He was assigned to the 4th Infantry Division (00:17:40)
o
Jack doesn’t remember himself as being a very good soldier, never making it
farther than private first class
 Jack was assigned to division ordnance, where they had him keep track of where all the
division’s broken down vehicles were (00:18:35)
 He stayed in what had been a German barracks in Frankfurt (00:19:25)
o
He recalls going by the opera house, which was a shell of a building, having
been hit with fire bombs during World War II
o
There was still a lot of destruction left over from World War II despite the
rebuilding that was going on
 They were on combat alert at least once a month, treating the alert as if war had been
declared (00:20:55)
 Jack had thirty days of leave that he used to travel Europe (00:21:27)
o
The cost of travel was very little with his military pass
o
Jack also remembers the black market being big in Europe at the time and the
American dollar having high value
 Jack served with primarily other draftees who were quickly processed and discharged
(00:23:00)
 Jack remembered having a Major who was reverted back down to Sergeant First Class after
the Korean War (00:23:34)
o
Promotion could be rapid in war time, but with the war over the Army was
diminishing in size and there were a lot of cut backs
 Having grown up in Northern Michigan, Jack’s service in the Army was his first time
around African Americans (00:24:15)
 Jack recalls more of his training
o
He recalls half of the men in his basic training group were from poor African
Americans from Detroit
o
He remembers getting along with the other men well

� Prostitution was wide-spread in Germany due to the lack of jobs (00:26:20)
 Almost all the officers and non-commissioned officers had German girlfriends, which were
called “Class B Dependents” (00:26:40)
o
Not all of these women were prostitutes however and some serious
relationships did develop
 Jack never really learned much German, because most of the Germans spoke English
(00:27:40)
 Jack was deployed in Germany for a year, roughly half his time in the service (00:30:00)
 He was anxious to get out of the army, because he knew that he had the GI bill to take
advantage of when he returned home (00:30:20)
o
The GI bill paid for his education nearly all the way through his master’s
degree
o
He remembers the GI bill wasn’t a lot of money, but due to the relatively low
cost of college, that didn’t matter
(00:32:20) Returning Home and Post-War Life
 Although some of the men were flown back to the United States, Jack had to take a troop
ship home (00:32:30)
 Jack was discharged in Chicago at Great Lakes Training Base, having disembarked from
New Jersey and taking a train to Illinois (00:33:07)
 He immediately returned to college after being discharged (00:33:50)
o
Jack was a much better student this time as he was more mature and serious
about his education
o
Initially, he went to a community college in Traverse City, earning an
associates degree
o
Jack returned to Michigan State where he earned a baccalaureate degree in
political science and a teaching certificate
 Jack spent his first five years as a teacher, first teaching government and then later English
and social studies (00:35:46)
 Making very little money, Jack took a series of different jobs (00:36:38)
 Jack eventually returned to education after returning to school and earning a master’s
degree (00:37:14)
 Jack feels that his time in the Army was beneficial for him, especially because of the GI
bill, although he didn’t enjoy it at the time (00:38:15)
 He remembers that during the Korean War Era, he and most of the other men viewed the
war as “the right thing to do” (00:39:10)
o
Jack did not feel the same way about the Vietnam War and shared the growing
sentiment that it was “not the right thing to do”
o
He recalls Kent State happening during his years in graduate school and
demonstrating in Washington

�</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Vietnam
Jim Harris

Total Time – (01:17:00)

Background
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He was born in South Dakota on December 29, 1941 (00:27)
When he was eight years old, his family moved to Minneapolis
He graduate from Richfield High School in Minneapolis in 1959 (00:37)
His father was a physician
o He grew up expecting to a doctor as well (00:51)
He attended Carleton College in Northfield, Minnesota (00:57)
o He majored in chemistry
o He was a captain on the wrestling team
Growing up he had some thoughts of going into the military
o Having a family and being in the military appeared to disruptive for him
(01:20)
He graduated from Carleton College in 1963 (01:28)
In Fall of 1964 he started at the University of Minnesota Medical School where he
eventually graduated from in June of 1968 (01:37)
The military, at this point, was not taking anyone directly out of medical school
(01:58)
He had four years of medical school and one year of internship (03:04)
o He finished his internship in 1969

Enlistment/Training – (03:13)
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He had orders to report – he had been drafted (03:18)
o He had taken his physical before he was done with his internship
There was an assumption that the military would use him as a doctor (04:13)
He is sent for training at Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio, Texas (04:14)
o At training, there were field drills as well as classroom work
In basic training, the military did not expect the doctors to be like everyone else
(05:03)
He is kept at Fort Sam for six weeks
Nearly everyone in his unit had received their orders to report to Vietnam before
they had finished training (05:24)
There were a couple hundred men in the classes together (06:06)

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o They were pretty much herded through the process
He had orders to report to Vietnam
o They had a week of leave before they were sent
After his leave, he planned on taking a bus from San Francisco Airport to Travis
Air Force Base where he would leave from (06:49)
o The bus traveling to the base had sold eighty tickets for fifteen seats
o The last ticket on his plane to Vietnam was given to the guy in front of
him (07:11)

Active Duty – (08:04)
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He then took a plane from San Francisco, California to Hawaii (08:08)
o The plane refueled at Wake Island before going to Tan Son Nhut, Vietnam
(08:26)
He landed in the middle of the night
o It was quiet when they landed
After they landed, all of the soldiers loaded up onto buses to go to Long Binh,
Vietnam (08:49)
o Here they filled out all of their paperwork
He then caught a ride to the 44th Med Brigade (09:07)
His assignment was the 2nd Mobile Army Surgery Hospital in Lai Khe, Vietnam
(09:13)
His first impression of Vietnam was that it was not very much different than he
expected
o It was somewhat difficult to adjust to the military life but not necessarily
to Vietnam (10:28)
o It was the realization that he was in Vietnam that was strange
He remembers talking to a Medic that was at Pearl Harbor and all he could say
was that “it was awful” (11:30)
o It is hard to be able to fully relay the experience to someone that was not
there
o He does not have the communication skills to explain exactly what it was
like
The reception in Lai Khe was typical
o They lived in hooches (13:29)
o The doctors got more space than other soldiers
When he was there, it was a main base camp for the 1st Infantry Division (14:05)
o The 1st Infantry was in the process of being withdrawn
o Once the 1st Infantry got to a low level, the hospital was closed (14:24)
He was at work within twenty-four hours of being there
They took care of a lot of Vietnamese and civilian casualties (14:54)
o There G.I.’s would come in during the evening
There were very few casualties or injuries that were inflicted by the Vietnamese
or American armies (16:00)

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o The majority of the civilian injuries were intentionally inflicted by the
North Vietnamese (16:11)
 They targeted the civilians to intimidate them so they would help
them out
The MASH Unit had three operating rooms and fifteen to twenty doctors (16:41)
o There were also a couple of wards with nearly twenty beds in each one
They did most of the stabilization
The military did a good job of spreading the casualties around (17:04)
There was an emergency room where there were six stretchers that were
sometimes all filled up (17:19)
The majority of the patients that he saw needed major amputations in their lower
limbs (17:41)
The Vietnamese are sent to Vietnamese hospitals for stabilization
They had heard that the Vietnamese hospitals were not very good (18:03)
Sometimes they cared for North Vietnamese prisoners (18:07)
The North Vietnamese were treated the same as everyone else (18:38)
o There were Military Police (MPs) with the NVA soldiers at all times
 The MPs were there to protect the NVA soldiers from other
patients or soldiers (19:06)
Beyond the fifteen doctors, there were some extra technicians, lab people, three
anesthesiologists, and some others (19:42)
o There was a nursing staff as well (20:02)
 There were male and female nurses
From where he was, he knew that Nixon was pulling soldiers out, but they did not
know that he was trying to pull everyone out (21:56)
o The morale of the soldiers on the field was poor
o He was busy enough taking care of patients that he did not pay attention to
many other things
There were not many interesting places to visit off the base (22:34)
He spent the majority of his time on the actual base
He was able to stay in contact with those at home through letters and a tape
recorder (24:04)
He stayed with the MASH unit for roughly three months (24:13)
When the MASH unit was taken down, he was transferred to Phu Loi, Vietnam
(24:21)
Phu Loi was the head air strip and a maintenance base
His job at Phu Loi was one of two physicians in dispensary that would function as
an office that would take sick calls (24:45)
o There were several thousand people on the base
There was not very much enemy activity at Phu Loi (25:39)
They treated mostly American military people and occasional civilians (26:08)
He was at Phu Loi for a couple of months when he heard that he was going into
the 101st Airborne Division (27:25)
He never recognized the drug abuse if there was any around him
o The soldiers realized that they could not come to work drugged

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o The soldiers were doing their jobs properly (28:32)
He moved to the 101st after the middle of May
He joined them at Camp Evans (30:08)

Active Duty – Firebase Ripcord – (30:12)
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He then went with his unit [2nd Battalion, 506th Infantry] to Firebase Ripcord
(30:22)
o He knew very little about Ripcord at this point
When soldiers did not go to the firebases, they would hang around aid stations
and rear areas (31:36)
Unlike many of the other soldiers, he was not resistant to going to Firebase
Ripcord (31:54)
As he approached Ripcord, it looked like a sand pile on the top of a hill
The mountains were not high but they were steep (32:39)
o The nearest American road was ten miles away
o The nearest North Vietnamese road was four miles away
The aid station was divided into three areas
o There was one room that was just big enough for a stretcher
o The other rooms were slightly larger – one of them held supplies and it
was where they would sleep (34:25)
At the aid station, he had a one year medic, several field medics, and himself
(34:37)
He gets to Firebase Ripcord at the end of May of 1970
At this time he had heard about everything, but they did not take much incoming
resistance
o He was told that “you are at the firebase, but the firebase is not the field.”
(35:33)
Before the siege proper began, he would go out on the hill and look around
Casualties on the field were medevaced to other areas (36:18)
o The casualties that he dealt with were those on the firebase
He was able to get to know many of the soldiers at the firebase pretty well (37:09)
The weather was perfect on top of the hill (38:16)
Initially it did not seem like it was a bad place to be
Around the 1st of July the first bombardments began taking place (38:50)
o It was several days before anyone on the hill had been injured (38:52)
Nearby on Hill 902, the Charlie company was being hit hard
o Hill 902 was close to Ripcord
o Some of his men had been in Charlie company (39:55)
If medics were in the field for six months, they would try and pull them out
(40:35)
After the fighting on Hill 902, the last three weeks on Ripcord, soldiers rarely
went outside (41:12)

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His aid station was blown up by a Chinook Helicopter that had crashed (41:16)
When the Chinook crash occurred, he was outside and could hear the impact of
the bullets hitting the side of the helicopter (41:49)
o He could see the Chinook falling and knew he had to get cover
Before the Chinook crash there were many casualties that came in
o They would receive them in bunches (43:40)
 There were three days that were particularly bad
o The casualties log book burned when the Chinook crashed (44:03)
o He suspects that twenty men were killed on the hill and nearly one
hundred were injured (44:13)
 The hill only had roughly three hundred men
As time went on, the bombardments occurred more frequently and they were
increasingly more accurate
Because the aid station was blown up, they worked off of large metal canisters
that had aid supplies (46:51)
o The used the TOC (Tactical Operations Center) as the new aid station
(47:09)
The aid station simply gave soldiers basic treatment before they were flown out
He believes that it would have taken an entire brigade to reinforce them if they
were to stay
They were then ordered to pull out (48:52)

Active Duty - Firebase Ripcord Evacuation &amp; Remainder of Service – (49:24)
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During the evacuation, there were still many casualties
He remembers his experiences with Colonel Lucas that he was an excellent
leader, communicator, and would give up his life for his fellow soldiers
During Ripcord he was injured the day before they evacuated (55:06)
o There were some casualties from a mortar round so they loaded them up
and saw a mortar round hit where the helicopter was
 He realized that the NVA would send the next mortar round right
where they wanted it
o They then loaded a second helicopter full of casualties
 An NVA mortar round hit exactly where that helicopter had been
(55:58)
o He was running away from the site when he was hit in the back of the leg
with a small piece of shrapnel (56:04)
 He never told anyone about it until later
There was a lot of confusion during the evacuation (56:55)
There was a ten second time span between mortar rounds
o Soldiers would wait for the ten second period and load up the helicopter
and then take off as quick as possible (57:15)
He remembers jumping into his helicopter and having to pull someone else on
with him (57:51)
He was in one of the middle crews to evacuate

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The helicopter that he was on had been hit with a frag and was leaking hydraulic
fluid (58:20)
o He landed in Camp Evans
At Camp Evans, the soldiers just sat around for a day or two and then went back
to work (59:22)
He still had four months remaining in his time of service (59:57)
He then went to Firebase Katherine for nearly a month (01:00:04)
o He was then sent to Firebase Rakkasan before going on R&amp;R for a week
(01:00:12)
On R&amp;R he went to Hong Kong
o He was able to go around and buy camera lenses, take pictures, and enjoy
his time (01:00:55)
o It was not very tough for him to get back on the plane to Vietnam
(01:01:01)
There were casualties after Ripcord, but the war had quieted down quite a bit
There were many men that had jungle sicknesses and cuts on their hands from
grabbing wildlife in the jungle (01:02:10)
He was not expected to take care of the really bad situations
Near the end of his service, the majority of the men in his unit were new
(01:02:40)
o It was a different war at that point (01:03:37)
Many of the men realized that using drugs in the field would get them killed
(01:04:01)
o There was an amnesty program that began for soldiers for drug abuse
Heroin showed up in his place in the beginning of September in 1970 (01:05:01)
o There was no heroin use in his unit
o Many did not realize that cocaine was addictive
 Some of the men could not even stand up when they went into the
amnesty program (01:05:26)
o It was 95% pure
o Many of the men thought that it was cocaine and did not realize they were
snorting heroin
o Soldiers could buy drugs just outside the gate to Camp Evans (01:06:09)
o Drug abuse could not be prevented
When he was at the end of his tour he was not counting down the days until the
last few (01:06:56
He leaves around Thanksgiving of 1970 (01:07:25)
He traveled from Cam Ranh Bay to Seattle and then on to Minneapolis (01:07:34)
o He traveled by plane until Minneapolis and then drove home
He did not experience any protestors at the airports (01:08:01)
When he gets home he is on holiday leave
On January 4, 1971 he had to report to Fort Lee in Virginia (01:08:14)
o He was supposed to be there on the first or second of January but called to
see if he could stay at home longer

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He spent some time at Fort Lee before spending nearly four months at Fort Pickett
in Virginia (01:09:40)
o There was only one doctor at Fort Pickett
o During the summer, it was a National Guard training area
o He would treat soldiers with field injuries from field exercises (01:10:27)
 There were men that had to be treated from breaking their legs
playing baseball
o One of the troops took part in a local rodeo and got gored by a bull
(01:10:53)
He virtually dismissed any anti-war movements (01:11:26)
o They did not respect the movements

After the Service – (01:12:35)
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His day to leave for home was in October of 1971 (01:12:41)
He began his Surgery Training Program in January at the Hennepin County
General Hospital (01:12:44)
The Army did not make an effort to get him to stay in the service
o He one day felt pressure when the hospital commander wanted to talk to
him
The Surgery Training Program was five years long (01:14:18)
After he passed his boards, he started his own practice
o He is still a practicing doctor in Worthington, Minnesota (01:14:42)
He feels that war can conditions a person's attitude (01:15:24)
o You have a different attitude of what is important and what is not
o You also have a different attitude of what is risk and what is not

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                    <text>Speaking Out
Western Michigan’s Civil Rights Histories
Interviewee: Terrence Harris
Interviewers: David Bauer, Eric Pete, Stephanie Homan and Victoria VanDragt
Supervising Faculty: Melanie Shell-Weiss
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 3/23/2012

Biography and Description
Terrence is African American and Atheist. He grew up in a neighborhood that is predominately
White, Christian. He discusses religion.

Transcript
The person were interviewing today is Terrence Harris from Grandville, Michigan. We’re going to start
by having Terrence tell him about himself.
Let’s see. I grew up in Wyoming. shoot. I was born in Grand Rapids. I lived there for about three years,
then came to Wyoming which is like a bio-center. Then, I lived there for about eleven years, then moved
to good ole Grandville. that was probably when I would say I became the person who I am now because
of moving to Grandville.
Did you participate in any activities in Grandville, extracurriculars, sports?
Yep! I played basketball. I actually got cut from the 7th grade team in Wyoming when I was in
Newhaugh. Which is pretty sucked, (Laughter). But, actually I liked Grandville after I made the team in
eighth grade. So, I played basketball in high school for all four years, and I played track in high school for
two years.
How was the atmosphere for sports in Grandville?
The atmosphere for sports? Well, pretty good. Not too bad. I would say as far as during the games or
during the practices. Like what do you mean?
Sure. Now lets just jump right in here. We’re interviewing you because you may have been
discriminated. Can you tell us why you may have discriminated in a community like Grandville?
Ah. (Laughter). It’s a funny thing and its ironic at the same time. Because when I went to Grandville I was
instantly like because I was black which is very, very weird. (Laughter). It’s like “oh, you’re black you’re
cool”, and I was like what’s up. (Laughter). I don’t know if it was more discrimination than just an
annoying stereotype. I would probably say that was the biggest thing in Grandville. Was stereotypes
and, then once certain people get close to you, like a lot of my white friends, when they get to a certain

Page 1

�comfort level, then they’ll start to say certain discriminatory things that does not sound so hurtful since I
know them. I guess they were just testing the waters to see how I’d react., eighth grade I was very
immature. Ninth grade, I was very immature. Tenth grade, ehh. Eleventh grade, I just didn’t give a fuck
anymore (Laughter). Twelfth grade, is the person I have become now.
Did you ever call your friends out on things they said that may have seemed discriminatory?
Let’s see. I would say I have a few times. I will try to not let it get to me. I wanna keep my composure
and let them know that I’m not gonna flip out based on something like that. But, you know, after doing a
lot of research, a lot of Africans will explode on a situation because of a lost identification of
themselves. So, when they’re being branded, you know, something negative, they’ll reject it of course in
an ignorant type of way. Like, so I saw this film and this black chick was tripping on a professor because
he cannot prove why evolution kills black people. Did you see it?
I heard. I actually was gonna watch it but my video player wasn’t working.
I saw that and I was like oh my God are you serious and this is why people think all black people are the
same because chicks like this. Just put her in jail (Laughter).
So, even though some of the way treated had positive connotation did it bother you that you were
treated differently at all?
Oh yeah!
Even though it appeared to be positive?
Oh yeah! Yep! There is always gonna be that like üh why is it me type factor. Kinda playing the victims
card. it was kind of more of a them getting under skin but I won’t let them get under my skin type of
thing. I’m not gonna show that it’s bothering me. So, I’m just gonna keep it cool, keep calm, collective;
you know, stuff like that.
What were some things that your friends said that may have offended you without them knowing it.
Oh man! Just the typical things. Fried chicken, big kool-aid, watermelon. I don’t like watermelon. A lot of
people get surprised when I tell them that. Like people say, “why don’t you sag your pants?”. I don’t
wanna sag my pants! (Laughter). And that’s why! Does every black person have to sag their pants
(Laughter) in order to be black? It seems like there is a certain level of ignorance you have to be in order
to earn the title of being black which I was like I’m not gonna snoop down to that level, because I plan
on being successful. One of the biggest things that drove me to where I am now, is I told myself when I
was twelve years old I would not be another black statistic. You know, going to jail, selling drugs, ain’t
got nothing, hardly ain’t got a job. I said flick that! Why would I want to choose that way.
So it sounds like you’re almost using your race as a motivating factor for you?
Oh yeah. If I were to grow up in Wyoming, if I were to stay there I wouldn’t be the same. I probably
would be just like another person that went to Wyoming Park. Not saying that there is not successful

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�people or successful Africans that come or have came from Park, but Grandville was a huge motivator
for me.
What prompted the move for your family?
My mom wanted a better educational system. Wyoming Park did not provide it and my mom saw that
and said I guess we’ll go to Grandville, and I was like I don’t want to and she said too bad! Let’s go!
(Laughter). All of my friends were in Wyoming, so I didn’t want to do a complete new start, but my mom
saw the opportunity and she went out and decided for my sister and myself, and I’m very grateful that
she did. Because I don’t know, to be honest I’d probably just be in jail if I would have stayed in Park. A
lot of my friends in Park are in jail, selling drugs, ain’t doing much with shit to put it in blatancy terms.
I’m a very blunt person. I tell it like it is. I don’t hold back. If you see my Facebook statuses, I don’t hold
back. You know Eric.
Very true!
I don’t play. I’m gonna tell it like it is. Because I don’t believe in holding stuff back. Tm not gonna get to
the core issue if, you know, I’m softening it up a bit.
We’ll touch on Facebook later (Laughter). Now staying on the subject of education, have teachers ever
treated you differently or made assumptions about you.
Oh yeah. Oh yeah. I would say even a little bit in Wyoming too actually. The thing is, with the teachers I
didn’t like, it was kind of like I’m gonna try to work with you, but if you be disruptive a few times I’m
gonna brand you, point you out every time, and get you nowhere! (Laughter). And I was a hard headed
little boy. Oh my gosh. I feel sorry for the teachers that dealt with me. I’m not even gonna lie. I was a
hard headed, knuckle-headed, bad...whatever. I didn’t care and then it carried on to seventh grade
when I left, came to Grandville, and there were a few teachers. I’m not sure, I don’t know. Have you
ever had Ms. Badgearna?
No
I don’t know. It was very I think she just hated us all. I mean she hated everyone equally. You guys can
blank that one out (Laughter). No, Ms. Badgeama was really cool teacher. I saw her a few years ago and
all smiles, nothing bad. High School, wasn’t that bad. I think,, they treat everybody just like it was a
college course. Do your work or you’re not gonna get shit. Just plain and simple. High School wasn’t too
bad. I think probably Elementary was worst.
Would you like to go into Elementary at all?
Elementary. Oh man! I remember one memory I have is; a friend of mine, Erika reminded me of this
story the other day. I was in class, her name was Ms. Norman, and I just saw her at my job last week.
Funny that that happened. Erika, a friend of mine, last week Wednesday told me about that story and
reminded. The very next day, I went to my job and I went to get some tea because I love getting tea,
free tea, you know come on! And I go to my job and saw her and said holy shit, we were just talking
about you last night. And what ended up happening is she, I don’t remember much, like I said I was

Page 3

�immature. You know, I had discipline but I chose not to show that I had that discipline. I wanted to act
out. I was a little kid. I was a little black kid. Not too many little black kids, you know, stick out, can’t
blend in. You’re already not gonna blend it when you’re black (Laughter). I remember I told her, I was
like, ‘Man, screaming, you’re just doing this because I’m black”! And I was screaming and I was like
crying and shit, but I don’t remember too much but I probably did that. Let’s see, we actually had a black
principal in seventh grade, which wasn’t too bad. I think that was one of the only incidents that I’ve had.
There were a few others of course, but I don’t remember it too much.
Any incidents with coaches?
Coaches.
Or assumptions?
Ahh, no. Fifth grade; there was actually like six black people on the team my fifth grade year. First time I
played basketball. seventh grade, nope. I just didn’t make the team seventh grade because I missed the
first day of practice. Eight grade I made the team so no prejudice remarks there. Then ninth grade
throughout senior year, I performed. So, I don’t think there was much of any prejudice or....I was gonna
say prejudice and racism at the same time (Laughter).
Pracism! (Group Laughter)
Going outside the walls of Grandville high school, in the city of Grandville itself, going to stores, gas
stations, anything like that?
(Laughter).
Was it different for you or tough for you?
Oh! I love it! I love when I went to stores in Grandville man! Those mother flickers always think I’m
about to steal something. (Laughter). I come up in the store, and I carry my backpack with me
everywhere because I’m a huge reader. I read anytime. You never know when you’re gonna get a book.
You can be in the store when someone’s you know robbing it and I’ll just kickback and read a book; your
ass is going to jail (Laughter). You know I carry bags with me everywhere... .or books in my bag. Oh man,
and Grandville’s horrible. It’s horrible. It’s extremely prejudice. God! (Laughter). I can tell you stories of
my brothers man, all throughout. It’s,, you gotta watch the eyes, and you can watch it if you’re by any
African American; watch like other people’s eyes and you’ll start to see them, or use your peripheral
vision, if you’re really good at that, and you’ll see them tend to look maybe do it again, look again and
they’ll just do a little of it a few times. I think it’s subconscious. I don’t think they try to do it, but when
Africans are portrayed on T.V. as nothing but thugs, gangsters, criminals, drugdealers, thieves, you
know, of course they’re gonna think that then. That’s how they portray us in the media. So, that’s the
first thing that they think.
Any particular stories that you would wanna share? That stands out?

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�Oh, that stands out?, I wouldn’t say Walmart. They pretty much hate everybody. It’s so depressing
there. My sister used to work there. It was so depressing! She’d come home with stories and stories. I
would say, probably like the local stores. Not too much the local stores. They have to have, or I think
they have to have diversity there. So, they just deal with it. Oh! Jenison, good old Jenison. Oh yeah!
Everything in Jenison. I ain’t even gonna label something. Everything in Jenison! A little bit in
Hudsonville; not too bad. Not that I’ve seen so far because I’m hardily ever out there. I would say those
three areas, and my house is right dabbed in the middle too.
Did your family experience any of the discrimination or prejudice like right when you moved in to like
the neighborhood for example?
Not when I moved to when I first moved in, oh man those were probably the worst places I’ve ever lived
actually. Not because of prejudice but the landlord was just awful, horrible.
In Grandville?
Yeah, Grandville! That was the first place we stayed there. I don’t think I’ve ever seen my mom that mad
before. My mom is a black Christian lady. (Laughter). They’re supposed to be happy, you know,
according to what you see on T.V. of course, and (Laughter). Man, it was horrible. My mom. I was like,
“Mom, if you want, I will find somebody, get some drugs, put them in his mailbox and call the cops on
him so he can go to jail. But that was just because he was such a shitty landlord. I would say, I don’t
think I had any problem with like prejudice. It was more the stereotypes. Of course, you know, we had a
few ladies my neighbor downstairs, she used stereotypes. She was like, she said she was trying to hook
me up with her daughters, and she was like my daughters real cute and she likes black men. I was like,
ok! Cool! I’m ironically black. Did you say that because I am black? How about, she likes an intelligent
man. A man who knows how to handle his business; that’s mature; that can handle his own. Nahh, she
just would like a black a man. (Laughter). Stuff like that. Like I said, it would just get under my skin, or
not anymore. But, I would just brush stuff like that off. Not so much at the place I live now. Oh my gosh!
There was this guy who was Hispanic that made the best steak though! Oh my gosh! His name was
Robbie too. His steaks were so good! He got deported, but I was so mad, I was so mad. (Laughter).
Where do you live now?
I live right down the street from where I used to live; Brook Meadow. It’s not too bad. yeah actually that
place is not too bad at all actually; it’s a pretty nice place. I don’t think I’ve dealt with anything dramatic
there.
Now, we met up and our group met up and talked a little bit before this interview, and you told us about
a story about what happened in East Grand Rapids.
Oh yeth! East Grand Rapids. Yes!
Can you tell us about that?
(Laughter). Oh man! We came. It was my brother and I. Will, and another guy named Will whom I met
for the first time that day; a mutual friend of ours, Sky, and we’re in East Town, you know, just chilling at

Page 5

�2 o’clock in the morning. And then all of a sudden, you see like one cop roll by. No big deal. You know,
they’re just chilling. They’re always watching the area. Then, another one comes. It’s like 2:01. Another
comes. A few more, wow! Something’s going on tonight. (Laughter). So we, you know are just joking
around, stating the obvious, but joking about it. And,, they’re just there! They’re not bothering us,
they’re just there, and that was the most annoying part. I hate when like cops try to be, like they know
that you know that they’re watching, but they’re like you can’t do anything about it. Watch me not do
something about it! (Laughter). Man, if I knew my rights back then I would’ve been like excuse me
officer is there a problem? No? Pardon me for saying this but get your ass up out of here, or something
like that. Man, I think someone probably called the cops on us. We were just chilling though. No,
nothing. Weren’t making any trouble, just two in the morning; nothing! But they feel the need for four
PT Cruisers or bring like the SWAT team or something. Mr. President, Mr. President! (Laughter).
On the subject of that, have you ever had any run-ins with the law, or have you ever had to deal with
police officers?
Oh my gosh! Look at Grandville man! Of course! Of course! I hate Grandville cops! I’ll get that on the
record. I hate Grandville cops. They are the most prejudice mother fuckers I’ve ever met. I got, I say that
and when I say that it bs me so much because that gets under my skin. They take their power for abuse
so much, and all the one’s I’ve met so far are complete pricks, assholes, and they’ve probably crash their
cars a few times from being pricks. I remember let’s see, my brother Carlos was with me when this
happened. We were just crossing a bridge and this guy in a PT Cruiser pulls us over and tells us that
someone called the cops on us for throwing a rock over the highway. I said, none of us threw a rock over
the highway. Backup comes. You know, of course they’ll come for a few black people. Check this out too.
Side-note, when you see someone get pulled over, check to see if they’re black. More than likely, you’ll
see another cop with them, but if they’re white, only one car. I’ve never seen that happen. I’ve never
been around for that so far, anytime. Just watch, Just watch! But, so, the guy pulls up and they’re trying
to t us against each other saying all these lies and stuff, saying he said this and he said that. They were
trying to get us to commit to something that we did not do., something that I am not a fan of at all, you
know, good ole divide and conquer technique. That was one experience. Another one was when it was
the whole fam. Me, my brother Carlos, Will, Mo, other Carlos, my cousin, my sister, a few other people,
and we were pretending. Now we went to Steak and Shake. We always go to Steak and Shake. They
know us there. We practically pay the bills. We went there that often. We pretended to jump our friend
Will because you know that’s how we do; we always play around. We actually went to Steak and Shake
that night because all of our hearts were broken. My ex cheated on me. My boy, my brother Mo, his ex
cheated on him. Will, he, well he was just happy. He was always the happy one! He’s always happy!
Never gets anything bad happen to him. I hate that. Well I guess I don’t hate it, but fuck him! (Laughter).
But so we were there for that reason, and later on that night, like 3 PT Cruisers, I’m talking about
spotlights, flashlights, yelling. Like, dude that’s not necessary! They,, I guess someone in Steak and Shake
called saying that we jumped someone and ran, but I was like no! They know us. They know us. We
tipped pretty good there too We stopped tipping that night. (Laughter).
But yeah they were a bunch of complete pricks. I got pulled over No! This actually happened a month
ago. I was walking home from work. I saw a PT Cruiser drive down and then t around and drive back.

Page 6

�I’ve seen them six times by the time I walked over the highway. Then, I saw another one because I was
taking a note of the number behind the truck, and it was a different one. They went by another three
times. Then, when was just getting across the street from where I lived, I saw another one come by and I
was like really. I called my mom and I was like, if you don’t see my tonight that’s because I’m in jail
about to beat some cops ass! Like that is not even necessary to go back and forth almost ten times. hat’s
just, that’s just, I don’t know! Makes abrother wanna really do something! That, that, can you imagine
how enraged I felt? To be you know kind of pointed out that strongly. Fuck the Grandville cops!
So how many times, have you counted having any problems with police total?
Psht, 8 that I can say off the top of my head.
How many times have you guys actually done anything wrong?
Once
And what was that?
smokin and drivin. Only time.
What happen, would you say you were treated (Yeah) worse because...
Actually no that was the nicest cop I have ever met from Grandville. He said he was going to let me go,
until his prick boss showed up. And I know when he who he was too, he was the other one, he was the
guy that pulled me over that night at Steak and Shake. He was the one that was yelling at us. I
remember because of his mustache. (snicker) Yeah that was him, wow, I just now realized that. Buth yea
it is, it is besides Grand Rapids cops, Grandville has to be the worst.
What about Grand Rapids police makes them worse?
I would say because their downtown, were a lot of the Africans are. And they, I feel like they have such a
mindset that whenever you see a black dude in the hood, they say ‘get him, he is up to no good’.
Grandville give at least one percent of the downtown, at least, Er,, Grand Rapids cops none. Yeah. When
I actually went to jail,h, last year forh smoking and drivin, heh, one of the guys that I was with in my
holding cell he said that we wasn’t doin nothing. He just got,h, for jay walkin. Jay walkin, Two in the
morning. Two in the morning! Jay walking! For real? Take him to jail for that? WOAH! I didn’t know that
you get pulled over for that. Haha
I thought the most that they could give you was like a ticket. Like a fine.
I think he didn’t know his rights, I think that what it was. I think heh,h, did a little selfincriminating
himself, maybe he had a pass, maybe he had a warrant or something. But,h, but for jay walking. What is
that? So go to jail, I was like dang man.
When did you start paying attention to your rights and like your experiences with the cops and being
able to stick up for yourself?

Page 7

�Umm it was, man, it was like last year, soh, I would say after the judge after he told me aft... I would say,
NO! it was my first probation check-up. I just got off probation yesterday actually Wooh!
Congratulations. Thank you very much, never wanna do that system again.I would say right after
probation because you know in my mind, Yeah. I should say in my mind I chose to justify what I did. You
know that I shouldn’t happen driving while I was high but still don’t let, don’t even let me get started on
why it should be illegal. Don’t let me get started. I will run, I will run every single fact. You know to Chad,
who was my probation officer, why marijuana should not be legal. Or Illegal or at least decriminalized
because it is just a herb. It will beat out the pharmacy industry (Snap) just like that, because you can
grow it. Boom. There goes all these pharisaical industries that making millions of dollars off that. You
know to keep us sick constantly. Now how many deaths has marijuana had, Zero. How many from
overdosing on pills? I can’t count on my hands because I don’t have that much. What they say like ten
people, or at least like 10 people die every hour from overdosing on pills? That’s a fucked up statistic
right there. NowI started paying attention to after that, that mindset. And I was like, h something’s not
right. Why are we, why am I kind of in this bondage right here. This is a system set up to fail. Not just for
Africans, but for minorities. Or I wouldn’t say minorities because the people who concerned this land
was minorities themselves. So I would say the natives. System set up to enslave the natives once more.
Because Christopher Columbus he came here and how many Native Americans did he kill? Whoo. And
then they want to label them the illegal immigrants. For real. Haha. So after that, after that I was like I
need to learn my rights because the constitutional, or well our constitutional rights that we have or so
called constitutional rights, I need to know those. Because I have no idea that I could have told the
officer, no do you have a warrant to search my car officer. If I would have said that I would have been
good. Constitutional rights. Did not know that at all. So I was like I need to start educating myself on the
land that I live. If this is, if this is really a system set up to fail for myself I need to know, I need to learn
the rules, I need to learn how to play the game. So at least learn how the game works and thankfully a
manager at Art Van thath, that helped me understand that. I was like, yeah learn my rights, I learned a
whole bunch. flaha. I learned a lot and that is what, now that I am off probation,I know my rights. And I
know what I can and cannot do. And I cannot say, and I will exercise every single rights that I have. Haha
That’s so good because I cannot say that I, that I know my rights, to where if! was pulled over or
something like that.
I kinda wondered the same thing like I didn’t know any of my rights at all. Until I would say some time
last year me and a couple buddies were just drinking in the dorms and we didn’t even have to let the
cops in. And like they were saying all this stuff like oo you have to let us in like making us like rethink like
what we were doing like you have to let us in. Like if you don’t right now we will break down the door.
We were like shit. You know they came in there we were being completely cooperative and gave them
all the alcohol we had. And they still gave us all MIPs and shit. Mhm. So I mean form like that moment
on we were all like shit we need to learn like all the stuff about underage drinking and all that. Just so
that like all that stuff doesn’t happen again.uu. I mean I agree with you, I mean like it is almost like not
just for minorities but the system sets up to fail you just...

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�Anyone who is ignorant, anyone. I would say defiantly to that to, that was like abE. Like when you go to
parties, you know people are freaking out. Oh my god cops are here! Cops are here! Everybody runnin,
just dippin out.
Yea and what they don’t know is unless they have a warrant they can’t do anything.
Exactly. Yeah you give them permission to come in.
That’s a whole different topic right there.
Haha right.
Shifting gears, you originally, yeah we are just going to forget Segway’s. You when back to Grandville
High School recently and an interesting observation you told us about a few weeks ago, about the stair
case.
Oh yea man, we had, we called it the cool, it was where all the cool cats went. You know. Wasn’t even
discriminating against no blacks whites man. You know blacks are supposed to skip because they don’t
like to go to class. Minorities come and so we are all just chillin back over there probably abouthh two
and a half months ago they sealed it up. And I know that I was because it was all a bunch of minorities
there you know blacks whites also. and everybody was just chilling there. I would say it was race
motivated but covered up very well. You know just like they always do with everything. Haha. It is very,
you know it is a distraction. Well why is it a distraction? Because you just a talking too loud about
standing there. Some people have KCDC they get out of class and they would just go and chill you know
like right below the stairs. You know it’s not that much of a distraction, kind of like when I I think that
they were afraid. Actually I think that some of the people on the staff were afraid of a littleethnicity. I
have like when I have a keffiyeh I don’t know if you ever saw it but I have like a keffiyeh wrapped around
just like this you know it is cold. Seven in the morning ya’ll got, ya’ll told me I had to be here at seven in
the morning. I am going to wear something to keep myself warm. I’m sorry, I don’t wanna come here in
the first place. Hah. Who wants to go to high school at seven in the morning. I remember Mr.
Vanderslice started chasing me down because I was like no I’m not taking it off. NO! It was a shirt, it was
a shirt on top of my head. That’s what it was. I had a shirt on top of my head.
That’s stupid!
That’s what I am saying! I had a shirt on my head, and one of the ambassadors, chased me all the way to
my class just to yell at me. And you best believe that I did not just step back. I was yelling right back.
Thankfully my mind, the thought in my mind was to check out the rules. You know, understand
everysingle rule, and use that against him. I was like naw there aint nothing against that code book. Your
wrong, it does not say that I cannot wear something on my head that’s not seven. Lets see school starts
at 7:15 and it aint 7:15 yet. So I don’t have to take the shirt off. Couldn’t do nothing about it.
School started at 7:50
7:50 yeah. Couldn’t do nothing about it, I was like ppht, what are you going to do? Violate it I dare you!

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�So was the anything about the shirt, or was it just a regular shirt?
Plain old white t-shirt man. I just wearin it on my head, just wearin it on my head. Now moving on to the
keffiyeh.
Which is?
Which is Middle Eastern, soyou know automatic I am Muslim. So people think automatically he is a
terrorist. You know lets get, it out of the way. Anytime anyone is wrapping a keffiyeh around their head,
in fast the wrap it around their heads because there’s deserts snow storms, So in order to keep the
snow, ornot snow
Sand storms
Stand storms yeah, so they want to keep the sand out of their face. Well its Michigan, it snows I wanna
keep the snow out of my face. So I used to water that tornm, when I walked in, everybody’s lookin at
me. Whats he doin? Muslim. He is a terrorist. Because that all the, that’s all the media labels them. So
we see Muslim terrorist, let’s be honest, let’s be real. Hahah. That’s all they see. They made a big deal
about that. I was like yo, it’s not 7:50 yet. I’m not taking it off. You know this is a, I’m not Muslim or
Islam, buth I do respect their culture. It is part of my history because remorse. So as part of my history, I
embrace all of my culture, not just a little bit of it. So, they couldn’t do nothing about that either. Fight
the power.
Yeah you mentioned like the media, and how minorities seem to be misrepresented in it.do you have
any thoughts about how that could change or, if it can change?
Oh man was have to go to the core then because how that started was actually a break off from the
Crow laws. That is how they got that in there. They intertwined Jim Crows laws with the media so that
whenever someone sees a black person the automatically, you know subconsciously he is up to no good.
Yeah like stereotypes
Yeah exactly. He is automaticallyh, you know a grand banger. He is automatically high as hell right now.
He is black, he is supposed to smoke weed. Dark lips, big dark lips you know. Lie Obama, what is it with
Obama, they said that he had weed lips or something like that. I don’t remember, but they they put
that, they attached that stereotype to him as well. In order to beat something like that you gotta take
down the media because they have control of the mass. Everybody watches TV, everybody watches TV.
So if everyone is tuned in on this psychological brainwash machine. Of course everybody is going to
think that black person, he aint up to no good, no good at all. So I would say yeah, to, I like to get to the
very core of everything I don’t like to,racism isn’t here you know it is 2012 we all matured (In a sarcastic
voice). Really? Did you just tune into the Zimmerman case? Why aint he in jail? He shot and killed a 17
year-old who had a bag of skittles. For one the dude was 28 years-old. He shot him dead in a gated
community, which was predominantly white in Florida, And why isn’t he in jail. This kid was 17 years-old
and he is dead, isn’t that murder? Supposedly he is the head watchman of the, you know the
supervising, you know that watch ting. So to say that racism isn’t still here in the United States, that is

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�ridiculous. Racism is still here. It is just in a different way. It is just like energy. Energy was never created
of destroyed, it was transformed. Racism was BOOM right in your face, now it’s you know transformed
into this thing called the media and I lables every single race, not just blacks, Latinos, Korean, Chinese,
Japanese, Europeans, even American, everything! They have got a label for everyone. And why are we
trying to be labels, im not trying to be labeled. I wanna created my own identity. That’s the problem,
nobody has their own identity.
On the subject of identity, earlier you said you talked about stuff that was part of your heritage. You are
obviously very proud of you African American heritage. And one way you show it is through your
Facebook name. It is very unique. Would you like to tell us what it is?
Oh yea that’s why I tell people anytime they wanna find me on Facebook, you will not find me. I will find
you. Hahah. My name on Facebook is Brotha Taffiti Savo Hakeema Jafarr . And the reason why I chose
that name was it is the name Hakeema is Swahili for wisdom, and I have that tattooed on my back from
shoulder blade to shoulder blade. I believe in that so heavily because without wisdom, or the name
Taffiti means knowledge seeker and Savo means order and Hakeema is wisdom so you know with the
right knowledge and wisdom comes order, creating your identity basically. And that propelled me into
what I want to do. It gave me a new foundation for myself. how to give like a new label for myself. And
not even a label but to just know who I am period. You know, growing up as a child where are all of the
black figures. There are hardly and African doll figures. Identity crisis right there. You know you want to
get your niece a doll, but there’s only white ones. Not saying there is anything wrong with white ones,
but why give a white one to a black one who is constantly seeing all this propaganda against blacks. You
know, she has no idea who she is, she is getting this false identification of herself. So just right away that
shows the importance of a diverse. You know be a little diverse. Why have too much ofjust one thing?
Spread it out, shave to love. You know? Share the wealth, or at least get another black baby doll damn.
Put that on the store shelves jeeze (laughing). Just change it up a little you know, that all a brotha can
ask.
There is one other thing about you that makes you unique. Especially for Grandville is that you are
Atheist.and Facebook is the biggest, most notable way that you talk about it. Have you, has anyone ever
called you out on it?
Oh man we have a different idea that goes against the traditional or mainstream way, no everybody
believes this, but that one idea that is controversial to everyone else. It was like what’s up with this guy.
What’s wrong with him?I wasespecially, I wouldn’t say. Well I learned actually that there are different
forms of Atheism. There is an Atheism that does not believe in a god at all, or super natural things. And
there isthe atheism that does not believe in the three main traditional religions, the Abrahamic religions,
Islamic, Christianity and Judaism. That came for a lost identification of myself. I grew up as a Christian,
you know my mom told me that I was going to church, I was going to like it, no if ands or buts. As a little
kid I was like I have to, and ah I went not because I wanted to but because I had to. And it never gave me
a change tochose what I wanted to believe in. and the problem with a lot of religions, the problem I
would say is just based on my research, a lot of people do not do research on religions or what they
believe. A lot of people go to history. People don’t wanna research the dark things, the positive and

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�negative. Everybody is looking as the positive, which is great cool, but if you’re not looking at the
negative... Well remember if you do not know you history, then you are going to repeat it. People
repeating history because of their lack of knowledge, with is also the Facebook thing. Every time a see
Taffiti is motivates me. Knowledge seeker you know, that’s what I am. Keep studying, keep reading,
keep bringing books everywhere. Nothing is going to stop me. And that was one of the biggest thing I
ever had to do. Was let go of my belief of Christianity because it was a grips of fear if you do not believe
in a doctrine, you are going to hell. Who wants to go to hell? Somebody raise they hands if they wanna
go to hell. (nobody moves) Exactly! That was the biggest thing for me, I had to let go of the fear of
risking my sole that is eternal in an eternal place where you die even though you are already dead. You
di even more I guess. So I did a lot of research of the translations of hell You know all the translations of
Hebrew of actually Arabic to Hebrew to Latin to English; you know studying all those words because I am
a big studier. I study every single word, I don’t do broad things. If I am going to check Genesis 101 I will
check every single word in every single translation. I will get the idea, I am not just going to go skating
by. That’s what most people do, well I have the King James version so. Well did you know King James
was a really wicked dude. He performed bestiality, he was extremely in to.. I forgot what it was. But the
dude rewrote the bible to keep his throne in power. Now anybody that reuses, or rewrite something
against his or against his people or against his power, not going to be like woah what did he change so
he could keep his power? A lot of people change things, I like to get to the source, like I said to the core.
And I found my identity you know the furthest that I have researched so far, which is Egypt, also the
Comets. The traveled for Ethiopia to Sudan, followed the Nile River and the landed in Egypt, or Comet at
the time. And that is the my belief system because that is the very core that I have seen so far and it
may change. I love when my, what I believe in is challeneged, because that gives me the chance to learn
because I get to see another area. So that yeah especially going to Grandville to, you know there morals
are all white and Christian. But my joey spiritually has not started since last year. No it was probably
about a year and a half. So I would say if I want to Grandville High School with the knowledge that I have
now shit would be completely different. I would probably be in college right now. Well I would be in
college actually right now if I didn’t break my wrist.
Was there a certain like factor that like caused you to start studying and following Atheism?
Umm I would say that, I would say that I am very passionate about the black community If there is
somebody that doesn’t know this I love who I am. I love being black. I love being who I am not say that
being not black isn’t cool. That is just who I am and I would say that I was I questioned what is wrong
with the black community today. We are not educated, we do not know our own history, I cannot even
find or think of any history class that taught me that starting civilizations in Africa. I had to figure that
out on my own. They didn’t tell me that my ancestors where ancient Egyptians were astrology came
forum, and mathematics, and a lot of the Greeks got their information from Ancient Egypt. Where Plato
always referred to Ancient Egypt. I was not told that a lot of the three religions are deep rooted in
African traditions. So I questioned that. And I didn’t really have a bone to pick with Christianity so I was
really upset that no one ever told me what was really going on. Because my mom didn’t know, she
didn’t ask those questions. My mom actually grew up on Rockford, Oh my god my whole family actually
grew up in Rockford. Now they are my age, the grew up in the 60’s, 70’s, 80’s so I don’t think that they

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�had time to think about that, They were having a hard enough time just getting through the day in
Rockford. So I questioned my community, and the thing is they were mentally brainwashed through
generations and generations and generations of slavery. A lot of Africans don’t know that their
ancestors were already here before Columbus was here. I’m not talking about the Native American. I’m
talking about the Africans that traveled from Africa to America and was here before Christopher
Columbus came here and slaughtered them all. There’s a Holocaust that’s worst then the Jewish
Holocaust. They didn’t teach me that. I can’t even tell you how many of millions of millions Columbus
killed. This mother fucker got his own national day! What is going on? I’m celebrating Christopher
Columbus in elementary school and I ain’t learn that this dude killed how many of my people? Did that
go over your head America? (Laughter). Oh yeah by the way you know. After that I was just like wow this
is bullshit I wanna learn a lot. That’s what did it. That’s what sparked that into me and I was like I gotta
make my brother and sisters, I have taken it on my own personal mission to educate as many Africans,
brothers and sisters, as we can. Not limited to Africans but that’s my field of study right now. So that’s
what I have to focus because if one particular group is lacking you know in success and everything then
that creates an off balance you know? If I can be the foundation or the starting black for that to happen
then cool you know.
That’s very interesting that you say that you wanna try to educate as many African Americans as you
can. What means or steps are you taking to do that?
Right now? Learning. Only thing I can do. I can’t teach them if I don’t know them yet. So I have to learn
every single thing or as much as I can at least. The history, all the contradictions, even what I believe I
have to study the contradictions against that so I can make sure that’s the right information. If Tm
learning you know everything started in Africa you know blah blah blah, and Tm being hard headed for
that then if Tm not having any information to go against that, then I’m just blindly following this just
because I’m solely for it but if I have you know a pro and a con, you know and I can make a wise or
intelligent decision based on that fact you know then I’m pretty good for it. You know ask me anything
that might contradict and I’ll probably know the answer to it and I can probably overcome that
projection because that’s what I study.
Have any of your friends that you have shared some of your knowledge with, what is their reaction to it?
Are they interested in it? Do the believe it?
Man, let’s see. I would say who? More specifically my brothers and sisters or like white friends I have?
Yeah
Let’s start with family I guess
Oh I’m always educating my mom and sister constantly. That’s kind of why they’re upset that I’m
moving because I have studied a lot I think and there hasn’t been a day in the past two years that I have
not been studying. I am a hard core studier. I have a fiery passion to learn and a lot people don’t do that.
Especially in the black community it is considered geeky or nerdy, or they will call you one of them smart
niggers. What does that mean? I’m a smart what? So it’s not cool to know you shit but it’s cool to be in
jail acting all stupid, shooting you own brothers and sisters, calling your sisters hoes, bitch. Calling them

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�all these names that aren’t necessary, but yet that’s cool? For real? Dog you’ve been brain washed so
good and I’ve been teaching my whole family and my mom and sister. Every time I have family come
home from Georgia I always give a little bit more knowledge you know. Even going out to my brothers,
my brother Carlos I’m always teaching him. Sharing stuff that I’ve learned. Even if it contradicts that he’s
learned but that’s the best part you know? Not forcing stuff that I know in his head, but going check this
information, what have you learned about this? Does it seem right? Does it contradict? Let’s get an
answer for this. My brother Will, smartest mother fucker I know so far. I think it’s because he’s half black
and half white. I think that’s what it is. He has the perfect balance. (Laughter). He’s very crucial, fucking
hard headed, he has facts. He’s been home schooled actually. He’s been reading since he was ten years
old. I’ve only been reading, legitimately reading, for like two years now. So I have an eight year gap to
catch up to him. Motivation. Pure motivation right there.
What about when you tell your friends of what you know? Black or white.
Leave that to Facebook my friend. Facebook, like I said I don’t hold back. I say it like it is. Why hold
back you know? I’m not gonna put like a band aid solution on things I’m just gonna tell it raw. In my past
I’ve been very stupid and ignorant, and one-sided with my posts just because I was in that mind where I
was rebellious or I was rebellious to you know Christianity just point blank, but that’s because I’ve
always known you know? I’ve only met you know certain Christians that are like love Jesus, stop saying
blah, stop smoking blah. devil is real blah, you’re going to hell you know? Well fuck you. Some were my
family. Some were my friends. So it was a really tough time for me. So after that, I was like hmm let me
re-think this? You know, I’m acting just like the people that I do not like. So i completely re-switched the
way I come out with information and it’s actually helping out. People are actually seeing it from my point
of view now. Questioning. Why? Why is everything like this? That’s the big thing, questioning. You
don’t question, you won’t get answers, and when you question everything until you can’t question why no
more. There you go. That’s the core.
When you tell a religious person that you’re Atheist what’s the typical response from them?
Oh, you know I don’t even tell people I’m Atheist. Actually, it’s so funny I was on the bus before and
there was this white dude and I don’t what put, what, I don’t know. It was just out of nowhere. I’m just on
the bus listening to my music. You know, jamming. Out of nowhere he goes are you Christian? Im like
no. Why? And this is in my time when I’m like completely anti- Christian and I’m like blah blah I don’t
wanna hear it. Stop forcing this shit. Get out of my face. Stop! Stop! You know, he was just like talking
about Jesus stuff like that. I was like cool, cool. Stop forcing it down. Stop. I’m gonna tell you a little bit
something about yourself or about your religion and you’re not gonna like it so chill, and he got off the
bus. See, I said it nicely, you know, but that kinds of like what I was giving him. I dropped a little bit of
knowledge and he couldn’t even understand what I was talking about. A lot of people don’t know about
Jesus. What is Jesus? Jesus comes from, if you look at the history of words, Jesus comes from the Greek
god Zeus and Jahova, the Hebrew word for god. They put Jahova and Zeus together and it’s Jesus. That
wasn’t his name because he spoke in Arabic at that time. Arabic is basically Hebrew. The Hebrew word
that they translated from Christ which was Greek for one who’s anointed his real name was Oshua.
There’s no J in the Hebrew Bible so how can his name be Jesus if there was no J in the Hebrew Bible?
Oshua was his name and he didn’t even know that. So I was like people don’t research their own history.
They don’t look in those dark corners.

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�Going back a little, back into the family issue, you talked about earlier how your mom is a dedicated
Christian. More specifically, how did she deal with you converting to Atheism?
I told her gently, slowly, very calmly. Me and my mom are extremely close. She is the only female who
has not broken my heart. So I’m like big ups to you Mom. Single parent you know? My dad’s out doing
his own shit. He was not a big factor in my life except for buying me a lot of shoes. Go dad! Thanks for
the shoes. Like I said, my mom and I are really close so wow, that was tough. I was like, I don’t know
how to tell you this Mom, but I don’t believe in what you believe in anymore, but I still love you, but I’m
not going to hell because I know this. Don’t judge. But, you know, it was not tough, it was really hard
actually. That was the probably the toughest three months I’ve ever had, was constantly thinking, how can
I tell her without being extremely upset. My mom cried because Kia got a tattoo. Now, she is definitely
not gonna like when I tell her I don’t believe in Christianity. I was like holy shit. So you know Kia has a
daughter. Beautiful, beautiful daughter.
So how many times, have you counted having any problems with police total?
Psht, 8 that I can say off the top of my head
How many times have you guys actually done anything wrong?
Once
And what was that?
smokin and drivin. Only time
What happen, would you say you were treated (Yeah) worse because...
Actually no that was the nicest cop I have ever met from Grandville. He said he was going to let me go,
until his prick boss showed up. And I know when he who he was too, he was the other one, he was the
guy that pulled me over that night at Steak and Shake. He was the one that was yelling at us. I remember
because of his mustache. (snicker) Yeah that was him, wow, I just now realized that. Buth yea it is, it is
besides Grand Rapids cops, Grandville has to be the worst.
What about Grand Rapids police makes them worse?
I would say because their downtown, were a lot of the Africans are. And they, I feel like they have such a
mindset that whenever you see a black dude in the hood, they say ‘get him, he is up to no good’.
Grandville give at least one percent of the downtown, at least, Er,, Grand Rapids cops none. Yeah. When
I actually went to jail,h, last year forh smoking and drivin, heh, one of the guys that I was with in my
holding cell he said that we wasn’t doin nothing. He just got,h. for jay walkin. Jay walkin, Two in the
morning. Two in the morning! Jay walking! For real? Take him to jail for that? WOAH! I didn’t know
that you get pulled over for that. Haha
I thought the most that they could give you was like a ticket. Like a fine.
I think he didn’t know his rights, I think that what it was. I think heh,h, did a little self incriminating
himself, maybe he had a pass, maybe he had a warrant or something. But,h, but for jay walking. What is
that? So go to jail, I was like dang man.

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�When did you start paying attention to your rights and like your experiences with the cops and being able
to stick up for yourself?
Umm it was, man, it was like last year, soh, I would say after the judge after he told me aft... I would say,
NO! it was my first probation check-up. I just got off probation yesterday actually Wooh!
Congratulations.
Thank you very much, never wanna do that system again.
Umm I would say right after probation because you know in my mind, Yeah. I should say in my mind I
chose to justify what I did. You know that I shouldn’t happen driving while I was high but still don’t let,
don’t even let me get started on why it should be illegal. Don’t let me get started. I will run, I will run
every single fact. You know to Chad, who was my probation officer, why marijuana should not be legal.
Or Illegal or at least decriminalized because it is just a herb. It will beat out the pharmacy industry (Snap)
just like that, because you can grow it. Boom. There goes all these pharisaical industries that making
millions of dollars off that. You know to keep us sick constantly. Now how many deaths has marijuana
had, Zero. How many from overdosing on pills? I can’t count on my hands because I don’t have that
much. What they say like ten people, or at least like 10 people die every hour from overdosing on pills?
That’s a flicked up statistic right there. NowI started paying attention to after that, that mindset. And I was
like, h something’s not right. Why are we, why am I kind of in this bondage right here. This is a system
set up to fail. Not just for Africans, but for minorities. Or I wouldn’t say minorities because the people
who concerned this land was minorities themselves. So I would say the natives. System set up to enslave
the natives once more. Because Christopher Columbus he came here and how many Native Americans
did he kill? Whoo. And then they want to label them the illegal immigrants. For real. Haha. So after that,
after that I was like I need to learn my rights because the constitutional, or well our constitutional rights
that we have or so called constitutional rights, I need to know those. Because I have no idea that I could
have told the officer, no do you have a warrant to search my car officer. If I would have said that I would
have been good. Constitutional rights. Did not know that at all. So I was like I need to start educating
myself on the land that I live. If this is, if this is really a system set up to fail for myself, I need to know, I
need to learn the rules, I need to learn how to play the game. So at least learn how the game works and
thankfully a manager at Art Van thath, that helped me understand that. I was like, yeah learn my rights, I
learned a whole bunch. 1-laha. I learned a lot and that is what, now that I am off probation,I know my
rights. And I know what I can and cannot do. And I cannot say, and I will exercise every single rights that
I have. Haha
That’s so good because I cannot say that I, that I know my rights, to where if! was pulled over or
something like that.
I kinda wondered the same thing like I didn’t know any of my rights at all. Until I would say some time
last year me and a couple buddies were just drinking in the dorms and we didn’t even have to let the cops
in. And like they were saying all this stuff like oo you have to let us in like making us like rethink like
what we were doing like you have to let us in. Like if you don’t right now we will break down the door.
We were like shit. You know they came in there we were being completely cooperative and gave them all
the alcohol we had. And they still gave us all MIPs and shit. Mhm. So I mean form like that moment on
we were all like shit we need to learn like all the stuff about underage drinking and all that. Just so that

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�like all that stuff doesn’t happen again.uu. I mean I agree with you, I mean like it is almost like not just
for minorities but the system sets up to fail you just...
Anyone who is ignorant, anyone. I would say defiantly to that to, that was like ahh. Like when you go to
parties, you know people are freaking out. Oh my god cops are here! Cops are here! Everybody runnin,
just dippin out.
Yea and what they don’t know is unless they have a warrant they can’t do anything.
Exactly. Yeah you give them permission to come in.
That’s a whole different topic right there.
Haha right.
Shifting gears, you originally, yeah we are just going to forget Segway’s. You when back to Grandville
High School recently and an interesting observation you told us about a few weeks ago, about the stair
case.
Oh yea man, we had, we called it the cool, it was where all the cool cats went. You know. Wasn’t even
discriminating against no blacks whites man. You know blacks are supposed to skip because they don’t
like to go to class. Minorities come and so we are all just chillin back over there probably abouthh two
and a half months ago they sealed it up. And I know that I was because it was all a bunch of minorities
there you know blacks whites also. and everybody was just chilling there. I would say it was race
motivated but covered up very well. You know just like they always do with everything. Haha. It is very,
you know it is a distraction. Well why is it a distraction? Because you just a talking too loud about
standing there. Some people have KCDC they get out of class and they would just go and chill you know
like right below the stairs. You know it’s not that much of a distraction, kind of like when I I think that
they were afraid. Actually I think that some of the people on the staff were afraid of a littleethnicity. I
have like when I have a keffiyeh I don’t know if you ever saw it but I have like a keffiyeh wrapped
around just like this you know it is cold. Seven in the morning ya’ll got, ya’ll told me I had to be here at
seven in the morning. I am going to wear something to keep myself warm. I’m sorry, I don’t wanna come
here in the first place. Hah. Who wants to go to high school at seven in the morning. I remember Mr.
Vanderslice started chasing me down because I was like no I’m not taking it off. NO! It was a shirt, it was
a shirt on top of my head. That’s what it was. I had a shirt on top of my head.
That’s stupid!
That’s what I am saying! I had a shirt on my head, and one of the ambassadors, chased me all the way to
my class just to yell at me. And you best believe that I did not just step back. I was yelling right back.
Thankfully my mind, the thought in my mind was to check out the rules. You know, understand
everysingle rule, and use that against him. I was like naw there aint nothing against that code book. Your
wrong, it does not say that I cannot wear something on my head that’s not seven. Lets see school starts at
7:15 and it aint 7:15 yet. So I don’t have to take the shirt off. Couldn’t do nothing about it.
School started at 7:50
7:50 yeah. Couldn’t do nothing about it, I was like ppht, what are you going to do? Violate it I dare you!

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�So was the anything about the shirt, or was it just a regular shirt?
Plain old white t-shirt man. I just wearin it on my head, just wearin it on my head. Now moving on to the
keffiyeh.
Which is?
Which is Middle Eastern, soyou know automatic I am Muslim. So people think automatically he is a
terrorist. You know lets get, it out of the way. Anytime anyone is wrapping a keffiyeh around their head,
in fast the wrap it around their heads because there’s deserts snow storms. So in order to keep the snow,
ornot snow
Sand storms
Stand storms yeah, so they want to keep the sand out of their face. Well its Michigan, it snows I wanna
keep the snow out of my face. So I used to water that to when I walked in, everybody’s lookin at me.
Whats he doin? Muslim. He is a terrorist. Because that all the, that’s all the media labels them. So we see
Muslim terrorist, let’s be honest, let’s be real. Hahah. That’s all they see. They made a big deal about that.
I was like yo, it’s not 7:50 yet. I’m not taking it off. You know this is a, I’m not Muslim or Islam, buth I
do respect their culture. It is part of my history because remorse. So as part of my history, I embrace all of
my culture, not just a little bit of it. So, they couldn’t do nothing about that either. Fight the power.
Yeah you mentioned like the media, and how minorities seem to be misrepresented in it.do you have any
thoughts about how that could change or, if it can change?
Oh man was have to go to the core then because how that started was actually a break off from the Crow
laws. That is how they got that in there. They intertwined Jim Crows laws with the media so that
whenever someone sees a black person the automatically, you know subconsciously he is up to no good.
Yeah like stereotypes
Yeah exactly. He is automaticallyh, you know a grand banger. He is automatically high as hell right now.
He is black, he is supposed to smoke weed. Dark lips, big dark lips you know. Lie Obama, what is it with
Obama, they said that he had weed lips or something like that. I don’t remember, but they they put that,
they attached that stereotype to him as well. In order to beat something like that you gotta take down the
media because they have control of the mass. Everybody watches TV, everybody watches TV. So if
everyone is tuned in on this psychological brainwash machine. Of course everybody is going to think that
black person, he aint up to no good, no good at all. So I would say yeah, to, I like to get to the very core
of everything I don’t like to,racism isn’t here you know it is 2012 we all matured (In a sarcastic voice).
Really? Did you just tune into the Zimmerman case? Why aint he in jail? He shot and killed a 17 year-old
who had a bag of skittles. For one the dude was 28 years-old. He shot him dead in a gated community,
which was predominantly white in Florida, And why isn’t he in jail. This kid was 17 years-old and he is
dead, isn’t that murder? Supposedly he is the head watchman of the, you know the supervising, you know
that watch ting. So to say that racism isn’t still here in the United States, that is ridiculous. Racism is still
here. It is just in a different way. It is just like energy. Energy was never created of destroyed, it was
transformed. Racism was BOOM right in your face, now it’s you know transformed into this thing called
the media and I lables every single race, not just blacks, Latinos, Korean, Chinese, Japanese, Europeans,
even American, everything! They have got a label for everyone. And why are we trying to be labels, im
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�not trying to be labeled. I wanna created my own identity. That’s the problem, nobody has their own
identity.
On the subject of identity, earlier you said you talked about stuff that was part of your heritage. You are
obviously very proud of you African American heritage. And one way you show it is through your
Facebook name. It is very unique. Would you like to tell us what it is?
Oh yea that’s why I tell people anytime they wanna find me on Facebook, you will not find me. I will find
you. Hahah. My name on Facebook is Brotha Taffiti Savo Hakeema Jafarr . And the reason why I chose
that name was it is the name Hakeema is Swahili for wisdom, and I have that tattooed on my back from
shoulder blade to shoulder blade. I believe in that so heavily because without wisdom, or the name Taffiti
means knowledge seeker and Savo means order and Hakeema is wisdom so you know with the right
knowledge and wisdom comes order, creating your identity basically. And that propelled me into what I
want to do. It gave me a new foundation for myself, .n how to give like a new label for myself. And not
even a label but to just know who I am period. You know, growing up as a child where are all of the black
figures. There are hardly and African doll figures. Identity crisis right there. You know you want to get
your niece a doll, but there’s only white ones. Not saying there is anything wrong with white ones, but
why give a white one to a black one who is constantly seeing all this propaganda against blacks. You
know, she has no idea who she is, she is getting this false identification of herself So just right away that
shows the importance of a diverse. You know be a little diverse. Why have too much ofjust one thing?
Spread it out, shave to love. You know? Share the wealth, or at least get another black baby doll damn.
Put that on the store shelves jeeze (laughing). Just change it up a little you know, that all a brotha can ask.
There is one other thing about you that makes you unique. Especially for Grandville is that you are
Atheist.and Facebook is the biggest, most notable way that you talk about it. Have you, has anyone ever
called you out on it?
Oh man we have a different idea that goes against the traditional or mainstream way, no everybody
believes this, but that one idea that is controversial to everyone else. It was like what’s up with this guy.
What’s wrong with him?rn I wasespecially, I wouldn’t say. Well I learned actually that there are different
forms of Atheism. There is an Atheism that does not believe in a god at all, or super natural things. And
there isthe atheism that does not believe in the three main traditional religions, the Abrahamic religions,
Islamic, Christianity and Judaism. That came for a lost identification of myself I grew up as a Christian,
you know my mom told me that I was going to church, I was going to like it, no if ands or buts. As a little
kid I was like I have to, and ah I went not because I wanted to but because I had to. And it never gave me
a change torn chose what I wanted to believe in. and the problem with a lot of religions, the problem I
would say is just based on my research, a lot of people do not do research on religions or what they
believe. A lot of people go to history. People don’t wanna research the dark things, the positive and
negative. Everybody is looking as the positive, which is great cool, but if you’re not looking at the
negative... Well remember if you do not know you history, then you are going to repeat it. People
repeating history because of their lack of knowledge, with is also the Facebook thing. Every time a see
Taffiti is motivates me. Knowledge seeker you know, that’s what I am. Keep studying, keep reading, keep
bringing books everywhere. Nothing is going to stop me. And that was one of the biggest thing I ever
had to do. Was let go of my belief of Christianity because it was a grips of fear if you do not believe in a
doctrine, you are going to hell. Who wants to go to hell? Somebody raise they hands if they wanna go to
hell. (nobody moves) Exactly! That was the biggest thing for me, I had to let go of the fear of risking my
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�sole that is eternal in an eternal place where you die even though you are already dead. You di even more
I guess. So I did a lot of research of the translations of hell You know all the translations of Hebrew of
actually Arabic to Hebrew to Latin to English; you know studying all those words because I am a big
studier. I study every single word, I don’t do broad things. If I am going to check Genesis 1011 will check
every single word in every single translation. I will get the idea, I am not just going to go skating by.
That’s what most people do, well I have the King James version so. Well did you know King James was a
really wicked dude. He performed bestiality, he was extremely in to.. I forgot what it was. But the dude
rewrote the bible to keep his throne in power. Now anybody that reuses, or rewrite something against his
or against his people or against his power, not going to be like woah what did he change so he could keep
his power? A lot of people change things, I like to get to the source, like I said to the core. And I found
my identity you know the furthest that I have researched so far, which is Egypt, also the Comets. The
traveled for Ethiopia to Sudan, followed the Nile River and the landed in Egypt, or Comet at the time.
And that is the my belief system because that is the very core that I have seen so far and it may change. I
love when my, what I believe in is challeneged, because that gives me the chance to learn because I get to
see another area. So that yeah wxpecially going to Grandville to, you know there morals are all white and
Christian. But my joey spiritually has not started since last year. No it was probably about a year and a
half. So I would say if I want to Grandville High School with the knowledge that I have now shit would
be completely different. I would probably be in college right now. Well I would be in college actually
right now if I didn’t break my wrist.
Was there a certain like factor that like caused you to start studying and following Atheism?
Umm I would say that, I would say that I am very passionate about the black community If there is
somebody that doesn’t know this I love who I am. I love being black. I love being who I am not say that
being not black isn’t cool. That is just who I am and I would say that I was I questioned what is wrong
with the black community today. We are not educated, we do not know our own history, I cannot even
find or think of any history class that taught me that starting civilizations in Africa. I had to figure that out
on my own. They didn’t tell me that my ancestors where ancient Egyptians were astrology came forum,
and mathematics, and a lot of the Greeks got their information from Ancient Egypt. Where Plato always
referred to Ancient Egypt. I was not told that a lot of the three religions are deep rooted in African
traditions. So I questioned that. And I didn’t really have a bone to pick with Christianity so I was really
upset that no one ever told me what was really going on. Because my mom didn’t know, she didn’t ask
those questions. My mom actually grew up on Rockford, Oh my god my whole family actually grew up
in Rockford. Now they are my age, the grew up in the 60’s, 70’s, 80’s so I don’t think that they had time
to think about that, They were having a hard enough time just getting through the day in Rockford. So I
questioned my community, and the thing is they were mentally brainwashed through generations and
generations and generations of slavery.
Yeah and she has a daughter named Zira. My first niece. Yeah uncle over here. Kia is pregnant and she
gets pregnant again. So, not to mention that Zi is here and she’s pregnant again by the same piece of shit.
So, I’m already talking to Mom. I’m actually talking to Kia before. She told me and I was like oh but
don’t tell Morn today because I’m talking to her right now. Having a little somewhat, excuse me,
somewhat of a religious argument but kind of toned down because I’m trying to have that respect level
and Kia, she didn’t tell her yet, but just as were getting done Kia goes, she’s like I don’t if I should tell
you this, I’m kind of nervous you know and I laughed so hard. My face was priceless. I was like Kia no!

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�No! You should have waited thirty minutes. No! She flipped out when you had a tattoo. She slammed a
door on your face when she found out you were pregnant with Zi. I just told her I’m not a Christian
anymore in the nicest way. Now you’re about to tell her you’re pregnant again. I left the house. I was
scared. I left. Kia told Mom. Silence. Dead silence. What’d I do? Get my bag, headphones, going for a
walk. I’m not coming back into the house for another three hours. She did not say anything for the entire
night. I was like holy shit, but that’s kind of the thing. That’s the biggest bone that I have with religion.
Religion is of course can be a very good thing, I’m not dogging it, but it has that fear factor. If you do not
follow this doctrine then, as I told my mom several times, Mom you know if a Christian says that an
Islamic person is going to hell or a Muslim person is going to hell because he does not believe that Jesus
is his savior. That means that an entire population is going to hell. Also Judaism and also people who
believe in... .what were the other ones. Fuck I forgot their names. You know the one’s from Eastern
China.
Buddhism
Yeah Buddhism. Stuff like that. So I was like they were all going to hell just because they don’t believe in
a certain doctrine.That’s pretty fucked up. You know I had a heart to heart talk with her and I was like
dude I’m not going to hell. I’m doing research. Mom sorry to say but I know a lot more than you do about
the own Bible. So don’t tell me that type of stuff with still having that respect level, but it was very
frustrating. Mom Ijust wanna tell you all this stuff that I learned, but it contradicts with everything that we
grew up on especially Africans because mind you that slave masters said hey did you want to believe in
this? No they forced Christianity down their throats. Broke them. Told them that they were gonna accept
the white Jesus for you know Michael Angelo’s picture of Jesus you know for a kind of psychological
domination type of thing. Having blacks think that if their God is white then that means automatically
white people are closer to God then they are. That type of thing. I mean hey look it up thats what they did.
I’m not saying that one race is better than they other. I believe in unity I just love being black you know.
(Laughter). Ask all my brothers. It’s ironic. I love being black. I love my brothers and sisters. I’ve never
dated a black chick. I’ve only dated white chicks. I love red heads. I love white chicks. What can I say,
but that does not make me any less black since I know my history you know? Some type of people will
attach that to you also. I’m a very unorthodox type of person. The more I talk, the more I’m like damn
I’m fucking weird. That’s what’s up because I’m not trying to be normal. (Laughter).
Alright, one last question and we’ll get you out of here. We did a project on what causes prejudice and we
had a whole presentation. In your opinion, what do you think causes prejudice?
Oh man. Ignorance. Ignorance is not labeled or is not limited to race, gender, color, nothing. It is pure. If
you do not know your history, or if you do not know your shit then you’re gonna be ignorant and you’re
just gonna accept anything you know. If you don’t have a strong foundation or a set of beliefs than you’re
gonna easily be like oh this makes and oh this makes sense too. I’ll follow that. A lot of people, a lot
misconceptions on what ignorance is and like I said I’ve done a lot of research. Part of my name on
Facebook is Enjur and a lot of people think the word nigger or negro comes from the word ignorant.
That’s completely untrue because in ancient Kemit because, you gotta remember there were gods and
goddesses, you know. Technically it was not the monotheistic you know religion. Their kings, remember
even Egypt. Egypt was Greek and that shows you that’s not even the real name of that body of area. The
name was Kemit and the names that the pharaohs, which is Greek for like upper house or something like
that. The name for the pharaohs was Enjur and they didn’t have vowels and Enjur or negro is what they
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�called gods and goddesses. So nigger and negro has a connection in that word. When they got invaded by
the Greeks and the Romans they twisted and manipulated that word to attach a negative vibe to that word
so when they’re calling nigger, negro like slave masters are like get out of here nigger and all that shit,
they’re attaching a negative you know situation or vibe on that. So, they’re gonna t away from that name.
That’s why you don’t hear people go what’s up nigger? It may make people feel uncomfortable but that
word all it is Enjur with a few other letters in that you know. If I went around calling other black people
what’s up my Enjur they’d be like what the fuck are you saying. That’s the core word for negro and
nigger and where it came from, but most people don’t know that. They just think think it means ignorance
so everybody is just you know yeah blacks are saying stop saying that word. It’s got such a bad history to
it. It means ignorant. It’s so negative. Then you have dumb niggers who are using it like what up my
nigger, what up making a fool out of themselves. Then you actually have the intelligent ones who know,
which are a very selective few, that knows the meaning of the word and they use it proudly. You know? I
even have white friends that say nigga and nigger. You know, it doesn’t bother me because I know who I
am. I have a pretty solid identity of myself so you know it doesn’t bother me. If someone was to say that
to me in eight grade, man, I would have whooped their ass so bad. I’m not saying it’s acceptable because
today especially with society now if a white person says nigger, they’re about to get their ass whooped.
But that’s just because of the black community doesn’t have identification of themselves. They don’t
know that. They don’t know the history of the word so they accept it as something negative so they flip
out.
Does anyone else have any other questions?
I guess just one thing, don’t have to get too much into it. Overall, how was your experience in the
conservative West Michigan like communities been with you being an Atheist? Like have people called
you out on it much or has it been pretty normal?
Nahh. I usually keep it to myself. i usually keep my beliefs to myself. If someone asks me then yo I’ll tell
them. I’ll tell them with a smile. I love life now. I don’t hate life. So, I’ll gladly tell anyone what I believe
in because I believe in unity. Were all one. Were all one consciousness. I don’t believe in religion and
sadly that’s what religion does. Divide and conquer. The best technique every because even with the
whole black and white thing, you’re white you’re black. So what! Cool. I drive a blue car. Are you gonna
call that out to homey. (Laughter). Like, people get so attached to names and labels and stuff like that.
They have to hold themselves up to a higher degree. Like yo I’m just here living, what’s up. That type of
thing. That’s kind of what I believe in just like yo. I live in the now. I don’t do that prejudice shit no
more. I’m glad that I’ve matured. It was a long road. Long road. through trial and error. That’s one thing
I’m most interested to see is how it’s gonna be in Texas. Texas is a little different than Michigan.
Actually, the job that I’m at right now my boss has traveled all across the world and he told me that
Michigan is the most racist place he’s ever been to.
That blew my mind. He’s been to Mississippi, Florida, he’s been to China, Australia. Africa. You know,
he said that out of all the places he’s been to Michigan is the most racist place he’s ever been to. Wow! I
do not know what to expect in Texas.
Thank you for your time Terrence for this interview.
Thank you, it’s always a pleasure.

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�END OF INTERVIEW

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                    <text>ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW
BEN HARRISON
Born: 1928 -Arkansas
Resides: Fieldton, Texas
Interviewed by: James Smither PhD, GVSU Veterans History Project,
Transcribed by: Joan Raymer, August 5, 2013
Interviewer: Can you start us off with some background on yourself, where and
when were you born?
I was born in July of 1928 in Arkansas, during the Depression. My father was an MD
and he was sixty-two when I was born, which was very nice, but unfortunately he died at
seventy-two, so at ten years old I had only my mother, who was thirty-nine when I was
born, so I started off with very old parents, and I had a sister a little older than me. WWII
started right after that and I saw what was called a draft board taking care of their friends
and neighbors and drafting those they didn’t want in the community. I saw how that
worked from an early point of view.
Interviewer: You were still—now did you finish high school?
No, I—we had a very small high school in Truman. 1:02 And in the big red brick
building there was one water fountain on the main floor and no inside plumbing. We had
a wooden john for the girls at one end of the block and one for the boys at the other end
of the block. It was a two story building and it was very friendly school. I got a chance
to go to Jonesboro High School, which was a much larger, nicer high school, and in 1944
the Air Force said they had too many pilots, so they took eighty thousand aviation cadets
out of the aviation cadet program and sent them off to the infantry and stopped the
program. So, Arkansas State College desperately needed students and they sent out the

1

�word that any junior in high school that the principal will recommend can go to college,
so I went to college when I was sixteen. One semester at Arkansas State, one summer
session at Arkansas State, and then I transferred to the University of Mississippi in
Oxford when I’d just turned seventeen and was a sophomore at “Ole Miss”. 2:03 I got
there and, of course, no money, my mother couldn’t work, my father had been a country
doctor, but never got paid, so I desperately needed the GI Bill if I was going to finish
school, so in February 1946 I enlisted at the age of seventeen. I enlisted for eighteen
months and I really wanted to spend more time in school than what the GI bill provided,
so I extended another eighteen months. I got out of the Army in January of 1949, went
back to “Ole Miss” and graduated in 1951.
Interviewer: Now, back up a little bit. What was your initial experience in the
Army like?
Well, as an enlisted man it was very interesting. Of course, I was a skinny little
undernourished little runt and made it through basic training, had to dig one six by six
foxhole for punishment from the platoon sergeant. 3:03 I went to clerk school and then
got involved as a records clerk in personnel. I got in bad trouble with the first sergeant
and he put me on permanent KP, so I had a friend of mine in personnel transfer me to the
holding company and got transferred to a machines records unit in Fort Oglethorpe,
Georgia, so I could go to Europe. I got down to Fort Oglethorpe and they disbanded the
machines record unit and I got sent to the AG school and they moved to Pennsylvania
where I was again in personnel and then I started teaching. Then we moved to Fort Lee,
Virginia with the Adjutant General School and after three years I got out and went back
to “Ole Miss”.

2

�Interviewer: What did they have you teach?
I was teaching personnel management.
Interviewer: Which you just had learned by practical experience at that point?
Yeah, I had been the officer record clerk and I’d been in personnel for a year and a half,
or so, so I had some experience, and then, of course, I’d been to the schools and all of a
sudden I’m an expert. 4:06 I was promoted to sergeant first class at age nineteen, well
actually I was tech sergeant and then they changed it to sergeant first class, so I had a
permanent warrant that I was sergeant first class at nineteen.
Interviewer: And this is in the post WWII army.
Where there were no promotions.
Interviewer: Right
I was pretty proud, I just happened to be in the right place at the right time.
Interviewer: So then, let’s make sure we got the sequence right, and then you go
back to college at this point?
I went back to college and took ROTC because I needed the money.
Interviewer: When did you finish college?
Two years later, in 1951.
Interviewer: Now, at that point—you finish and you do the ROTC, do you get
another round of officer training next, is that the sequence?
Well, in this case I had been, of course, to the Adjutant General School. 5:03

And I

had already been accepted at the Harvard Business School where I wanted to go to, so I
had a choice, do I marry my sweetheart or do I go to Harvard Business School? If I
marry my sweetheart I can’t go to Harvard Business School, so I’ll go on active duty in

3

�the army, so as an ROTC commission, I applied for active duty as a military personnel
psychologist. I’d majored in psychology, and that’s all it took in those days. ‘Okay you’re
a psychologist” and went up to Adjutant General School at Fort Harrison right here in
Indianapolis, and then my first posting was in Alabama. It was pathetic, this was the
Korean War, everybody getting drafted, and thirty-five guys come on a bus, none of them
pass the mental test, send them all back, so my boss comes to me and says, ‘We got a real
problem, because Willie Mays flunked the mental test”. 6:03 I said, “Well, I’ll get a
hold of his records”, so I got a hold of his record and in those days it took ninety two
questions on the exam and you had to get twenty eight right to get CAP 4 to be eligible
for the draft. He got twenty--twenty five right, not twenty eight, so I knew he wasn’t
malingering, or he wouldn’t have cut it that close. I said, “Call him back for re-exam and
I’ll take care of it”, and they said, “What do you mean?” I said, “I have the authority to
take him in, just on my word’, and the Colonel said, “Are you sure?” I said, “Yes sir, I’m
sure”, so I called Willie Mays back up, I accepted him, he was drafted and went to Fort
Eustis, Virginia and played baseball until the end of the Korean War. I got tired of all
that after just a few months of examining guys, after guys, and not enough of them ever
passed, so I applied for my Army commission, which I was eligible for as a distinguished
graduate and they put me back in the infantry. 7:03 I wanted to go to the 82nd since I
was Airborne qualified as an enlisted man, so I went to the 82nd Airborne Division.
Interviewer: Where were they based at the time?
Fort Bragg
Interviewer: Now, had you wanted to go over to Korea?

4

�Oh yeah, I applied several times, but they said, “You’re in the 82nd, a priority unit,
strategic reserve”, he loses the application, so I never got to Korea.
Interviewer: What was the Army, at that point, worrying about, the politicians
above them, why were they keeping you there?
Well, the 82nd was in strategic reserve, and in the Korean War they were still worrying
about the Soviets coming in Europe, so they didn’t want to get the 82nd Airborne under
strength. They wanted them to be combat ready to go to Europe in case the Soviets came
across, so I couldn’t get out of the 82nd.
Interviewer: Okay, then how long did you stay with the 82nd? 8:00
Well, I was assigned as infantry platoon leader for a very, very short period of time and
finally they found out I could read and write and that’s the reason why I became assistant
adjutant of the regiment and I was the courts and boards officer, so I did all the special
court martials. I didn’t have to be a lawyer to do it. I didn’t have to be a lawyer there, I
just summoned Court Martials and the Court Martial Board and everything. I really
didn’t like that, so I asked the regimental commander for an interview and I told him, I
said, “I’m depriving all these other Lieutenants of any experience at all in the courts and
boards business, so I recommend that you demolish my position and when you need a
Court Martial officer you appoint one and rotate it, so all the Lieutenants get this
experience”. He said, “Okay”, so they eliminated my job. The greatest thing I ever did
in the army, I eliminated one job.
Interviewer: Now that you’ve eliminated your job, what assignment do you take
next?

5

�I went back to the rifle company, I was there about a week and they made me the
battalion adjutant, still a 2nd Lieutenant with a Captain's job. 9:03 So then a friend of
mine said, “How would you like to be an aide to camp? I said, “What’s that?” He said,
“Well, that’s your aide to the General”, and he was an aide to the General. He said, “The
General wants another aide and he would like to interview you”, so I went up for the
interview with General Aubrey S. Newman, who was a 1928 Olympic champion. He
said, “I’ll give you a thirty day trial and if at the end of thirty days I still want you, you’ll
be my aide, if you still want the job, and in the meantime keep your regimental brass,
you’re not going to be transferred, you’ll just be up here on special duty”. So, in about
two weeks later he said, “I’ve seen enough, do you want the job?” I said, “Yes”, so I was
the General’s aide and this was Aubrey S. Newman, and a few months after that, did
some exercises and he got transferred to Fort Benning as the deputy commander at the
infantry school at Fort Benning, Georgia. 10:00 So, he asked me to go down there and
help him move, so, “Yes sir, I’ll do that providing you let me go in no more than ninety
days”, and he said, “Oh yes, that’s fine. I’ll get you a job on the faculty, because you
shouldn’t be an aide too long”, so after the ninety days he let me go, and I started
teaching operations at the infantry school. By this time I’m a 1st Lieutenant, not very old
for a 1st Lieutenant, so I get a message that he wants to see me and that was about four
months later. So, I want to see him and he said that he just got orders for Germany and
he was going to be the assistant commander of the 5th Infantry Division in Germany and
he wanted me to go with him as his aide and help him move him and his wife over there.
I said, “Sir, I don’t think I can do that”, and he said, “Why?’ I said, “Well, when I left
you, you told me I did a good job for you, but with my personality I should never be an

6

�aide”. 11:02 He said, “Oh yeah, that was just for me, I meant the for somebody else,
You’ll be alright for me”, and I said, “Well sir, I still can’t do it because I’ve just been
trained to be an instructor, I’m teaching now and I owe my loyalty to my current boss, so
I’m sorry, but I can’t go to Germany”. He said, “Well, I understand”, so he went back
around and a couple days later my boss came to see me, Lieutenant Colonel, and he said,
“Harrison I understand you went around to see General Newman”, and I said, “Yes, he
sent for me”, and he said, “What did he want?” I said, he wanted me to go with him as
his aide to Augsburg, Germany”, and he said, “When are you leaving?” I said, “I told
him I couldn’t go”, and he said, “You couldn’t go, why?” I said, “Because I owe my
loyalty to you now, I need to teach here, I’ve been trained to teach”, and he said, “You
dumb son of a bitch, get back there and tell him you’re going” , so I went back around the
office and told him I was going, so I went to Augsburg, Germany. 12:00
Interviewer: Now, did you go and stay as his aide?
No, he said he would let me go after three months and then I could go to a rifle company,
which I did, and went with the 2nd Infantry down in Munich. The headquarters was in
Augsburg, but the 2nd Infantry was in Munich, so I was a rifle platoon leader in the
company there.
Interviewer: How long did you stay in Germany?
Well again, with my typical screwed up career, they decided to gyroscope, so the 5th
Infantry Division was going to gyroscope with the 11th Airborne Division. They were
coming over to Germany and we were going to Fort Campbell, Kentucky. This time I got
myself transferred to a tank company and in those days they had one tank company per
infantry division and I wanted to learn about tanks too, so I was the exec of the tank

7

�company and they sent me as the advance party for the tank company for the 2nd Infantry
Division. We were the first ones to get to Fort Campbell, got there, got married housing,
got the TV antenna up on the roof, started checking the property books, and they weren’t
right. 13:04 The tank company, a very complicated book for a tank company, and they
just weren’t right, and I told my boss, “I’m not planning a problem, but somebody
screwed up here”, and he said, “Well, you ought to work with it”, and I said, “Sir, I can’t,
I can’t accept this property”, and he said, “God damn it Harrison, why do you make
trouble everyplace you go?” I said, “Sir, this property is screwed up, I can’t do it”, so he
said, “Okay”, so he reported it to the 503rd regimental commander that I couldn’t accept
the tank company property, so they did an investigation, and they sent the supply sergeant
to prison and they relieved the company commander, because they were lying and
screwed up. Then about another week later they said, “Uh, you’re supposed to be in Fort
Ord, California, so the 5th Infantry division did not stay at Fort Campbell, the 5th Infantry
Division went to Fort Ord, California. 14:01 I got out there and then I was assistant S3
like I’d been before and we got the rifle company out at Fort Ord and we were the first
company TOE company to train raw recruits, so we took them all the way through the
basic cycle, advanced cycle, and by that time I finally got promoted to Captain, because
they said, “You’re the only Lieutenant commanding a company in the whole division, so
I stay with my company, got promoted to Captain and then went to Fort Benning to the
infantry advanced course.
Interviewer: Now, when was that that you went to Fort Benning?
I went there in December of 1956 and the advance course started in January.
Interviewer: Now, you’ve been married all this time.

8

�Oh yeah, married
Interviewer: Now, did you take your wife place to place, or did she go sometimes
with others?
We were always together. We had one child born at Fort Bragg, and we had another
child born at Fort Ord, so we took two children to Fort Benning to the infantry advanced
course. 15:00
Interviewer: What did the infantry course consist of at that time, what were they
making you do?
Well, the infantry advanced course was just one of those things that every infantry officer
has to go through. Your first one is basic, or associate, depending on when and how you
were commissioned, but if you’re a regular officer, in all branches, after about four or
five years you go to the advanced course and now they call it the career course, or
something, I don’t know what they call it, but at one time it was about nine or ten months
long, ours, I think, was six or seven months long. By that time I had applied to the
Harvard Business School while I was on active duty and they said, “We don’t send
Lieutenants to the Harvard business School, reapply when you’re a Major”, so, okay give
it up, so I applied for flight school five times. 16:00 Just as I got to the infantry
advanced course my application for flight school was approved. I have a tendency to get
airsick, so I took flight lessons there in Columbus, Georgia, soloed and got my private
pilot’s license, so when I threw up going through flight school they would say, “Well, he
still can fly”, so after the advanced course I went to flight school down at San Marcos,
Texas, and graduated number one in the flight school.
Interviewer: Now, this was regular fixed wing flight school, right?

9

�L-19 Bird Dog fixed wing, tail dragger. I still got airsick and I always carried a plastic
bag with me, so my flight instructor said, “You need to go on sick call and tell them that
you went to a party because everybody can see you carrying this plastic bag filling up”,
so through that. 17:02

In a fixed wing you go up and you cut the power and you do a

spin. Okay, the instructor showed me how to do a spin and he said, “Okay, now you take
it up and do three, three hundred and sixty degree spins and pull out”, so I took it up,
turned in the spin, scared to death, pulled it out, and when I pulled up smoke rushed up
into the front of the cockpit and I said, “Holy cow”. I turned around and my instructor
had lighted a cigarette while we were in a spin.
Interviewer: I guess that was one cool customer then.
Yeah, he was quite a character. Anyway I graduated number one in flight school and I
was supposed to be teaching tactics at the flight school at Fort Rucker, Alabama, but I
wrote a seven page critique of the course about all that was screwed up in that flight
school, so they threw me out of the aviation school and put me in an infantry unit at Fort
Rucker. 18:02
Interviewer: I guess you were a troublemaker then.
Yeah, and I was still a 1st Lieutenant too—no, no, I was a Captain by then.
Interviewer: Where are we talking to in time now, what year is that?
This is 1958 and I graduated from flight school, number one in my class, and at that time
Lebanon happened, they blew up the Marine barracks, so we got a top secret message
down at Fort Rucker that they wanted to send the 7292nd Air Combat Reconnaissance
Company alerted to go to Lebanon. They were a bunch of instructors and other guys that
just put on demo’s and didn’t know anything about tactics, didn’t know how to arm

10

�helicopter companies, and the first one in the army, so since I was the only one they
could find that had a top secret clearance and could understand all this, instead of
becoming the battalion adjutant, I became the trainer for 7292nd Air Combat
Reconnaissance Company. 19:00
Interviewer: They were using helicopters you said?
Yup, armed helicopters
Interviewer: Now, did you have any experience in helicopters at this point?
I wasn’t a helicopter pilot.
Interviewer: I didn’t think so, yeah okay.
I trained this and I took them over to Fort Stern and I took them over to Fort Benning, we
planned exercises and got them combat ready and then they didn’t go. By that time the
infantry manager was telling me, “You should be getting a short tour over with because
you should be going to Leavenworth pretty soon, but we can’t send you until you get
your short tour”, and I had the long tour, supposedly, in Germany, only eighteen months,
but a long tour. So, I hitchhiked to Washington and volunteered for the hardship area.
No vacancy, and I said, “You surly go to need somebody someplace for a short tour”, and
he said, “The only thing we got one requirement up in Iceland”, and I said, “Okay, send
me to Iceland”, and he said, “I got three records on my desk here that they’ve been back
from a long tour a lot longer than you have”. 20:04 I said, “You got a volunteer?” He
said, “No”, and I said, “Okay I volunteer”, and he said, “Okay, you’re going to Iceland”.
He’s looking at my records and said, “You’re not helicopter qualified, we got helicopters
up there”, and I said, “Great, send me to helicopter school”, so en route to Iceland I went
to helicopter school.

11

�Interviewer: Having done regular fixed wing aircraft, how hard was it to learn
helicopters?
Not a problem, it’s a little tricky, but it’s not a big deal.
Interviewer: Now, do you get sick in helicopters?
No, never
Interviewer: That’s a good transition then?
Yeah
Interviewer: How long did the helicopter training take?
Since we were already qualified aviators to start with, I may have been nine weeks, it
may have been twelve weeks, it wasn’t really any big deal--it was just a lot of fun flying
around.
Interviewer: then what did you end up doing in Iceland?
Well, I was the commander and chief of army aviation North Atlantic, two helicopters
and one Beaver. 21:06 It was an infantry combat team of thirteen hundred people, had
an engineer platoon, a tank platoon, an aviation section and an infantry battalion, and we
were the Army troops there. There wasn’t anything to do, there wasn’t any place you
could go, so I set up the training program and I taught everybody in the battalion air
mobile operation, how to hook up and load in and out of helicopters, and with my two
helicopters I took every person up in the entire combat team for a flight around Iceland, a
great stint. I took them to the geyser; you know there are three places in the world with
geysers and they start at Geyser, Iceland, that’s the name of the town, and we flew over
the geyser, just took them up and took the families up, you know. Nobody knew, I was

12

�the commander and chief and nobody knew anything about aviation and I could do
anything I wanted to.
Interviewer: Were there many of the men assigned there that had their families
with them?
No, because it was a short tour, it was out of country tour, but you could come up on a
tourist visa and bring your family, which I did. 22:06 There were probably ten or
fifteen families up there and there were also quarters on the base, but you had to stay two
years to get quarters on the base.
Interviewer: So, where did everybody else live?
They lived in a hole in the wall there in a little bitty village and it’s very, very primitive.
Interviewer: How did the local population treat you people?
They hated the Americans. They hate everybody. They hate each other. Iceland is the
oldest republic in the world, the oldest republic in the world and never had a majority
government, it always a coalition. They just can’t get along with anybody.
Interviewer: It started with a bunch of quarrelsome Vikings and stayed that way.
Yes, they’re all of Scandinavian descent, and the women are absolutely beautiful. It’s a
beautiful bunch of people, but they don’t like each other. 23:00 They certainly didn’t
like the Americans. And another weird thing, it was 19—where am I now—1959-1960,
and our state department signed a status of forces agreement that would not allow any
blacks to be stationed in Iceland. Iceland didn’t want any blacks, 1959-60, no blacks
allowed, weird.
Interviewer: So, you have a short tour, how long is a short tour?

13

�Well, it was twelve month, but fortunately they decided to pull out of NATO and move
back to the states, so I only spent nine months there, lucky.
Interviewer: Alright, so what do you get next?
Well, since my wife came up on a tourist visa, I didn’t take the ship back home with all
the troops, I bought a commercial ticket and we flew there and sure enough, I’d been
selected to go to Grand General Staff College, so we went from Iceland to Fort
Leavenworth, Kansas. 24:03 Our son, who was our first born, went to three different
first grades.
Interviewer: So, how long does the course in Leavenworth go?
Well, I was there as what they call a “snowbird”, because I got there in about March and
the class didn’t really start until the end of August, so they assigned me to the allied
personnel section to help bring in a hundred foreign students from all over the world.
Most all of them were top graduates of their staff college in their army and I taught an
English class to those that already knew how to speak, but they needed some
improvement. I asked my boss about speed reading and he said, “Yeah, we used to teach
that here, go get a Tachistoscope and you can do it yourself”.

Do you know what a

Tachistoscope is?
Interviewer: No 25:00
It’s a little panel about like that and you set the speed and it uncovers the lines and you
can set it for how fast you want to read or whatever. It covers the lines up, so you have to
read or you miss the lines. I finally located the Tachistoscope’s; they were stored in the
closet someplace over in the lab, and he said, “That’s great, I want you to set up a speed

14

�reading class for all the advanced English speaking people”, so I taught speed reading
until the class started in August of 1960.
Interviewer: How well did that work?
It worked pretty well. I had a Dutch officer that—he tested out at two hundred and fifty
words a minute and finished at seven hundred words a minute.
Interviewer: Now, you actually get to take a course yourself?
Yeah, see I enrolled with all the rest of the students and went through the regular course,
and then they kept me on the faculty. 26:01 It spite of all my protest, I wanted to go
back to crew, but they kept me on the faculty. That lasted for about a year and a half and
then they started the air assault tests in Fort Benning and I was one of the aviators that
could read and write, so they sent me down to test headquarters to design the test, the air
assault test, so I did the reconnaissance clearance and functional areas. It was the first
test of that kind they ever did on functional areas, logistics, reconnaissance, security,
artillery, fire support and that sort of thing. It was a very interesting tour. We tested the
11th Air Assault Division, which later became the 1st Cav Division.
Interviewer: So, you’re kind there on the ground floor with a lot of organizing of
airmobile operations and all of that.
Yeah, I wrote a lot of the final report.
Interviewer: Did you stay on down there after you finished that, or what did you do
next? 27:00
No, I went to the Armed Forces Staff College.
Interviewer: Where is that?

15

�It’s in Norfolk, Virginia, it’s in the air/naval base, and I was just telling Mike I got a
haircut there and the Navy has regular seamen that give, they’re barbers, and they do that
on ship, and it cost me thirty cents.
Interviewer: What rank have you made it to by this time?
By that time—I was a Major when I went down there. Then while I was in the Armed
Forces Staff College, I think it was in there, I was selected for a promotion to Lieutenant
Colonel.
Interviewer: Once you complete the staff college training, now what are you eligible
for and what do you go and do next?
I had a friend in personnel, of course, there in Washington, and I got him to assign me to
Hawaii. 28:01 I was on the staff of commander-in-chief of the Pacific, Admiral Sharp,
in Hawaii, and I was in the Southeast Asia section of the policy division J5, so we had
Cambodia and Vietnam in my little section. There were four of us there, one from each
branch of the service and I was kind of the ground guy for the policy section.
Interviewer: So, when did you arrive out there?
That would have been in the summer of 1965.
Interviewer: Okay, that would probably be a fairly interesting time to walk into
that job.
It was very interesting, and the 1st Cav Division was deploying by boat at that time and I
saw some of the guys when they stopped there for a rest stop in Hawaii. They were
headed around to Southeast Asia.
Interviewer: If Southeast Asia was your territory, did that mean that you actually
go over to Vietnam yourself at this point to take a look at things?

16

�I was supposed to, but there was always something and they would never let me go.
29:01 I had to do this and do that and different thing. Like, I had to rewrite the plan for
defending Thailand and I had that reviewed and I had to write a plan to invade North
Vietnam, which I did and that was reviewed, so I just had to do all kinds of stuff like that.
One of the guys that I had known during air assault test was now the commander of the
1st Aviation Brigade in Vietnam, Fitzsimons, Major General, and his wife was there in
Hawaii, who we knew before, so he came back to visit every once in a while. He said,
“I’ve got a battalion that really needs a command change and I would like you to
volunteer to come to Vietnam, and I want you to command the battalion”, and I said,
“Yes sir’, and I volunteered for Vietnam right after I got to Hawaii. I didn’t know it at
the time, but it took them months and months to decide that, because when you go
through a joint assignment It’s stabilized and you’re there for three years. 30:06 Well,
the Chief of Staff of the Army, Harold J. Johnson, said, “Anyone in the army that
volunteers for Vietnam will go”, so I knew nothing about this, but for months they argued
over that policy and they finally let the Army have its way. Stabilized tours don’t count,
and if a guy volunteers for Vietnam he can go, so after a just little less than a year staying
back in Hawaii, I went to Vietnam. After bringing my family back to the states I go to
Vietnam.
Interviewer: Where do you arrive in Vietnam?
In Saigon, at Tan Son Nhut, the big base
Interviewer: What was your impression of Vietnam when you got there?
Screwed up, busy, everybody going in different directions, and you know, this was the
start of the big buildup.

17

�Interviewer: What units, specifically, were you assigned to?
To the 10th Aviation Battalion 31:00 I was processing in and an old friend of mine was
there and he was assigned Lieutenant Colonel and we had been class mates at
Leavenworth. I said, “Well Ben, I guess you want a battalion?” He said, “I’m supposed
to get a battalion”, and I said, “Yeah, you and everybody else”. So, I had lunch with him
and that afternoon he sent for me and he said, “You really are going to get a battalion.
General Senna has sent a helicopter for you to take you out right now”, so I went right up
and took immediate command of the 10th Combat Aviation Battalion.
Interviewer: Can you describe, a little bit, what the makeup of that battalion was
and what its mission was?
Yeah, it a—the aviation brigade had all separate aviation units. There was an aviation
battalion in each division at that time, now they got a brigade in every aviation battalion
and then they had several battalions, and at that time they had, probably, six other
battalions and they were under the 1st Aviation Brigade commanded by a two star
aviation brigade commander. 32:00 He assigned me to the 10th Battalion, which was up
near Nha Trang and one of my companies in the 10th Battalion OPCON to the 5th Special
Forces group and the other four companies. I had command of the other three, so that’s
what we did and I supported the 1st Brigade of the 101st as my first priority then the two
Korean divisions, and a Korean marine brigade and all of the ARVN units in a two corps
area near Tuy Hoa, Nha Trang.
Interviewer: What kind of aircraft did you have in your battalion?
All Hueys, and had one company of Chinooks, but all Hueys after that.

18

�Interviewer: And were these all used for transportation purposes or did some of
them carry guns?
Each company had a gun platoon and I think there were eight guns in each company.
Interviewer: So you had sort of your own gunships that could go to protect the
other ones.
Oh yeah, each company had three platoons to lift and one gun platoon. 33:00
Interviewer: And what sort of stands out in your mind about your operations that
got performed or did a useful job or got screwed up, or whatever?
Early on when I got there a crew took off at about nine or ten at night, in the dark and
light rain and crashed and killed everybody on board, and I asked if his instrument ticket
was up to date, if he was instrument qualified and they said, “No, no, in Vietnam you
don’t have to keep your instruments up to date, that’s all waived and we don’t take
enough of them”, so I immediately established a policy that everyone would be
instrument qualified and they must be instrument qualified to be the command pilot and
in command of that helicopter, and, also, that we would all have night training, because
they took off at night, poor weather, crashed and killed everybody, so that was a big
change for everybody and here this new chickenshit Colonel’s going to make everybody
take their flight exam, when the army says you don’t have to do that, but in my battalion
they did. 34:01 So, we took night training and we took instrument training.
Interviewer: Did that have a notable effect?
Absolutely, we had super qualified guys and another thing, the way the Huey is designed
the best instrument is in the right seat. Well, by practice over there the senior pilot,
command pilot, would sit in the left seat and the new guy would sit in the right seat, so I

19

�had to change that and said, “During weather and at night, the most experienced pilot sits
in the right seat where the instruments are”, and I kind of got that going, and there were a
lot of interesting little things.
Interviewer: Now, helicopter pilots have a reputation as being kind of a crazy, or
maybe, undisciplined bunch. How easy, or hard, was it to convince them to go along
with that kind of regulation?
I wasn’t hard
Interviewer: Could they see the logic of it?
They pretty well saw the logic of it, but there was no room for argument. They did what
I told them to. 35:03 If they didn’t like it they’re out.
Interviewer: And overall, how would you kind of rate the performance level or
efficiency of your unit while you were running it?
Oh, they were superb, really, really good. Like I say, you got an experienced pilot and
then the junior pilot and they work up and everybody wants to be the first pilot over
there, but they were highly motivated. The problem was, there was a pilot shortage and
they didn’t have enough pilots to fill all the seats, in spite of the fact that in the news
conference in Saigon, McNamara was asked the question, “What about the pilot
shortage?” He said, there’s no pilot shortage in Vietnam. Every aircraft flying has a
pilot”, that’s what he said.
Interviewer: I suppose it did. The Army had to have programs in place, and
they’re trying to train more pilots at this time, right? 36:01
Oh yeah, they’re pushing them through as fast as they could, but, you know, they would
arrive in the country with a minimum of two hundred and fifty and some of them four

20

�hundred hours, and, of course, by that time I had a couple thousand and I really learned
how to fly helicopters in Iceland. High winds, bad weather and I was very arrogant and
proud of my ability to fly helicopters.
Interviewer: Were there any particular difficulties, or challenges involved when
you were working with the Koreans?
With who?
Interviewer: The Koreans
Oh, they were great, great troops, they were very disciplined, and no, it was much easier
working with them than with the Americans.
Interviewer: So, how long have you spent commanding that battalion?
As far as I know, I’m the only one that commanded a battalion twelve months. Normal
was six months , but what happened was, my boss in Saigon, when my six months was
up, he was worried about me getting killed or wounded or something, because we’d lost a
couple of battalion commanders. 37:04 They were wounded, so he sent my replacement
up and the 1st Brigade commander of the Airborne, Joe Matheson, looked at him and said,
“You don’t have any jump wings on”, and he said, “No sir, I’m an aviator”, and he said,
“This is an airborne unit”, and he sent him back to Saigon. That happened a couple of
times, not for the same thing, but the commander of the 1st Brigade of the 101st, would
not accept any replacement, so my boss said he’d leave me in command if I promised
never to leave this hall and never to mark a LZ, and I said, “No sweat sir”.
Interviewer: How dangerous was your job?
Well, I lost twenty nine guys and thirty five helicopters.

21

�Interviewer: And what was the normal full complement to the amount of helicopter
you had at one time? 38:00
Let’s see, the total number of helicopters, which would have been over two hundred, but I
can’t remember the exact number off hand.
Interviewer: You notice as a whole, most of them come back, but stuff can happen,
and at this stage you’re going into LZ’s all over the place and different parts of the
country and people are shooting at you from anywhere.
Yeah, the real dangerous places were when you go in a single ship to pick up a wounded
guy and you have to stay up there or hover down and let a rope down, because we rarely
had the medevac helicopters where we were. They were very rare, because we were
always with the 1st of the 101st on some special mission places like Dak To, Pleiku, out in
the boonies, so we did a lot of medevac.
Interviewer: What’s the difference between a medevac helicopter and just a regular
Huey? 39:04
Well, the main difference is, on a medevac helicopter you got an aid man there that can
help out, so the preference is always a medevac helicopter, but if they’re not around, you
get them out and get them to an aid station as quickly as you can.
Interviewer: But, otherwise the physical machinery is in the interest of how you
load them up possibly and so forth.
Yes and the medevac helicopters have a winch out on the side where we didn’t have that.
Interviewer: So, because you were somebody who came in as a very experienced
helicopter pilot and fly a lot of conditions, were you putting yourself in situations
that were pretty dangerous?

22

�Every day
Interviewer: So, you would go right into the LZ’s.
Yeah, yeah, well, what I would do is, with each company, I would tell my S3 to take
command of the controls and run the operation and I would go as “Peter Pilot” and we’d
land in formation with the other troops. 40:01 Just to show them I could do it and to let
them know that I knew what they were going through and that I could be as scared as
they could. I flew with every company, including the Chinooks.
Interviewer: It’s really the equivalent of what a line company commander would do
and take the same risks his men do.
Oh yeah, and again, I had a requirement for night training and I made each company
conduct their own night training, as least one assault a month and then we would do one
whole battalion night assault, just for training, no troops on board, just for practice, and I
was told by the Chinook company, “We can’t fly at night, particularly in formation”, and
I said, “Why not?” They said, “The windscreen is at such an angle that the light reflects
up and it’s hard to see the instruments”. I said, “No problem, I’ll fly the lead Chinook”.
I wasn’t Chinook qualified, I flew the lead Chinook, scared the shit out of them and I
never had a problem again and they were ready to go the next time I told them to. 41:02
Interviewer: Now, you got to the end of that year's assignment and were you sad to
see that come to an end, or were you ready to go on to something else?
No, I was ready to go home.
Interviewer: How much contact did you have with your family while you were over
in Vietnam?

23

�None at all--on my second tour I got a chance, when I was flying one time, to get an air
patch with some guy in Peru and make a telephone call back to my wife and that was the
only contact I had, other than the daily letters.
Interviewer: You would write to each other.
They didn’t get them daily, but we wrote daily.
Interviewer: So, when do you leave Vietnam then on that first tour?
The first tour--that would have been July of 1967.
Interviewer: What assignment do you get then when you come back?
Okay, from there I went to—again my friend gave me a good assignment—went to
McNamara’s office so I could get the joint staff duty and all that sort of thing. 42:02 I
was the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Manpower, in the training division of the
Assistant Secretary of Defense for Manpower.
Interviewer: Were you at the Pentagon?
I was at the Pentagon--yeah, there were four of us, one for each service.
Interviewer: What was that experience like?
Well, it was pretty disgusting, and the first thing I was disgusted about it—McNamara
had this thing with, “I’ve got a civilian staff”, so we were not allowed to wear our
uniform to work, so we had to buy a whole wardrobe of civilian clothes to go to work
every day and we were used to going to work at six thirty or seven o’clock, seven thirty
at the latest, and I’d get in the office and the civilians would start dragging in about eight
thirty or nine o’clock, so I said, “Okay, I’m going to do that too, I wear civilian clothes”,
so the guy across the street from me there at Norfolk, Virginia, he was an Air Force two

24

�star General and he went to work at six thirty and I went to work at eight thirty, so I just
went along with the game. 43:06
Interviewer: How much of what you were doing was political as opposed to
practical, or how much political stuff did you have to deal with at your level?
Not so much political because we were in the training part, but Project One Hundred
Thousand was going at that time and the guy that did that was a civilian across the hall
from me and that was pretty disgusting.
Interviewer: Can you explain was the purpose of Project One Hundred Thousand
was?
Political—equal opportunity for all the dummies that come in and screwed up all the
military and it was really a disaster. It cost a lot of extra money for training and it did
cause a lot of problems—it was a total failure in my view.
Interviewer: Did it basically take people who did not qualify for the service on the
aptitude tests?
Not aptitude, it was intelligence tests.
Interviewer: Intelligence, yes—and then somehow or other, in principle, making
them qualify at least. Did they get any kind of training or education? 44:02
Yeah, yeah, they had training programs for them and some would turn out okay, but I
would say the majority of them were a problem, and we were better off without them,
that’s for sure.
Interviewer: In terms of investment of resources maybe not that great a idea.
Exactly

25

�Interviewer: So you’re seeing that from the inside in terms of how would actually
play out.
Yeah
Interviewer: How long did you have to do that kind of work?
Well again, they’re lucky; I was there for a year and was selected to go to the War
College. In those days, once you’re selected for college you went out of the Pentagon.
Now, and not long after that, you have to do your full three years, get deferred and go to
college and do another three years, but I got to go after one year, so I got out after one
year of my first tour at the Pentagon and got out after one year of my second tour at the
Pentagon, and then I had a third tour and that’s later on.
Interviewer: Now, when you’re going to the college are you going there to teach at
this point or study some more? 45:04
It’s a—everybody goes through the advanced course and everybody’s going to get
promoted that goes to the war college, and you may go to your service war college or
some other service war college, in the meantime you may got to the Armed Forces Staff
College, but that’s not something that’s in the line that you have to do, but everybody
that’s a professional career guy goes to the advanced course and then the war college.
Interviewer: Is this sort of the process to get you from Lieutenant Colonel to
Colonel?
Oh yes, definitely, and it’s just part of the professional military education system.
Interviewer: All right and when did you complete that course?
I completed that in 1969 and went to the Air War College which was totally
unchallenging. It—the air force had a policy that everybody would go to Southeast Asia

26

�before anyone would go the second time. 46:01 All the top guys, the professional level,
the air force people they were with there with all of the army, navy, coast guard, marines,
was below standard, it was a snap course, and so much so that I enrolled in Auburn
University and got a master’s in business while I was going to the Air War College.
Interviewer: And the Air War College, is that at Montgomery?
Yeah, and they had a little way you could do that, so I went to night school and we had
Saturdays off, so I went to Auburn and got my MBA at Auburn.
Interviewer: Was that any harder than the air force program?
Yeah, oh yeah, because I had to take business statistics and in those days, we’re talking
1968, they hadn’t invented little calculators yet, so I had to do all the calculations with a
slide rule. 47:00 That was my biggest challenge.
Interviewer: Having gone and done all that and gotten to that level, what did they
send you for next?
I got assigned back to the Pentagon and this time I was chief of doctrine. This time I had
come out on the promotion list as a Colonel, so I was the branch chief and assistant of air
force development. They have a doctrine division there and I was chief of doctrine.
Interviewer: And doctrine for all kinds of air units or helicopters?
No, Army
Interviewer: So it’s Army Air Doctrine?
Army wide yeah
Interviewer: Were you making an effort to try to adjust doctrine, or whatever to fit
what you learned in Vietnam?

27

�Just kind of routine stuff, special consideration and this and that, no big deal, and then I
volunteered for Vietnam to command an infantry brigade as soon as I got there. 48:02
A friend of mine who was in charge of assigning infantry Colonels said, “Man, you know
we got guys that have been back from Vietnam a lot longer than you have and we’ve got
hundreds of guys that have applied to command a brigade in Vietnam, you’re never going
to get to go”, and I said, “Okay”, so I sent a message to my old mentor, General Senna,
telling him that I wanted to go to Vietnam and I would appreciate some help. So he
contacted his friend who commanded the 101st Airborne Division and I was requested by
name to command the 3rd Brigade of the 101st. So, I found out that my boss turned it
down and didn’t even let me know when the request came in, so I called the secretary and
asked for an appointment and the secretary came back and said, “He knows why you
want to see him and he doesn’t want to see you”, and I said, “Tell him that I really need
to see him”. 49:03 So, he finally lets me come in and he said, “Don’t bother to sit down
because it’s not going to take long. You want to go to Vietnam, you’re not going to go”,
and I said, “But sir”, and he said, “I’ve got thirty two Colonels in this building and you’re
my best Colonel and you’re not going”, and I said, “But sir, I want to command an
infantry brigade”, and he said, “I will guarantee you command an infantry brigade”, and I
said, “Sir, combat might be over then and number two, I’m an aviator”, and he said, “Oh,
that’s right”, and he said, “Well, okay, but if you don’t go to that brigade command, I’m
going to get you”. So, he let me go after one year there and then I went to the 3rd Brigade
of the 101st.
Interviewer: And when did you arrive to take command?
In June of 1970

28

�Interviewer: 1970, and what was the situation there of the brigade, or the brigade's
mission, at the time you joined it? 50:00
The brigade was given orders to conduct an operation in the A Shau Valley area where
the North Vietnamese were bringing all there troops and supplies and everything else
down to. The North Vietnamese were bringing all there troops and supplies down there
and it was called “operation Texas Star” and we were the brigade to conduct it and my
predecessor knew they had gotten the orders and prepared for that just before I took
command. Told the division commander that’s a bad area and we need more troops and
he said, “Nah, nah, just one brigade, so go out there”, so that was it, that was our brigade
assignment, “operation Texas Star”, and we established, before I got there, they
established Firebase Ripcord and that was in April. When I got there in June there was a
lot of fighting going on, it wasn’t really massive, but there was fighting going on out
there and then they really started concentrating on Ripcord and I would get extra
battalions. 51:03 At one time I had four of the eight battalions in the division on my
operation control, I always had at least three battalions, but we just didn’t have enough
troops out there because the NVA were all over the place. It was their area, their supplies
and their weapon caches and they just didn’t want us there.
Interviewer: At the time the Ripcord operation was going on how much did you
know about enemy strength in the area, or what did you think they had at the time?
Well, we knew they had a lot there, but we didn’t know where--like one time we got
word that 29, I think it was 29, NVA regiment were coming across the line and the Air
Cav squad went out and just wiped them out, caught them out in the open, so we knew

29

�there were a lot of them there. We didn’t know exactly how many, but we had a good
idea that there were lots of them there.
Interviewer: Now, were there manpower issues in the line companies by this time?
Yeah, yeah, a typical company would have ninety five people in the field instead of a
hundred and sixty. 52:08
Interviewer: At Ripcord some of them eventually had less than that too didn’t they?
Oh yeah
Interviewer: Were you getting fewer replacements coming in than they in earlier
years?
Well, we were getting in country transfer replacements, so we were getting fewer
replacements than—we were just short of people, everybody was.
Interviewer: How much contact did you have with the people on Ripcord, or how
often did you go out there?
Oh, every day, every day and then when they started the siege on the first of July--and I
saw the buildup we were getting around there. We lost a Chinook in the middle of it, a
guy killed right there and blew up a 105 battery and that was on the seventeenth of July
as I recall [actually July 18]. 53:00 And then I decided to spend the night out there
every night, so the last five nights we were there I stayed on Ripcord during the night so I
could talk with the Navy, the Air Force and the Marines air guys and speak their
language and tell them that, “No, we’ve cut the artillery off, you don’t have to worry
about artillery fire, come on in and hit the targets or whatever”.
Interviewer: Physically, what was that experience like? You’re on a base that’s
under siege; describe a little bit just the layout of Ripcord and the terrain around it.

30

�Well, it was a sharp hill and it had been cleared off and Captain Vazquez's was the first
rifle company that had to go in there and had to set it up. He was an absolutely superb
rifle company commander and he just worked the hall out of his troops. Barb wire, trip
wires, claymore mines and in fact, that base was never penetrated, not a single enemy
ever got onto that base. 54:03
Interviewer: No sappers got inside the wire or anything like that?
No, in fact none of my bases, in basecamp, were we ever surprised, because I read the
action reports of all these disasters and they were always someone was sleeping and a
complete surprise, so I established the policy of no overhead bunkers so they could go to
sleep in and the upset a lot of people, and also that a NCO had to walk the perimeter
every hour and an officer had to walk the perimeter every three hours. This was all night
long, so that if you’re standing up awake and walking you’re a lot more alert.
Interviewer: Those were procedures that Captain Vazquez was using with his own
company before you’d gotten there. Did you pick that up from him, or did you just
know that anyway?
No, I just knew that’s what you had to do. I read all the action reports and they were
caught napping.
Interviewer: Now, you’re there, so physically what was—I guess you’re on top of
this hill, where was the enemy relative to you? 55:09
Completely around us, plus we were on Hill 923 or 937, something like that, and just
adjacent to us within mortar range was Hill 1000, so they had optimum terrain and they
were dug into that hill and we never got them out. We bombed, and bombed, and
bombed, and bombed used mortars and attacked the hill; we could never get them out of

31

�the hill. There was a bunch over there at Hill 805, the other side of them, they had troops
over there, they were all around us , Hill 1000, they were in there and we were on Hill
917, or whatever, Hill 923, but we were a little bit lower and, of course, our hill was
totally barren because we had the 105 battery and the 155 battery and it was all cleared
out and we had bunkers and the battalion command bunker of the 2-506 was underground
and sandbagged and was the aid station. 56:09 So, it was pretty well fortified up there,
but there again where the troops were, no overhead cover and what we had were things
they could crawl under if we got incoming mortars, but they couldn’t stand up and be
covered and they had to stand up to be able to see out, so they could see. It was pretty
barren and, of course, the disaster was on the seventeenth of July, I think that’s when it
was, when the Chinook came in and blew up and wiped out the whole 105 battery, and a
lot of shells.
Interviewer: And then were they also firing certain direct fire rounds on the base
with those rifles and things like that?
Yeah
Interviewer: They couldn’t force you off the hill by ground assault, but they could
just shoot down into the position and make it—57:03
A lot of mortars and rockets and particularly the 120(mm) mortars, the 120 is really,
really bad.
Interviewer: And they could also hide a lot of their ordnance inside of caves and
bunkers built into the side of the mountains.
They had a huge supply depot right at A Shau.

32

�Interviewer: So, your artillery, or air strikes, by and large when falling, it’s not
going to get them. You needed the right kind—these days we have the self-guided
missiles that night go in from the front, but we’re not quite there yet.
Yeah
Interviewer: How close did you come to getting hit yourself? You’re on that
firebase at the end of the siege.
Well, I was standing just outside the TOC with four ammo boxes filled with sand and on
the other side there were sandbags and a 120 mortar landed right in front of this where I
was leaning and it threw me back and they guy I was talking to back about eight or ten
feet, just right straight back into the bunker. 58:02 When we got up and shook off he
had blood coming out of both ears and he was evacuated. I had a rather bad headache
and the guy to my right who was standing behind a bunker just like that, he was killed
instantly, and that was the closest call I had.
Interviewer: Now, while you’re there at the end of the operation, Lieutenant
Colonel Lucas is the battalion commander, so you’re right there with him pretty
much?
It was his TOC I was standing in front of and I slept in his TOC.
Interviewer: How did he handle the situation in the last days when they were under
siege, what was he doing at that time?
Well, of course, we were all up very, very early. They made an early daylight extraction
of A Company and he came back to Ripcord, looking around, and he was standing out in
the open and not behind a thing like I was, watching the artillery over there and a round
hit him in the leg and they took him out and he died before he got to the medevac. 59:03

33

�Interviewer: Before that when his—earlier on in the campaign he’s up in the
helicopter observing and so forth, but then as the line companies are sort of more
down—in the book he’s spending a lot more time on the ground on the firebase.
Who is?
Interviewer: Lucas
He was in the helicopter all the time.
Interviewer: Even in the very last days?
Yeah, he’s in the Hiller’s H-23, which has one person and then the pilot and there’s a seat
in the back. He was out there in that all the time flying at low level and right down in it.
He was in the action all the time.
Interviewer: You still have line units out there in the hills and in between them
still?
Yeah, they were patrolling and we had another battalion out there on the ground with
him. We had an extra company that was OPCON to his battalion on hill 805. He was
very, very much out with it all the time and he scared the hell out of his pilot. 00:03
Interviewer: You also got—now General Berry was the assistant Division
commander at that time.
Yes, he was the acting division commander because Hennessey was on leave in the
states.
Interviewer: What role did General Berry play in things, or how much did you see
of him?
Interviewer: Every day, didn’t miss a day chewing my ass.

34

�Interviewer: Was he able to—I guess one of the wider issues around Ripcord, sort
of, that was the place where eventually a decision comes down to evacuate, and now
the question is do we put more people in and actually try to secure the area and
chase the enemy out, or take ourselves out? And, at least in the book version of
things, most of the officers, Lucas, yourself, and Berry, were of the inclination, of
course we should keep going, and eventually it goes the other way. 1:01 Was there
a point where you decided, just yourself, that it just doesn’t make sense for us to
stay?
No, I never came to that conclusion, we had the mission to push on in to A Shau and
that’s what we were doing. Closing the base never occurred to me until Berry came to
that decision, and one of the main reasons he came to that decision was because we lost
our 105 battery. They took them out and we couldn’t have that direct fire support that
was very important and as soon as that happened that day, I requested another battalion,
artillery battery, and opened up the firebase right next door there, the firebase, it started
with a G—Gladiator, and I requested an engineer platoon go in and check it for mines
and booby traps and requested another battery, and by about six o’clock that night we had
105 support, so we were without 105 support for just a matter of a few hours. 2:06
Interviewer: And once you have Gladiator set up, does that alleviate some of the
need to be using Ripcord?
No, you need both of them, we had the 155’s on Ripcord because it was a bigger place
and they had the aid station there.
Interviewer: Was Ripcord also becoming kind of a dangerous place?
Oh---

35

�Interviewer: Kind of hard to work out of?
Oh yeah, it was very hard, because, you know, we had mortars all around us and when
they started getting the 120 mortars that was when it was really bad.
Interviewer: We’ve been talking about—kind of the end of firebase Ripcord and
the withdrawal form there and then sort of the prospects for what might have
happened. Now, having left Ripcord, I guess on some level it kind of stayed with
you, because well afterwards you managed to locate your Vietnamese counterpart
from that battle. 3:02 And you actually talked to him about the Vietnamese side of
what went on. Now, can you describe a little bit your contact with him and what
you learned from him?
Yes, I got in touch with a fella by the name of Frobenius, Courtney Frobenius, and he had
gone back to Vietnam and studied Vietnamese and he was there about six years and
married a lovely Vietnamese lady whose father ran an English school in Saigon. He
traveled all over the country by motor cycle and he was the guy who could possibly find
some of these people for me, so he set up a tour for me in 2001 to go and visit the people
who had been fighting against us and I made a number of contacts there, called the
Ambassador and all that sort of thing, but I could not get the commanding General of the
324 NVA Division to meet me. 4:02 He was living in a little town up on the Chinese
border two hundred miles north of Hanoi. It was a little dirt road, it wasn’t all dirt, but it
was a little road, and no airport there that I could fly into. I got a message to him that if
he would come to Hanoi that I would pay him a consulting fee and I would pay his
expenses and he sent a message back to me, “If you want to talk to me you’ve got to
come to my house”. There was no way I could do that, I didn’t have time and it just

36

�wouldn’t work out, because it would take at least three days to do that. A day to get up
there, a day to talk to him, and a day to get back, so that was it. Then in 2004 I was
contacted by the University of Southern Mississippi again, and they asked me to be one
of their visiting professors and take a group of their graduate students over on a tour. I
said, “If you can guarantee me that I’ll be able to interview in Hanoi, I’ll go”. It took
them a while, but Courtney Frobenius said he had it set up, and he did. He provided the
guide and everything for the whole tour of Vietnam. 5:02 I went back in 2004 and I left
the group of students and flew up to Hanoi and got a driver. We drove two hundred
miles up this little road and got to the hotel, which was so far up there they wouldn’t take
credit cards and they wouldn’t take American money and that’s pretty far out in the sticks
when people won’t take American money. I went out, and I had prepared a nice gift for
his wife, beautifully wrapped--they think more of the wrapping than they do of the gift,
and also, a gift for his daughter and I got about a sixty dollar bottle of brandy for him.
So, I took those gifts out to him in the evening and he was still a little formal, a little cold.
We sat around and talked and he didn’t open the brandy, we drank beer, so he probably is
going to sell the brandy. 6:00 But, we talked and we talked and he got a little more
friendly, so he agreed, okay, he would come to the hotel tomorrow for the interview. The
next morning he came to the hotel and he said, “I can only stay one hour” through an
interpreter, who was my driver so, after about three hours he said, “I must go”, and I said,
“ Chung Nuy, If we had not left Ripcord, what would you have done?” He said, “Well I
still had one battalion left”, he said, “We would have kept pushing in, just like we did at
Dien Bien Phu and we would have kept coming in”, and that’s when he admitted that we

37

�destroyed eight of his nine battalions and it hurt, but he still had one battalion left, but
that made my whole trip.
Interviewer: So, the operation cost them quite a bit.
Oh yes
Interviewer: While they may have interfered with our own plans to go into the A
Shau Valley at that point, it also interrupted whatever they were sending.
Absolutely, it was very, very costly for them. 7:02
Interviewer: Now, once the Ripcord operation was over, what happened with you
and the brigade?
Well, we just kept on going to another firebase and we took over O’Reilly for a while,
which was a joint base, and we just continued to operate, and just pulled back because,
number one, the monsoon season was coming in and that helped us pull back and it got a
lot quieter.
Interviewer: So, you’re basically there with them for a six month tour, so you’re
there until the send back?
We opened a firebase in a lot closer in to Camp Evans because of the weather, it was
raining all the time, and that’s when I had a little problem with the battalion commander,
who wasn’t doing a good job at all. 8:00 He didn’t take the right equipment out there,
he would come into basecamp, to Camp Evans, just and just stand out there on the
firebase with his troops, and then I found out that two of the company commanders just
happened to run into each other in Thailand, Bangkok on R&amp;R and my exec comes to see
me at the six o’clock briefing with a smile on his face and said, “Sir, we got a problem”,
and I said, “What’s that?” He said, “One of your battalion commanders is queer”, and I

38

�said, “Okay, I know which one”, so I went to see the division commander, tried to call
him on the emergency channel and finally got him on the emergency channel, and told
him I needed to talk to him and of course, he was mad as hell and he said, “Okay, meet
me back at Camp Evans”, so I went to Camp Evans. 9:03 I saw him coming down and I
came alongside with my helicopter a little bit and I let him land and then I landed mine.
He saw me and he put his hands on his hips and said, “Okay Harrison, what is so God
damn important right now?” I said, “Just a minute sir”, so I came up to him and told him
that one of my battalion commander was alleged to be queer and is making mover on his
company commander. “Jesus Christ you have to talk to him. I’ll appoint the IG to
investigate this and I’ll have him personally investigated”, and I said, “Sir, I need to
relieve the battalion commander today”, and he said, “What do you mean? We’ve got to
investigate it”, and I said, “Sir, I have two rifle company commanders and I don’t have
any others and they refuse to go in the field with him. I’ve got to relieve a lot of
company commanders and other people because of the battalion commander, and I
recommend the battalion commander be relieved”, so he relieved him that day.
Interviewer: Aside from that particular situation, how would you rate the overall
effectiveness or quality of the officers in your command? 10:06
Very high, very high
Interviewer: And do you think that extended down to the level of the enlisted men
as well? Was the performance level of the brigade pretty good?
At the company level, by that time, NCO’s are coming back for a second tour and were
smart enough to avoid a rifle company, so you had to “shake and bake” the young guys
being squad leaders and we suffered for NCO’s in the rifle companies because the guys

39

�on their second tour knew how to get out of it, most of them, not all of them. I didn’t
even have a Sergeant Major, a brigade Sergeant Major. He was killed in fighting over
Firebase Henderson.
Interviewer: Now, at what point did you really start to notice the effects of this, was
this event when you first got there?
Every day, every day 11:01
Interviewer: This is also a period when the Americans are still drawing units out of
Vietnam at this point, and my impression is, at least, that they would then take the
units that were left and assign them more and more responsibilities, or larger and
larger areas to cover, is that what happened?
Oh sure, sure, we were covering an area that had been covered by the 101st and two
Marine divisions and the two Marine divisions were gone. Yeah, we were short of
people and we were short of people in our unit- more area, more problems, more NVA
coming down.
Interviewer: In principle, it was supposed to be happening in the Vietnamization
process, was that Vietnamese army, the ARVNs, would be coming in and filling in
for, and replacing American units, and to what extent was that happening?
Well it happened with Lam Son 719, this was going to prove that the Vietnamization
program was working and they were going to go into Laos and destroy the two big major
supply areas there in Laos. 12:05 So they assigned the 1st Division, the airborne
division, and the marine division to make that invasion, and the U.S. provided all the fire
support, not all, they had their own artillery, but we provided all the helicopter support

40

�with air cav and lift ships and everything, and this was going to be the big proof that
Vietnamization was working, well it didn’t work too well.
Interviewer: What connection did you have with that operation?
Well, my reward for commanding the 3rd Brigade in the last major battle in the war for
U.S. forces was to be the senior advisor of the 1st Division to go into Laos.
Interviewer: That was in the spring of 1971 when that’s happening?
Well, I turned over command in December, came back the first of January, and became
the senior advisor for the 1st Infantry Division, and by that time, the operation had already
been compromised down in Saigon, the North Vietnamese knew we were coming and
they poured everybody in there to greet us. 13:07
Interviewer: How well would you say that the Vietnamese 1st Division performed in
that, that’s the one you had contact with?
The 1st Division, where I was the senior advisor, did a superb job. They were very well
trained, highly motivated, unfortunately they lost their divisional commander and two
battalion commanders, they took a lot of tough fighting and the airborne division, they
got across the line a little ways, but they didn’t perform all that well, and the marine
division, the same way, they got across, took a hill or two, but didn’t go very far. The
rangers did real well, and the marine division and the airborne division were commanded
by Three Star Generals. 14:00 I Corps, who was supposedly running the operation, was
commanded by a three star, but the marine division commander and the airborne division
commander refused to come to the field, they stayed in Saigon. They sent the division up
there, but they never came up there, so that was a little lack of leadership, and then the I
Corps commander, General Lam, was a “limp dick” if there ever was one, he didn’t do

41

�anything, so he located his forward command post in the same little hole in the mountain
where we were with the 1st Division, so the 1st Division kind of ran the operation, because
that was the I Corps headquarters and the 1st Division, so it lacked a lot of leadership
from the top, and I’d say the whole thing was compromised.
Interviewer: Were you in a position to do anything to help in any way, or did you
just watch?
I spent a lot of time around the TOC, because the I Corps commander, General
Sutherland, came to me, punched his finger in my chest and said, “You or none of your
advisors will ever go across that line, not even in a helicopter. We have direct orders
from Congress there will be no advisors in Laos”. 15:12 I couldn’t go out on the
battlefield, but General Thieu, who was commanding the 1st Division, he went out every
day and he did a lot, he did a good job.
Interviewer: So you could see, in places, where the Vietnamese, if they had the right
kind leadership and material they could be effective?
Oh yeah, the 1st Division was as good as the 101st in my mind, they were good.
Interviewer: When did your assignment in Vietnam come to an end?
One year later in the fourth of July.
Interviewer: So, that’s in 1971?
Yeah, 1971, you know when we got back from Lam Son 719, instead of taking an hour
and a half or two hours for lunch, they took three hours for lunch, so I just didn’t have
much to do after Lam Son 719. 16:05
Interviewer: Now, at this point did you think the writing was on the wall for South
Vietnam or what did you think was going to happen?

42

�Well, I didn’t know at the time, but in 1972 when they had the North Vietnamese Easter
offensive, the 1st Division performed superbly and drove them out a way, finally, and
they defended all across South Vietnam, so they proved that with U.S. air support and
U.S. supplies, they could beat the North Vietnamese invasion, and they did., they
defeated the 1972 invasion. Then Church and that bunch of his idiot ass holes in
Congress cut off all their supplies, cut off all their equipment, and our support, and we
reneged on our agreement, we let them down. We caused the defeat.
Interviewer: Ultimately the politics caught up with the whole thing. 17:02 All
right, now once you left Vietnam then, at the end of that tour as an advisor, you
were still in the army a while longer after that.
Yeah
Interviewer: What other kind of assignments did you hold?
Well, my mentor and my old boss, General Senna, said that he would like me to come to
Fort Hood, Texas to Project Master and I said, “Sir, Fort Hood has never been on my
preference statement, but I’ll be there”, so I volunteered for Fort Hood and I went down
worked for him for two years when we reconducted the air assault test when the formal
testing then created the air cav brigade, the 600 Air Cav Brigade, and I was in charge of
field tests for the project master, the Colonel.
Interviewer: And after that?
Well, I got asked to be chief of the infantry branch, which I would have been the first
aviator to be chief of an infantry branch and I thought that was pretty neat, so I went to
my boss, general Senna, and told him about it. 18:06 He said, “Oh, bullshit, you’re

43

�going to be promoted to brigadier next summer anyway”, so he wouldn’t let me go and
fortunately I was promoted to brigadier the next summer.
Interviewer: Did you stay on Fort Hood or did you get another assignment?
I went to Leavenworth, Kansas to be the deputy commandant running the Infantry Staff
College.
Interviewer: Was that your last assignment?
No, almost though, and the reason I was there was because Joe Hennessey was the
commandant, he was my boss in Vietnam and he asked me to be the deputy commandant,
so I got to prepare for that. Then he was replaced by General Kuschman, who was a
pretty wild man and I was running the college as his deputy and he had the whole
combined arms center there and then what was normally a one or two year tour, I spent
three years there, Kuschman left and then I ran the college for a while. I was the acting
commandant and then it was finally decided that I could go to Fort Rucker to be DCG
and then the CG at the Fort Rucker and run the aviation center. 19:13

So, after my

three years at Fort Leavenworth, I went to Fort Rucker. I was there for about five months
when they said, “Nope, you need to go to Washington”. My congressman called me and
said, “Ben, I’ve done everything I can, but I can’t stop it”, and I said, “Stop what?” He
said, “You haven’t heard? Well, you’re being transferred to Washington”, and so, I went
to Washington and did a special study for the chief of staff, Bernie Rogers. I did a review
of the educational and professional growth program for officers. So, I did that for a year
and then I was supposed to command the 25th Division in Hawaii and that got changed
while the commander en route to Fort Harrison, when he was on leave, decided to retire,
so they changed my orders and instead of going to command the division I got a phone

44

�call from the director of the staff, a Three Star General. 20:08 He said, “Ben Harrison,
you’re going to go and command Fort Ben Harrison”, and I said, “Thank you sir”, I got
up and turned to my wife and said, “Were going to Indianapolis and I’m retiring next
summer”. I was pissed and that was it, so I retired the next summer, several years early,
about seven years early, actually.
Interviewer: But you didn’t necessarily stop working at that point?
Oh, no, no
Interviewer: What did you do after that?
Well, I did some training studies that created some simulations for unit training and
working for the Department of Defense, the DOD, Department of Defense and DRE,
research and engineering.
Interviewer: So you’re doing this on a contract basis?
Yes, yes, defense contract consulting and traveling all over the country, doing that sort of
thing. 21:00
Interviewer: So, were you also signing up with Southern Mississippi University?
No, no, Southern Mississippi was just to take those tours to Vietnam that was just a short
tour.
Interviewer: Now, to look back on things and you look at yourself as a seventeen
year old army recruit and if somebody had told you at that time that you were going
to have the kind of career in the army that you wound up having, would you have
believed them?
Of course not, even when I was a lieutenant I wouldn’t have believed it, because my idea
was to just go on active duty, marry my wife, get out after a short term of active duty, and

45

�go to the Harvard Business School. I had already been accepted and I’ll tell you about
getting accepted to the Harvard business School, I was only a student at the University of
Mississippi, I applied to the Harvard Business School and I got a letter saying that you
have to appear before the board of admissions, but instead of coming to Harvard, we have
a representative who is going to be in New Orleans on a certain date and if you like you
can go to New Orleans and be interviewed there. 22:06 I went down to New Orleans,
interviewed and the guy said, “I’m not supposed to tell you this, but I can guarantee that
you’ll be accepted in the Harvard Business School”. Well, my head was really big and
then he said, “We like to have geographical representation, and right now we don’t have
a single person from Mississippi at Harvard”. Okay, so I’m the token for Mississippi.
Interviewer: You get an award for showing up.
Then finally the army sent me to the Harvard Business School.
Interviewer: So, you did manage to get there at some point?
Yes, but only for one semester for, they call it the advanced management program, but it
was fun.
Interviewer: Well, it makes for a heck of a story here. Is there anything else you
want to throw on the record before we close out the interview, is there anything
else?
I’m happy. 23:48

46

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Interview Length (18:00)
William Harrison
Korean War
US Navy

Pre-Enlistment
Was a grocery store clerk before joining the Navy (0:45)
Joined the Navy at 17 years old (0:45)
Enlisted because he wanted to serve his country (1:00)
Family lived in Michigan (7:50)

Training
Had 13 weeks of basic training at Great Lakes, Illinois (1:20)
Worst 13 weeks of his life (1:25)
Had marches, learned about ships, learned about the Navy (1:40)
Food was good during training (1:55)

Enlistment
Served from 1950-June 1954 (0:10)
Served in Europe aboard ship (0:30)
Wrote home every day (2:20)
Spent most free time going to see movies, doing laundry (3:40)
Spent holidays eating traditions holiday foods (3:45)
Learned about engines and steam (4:25)
Was very happy to leave the Navy (4:40)
Passed a Russian battle cruiser, and had to rush to battle stations (7:00)
Saw the Russian sailors at their battle stations, as well (7:30)
Made water for the Navy (10:00)
Bring seawater in, condense it. Repeat as necessary until it’s distilled (10:45)
Was assigned to a landing party in case they needed to go ashore for battle, but never had to go
(14:00)
Served on a Light Cruiser, USS Worcester (16:30)

Post-Enlistment
Met many friends in the Navy (5:00)
Had a job as a steel worker in Boston, Massachusetts after he got out of the Navy (5:30)
Wasn’t too close to the war, but glad to be of service to his country (6:10)
Meets up with his shipmates once a year (9:00)

�</text>
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Boring, Frank</text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Jack Hart
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 3/1/2012

Biography and Description
English
Jack Hart was a primary assistant to Walter “Slim” Coleman during the Jiménez for Alderman Campaign
of 1975. He continues to live and work in Chicago’s 46th Ward, primarily in the Uptown Community. In
the 1970s, Hart was a member of the Intercommunal Survival Committee, a white group that supported
the Black Panther Party. Members of the Committee worked with Cathy Archibald and Slim Coleman in
the Lincoln Park Neighborhood Information Center. They also helped Mr. Jiménez to layout, publish, and
finance one of the original Young Lords newspapers, and worked closely with the Young Lords and Mr.
Jiménez until Helen Shiller was elected Alderman and Harold Washington became the first African
American mayor of Chicago in 1983.
Mr. Hart joined Mayor Washington’s Administration as Assistant Commissioner. During that time he was
responsible for administering all of the City of Chicago’s rehabilitation loan programs. He also helped to
formulate and launch the Chicago Housing partnership, Low Housing Tax Credit, and the City of
Chicago’s heat receiver programs.
Today he is a licensed real estate broker and Chief Financial Officer of Affordable Property Management
Specialists in Chicago.

�Spanish
Jack Hart era el asistente de Walter “Slim” Coleman durante la campaña de Jiménez para Alderman en
1975. Señor Hart todavía vive y trabaja en el Distrito 46 de Chicago que ahora es una comunidad más
nueva y elegante. En los 1907s Hart era un miembro de la Intercommunal Survival committee, un grupo
de gente blanca que soportaba el Black Panther Party. Miembros de esa organización trabajaron con
Cathy Archibald y Slim Coleman en la el Centro de Información del Vecindario en Lincoln Park. También
ayudaron a Señor Jiménez hacer, publicar y financiar uno de los periódicos originales de los Young Lords,
y trabajo cerca con Jiménez y los Young Lords hasta 1983 donde Helen Shiller fue elijada como Alderman
y Harold Washington fue el primer Afroamericano alcalde de Chicago.
Señor Hart junto con la administración de Alcalde Washington, como Asistente del Comisario. Durante
este tiempo era responsable de administrar todos los programas de prestemos para la rehabilitación de
la cuidad de Chicago. El también ayudo formular y lanchar la asociación de Chicago Housing, Low
Housing Tax Credit, y el programa de calefacción de la cuidad de Chicago.
Ahora es un agente de urbanización y también el principal Oficial de Financias en Affordable Property
Management Specialists en Chicago.

�Transcript

JACK HART: All right, I’m Jack Hart. I currently am the director of the Affordable
Property Management Specialists which is a property management company
which specializes in affordable housing. We currently manage 390 apartments
on the south side, west side, and this is our -- 4040 N. Sheridan Ruth Shriman
House, that’s where we’re at now, that’s one of our projects on the north side.
I’ve been managing basically affordable housing since 1988, 1989, somewhere
around there. Prior to that, I was the assistant commissioner of housing in the
Harold Washington administration. That was from 1984 until 1989. [00:01:00]
And then prior to that, I was the director of the Heart of Uptown Coalition
Intercommunal Survival Committee going back to 1970.
JOSE JIMENEZ:

Back to 1970?

JH:

Yeah.

JJ:

What is your connection with the Young Lords, basically?

JH:

Well, that goes way back. In 1970, somewhere thereabouts -- well, I first met
you when you were underground or something in Milwaukee. I think you were
someplace like that. You were on the lam from --

JJ:

What does that mean, underground?

JH:

That means you were hiding out from the law. Well, 1970, I think, the Young
Lords had taken over the church on Armitage and -- what was that street?
Dayton. Yeah. I was with Slim Coleman, and Cathy Archibald, and then what

1

�was called the People’s Information [00:02:00] Center. We were like two blocks
away from the church there. At that time, there was a coalition -JJ:

And who were they connected to, the People’s Information center?

JH:

I was going to say the coalition existed, but your Black Panther Party, Fred
Hampton had basically espoused the idea that white revolutionaries or poor white
people who were sympathetic to the Black liberation struggle at that time should
be organizing in their own communities. So the People’s Information Center was
a group of white radicals, so to speak, who were affiliated with the Black Panther
Party. And our job was to begin to organize amongst poor white people with a
clear connection between the political struggle [00:03:00] in poor white areas and
the liberation struggle of both Black people and other people of color. The Young
Lords organization had been involved with Fred Hampton in various kind of
rainbow coalitions we called it back then. One of the things was to-you had what
we called survival programs. So the Young Lords basically took over this church
and were going to set up a health clinic there and various other community
programs. So there was a natural affiliation between us, the Black Panther
Party, and the Young Lords organization.

JJ:

So you were organizing in Lincoln Park?

JH:

Yeah, the first thing we were doing was, again, urban renewal in Lincoln Park.
Lincoln Park, at that time, was a fairly poor neighborhood [00:04:00] particularly
around Armitage and Halsted was mostly Puerto Rican. You go a little bit further
south, I forget the name of the street now, but that was also Blacks, it was Puerto
-- it was a concentration of Puerto Rican and Black, and hillbillies mixed in there,

2

�poor white people. So the struggle which was being developed by the Young
Lords and other people was to fight the city’s plans to gentrify these areas -- to
remove the people, the poor people, and to replace them with a more affluent -- I
mean that’s really what happened. So Lincoln Park, if you went there today, you
try to tell someone that was a poor area, they’d think you were crazy. I mean I
remember we had an apartment, just as an example, on Halsted in 19-- threebedroom apartment on [00:05:00] Halsted in 1970 rented for about $95 a month.
Now that same apartment today would probably cost you $3,000 a month.
(laughs)
JJ:

What were some of the things that the Information Center did?

JH:

Well, we did pretty much whatever the Black Panther Party did. I mean we
distributed the Black Panther party newspaper all over the city in white areas.
We had various -- like a free breakfast program, and various kinds of educational
programs for children, we had a health clinic which we sponsored -- free health
clinic. And then we had various other food and shoe giveaways and various
things like that.

JJ:

When did you begin your involvement? Kind of going back a little bit.

JH:

My first contact was in January of [00:06:00] 1970 which was shortly after Fred
Hampton had been murdered. I responded to an ad in the newspaper -- in a
seed newspaper it was called which was kind of like an alternative newspaper.
They were looking for people to join the Venceremos Brigade which was -- at that
time, it was illegal to go Cuba, so they were taking groups of college-aged
students to Cuba to participate in the Cuban revolution by assisting them with

3

�sugar cane cutting and things like that. So every year, they put together a group
from around the country of 40, 50 people who would then go to Cuba for three
months. So I signed up to go on this Venceremos Brigade. And one of the
requirements was in the six months preceding the trip, [00:07:00] which was
supposed to be in July, you were supposed to be involved in active community
organizing. So the people who were sponsoring us were from the People’s
Information Center, so I started working with them in January of 1970. And as it
turned out, I was dropped from the trip at the last minute and I just ended up
staying. (laughs)
JJ:

And the reason that you were dropped was --

JH:

They had cut the quota, there was some immigration issues with the U.S.
government. You couldn’t travel to Cuba, so what you had to do was go to
Canada, and then you got a visa from Canada to Cuba. And apparently the
Canadian government could only take so many people, and so there were 15 of
us who were dropped from the trip at the last minute, and I was one of them.

JJ:

Why would you answer an ad to go to Cuba? I mean (inaudible). [00:08:00]
What was your development in terms of (inaudible)?

JH:

Well, I mean I guess the original thing goes back to -- I was pretty much fresh out
of high school, but what was going on in the country --

JJ:

You were in Chicago?

JH:

Yeah.

JJ:

Okay, so you grew up in Chicago?

4

�JH:

Yeah, and Schiller Park was actually -- I was in Chicago until I was about fifth,
sixth grade, and then we moved out to the suburbs which was Schiller Park
which was right next to the airport there. I went to East Leyden High School in
Franklin Park. At that time, in the country, because of the -- you know, the civil
rights movement was going on, the war in Vietnam was raging, so there was a
big anti-war movement, and it was a fairly active time for people who were
seeking social change. [00:09:00] When I was in high school, I was enlightened
to the point that I was participating in civil rights in various other things from a
standpoint of justice, I guess. So I don’t know. I was just looking for some way
to make a difference. I was sort of bored with college, and it seemed like
something to do. I mean the consciousness in the country at that time was fairly
high because there was a draft, so everybody, when you were 18 years old,
graduated from high school, had to face the reality of either avoiding the Army or
fighting a war which most people at the time were opposed to. So I think that
was sort of the impetus to get involved. And then just one thing sort of led to
another. (laughs)

JJ:

[00:10:00] So you’ve had involvement -- this was around ’68, ’69?

JH:

’70.

JJ:

Around ’70, okay. So this was after --

JH:

Yeah, Fred Hampton was killed on December 4th of ’69.

JJ:

Did you go to that?

5

�JH:

That’s what sort of led me to the People’s Information Center ’cause there was a
connection there between them and the Black Panther Party. In the process,
they said, “Well, these same people are sponsoring this trip to Cuba.”

JJ:

So how long did you stay in Lincoln Park then? And did you live in Lincoln Park
at all?

JH:

Yeah, we lived in -- I mean I lived there in various apartments all around Lincoln
Park. We had an apartment on Lincoln and Little, 2400 North Lincoln, and we
had one on Halsted. We moved around [00:11:00] that area.

JJ:

This was you or the Information Center?

JH:

The office was at 2154 North Halsted, so the organization, it started out, there
was like six or seven of us. And then as it developed, we ended up with 15, 20
hardcore people, and three or four of us would share an apartment. 1972 is
when we had a big event at the Aragon Ballroom. It was called the “Campaign to
End Police Brutality and Establish Community Control” where we gave away
3,000 bags of groceries at the Aragon Ballroom. The idea there was to introduce
the Black Panther party to the people of Uptown. So around late ’71, early ’72
we started circulating a petition door to door in [00:12:00] Uptown. Some still in
Lincoln Park, but Lincoln Park, at that time, was already beginning to be
gentrified. Uptown was more of a concentration of poor white people.

(break in audio)
JJ:

Okay, (inaudible).

6

�JH:

Okay, so what was I saying? All right, so we had this thing at the Aragon, and
idea was to -- we were trying to establish a base amongst poor white people in
Uptown which was a really a concentration of --

JJ:

What do you mean by base? Can you explain that?

JH:

A political base, a place where we could establish some kind of political power.
So what we did was we had this what we called this “Campaign to End Police
Brutality and Establish Community [00:13:00] Control.” And we went around
circulating petitions, and then all the people who signed the petition from this
area, we then went to visit them at their house, and we offered them a
subscription to the Black Panther Party newspaper, A, and, B, we invited them to
come to the Aragon Ballroom for this rally where they would receive a free bag of
groceries and they could listen to the leaders of the Black Panther Party speak.
So that was our first foray into Uptown. At that time, one of the theories here was
we wanted to begin to get involved in the electoral process on some level. So
the first effort was to defeat Edward Hanrahan who was the state’s attorney who
was responsible for the murder of Fred Hampton. [00:14:00] So the idea was to
begin to get people to vote. In Chicago, at the time, everybody voted for the
Democratic machine, and they controlled everything primarily because they
controlled city services. So if you wanted city services, then you had to support
your precinct captain and then you would get city services. And so we were
trying to change some of that so people could begin to vote their conscience
instead of just following the party lines, so to speak. So the idea was to begin to
identify the people who we could pull into our overall program. So we used this

7

�petition, and then the idea was to visit them, get them involved in our programs,
register them to vote, and get them [00:15:00] to vote against the Democratic
candidate for state’s attorney who was this Edward Hanrahan who was the one
who had killed Fred Hampton.
JJ:

So you had the food drive and then you did a voter registration drive?

JH:

Right.

JJ:

Okay, and this was in ’72?

JH:

It’s hard to remember exact dates. All this sort of runs together. I mean we were
involved in various kind of voter registration efforts over the years. Cha, when
you ran for alderman, what year was that?

JJ:

We announced, I believe, at the end of ’73.

JH:

’73, okay. So this was this sort of Edward Hanrahan, “Defeat the Butcher” it was
called, I believe that was ’72 or ’73, somewhere around there. That campaign
was actually successful particularly in the Black community where people
[00:16:00] in droves voted against Ed Hanrahan. In fact, the state’s attorney who
was elected was Bernard Carey who was a Republican and that was like the first
time a Republican had been elected in a Cook-county wide office in like 25, 30
years. We saw that success, and that people -- if the issue was right, people
could be moved to go against the entrenched powers, so to speak. We opened
up an office at 1056 West Lawrence around 1973, May of ’73. And then we
continued to establish programs in the Uptown area. I think at this time, and the
Young Lords --

JJ:

That’s the [00:17:00] Heart of Uptown Coalition?

8

�JH:

Yeah, we went under various -- the parent organization, the cadre organization
which was the hardcore people was called the Intercommunal Survival
Committee. That was a committee of the Black Panther Party. We were
answerable directly to the Black Panther Party.

JJ:

So you had a core group called the Intercommunal Survival Committee?

JH:

Right.

JJ:

And then this was more like a mass (inaudible)?

JH:

Yeah, the Heart of Uptown Coalition was sort of like our public arm where
anybody who shared our political viewpoint, which was basically that the people
should control their own communities, they could join the Heart of Uptown
Coalition which was a much broader thing. The Intercommunal Survival
Committee were really hardcore revolutionaries. We saw ourselves as hardcore
revolutionaries. We [were involved in?] armed struggle [00:18:00] to overthrow
the government. (laughter) And there was probably an inner core of maybe 20,
25 people who were actually -- we were run sort of like a military organization. I
think at that time, Cha-Cha, who was the head of the Young Lords, had just
gotten out of --

JJ:

So you ran a military organization, but you actually were more focused on
organizing?

JH:

Yeah. I mean it was the idea of --

JJ:

Military discipline but you were focused on organizing.

JH:

Right, exactly. We weren’t really -- I mean I don’t want to get into all that other
shit, but (laughter) --

9

�JJ:

(inaudible).

JH:

The focus, of course, was organizing the community for political power. The
significance of the hardcore group was that these are really dedicated people
that are involved in this 24 hours a day, [00:19:00] 7 days a week, and really
believed in what they were doing. So I think at that time we still had visions of
this rainbow coalition which was --

JJ:

Because you actually were kind of living together and everything, right?

JH:

Yeah. Well, we would share apartments. I mean there’s like three or four of us
in an apartment.

JJ:

So you were really tightly knit?

JH:

Yeah. I mean we were on call 24/7 and involved in various -- I mean there were
other things going on just other than the political organizing. Like I said, we were
involved in covert activities for the Black Panthers and various other things, but
that’s a whole ’nother discussion.

JJ:

You went to the campaign?

JH:

So Cha-Cha of the Young Lords had just gotten out of jail, or just returned from
being underground, or something like that. I don’t remember exactly what it was.
So they announced [00:20:00] that they were re-establishing an office, I think it
was on Wilton and Grace. And as part of that, Cha-Cha announced that he was
going to run for alderman of the 46th Ward. Given the nature of the 46th Ward,
I’m not sure we ever really believed that we were going to win this election
because 60 percent of the ward are fairly affluent people on the lakefront. But
the idea was to use the election as an organizing vehicle to A, tighten the

10

�coalition between Hispanics and poor white people, and continue to develop this
model of trying to take over the political power of this particular area. One of the
theories that Huey Newton had at the time -- who was head of the Black Panther
Party -- was sort of modeled after Mao’s Long March. [00:21:00] In other words,
the idea was to concentrate forces in particular areas. So like the 46th Ward in
Uptown, this is an area if we could take over and be the political -- take over
politically, that would give us a base to then move on into broader actions. And
that was sort of the springboard, was the 46th Ward. And the first attempt was
when we ran Cha-Cha for alderman. And that was one of the very active political
campaigns where we would give a lot of actions related to drawing attention to
urban renewal, and how the area’s being gentrified, and coalitions amongst
various poor people -- Hispanics, and Whites, and Blacks, and Hispanics, and so
on and so forth. So the idea was to continue to develop our programs [00:22:00]
and get people involved in the political process.
JJ:

Continue to develop the health clinic and other programs that you had?

JH:

Yeah. Eventually we --

JJ:

What programs did you have at that time?

JH:

Again, time sort of runs together here, but eventually we moved our office from
Lawrence over to Wilson Avenue, and Wilson Avenue’s a real large facility. And
there we had a legal aid clinic, we had -- help people get on public aid, welfare
assistance, we had a health clinic, we had a prisoner visitation program, we had
a magazine that was published on site there, Keep Strong Magazine, and I think
we had -- well, all kinds of various food cooperatives. We used to have a

11

�monthly meeting at the hall for -- sort of replaced church, where people would
come and we’d discuss the events of the day. [00:23:00] And sort of the
springboard for various campaigns. The main thing going on in the city at the
time was certain neighborhoods were being gentrified, and people were being
moved out, and Uptown was one of them. And it was a fairly [insidious?] thing.
There was a lot of arson, and places being burned down, and people being
moved out, and them building new condos, and so on and so forth.
JJ:

I remember they had a -- 20/20 did a piece, arson for profit. So you’re saying
there was a lot of arson, can you name --

JH:

Well, for instance, Truman College is one example in Uptown. Truman College
wasn’t there. That was all housing, same type of housing as the rest of Uptown
which was -- and the buildings were one by one vacated. When the owners were
resistant to selling to urban renewal, [00:24:00] they were burned down. They
eventually took over the whole -- from Wilson to Sunnyside, Clifton to Magnolia,
that whole area was wiped out and that’s where they built the college. And there
was a lot of various low-income buildings that were closed down and either torn
down or re-habed but not for the benefit of the people in the neighborhood, but a
new class of people being moved in.

JJ:

So arson was one method to get rid of some of the buildings, but any other
methods used by city?

JH:

You would get an owner who was in cahoots with them, and they wouldn’t fix up
the building, and the city would come in and close it down. Or places would

12

�become so unlivable [00:25:00] that people would have to move. So eventually
they cleared out the whole area.
JJ:

So now you got the Cha-Cha Jiménez campaign. How did you kind of
restructure? How was that done?

JH:

Again, it was coalition --

JJ:

I think that was a change, so I’m trying to see how it changed the group that you
were working with (inaudible) Uptown?

JH:

We broadened our base, so to speak. In other words, the Heart of Uptown
Coalition became a bigger organization, but we pulled in a lot of various affiliated
groups.

JJ:

How did you do that? I mean what was the process?

JH:

Gee, I don’t know. (laughs)

JJ:

How did you directly do that? What (inaudible)?

JH:

Our main operation that we constantly were involved in was door to door. What
we did was on a weekly basis [00:26:00] we would have a list of people who
were either sympathetic or in the middle on every block in the community, and
every week we would go to their house and we would bring them a Black Panther
Party newspaper, and get into an argument with them over what was in there, A,
and B, we would then ask them if they needed any kind of services, if they had
any problems, if they had any legal problems, any other issues. And then the
person who was (inaudible) would make what we called a follow-up list, and he
would say, “These people need legal help,” and then we would send somebody
else behind them to provide them with whatever legal -- hook them into the

13

�resources that we had developed to get them the assistance they needed. The
idea being that people would then turn to us for assistance rather than the
precinct captain, [00:27:00] that is you’re trying to change the focus of the
politics. The same thing would be true for, say, if you had a [block club?], and
they were interested in an issue on the block, say they needed a particular
abandoned building torn down because it was a problem with drugs or
something, then we would adopt that as one of our issues, and then pull all of the
people who were involved in that into our umbrella group, and it just went on from
that. I think the first thing was in ’73, ’74 when Cha-Cha ran for alderman, but I
think he ended up getting 25 percent of the vote or something like that. And then
I think in ’77, Helen Shiller -JJ:

Thirty-eight percent.

JH:

Thirty-eight, okay. Thirty-eight percent. I don’t mean to sell you short.
[00:28:00] (laughter) We had a good showing in our particular base areas, but if
you took the ward as a whole, like I said, it was a more difficult proposition. I
think we then ran again in ’77, Helen ran, lost that election.

JJ:

Helen Shiller.

JH:

Helen Shiller. Then in ’79 or something like that, we ran. We kept running in the
elections, and, eventually -- and then as this particular movement which started
in the 46th Ward and other places began to develop on a city-wide basis. So
voter registration and trying to involve people more in the political process
particularly in the poorer areas, that whole thing sort of culminated with the
election of Harold Washington in 1983.

14

�JJ:

So there was a direct link between --

JH:

Oh, definitely. I mean maintain that without the [00:29:00] ground work that we
did here that Harold Washington would’ve never been elected mayor. That was
really the significance of it. I think when Harold ran for mayor -- I forget what
year it was, ’82 or ’83 -- I mean we ended up registering that year something like
260,000 people to vote on a city-wide basis. At that time, in order to register to
vote, you had to go downtown to register to vote. And they had one day, just like
30 days before the election, you could register to vote in your precinct; but other
than that, the only way you could register to vote would be to actually go to city
hall. So we used to bus people from all over the city every Saturday down to the
city hall to register to vote. In that year leading up to Harold’s election, we
registered I want to say about 250,000 people which [00:30:00] without those
250,000 people we never would have won that election. We started out going
door to door in Uptown, and basically as you expand that, it eventually became a
city-wide movement and that’s -- ended up electing Harold mayor.

JJ:

Now, what was your role back in the Jimenez campaign? What was your role? I
mean what was your position and (inaudible)?

JH:

I mean it’s hard to remember. I was always the person who was in charge of the
logistics of the organization. In other words, I was sort of like the administrative
director. So all the people who worked for us basically went through me. I was
the overall administrator of the organization.

JJ:

And you remained in this post all the way through -- up to [00:31:00] the Harold
Washington election?

15

�JH:

I mean in terms of the cadre of hardcore people then, I was always their director.
In terms of the campaign, when Harold was --

(break in audio)
JH:

Just to backtrack a little bit -- again, the roots of this movement go back to 19691970. It actually probably goes back further than that, but it’s sort of the history
of the [I don’t know if you want to call it?] revolutionary struggles, but -- so a lot of
this came out of the civil rights/student protest movements of the late ’60s early
’70s. And people, at the time, are looking for [00:32:00] a meaningful way to take
it to the next step. So in other words, the root of it is the civil rights movement,
number one, and the Black Panther Party who was espousing the position that
the Black -- the movement for civil rights was the vanguard struggle, but
particularly Fred Hampton had the idea that this wasn’t really a Black -- a
struggle just for Black nationalism, but it was a class struggle and should involve
all oppressed peoples. So he made an effort to coalesce with other communitybased movements which had their basis in the civil rights movement, but were
also involved in some kind of community struggles for control of the community.
Back in the late ’60s in most major cities in the country it was true that most
[00:33:00] Black and Hispanic people had very little political power, A, and B,
were subject to fairly oppressive measures by the police and other people. So
police brutality was a serious issue and --

(break in audio)
JJ:

Police brutality.

16

�JH:

So there was various things going on, sort of like grassroots type movements. In
Uptown, there was this group called the Young Patriots who were trying to
organize poor whites. And at the time, I think the Young Lords who originally
started out as sort of a street gang had begun to develop into more of a political
organization patterned after the Black Panther Party. And so the Young Patriots
sort of faded away, but the Young Lords and the [00:34:00] Intercommunal
Survival Committee -- there was another group of white revolutionaries called
Rising Up Angry -- they all sort of -- since they were doing pretty much the same
things in their own community, it was sort of a natural coalition. There was a
particularly a push by Fred Hampton that we should be -- I think he used to say,
“Black people should be organizing Black people, and Brown people Brown
people, and white people white people.” But we all have the same -- let me turn
this damn thing off here. We all have the same goals. So it was sort of natural
that we would work together.

JJ:

So you started working with the Young Lords in Lincoln Park?

JH:

Yeah. Again, it was on and off, but we were basically involved on a [00:35:00]
consistent basis with anybody who was organizing the community along the
same means that we were. So the Young Lords, the Black Panthers, and us,
pretty much, in Chicago that were -- those were the three groups that
spearheaded the whole movement.

JJ:

After Fred Hampton was murdered, and Mark Clark, was there like a vacuum or
something? And did this movement kind of a take a leadership role at that time?

17

�JH:

Bobby Rush who was the minister of defense for the Black -- he sort of stepped
right in after Fred was -- so Fred was sort of a dynamic person. His murder
actually did a lot to heighten people’s consciousness, so to speak. Whatever the
powers that [00:36:00] be had intended -- they thought that that was going to
wipe out the movement, and it actually had the opposite effect.

JJ:

So the movement grew?

JH:

Yeah. I mean, again, the whole impetus for the first foray into electoral politics in
Chicago which eventually ended up in the election of Harold Washington was the
murder of Fred Hampton, beyond a doubt. It was that movement of getting rid of
Ed Hanrahan which was the first serious effort to challenge the actual political
process. Prior to that, it was protest movements and marches.

JJ:

And was there also an Oakland election going on also?

JH:

Well, yeah, Bobby Seale who was head of the Black Panther Party was running
for mayor of Oakland. Elaine Brown was running for councilwoman. That was
part of what I call like the grand march theory. In other words, the idea was -what the Black Panther Party [00:37:00] did was they closed most of their
chapters all over the country and moved everybody to Oakland. And the idea
was to establish a base of operations in Oakland to eventually seize political
power in the city and to use that as a model to show the rest of the country that
this is what we can do as revolutionaries. This will be the difference in terms of
how people control their own community. They had a ten-point platform and
various things -- people have a right to food, and clothing, and shelter, things like
that. The Intercommunal Survival, we adopted a similar strategy, the idea was to

18

�pull in all various people from all over the country who were involved in this
struggle with the Black Panther Party to work in Chicago, in the community, in
the 46th Ward, and then try to use that as a base [00:38:00] of power. You know,
one of the things with the 46th Ward, again, in this community, was it was a very
diverse community. You had a concentration of Appalachian whites, but you also
had a concentration of Puerto Ricans in northern Lakeview. So it was sort of a
natural -JJ:

It was sort of segregated then.

JH:

Yeah. I mean the city was tremendously segregated, always has been. It still is
to some extent, but even more so back then. Uptown was the white ghetto, and
Lincoln Park, Lake View, West Town were Puerto Ricans, and Pilsen is where
Mexicans lived, and Black people lived on the south and west side, you know,
certain [00:39:00] defined areas. And people didn’t mix very well. So part of the
thing was you would organize your own community, but it wouldn’t be an isolated
thing. In other words, Puerto Ricans should order Puerto Ricans but they
shouldn’t only stay amongst Puerto Ricans. We need a place where we can
come together and coalesce because we share the same problems. (laughs)

JJ:

What were some of the events of that campaign that you recall? Any specific
ones?

JH:

The Cha-Cha Jiménez campaign?

JJ:

Yeah.

JH:

It’s hard to remember, that’s 40 years ago, but I mean I remember we used to -the guy who was running against him was Chris Cohen, and he was sort of a

19

�victim of our -- he probably didn’t turn out to be such a bad guy in the end. His
daddy was the head of HUD or something. [00:40:00] We used to follow him
around. Anytime he had an appearance, we would show up with 200 people.
We had the anti-arson thing, I think that was during that campaign. I don’t know,
I can’t remember. I remember following Chris Cohen around. (laughs) The main
thing, I think, was the voter registration thing. It doesn’t seem like that’s
significant now, but, again, you got to go back 40 years and see that the whole
voter registration process was completely controlled by the Democratic machine.
This was the first attempt to break that. They made it real difficult for anybody to
register to vote unless you went through them. I remember every [00:41:00]
Saturday we would rent six vans and each load them up with 15 people and we’d
bring 100 people downtown to register to vote. That was a big deal back then.
JJ:

So there was this campaign, the Jiménez campaign, and there were other -- the
Shiller campaign came after that?

JH:

Yeah, a couple of Shiller campaigns.

JJ:

Did you see any impact of all these campaigns and all this organizing?

JH:

I mean, again, ’79 is when Jane Byrne got elected mayor, so that was first time
someone other than Democratic machine got elected in Chicago. That was sort
of a fluke because it was based on the weather and other things. [00:42:00] I
mean I think the grassroots organizing that went on culminated in, again, the
election of Harold Washington in ’83. That was a real candidate who was based
in the community. In addition to that, we won a number of aldermanic races all
over the city. Bobby Rush was elected alderman of the 2nd Ward, Helen Shiller

20

�was elected in the 46th Ward, and Luis Gutiérrez was elected in -- I can’t
remember the name of the ward -- 29th, maybe. Dorothy Tillman was another
one. These were all grassroots people who were elected outside of the power
that had existed prior to that. And that election, we basically, [00:43:00] with
Harold Washington, took over the city government. In 1983 when Harold was
first elected, he didn’t have a majority so the fight between the -- I think it was the
29 and the 21 -- there was 21 alderman who were with Harold and 29 who were
with right white wing, mostly white, mostly racist. Interestingly enough, most of
the Puerto Rican alderman sided with Harold and the Mexican ones with the
white people and the white power structure. In the subsequent election which
was ’87 -- I think there was a special election in ’85 where we were actually able
to gain a majority in the city council. And the city was beginning to change
directions. The machine was being broken up and there was real [00:44:00]
political power in city hall, the people had a real voice. Unfortunately, Harold
died and then the whole thing sort of fell apart. There was a time that even the
reactionary Black politicians who had sided for the machine for so long, they
even sided with Harold because that’s where the power was rooted. His power
was really rooted in the community. Again, the political organizing that started in
1971 was really the basis of it without a doubt.
(break in audio)
JH:

You can edit this if you want. I guess what happened here is that the -- when
Harold was elected -- 1983, 1984 the Black Panther Party and [00:45:00] similar
organizations who had been victimized for a number of years by the FBI, and the

21

�COINTEL Program, and drugs in the community -- I mean this was a concerted
effort to demonize certain persons who were the leaders of the movement. Fred
Hampton was murdered, but Oakland, California and the base of the Black
Panther Party was inundated with drugs. Crack cocaine made its appearance in
the ghettos in the early ’80s. This was not an accident. One of the problems in
our community, in particular amongst poor people, has always been we’re
susceptible to certain vices. Part of it is because of the difficulty of living in
poverty. Drugs, alcohol that’s a natural -- [00:46:00] I’m not trying to make
excuses for people, but this is a natural phenomenon. It seems that certain
powers that be -- I’m not a great conspiracy theorist, but to me it’s factual that
these communities are inundated with drugs. A lot of the leaders of the Black
Panther party and Young Lords, other organizations fell into the trap, and got
addicted to drugs, or got involved in drugs, or the money was alluring, or the
gangster lifestyle, or whatever it was. But at the same time that the political
movements are becoming more successful to some extent, a lot of the leaders of
these various -- are being picked off, and the organizations are having a difficult
time sustaining themselves. The Black Panther Party -- basically Huey Newton
was continually arrested, and [00:47:00] harassed, and fighting trial after trial.
And all the resources of the organization are going into defending the leaders,
and, eventually, the organization begins to fall apart. After the last round of
arrests and murders of various Panthers, the organization just sort of
disintegrated so that by ’83, ’84 the model of these cadre type organizations is -were beginning to fall apart. In some places where they were able to achieve

22

�some political power it continued on other levels. I say that because by 1984
when Harold was elected, I pretty much dropped out of the movement, so to
speak, but took a job with the Washington Administration as, the way I saw it,
payback for all the years that I spent [00:48:00] in the struggle. So I went to work
in the housing department, and went back to school, and got a degree in finance.
Seeing this as sort of a victory -- in other words, all these years of struggling on
the streets culminated in us now being part of the government. So we worked for
the government for five, six years. And a lot of the people I had worked with all
these years were now -- you know, all got government jobs in the city
administration at some level or other. When Harold died, the struggle again was
sort of bought off to some extent, and there was really no leaders to sustain the
movement, so it sort of faded away. Most of us who were active took jobs in
[00:49:00] various types of fields that were still of benefit to the community, but
we could make a living. So I’ve been basically involved in affordable housing
partly because I worked for the city for five, six years under Harold, and worked
in the housing department, and so it was sort of natural that I would -JJ:

What was your perspective when you were in there? I mean you said you were
in a different level now. You’re working as part of the government even though
you -- of course, you’ve always been progressive, (laughs) you’re still
progressive. (inaudible) see any other type of perspective? (inaudible) activist?

JH:

The idea was that the resource of the government can now be used to directly
benefit the people rather than -- so in other words, we’re not fighting the
government, we’re now the government who was going to dole out the resources

23

�and that we would be able to come up with a plan that would really have an effect
on the [00:50:00] community, which would improve the lives of the people. Now,
you know, we were a little bit naïve because we didn’t realize how entrenched
the political power was. So even though you took over -- nominally you took over
the government, you didn’t really because the people who actually run things on
the underneath are still there and they’re going to fight you tooth and nail. But,
see, that whole movement has a lot of significance. Because we were so close
to achieving political power, and there was a cultural change developing in the
country, that caused a backlash. So what’s happening today with the
Republicans, and the whole Reagan revolution and all that, that was a direct
result of the push from the left that caused the right to push back. [00:51:00] In
other words, the rich actually felt threatened by these movements, these
attempts for people to seize political power, to seize the means of production. So
they determined not to let this happen, and so this is -- the whole Tea Party
movement and the whole Republican entrenchment of the right is a direct result
of these movements of the ’80s and ’90s. So I don’t think I’ve ever really lost my
perspective on this. I think part of the problem is we were able to get a certain
level of community control, but we weren’t able to get to the next step. Part of
that is because of the way the system is set up. We’re still in a class struggle,
and the rich still control the means of the production, and even probably more so
than was true 15, 20 years ago. [00:52:00] But to a large extent it’s still the same
struggle. It’s still a struggle for community control, it’s still a struggle for control of

24

�the resources, to use the resources to benefit the majority of people rather than
the chosen one, two percent.
JJ:

There was this housing plan, right? And there was like a 50-year housing plan, a
master plan, for the city?

JH:

Yeah, Plan 21.

JJ:

Plan 21 and all that. Looking at it from that perspective of being within the
government, you kind of mentioned that we still didn’t have any control. We still
didn’t have any power. It didn’t change at all, did it?

JH:

Well, it changed to some extent, but, again, you see, one of the problems was it
was a very small window here. In other words, when Harold seized control of the
city hall, [00:53:00] he died four years or five years later and we were never really
able to effect the change that we had wanted to effect although it did -- see, the
original thing was -- I mean you can go back to the ’60s and ’70s in Chicago, the
idea was to concentrate resources in the inner city and make that -- that was
Chicago, downtown. Well, the neighborhoods were suffering, and all the
resources of the city were directed at the inner city, the downtown area and
immediate areas around it at the expense of the neighborhood. I think what the
movement for community control represented was an attempt to shift some of
those resources back to the neighborhoods [00:54:00] although it probably didn’t
go far enough. You can see the difference between Richie Daley Sr. and Richie
Daley Jr. Richie Daley Sr. didn’t care, “Screw all you, we’ll do it my way.” Richie
Daley Jr. was able to buy off most communities because he did see the need to
distribute some of the city’s resources back to the neighborhoods.

25

�JJ:

What do you mean he bought them? How did he do that?

JH:

For instance, every alderman was given a fund of, say, ten million dollars a year
to use in the community. That would’ve never happened under Richie J. Daley.
That was a result of the community organizing. There was a certain attempt to
listen to some of the local representatives, and give that money for streets and
sidewalks, and there was housing developed [00:55:00] in the communities, you
know, not for profits, low-income housing, the tax credit program, there was
various use of various federal housing programs, an attempt to rebuild public
housing. It was more --

JJ:

But did the plan change at all or (inaudible) -- a new revamped plan?

JH:

I mean the essence of it probably didn’t change. I mean I think we slowed down
the process. We were able to strengthen the neighborhoods to some extent, we
probably didn’t go far enough, but I think without that movement no telling what
would have happened.

JJ:

(inaudible).

JH:

I think the city’s probably much more open.

JJ:

They slowed it down, but there’s still (inaudible) --

JH:

I mean the money [00:56:00] is still there.

JJ:

More poor people on the lakefront.

JH:

Well, that’s true, but that has to do with the whole focus of the country to a large
extent. The class thing has become more pronounced than it ever has been.
But, again, you could argue that that’s a result of our movement, not them
winning, but there’s a pushback to what -- like I said before, the campaign for

26

�community control hasn’t ended. I think the government in the city is much more
responsive than it was 30 years ago, but did we succeed? Probably not. But did
we have an effect? Yeah, definitely.
JJ:

What about like today there’s a whole thing about foreclosures and stuff like that.
How does [00:57:00] the past relate to today -- today’s housing situation?

JH:

I have a hard time making the connections between the movements back then
and what’s going on today, but the thing there was that -- the part of the
pushback was to deregulate, to give the banks and other people more power.
That was the whole Reagan revolution. Greed was good. Greed is good. That’s
the American thing, and no one should be ostracized for that. [00:58:00] The big
bankers and stuff saw a way to make a lot of money and they used the people as
ploys in a game. It was only a matter of time before -- it was like you’re building
a house of cards, well, eventually, it’s going to collapse. The fundamental
question we’re faced with now is not that much different than it was forty years
ago: are the majority of people going to have any control over the political
process or the use of resources in the community or is everything going to be
controlled by the top one or two percent? And that’s really the same struggle that
we had back then. We probably lost ground to some extent because that one
percent is more entrenched and they own more resources than they ever did. I
mean I see this [00:59:00] presidential election as pry the most critical election
we’ve ever had in this country. And to me, the election of Barack Obama was
the result -- that’s like a direct extension of what happened in Chicago with the
election of Harold Washington. The people are dissatisfied, they’re looking for an

27

�alternative, they elect the alternative, and then the powers that be do everything
they can to attack everything that he does and make sure that nothing he does
can be successful, and then they go around saying, “Everybody see? He can’t
do this. You got to stick with us.” And that’s sort of what -- we need to take this
to the next step. I think what happened here was that we got there but didn’t
know what to do when we got there. (laughs) In other words, we got political
power to some extent, but now that we’re sitting there in the seat, “Now what do
we do?” Eventually, we were going to figure this out, but the other side [01:00:00]
pushes back on this and they will use every opportunity to attack, attack, attack.
And since they control the media and other things, we’re up against it. The
problem today is that people are more easily manipulated because the media
and everything is so much more invasive. They’re bombarded 24 hours a day, 7
days a week, and a lot of the safeguards that were built in, protecting people
from falsehoods and certain people controlling the media have all been removed.
I mean you have Fox News, that has no journalistic value at all. They just say
whatever the hell they want to say. You keep repeating the same thing over and
over again, people will believe it. The whole idea of these super PACs where
they can -- [01:01:00] one millionaire can put a billion dollars into Romney’s
campaign and control the message. So we’ll see. We’ll see how gullible people
are this year. Can people be manipulated to vote against their own self-interest
or in the end will people -- we’ll see.
(break in audio)

28

�JH:

I guess the lesson here is that the campaign for community control was an
important step. The problem was that maybe we didn’t take it far enough. And
again, like I just said, I think where we’re at now is we’ll see what happens in this
-- this presidential election will say a lot [01:02:00] as to whether or not we had
any -- whether the movement was minimally successful, or are we going to
continue to advance the rights of the people? Or are we going to go backwards?

JJ:

What you’re trying to say is that this presidential election is a result of all these
(inaudible)? How is (inaudible)?

JH:

Well, I think it’s a culmination of where we started. In other words, this was a
grassroot movement for people to seize political power, to allow people to have a
voice in their own government, in their own communities, to make the institutions
of government serve the people. I think we were able to get to a certain point
and certain places in this country where that was successful. Because of the
pushback by the right wing and other people, we basically regressed a little bit so
people [01:03:00] had to retreat. People continue to have an effect through other
means by being involved in housing, or healthcare, or other issues. I think on a
national level, various progressive people that were put in place all over the
country were able to elect a fairly progressive president, but, again, you can see
the pushback over the last four years from the right wing trying to reverse that.
So now we’ve come to the point -- are we going to step forward or are we going
to allow ourselves to pushed all the way back into the pit again? Again, I’m sort
of at the point where it’s sort of -- judgment is still -- the jury is still out on whether
or not we were successful in what we were attempting to do back in the ’60s and

29

�’70s. [01:04:00] I know that one success was the -- I mean racism and the ability
of people of different types of ethnic backgrounds to interact, a lot of doors were
opened that weren’t open before, but, again, are we going to take that on to -- it
really comes to the point are you going to wipe out the middle class in this
country? Are you going to have a third world country where one percent of the
people control everything and everybody else lives in crime and poverty? Or are
you going to continue to build a movement where people have some control over
their resources and are able to improve their lives? We’ll see. That’s sort of
where we’re at. I think that’s where we started and we’re sort of back there
again. If we can take the next step and continue to build a power base in the
communities where people have [01:04:00] some control over their lives then
we’ll be there, but maybe not. (laughter)

END OF VIDEO FILE

30

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              <text>Jack Hart era el asistente de Walter “Slim” Coleman durante la campaña de Jiménez para Alderman en 1975. Señor Hart todavía vive y trabaja en el Distrito 46 de Chicago que ahora es una comunidad más nueva y elegante. En los 1907s Hart era un miembro de la Intercommunal Survival committee, un grupo de gente blanca que soportaba el Black Panther Party. Miembros de esa organización trabajaron con Cathy Archibald y Slim Coleman en la el Centro de Información del Vecindario en Lincoln Park. También ayudaron a Señor Jiménez hacer, publicar y financiar uno de los periódicos originales de los Young Lords, y trabajo cerca con Jiménez y los Young Lords hasta 1983 donde Helen Shiller fue elijada como Alderman y Harold Washington fue el primer Afroamericano alcalde de Chicago.    Señor Hart junto con  la administración de Alcalde Washington, como Asistente del Comisario. Durante este tiempo era responsable de administrar todos los programas de  prestemos para la rehabilitación de la cuidad de Chicago. El también ayudo formular y lanchar la asociación de Chicago Housing, Low Housing Tax Credit, y el programa de calefacción de la cuidad de Chicago.     Ahora es un agente de urbanización y también el principal Oficial de Financias en Affordable Property Management Specialists en Chicago.   </text>
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                <text>Jack Hart was a primary assistant to Walter “Slim” Coleman during the Jiménez for Alderman Campaign of 1975. He continues to live and work in Chicago’s 46th Ward, primarily in the Uptown Community. In the 1970s, Hart was a member of the Intercommunal Survival Committee, a white group that supported the Black Panther Party. He worked closely with the Young Lords.  Mr. Hart joined Mayor Harold Washington’s Administration as Assistant Commissioner and was responsible for administering all of the City of Chicago’s rehabilitation loan programs.  </text>
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                <text>Jiménez, José, 1948-</text>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project
Robert Hartman
(01:00:30)
Interviewer: “Can you state your name, when you were born and the regiment you
served with.”
I served with Service Company and “E” Company of the 126th Infantry, 32nd Infantry
Division, and the “Red Arrow” group.
Interviewer: “Now, you’ve had an interview before and you went through your boot
camp, so we’re going to jump ahead this time to when you left the United States. You
were at the Cow Palace in California, can you tell me what happened there?”
Well, the Cow Palace is what the name implies; it was where they had rodeos. It just had
a dirt floor in the middle with cement seats around the sides and fold up chairs. We were
there for a week or 10 days and it rained all the time we were in Frisco, the weather was
miserable. 1:00 So I never had a good impression of San Francisco. We had to sleep in
the seats and the lucky ones slept out on the floor in cots, but they gave us fold up cots
and told us to stretch them across the seats and there was no way in the world, if you have
ever been in a theater, you can stretch a folding cot across the seats and sleep, so we all
slept sitting up with our coats and clothes on, that’s the way we stayed for the week or 10
days that we were there. 1:33.
Interviewer: “Now, did you have any sense or idea where you would be going or what
you would be doing?”
We had no idea. We had no idea what country we were going to, we just knew we
weren’t going to England like they planned. We knew we were headed some other place,

1

�but nobody had the faintest idea who we were going to fight, but we figured it would
probably be the Japs seeing we weren’t going to be fighting the Germans. That’s about
all we knew and that was just common sense to figure that out. 2:02
Interviewer: “Now, you were given orders to board the luxury liner the U.S.S. Lurline,
can you tell us about that?”
Well, the Lurline was a luxury liner that they hadn’t even completed converting to a
troop-ship because they used the state rooms for the men and they were putting anywhere
from 2 to 5 men in a state room and we were lucky because we got the ballroom up on
the A deck where they had all of their dances and that and there was a hardwood floor
and they had the big windows there and during the day they could roll those big windows
down and we got this nice breeze. 2:43 The only thing was, myself and about 90% of
the guys were seasick just about all the way across.
Interviewer: “Was there anything you could take for that? What did you guys do to
fight that?”
Nothing. Ed Szudzk swears by lemon drops and the purser on the ship was going around
selling jars of lemon drops and he said, “lemon drops will stop seasickness”, but what it
did was made me sicker on the lemon drops, but Ed Szudzik swore by them and he said
that they kept him healthy all the way across. Even my company commander, who told
us that it is just a matter of mind over matter, for the first 2 or 3 days he was going around
making fun of us and all of a sudden he’s just as sick as the rest of us, so we turned the
tables on him that way. 3:40
Interviewer: “Now, when you crossed the equator was there a celebration?”

2

�Yes, we had what they called—one of the sailors was King Neptune and then you were a
pollywog or, I’m trying to think what the other term was that—they shaved your head, a
lot of them went around and grabbed a bunch of guys and shaved their heads and I
thought it was so cool that I had mine shaved and I kept my head shaved for about 65
years after that. 4:13 I never did wear my hair long again.
Interviewer: “So, were you initiated?”
No, I wasn’t, they didn’t bother me, but they did some of the others, they pulled all kinds
of pranks on them and I don’t remember what they all were, but they had us all up on
deck going through this, but I was too seasick to even care what was going on. 4:35
Interviewer: “So you didn’t leave your room much? You just basically stayed in bed?”
Not if I could help it, I lived on bread and coffee because they had fresh bread on board
and they had coffee, but you went down into the mess hall and the food was all steam
cooked like a pressure cooker and just the smell of it, I would leave the mess hall and
grab a slice of bread and a cup of coffee and go back up on deck. 4:59
Interviewer: “How long did this trip take?”
Well, roughly 30 days. I’ve heard every—if I go by my discharge papers it was 32 days,
other guys got the same discharge papers, were on the same boat I was, they got on the
same day, they got off the same day and some of them their discharge papers say 25 days.
5:24 It’s hard to tell, every time I read about it it’s a different time, so it’s anywhere
from 25 to 32 days, but I have always said 30 days and in my mind that’s the way I figure
it.
Interviewer: “Did you have any idea where you were going?”

3

�We had no idea until we were almost to Australia and they told us we were going to land
in Adelaide Australia. The reason we landed in Adelaide instead of Brisbane where we
were supposed to, was because the battle of the Coral Sea was going on and the
Americans were battling the Japanese for the Battle of the Coral Seas and we had to
detour out around it to avoid getting caught in there with our troop ships because there
were probably 5 troop ships in this convoy along with a bunch of other small cruisers that
were there to convoy us over. 6:22
Interviewer: “You said you landed in Port Adelaide?”
Yes, Port Adelaide was called the city of churches and it was a nice little town, but they
didn’t expect us, but they treated us real well there.
Interviewer: “What was your first impression when you landed? What did it smell like?
What did it look like?”
Well, it was just warm there and we got off the boat and we’re dressed in woolen clothes.
They issued us woolen clothes to go to England and they issued them in Massachusetts
and when we got to Adelaide the temperature was 85° roughly and we’re standing there
with big overcoats on and woolen coats and all dressed up like we were going to the
North Pole. 7:00
Interviewer: “Was there a crowd out there, people out?”
No, just us, I don’t remember, but there probably were some other people around, but
there wasn’t any welcoming committee or anything. We were just so happy to get back
on land that we didn’t care; we just wanted to see dry land.
Interviewer: “Where did you go from there?”

4

�We stayed at Sandy Creek for a couple of months and then we started up to Brisbane,
Australia and we were loaded on trains and every state, there are 5 states in Australia, and
every one has a different gauge track, so you go so far and you have to unload the train
and load it onto the next train and go from there. We had all of our trucks and supplies
and troops and it took us 4 or 5 days just to go from one end of Australia to the other.
7:58 Australia, of course, is as big as the United States.
Interviewer: “Now, you said you stayed in Sandy Creek for a couple of months, what
was that?”
Yes, Sandy Creek was just the name of a place, I guess there was a town there or
something, but it was just called Sandy Creek and where they got the—it was all sand I
know that and it was a nice little place. 8:25 We were there in the summertime, our
summer, but their winter and it got cold there and we didn’t have any stoves, but the
coldest it got was if you put a bucket of water out at night, it would have a skim of ice on
it in the morning, but by noon it was up to 75 or 80 again. We didn’t suffer or anything,
we had nice warm bedding and that to sleep in and they did issue us summer clothing so
we kept anything we wanted to of the warm stuff, so it wasn’t too bad. 9:03 The food
was good there and there was a little German village right near us where they made wine,
German wine from the people from Germany and a lot of the guys were buying wine by
the barrel and drinking their wine, but I’m not much of a wine drinker, so I didn’t do
much of that. It was nice there and we could go down to Adelaide once a month or so.
9:34 You took a train down there and coming back on the train, because they had added
on so many cars to accommodate the soldiers that the train couldn’t make the hill coming
back up. It wasn’t a big hill, it was just a long grade and we would have to get out and

5

�walk alongside the train so the train made the top of the hill and then we could get back
on and ride again. 9:59 We would have maybe 4 or 5 thousand GI’s on the same train
and they only had one little bitty engine and all the other good engines, of course, were
hauling supplies for the war, but the Aussies were good people. 10:21 They are one of
the countries that still thinks the United States is a pretty good country.
Interviewer: “So, you guys got along, the soldiers and civilians?”
We got along, especially with the soldiers when we met them in New Guinea. Of course,
when we got there the soldiers, most of the soldiers of the Australian army were over in
Africa fighting. They were fighting the Germans over there and they were called “The
Rats of Tobruk” and they went through one heck of a thing over there and they brought
them back and they rearmed them and sent them back up to New Guinea with us. 10:57
They had 2 separate armies in Australia, which differs from ours. When you sign up over
there, you sign up for either part of the expeditionary forces or you can sign up for the
militia. The militia never had to leave Australia, they were there for the duration and if
you joined the AEL they could send you overseas, which they did. 11:28 There was
quite a bit of antagonism between the 2 armies, the militia were looked down on, the
others who had gone over to Africa and fought the Germans and then came back and had
to rearm again and go right back up to New Guinea and help us, but they were terrific
fighters, they were darn good men. 11:50
Interviewer: “What kind of interactions did you guys have when you were at Sandy
Creek? Did they tell you about the fighting you might run into? Did they say anything
about Japanese tactics?”

6

�No, nothing. We had no idea what we were going into, I don’t think anybody knew and
we didn’t train for it, we just went out in the field. They didn’t do any special training for
the jungle. I don’t even think they knew what the jungle was going to be like. 12:15 See,
our company command was the one that did the training, it wasn’t—they didn’t bring in
any Aussies from--there were a few Aussies up in New Guinea at that time already,
trying to hold back the Japanese, but they couldn’t do it, there weren’t enough of them, so
they needed our help in a hurry, so as soon as they could they flew “E” Company from
Brisbane up into Port Moresby, which happened to be the first time in United States
history that an American force had ever been flown into combat and that’s another first
for the “Red Arrow”. 12:50
Interviewer: “Before we get to New Guinea, what kind of training exactly did they
have? They didn’t quite prepare you for jungle warfare, but what were they preparing
you for?”
Just regular combat training like practicing with bayonets, which we never use, most of
the guys threw their bayonets away, we marched back and forth and we listened to
speeches and all that stuff, but they never really got into any real basic training. 13:21
One of the things we were trying to do was bring our group together because when we
got on the Lurline we had a bunch of recruits that came out of California and they hadn’t
even finished their basic training and they’re finishing up their basic training over in
Australia. 13:42 So then we went up to Brisbane and from there we went on into New
Guinea.
Interviewer: “How long were you in Brisbane?”
A month or two.

7

�Interviewer: “Just continued the same basic training?”
Same thing, same thing all over again.
Interviewer: “Did you have contact with the Aussies there also?”
No, the officers might have had, or the high command might have had, the Generals or
something, but as far as any of the men or—we never saw an Aussie soldier except the
militia and they were no help because they never got into combat. 14:16 So, we never
talked to anybody until we got up into combat and started talking to the Aussie troops
that were up there and they told us what was going on and they gave us a lot of good
information, but until then we were just as green as anybody coming off the boat.
Interviewer: You left for New Guinea from Brisbane?
Yes.
Interviewer: “How did you get there? You said one company flew over, how did you
get there?”
We went by boat.
Interviewer: “Can you tell me about that?”
Well, they had liberty ships at that time, they were putting ships together that were
welded instead of bolted and it was an innovation by a man—I’m trying to think of his
name, it was Kaiser from the United States here and he started making the ships here in
the United States and turning out 1 or 2 a day and they were just little tramp steamers all
welded together and just solid steel all the way and there was nothing to them except the
hold and the motor and that was it. 15:22 They put us down in this hold and just a steel
plate between us and the ocean and you could see that steel would sweat from the cold
water and it was warm on the inside and cold on the outside and the boat creaked and

8

�moaned all the way across there and it took us a couple of days to go from Brisbane up to
Queensland and to Port Moresby. 15:51
Interviewer: “Where did you land in Port Moresby?”
Well, Port Moresby was the port where we landed and there was nothing there except a
couple metal sheds and one of them was a hotel, just a 2 story thing made out of rusted
corrugated iron and I think it had a bar, we never got into the town really to look it over.
They marched us right through the town and out on the—about 5 miles out of town and
we stopped and everyone started walking over the Owen Stanley Mountains.
Interviewer: “After you got off your ship and started walking farther inland where you
guys were staying, did you have any contact with natives? Were there any Australians
there? Did you see anybody? What did it look like?”
Well, there wasn’t too much jungle around Port Moresby. 16:44 It was wide open and
in fact they had an airstrip there and we were lucky enough, the first night there they sent
us into this airstrip, right at the end of it and these Ausies, there were Americans there too
on this airstrip and they were flying and trying to fight the Japanese in the air and at night
the Japanese would come over and bomb this airstrip and they missed the airstrip and
they were bombing us half of the time. 17:15 The first day there they told us that we
better dig a foxhole and the ground was just as hard as a rock and we didn’t have pick
axes so everybody just went out and dug a hole about 6 inches deep and said, “that’s
enough” and that night they bombed us and they killed a couple of guys in the regiment
and the next day everybody was out and the holes went down in a hurry that day. 17:42
We had big ones by nightfall, but just a few days later we started moving up.
Interviewer: “How far out of Port Moresby were you camped?”

9

�Just 5 miles.
Interviewer: “What was the name of the camp?”
It had no name; we just called it the 5-mile airstrip. There must have been a name for it,
but I don’t remember any.
Interviewer: “How many days were you there?”
Well, maybe 2 or 3 weeks. Everybody got dysentery that was there. The flies were so
think, I have never seen flies that thick in all my life, it must have been the breeding
season or something because you couldn’t eat your food, you had to keep waving the flies
off your food all the way up to your mouth and everybody got dysentery and all of the
sudden a breeze came up a few days later and all these flies were gone, just like they had
never been there. 18:40 The wind just took them out into the ocean because they all
disappeared and we never did know what happened.
Interviewer: “For those of us who aren’t familiar with the symptoms of dysentery, can
you explain that a little?”
Well, it’s diarrhea and everybody knows what diarrhea is.
Interviewer: “Did you have a cold? Did you have a fever?”
No, no, nothing with it, just diarrhea and it was so bad that the men were passing blood
some of them and they had nothing in those days to give them. The medics, they had
nothing and they didn’t know what to do because they had never run into this before and
they had run into cases of diarrhea and that in the states I suppose, where somebody
would get sick and have diarrhea, but not where the whole regiment came down with
diarrhea. When you got 2 or 3 thousand men with diarrhea there is nothing, the medics
couldn’t—there was no store to go and get anything from. 19:38 They couldn’t get it

10

�from Australia because Australia didn’t have anything to help with it either and they
would have to fly that if they could have got a plane to do it.
Interviewer: “During that 3 weeks, were you waiting? Were you training? Were the
Australians giving you any tips on how to fight the Japanese at that time?”
No, there weren’t any Aussies there.
Interviewer: “Did you have any information yet?”
Nope, but the officers must have had some because they started moving up, the 2nd
battalion started across the Owen Stanleys, the 3rd battalion and the 1st battalion and the
artillery battalion stayed behind, but we were supposed to fly up later, which we did, but
the 2nd battalion, plus the anti-tank, cannon company and part of the medics and part of
the Signal Corps, all went over the Owen Stanley Mountains, which was a story in itself.
20:31 I wasn’t there, I didn’t go over—I didn’t walk over the Owen Stanley.
Interviewer: “You flew in?”
I flew in. After they came down the other side, they took the airstrip there and they
enlarged it and they flew in these C47’s, which is just a 2 motor plane, but it was a big
cargo plane at that time and it was the backbone of the army for years. 20:59
Interviewer: “So, when you flew in, can you explain that? Did you have to go back to
Port Moresby to the airstrip or were you able to fly out from the 5 mile strip?”
No, we were right at the end of the strip like 100 yards from the end of the strip and we
just walked over the strip and got on the planes.
Interviewer: “How long did it take you to get there?”
Maybe 45 minutes. 21:23
Interviewer: “And it took them 45 days to get over the mountains?”

11

�Oh yes. It was a scary situation flying over because they flew between the mountains and
we could look out the windows, there wasn’t any seating and we just sat on the floor
because there wasn’t anyplace to sit in this plane, it was a cargo plane. They put us in
there and we were just tight together, but we could look out the windows, a little bit of
windows and you could se the mountain on one side and you looked out across the plane
and you could see the mountain on the other side and it looked like the plane tips were
almost touching, but they were probably a half a mile away, but to us it looked like they
were going to crash any minute. These pilots deserve a lot of credit; we always said that,
for flying the “hump” they called it.
Interviewer: “Where did you land?”
Dubador airstrip.
Interviewer: “Was there any firing going on when you landed?”
No, it had all been taken. It had been taken pretty mildly at first then once they got past
that is when they really started running into trouble. 22:36
Interviewer: “When you landed did you stay there for a while?”
No, we started right up for the front and we took one day of marching and we got up
there and right away they put us right on the line and said, “well, this is it”.
Interviewer: “while you were marching, what equipment did you have? What kind of
gear did you have?”
We had our full packs and we didn’t have to throw anything away, but it wasn’t long
after that we found out that half of the stuff we didn’t need. We threw away our gas
masks and blanket we started out with we threw away and rain gear we threw that away,
we threw away—every day that you’re up there, every day that we were in combat we

12

�threw away more and more stuff. I would say that within a couple of weeks, January, I
can’t remember, but in 2 or 3 weeks we were down to the bare necessities. Like myself, I
just carried my rifle, my ammunition, my canteen, a first aid kit and a little pouch with
some food in it. 23:54
Interviewer: “How were you getting food at this time?”
They would bring it up by what we called them, the “Fuzzy Wuzzies”, the natives would
bring it up and the Ausies who had worked with these natives, these were apparently
missionary types that worked with these natives and the natives would bring the food up
and the one thing that we lived on and I was lucky because we had these little cans, I
would say a 4 inch can, one of them had beans and one of them had hash and one had
stew and the 4th can had a little hardtack and a little soluble coffee and a couple of pieces
of sugar and a couple of hard pieces of candy and that was it. And that was supposed to
last us for 3 or 4 days and mainly what we wanted the most was just the coffee. We
finally got them to bring us up some coffee in bagfuls and we would make our own
coffee. Somebody would go back with a little Billy can and this was just an ordinary can
with wire in it, and heat it over a fire, if you could get a fire going, and throw in a handful
of coffee and drink it like that. We learned to drink it black and strong. 25:21
Interviewer: “From the airstrip, you said you began marching right away, where did you
go and how long did it take?”
Just one day, about 16 hours we marched straight and we got there and they bedded us
down and the next day we started, I don’t remember exactly, they never told you too
much because they didn’t know too much, they said, “ok here’s this line and there’s these

13

�guys over here and you guys gotta take this line here and hold it.” If we tell you to move
up, you move up so that’s what we did.
Interviewer: “What was the training like? You said down by Port Moresby there wasn’t
too much of a jungle setting. Up there were you hitting dense jungle?”
There was no training we just went into combat and that was our training, on the job
training. 26:11
Interviewer: “The land, what was the land like?”
Well, it was a jungle and a rain forest, a typical rain forest. When we were there, which
happened to be during the monsoon and they get 300 inches of rain a year and most of it
comes at this 3 months that we were there, October, November and December and part of
January.
Interviewer: “As you were marching in, was there a path for you to follow? What were
you marching through?”
Most of it was mud, but there was a path, probably an old—the natives had tracks allover
New Guinea and you follow these tracks because the natives live there and it was a Buna
village and it was where the natives had there little village and they had these little grass
huts, they were made out of bamboo and they built them 4 or 5 feet off the ground and
had little stepladders going up into them and they had a thatched roof on them and the
natives would live in them a while and when they would get tired of them they move on.
They just pick up their stuff, the women would carry it and they would walk ahead and
somebody in this group always carried a little fire, a little bamboo with some moss in it
and it had a little core of fire in there and when they would get to another place they
would just dump some out and go on and start another fire. I don’t know what they did if

14

�they ever lost their fire because when we were around we would give them matches or
anything they needed, in fact we were—the Americans were too good to them because
we felt sorry for them and we would give them food and everything and the Aussies
would tell us not to give them too much food because if we gave them enough food, they
would just disappear for 2 or 3 days and they didn’t want to work. It was the natives way
of doing things, they lived for the day not for the next week, they just lived for today.
28:18
They did, we called it the “betel nut smile” because they all had this—it’s an opiate of
some type that they chewed on and their gums were all just bright red. It looked like they
swallowed a cherry pit or something, we called it “the betel nut smile” because it was a
betel nut they chewed, but it was an opiate of some type. I never did see it growing and I
don’t think anybody tried it and nobody wanted to, but the natives probably needed it to
keep going because the life expectancy was probably between 35 and 40 years old. 29:06
The girls would have babies at 12 or 13 because they matured early in the jungle there
and by the time they were 25 they were down hill already.
Interviewer: “Now, you were marching to Buna?”
Well, we didn’t really march; we just followed one another through the jungle.
Interviewer: “ Did you hear any sounds? Did you know you were getting closer to the
front lines?”
Well, almost from day one we could hear firing going on somewhere, it was just rifle fire
mainly, machine guns, we could hear them, but the sound carried—sometimes it carried
good and other times you couldn’t hear anything and you never knew which way it was
coming from in the jungle. It was hard to know which direction was which. I would

15

�have gotten lost, but in my squad I had a guy that was pretty darn good at knowing which
direction was north and south and I kept him close by me, so when they said to go over so
and so, I would tell him, “we’re going to head south here for a ways” he would say, “ok’
and he would take off and meet me and he was usually right. 30:22 Everybody was
getting lost at one time or other, there was nobody around to guide you unless you had a
guide and half the time the guide couldn’t remember which trail he took because there are
so many little trails that the natives had and the animals had theirs. We didn’t see many
wild animals, but we did see the tracks of them. I heard there were lions and that, but I
never heard of any, but I do know there was monkeys up around the tree tops and a lot of
birds and a lot of little piglets like running around, but mostly those belonged to the
natives. 31:07
Interviewer: “When you first got to Buna, did you go right into battle or was there a
camp set up? What happened when you first arrived on the front lines?”
No, we never had a camp set up, nobody ever had a camp set up and I don’t understand
that myself. Everybody went in a different direction and everybody was fighting
somebody and somebody knew where we were all the time, apparently somebody in the
general headquarters knew. We had the maps that I showed you, but we had no idea and
to this day I have talked to some of the guys and I would say that I didn’t know—they
were talking about some of the guys were on the Sanananda Trail and some of them—
like I was at the “bloody triangle”, that’s where I first got hit and I didn’t know how far
that was from Buna Village, I don’t think I ever saw Buna Village. 31:55 We just called
the whole area Buna like the whole area around here is Grand Rapids even though you
never did get downtown to see Grand Rapids. I never saw the village, some of the guys

16

�did, but half the guys never saw Buna Village because all there was were just a few little
native huts. There wasn’t any village; there wasn’t any staging area. Where the brass,
the Generals stayed, I have no idea where they stayed. 32:29 I know we had Majors and
Colonels with us, a Colonel from the regiment would be with the regiment and the
Majors and the Captains and everything, but beyond that, I don’t know where the main
headquarters was and I don’t think hardly anybody knew. We communicated by phone
because we had radios, but they quit working after 2 days in the jungle because they
weren’t made for the rain forest. 32:55 The instruments would get all wet and they
would just fall apart and we would just throw them away, they weren’t any good, they
were huge phones, they were probably 15 pounds apiece and if you tried to carry a cell
phone that weighted 15 pounds apiece, you wouldn’t see many people using a cell phone.
33:15
Interviewer: “You said your first combat experience was at the “bloody triangle”?”
Right, well, we fought some before that, but it was just piecemeal, at a distance, firing at
vague shapes and stuff and we never really got into anything until we got to the “triangle”
and that was on the 19th of December. 33:41
Interviewer: “Can you tell me about that?”
Well, there was a pillbox up there and the Japs had been holding it and 2 or 3 outfits had
tried to take it and because we were fresh troops they thought we could go in there and do
it, but they just told me, “Sergeant, take your men and there’s a pillbox right up there
(they pointed) and go out there and see if you can take it” so, I said’ “yes sir” and I said
to my men, “let’s go” and we started, we got down and started crawling through the
Kunai grass, which was probably 3 or 4 feet high, Kunai grass is just a sharp bladed grass

17

�and if you don’t watch it will cut you, it’s sharp on the edges and you have to be careful
with it. 34:32 We had our long sleeves on and our jackets and we’re crawling along and
all of a sudden, I’m in the lead, and I saw this place where the grass had been cut and I
thought well, I’m going over here, it’s a lot better crawling so, I started crawling down
around that and all of a sudden it dawned on me that this was a fire trail. It’s not cut for
my benefit, it’s cut for somebody else’s benefit and it had to be the Japanese down at the
end of it with a machine gun and when I thought of that I jumped for the side, from a
prone position I leaped and they cut loose with their machine gun and I felt it hit my rifle
and knock that out of my hand and I got hit in the arm and in the leg. 35:24 I got on the
other side and I knew I was hit and I was scared to look because I didn’t want to know
how bad it was, but finally I looked and it wasn’t that bad so, then I hollered at my men
when I got over there,” for cripe sakes don’t jump across, don’t get in that fire trail”, so
they stayed over there and after a while, I laid there a while, I jumped back across before
they could start their machine gun again and I got to the other side again. 35:56 I went
back and got a band-aid on it and came back and we crawled around there for a while
trying to get close, but they kept us pinned down and we never did get up to the pillbox
and finally they came and told us to come back, so we went back and I guess we tried
again a couple of days later, we had reinforcements at that time and we still didn’t make
it. 36:20 finally I don’t know how they did get that pillbox out of there, they took us out
of there and put us over someplace else and like I say, they came along and said, “come
on Sergeant get your men, were going over here”, of course I had a Captain, but I didn’t
see him that often because he was busy with 2 or 3 other platoons out and he had to
watch all 4 platoons of us.

18

�Interviewer: “Now go back a second, you said when you were in that precut fire lane it
just dawned on you, you didn’t have any training or hadn’t talked to anybody who had
warned you about these things, you just made sense out it, it was just common sense?”
It made common sense because if I had laid there much longer they would have cut me
up because that’s why they cut this fire lane and how they cut it I have no idea, but they
had cut it real short, almost like my lawn, it was only about that high and I could crawl on
it and I could see where I was going and in Kunai grass you can’t see 2 feet ahead of you,
so I thought, “man, I can see where I’m going now” and all of a sudden I realized that
this has been cut and it wasn’t cut for my benefit so it had to be for somebody’s and I was
sure it wasn’t mine so, I knew right away that—those things flash through your mind in
just an instant and it took me just long enough to gather myself and dive to the other side
because I was closer to the other side than from where I started. 37:55
Interviewer: “How wide was the trail?
Probably 10 feet wide.
Interviewer: “You said you were hit in your arm and leg? Were those just flesh
wounds, were they bad wounds?”
No, they were just flesh wounds, they bled, but once I got back they put a band-aid on
them and I never even got to see the medic or Captain, but somebody must have wrote it
up.
Interviewer: “Once you got back where?”
I went back to the officers that sent me out there and I got a band- aid because I told them
I got hit and they said, “that ain’t going to stop you” and I said, “no, but they got my rifle
too.” They even clopped my bandolier of ammunition and I had to get a new bandolier,

19

�so they gave me another rifle and I went back up and joined my men. Of course I took a
razzing from them because they didn’t know what a fire trail was either until I told them,
but that’s the way we did things, you learn by experience and that’s what the whole thing
was about, you either learn or die. 39:07 That’s what the whole Buna campaign was
about. That’s why we had too many men die because you had to learn and if you didn’t
learn you died.
Interviewer: “How did the terrain affect your fighting?”
The terrain?
Interviewer: “The land.”
Well, you couldn’t see anything. You could be 10 feet away from the Japanese line and
you wouldn’t know they were there and at night one of the scary things was that at night
we have to put up OP’s, listening post, and we put a man out there with a telephone 2 at a
time and they had to sit out there all night long and report what was going on in case the
Japs tried to come in during the night. 40:00 That was another thing that was scary and
why we did it, I don’t know because I was out there myself a couple of times and you sit
there just back to back with a buddy and that’s the way you sit there all night long. You
sit there and your backs are touching each other, you’re leaning against each other and
then you will say, “you sleep for a while and I will keep guard” and you take turns
sleeping, but you don’t really sleep because if his back was to me and if I would shift a
little bit, he would be wide awake and that’s the same thing I would be doing to him.
40:42 If he shifted a little bit, I would be wide awake and you would have your rifle up
before you knew what was going on.

20

�Interviewer: “Now, I have heard the Japanese would tie themselves to the trees. Did
you have any experience with this?”
No, I never did. I never shot at a Japanese in a tree, I never go a chance to, I’ve shot at a
lot of Japanese, but I never saw one in a tree. The one time I should have shot, I looked
up in this tree and it looked like a guy was standing there on a limb and I said, “naw,
that’s just my imagination” and I looked away and when I looked back there was an
empty space there and I knew that I had missed him. 41:27 They did, at first they didn’t
tie themselves to the trees and they would fall of course and that was it, but when they
wound up tying themselves to the trees, they wouldn’t fall and then you didn’t know it
and so you would keep on firing and firing and firing and then other Japanese would see
you firing and then they would fire at you. 41:50 It was their way of getting back at you
for firing at them I guess. They did a lot—we had one guy, kid, was killed because the
Lieutenant told him to go up and see what he could see out of this tree and this kids name
was Kent Frarry, he was from Grand Rapids here and Kent once told the Lieutenant,
“Lieutenant, I don’t like climbing trees with the Japs” and the Lieutenant said, “don’t
worry, I’ll be right here” and Kent climbed the tree and his own men shot him out of the
tree, they thought he was a Jap. 42:31 That’s the way things went.
Interviewer: “From Buna where did you go? How long were you in Buna?”
Three months.
Interviewer: “Just continuously going to the front lines and coming back?”
No, we stayed on the front lines period.
Interviewer: “How did you get supplies?”

21

�Somebody would bring them up or we would send somebody back to get just ammunition
and food. We drank out of any stream that we found. Water was no problem of course,
we would fill our canteens and we had little pills, I’m trying to think of the name of the
pill, you put in your water to purify it.
Interviewer: “Chlorine tablets?”
Chlorine, that’s it, but after you drank enough out of your canteen you had to let the
canteen dry out and you would have that much dirt in the bottom of your canteen because
drinking out of holes and streams or whatever because we had no—they didn’t bring up
any water to us, it didn’t make sense to bring up water to us when it rained every day.
43:42 It rained twice a day. You could figure on it raining about twice a day, especially
about 4:00 in the afternoon, you could see the—we were between a mountain and the
ocean and the land was real level or low there and the jungle was so just so thick that
once you dug a foxhole and the tide was out, you could dig down a couple of feet and you
could sit and when the tide came in, the water level would rise and pretty soon you’re
sitting in 6 inches of water in your foxhole. 44:21 We complained, but it didn’t do us
any good because nobody wanted to get up and run around and it wasn’t worth your life
to get up and move, so you just stayed there and got wet. It would rain and it’s like when
you get wet here in the rain, first the rain don’t feel bad, it’s 85 or 90 and the rain feels
pretty good, but after you get soaked through and all of the sudden you get chilly even if
it’s 90 degrees out and we would get there and the temperature wouldn’t drop very much,
maybe down to 80 and your getting chilly and your clothes are all soaked and pretty soon
they would dry and by the time they were dry the heat would come up and you would
start sweating again and your clothes would get wet from the sweat. 45:17 Our clothes

22

�were damp almost all the time. Our shoes were damp and your shoes would rot right off
of your feet, but it wasn’t just leather, it was the binding in the shoes that they sewed the
soles on with that would just come apart and you would have the soles fall off of your
shoes because they came right apart there. The bottoms would stay good and the sides
would stay good, but it was the binding that they were sewn or glued with that just came
apart. 45:52 Later on we did get jungle boots and that which wasn’t too bad, but that
was over a year later before we got that stuff .
Interviewer: “Were the men getting sick at this point?”
A lot of them got sick. At first we lost a bunch of them due to malaria, dengue fever and
there was another one that they got. They used to send them back with 100°, 101, they
sent them back to Australia and the early guys were lucky, they got the fever right off the
bat, malaria, they got sent back to Australia and they never did come back, but the rest of
us, like myself, I didn’t catch malaria until way late and I’m up to 103° or better and I
just went back to an aid station where they were bandaging people up and I told the aid
man, cause he knew what I had, he sees me shaking and they give me 29 grains of
quinine, laid me down on the ground and covered me up with a piece of canvas. 47:02 I
stayed there for 24 hours and the fever broke and I went back to the line again. I wasn’t
alone like that; we were getting to the point that we couldn’t afford to lose another man.
We were outnumbered as it was by the Japanese to start with, but we whittled the odds
down a lot, but we couldn’t afford to lose any more men.
Interviewer: “So the men would stay on the front lines with malaria?”
Oh yes, I stayed there—in fact I had reoccurring malaria, even after I got out of the
service I would have reoccurring malaria. Every 30 days I would get sick. It would start

23

�with the chills and then you would have the fever and then the chills and then the fever
and you would just lay in bed and suffer and I brought home—I was lucky, when I came
home on furlough I went to my family doctor and he gave me a whole jar of quinine and
so I was able to take that for quite a few years afterwards. 48:05
Interviewer: “How did it affect your fighting though if you’re in the middle of the
jungle and you’re getting the chills and getting cold, how did this affect the battle?”
I don’t know, you just hung on and you did what you could. You had to put it in the back
of your mind I guess. I didn’t really have the chills up in the line, but I was weak because
I was back there for 24 hours and you go back in the line and you’re as weak as a kitten
and I don’t remember too much about it, but I know I went back in the line and I did my
share and I had other guys come back and do the same thing. 48:50
Interviewer: “Did it make it difficult to hold your rifles, to do the marching and
walking?”
Ya, sure, oh yes, you’re just so darn tired, you just wanted to lay down and sleep and
even if you could lay down you wouldn’t sleep anyway and everybody got the same stare
and you could tell a man who had been in combat just by the look in his eyes. He just
had that—his eyes were wide open and they just had sort of a glazed look to them and all
I had to do was look at a guy and say, “That guy just came out of combat” you didn’t
have to ask where he had been, you could just tell by looking at him. We got so we
knew, it was sort of a brotherhood that we could look at each other and tell what this guy
had been through. 49:38
Interviewer: “What happened after Buna?”

24

�Well, they took us back to Brisbane and then we started training there and they started
training us to make beach landings.
Interviewer: “Were you getting an introduction to jungle warfare training? You said
that Australians at some point told you a little bit about it and were helpful.”
Well that was when we were up there at Buna.
Interviewer: “What did they tell you? What kind of advice did they give you?”
Just everyday advice, keep your head down, I can’t remember all the things they taught
you, it was just common sense things and nobody ever told me about the fire trail and I
wish they had and I wouldn’t have crawled out there, but as it was, it was more of a good
experience than a bad one. 50:34
Interviewer: “What kind of training did they give you in Brisbane then? Landings?”
We had the ships, the small landing craft and we did beach landings and this is the way
we were going to go on from there on. That was 6 months later and we landed at Saidor
first and made a beach landing there and the navy was out there and the air corps and they
bombed the beach and they raked it with these huge shells that the navy throws in there.
It’s just like you see in a movie, all these little ships coming into the beach at once and
the front end comes down and everybody rushes out and the only thing was that we didn’t
run into too much opposition. 51:23 None of the beach landings that I made, I made 2 of
them, there was no opposition, I won’t say none, but very little because the Japanese who
had been there got out of there in a hurry when the navy started shelling and those that
were left didn’t have much of a chance to put up much of a fight when we landed. 51:53
Interviewer: “Now when you landed and you got off the landing craft, where did you
go? Did you go right into the jungle?”

25

�Oh ya, into the jungle, right—it was almost ridiculous, it looked like somebody had taken
a bulldozer and went through there. Some of these big shells, they went through there
and it was like taking a big bulldozer and clearing a path except that the stumps were this
high where the shells had leveled them right off. They had gone through there and
leveled them off pretty good. Like I say, the navy did quite a job for us and we were
more worried over what we were going to get than what we got at that time. The first
time we weren’t worried because we thought we were going into combat and we were
going to go up there and show the Japs, we’re going to show them how to fight and they
showed us, but we adapted, which is one thing that I think the American can do, they
adapt and most of them are self reliant, they learn fast and it’s either learn or die and the
Japanese are just more or less puppets. If you shot their officers they were at a standstill,
if you shot their officers and they thought the same thing if they shot our officers, that we
would come to a halt, but we didn’t because there was always somebody right there
willing to take their place and I mean somebody capable of taking their place. 53:30
Maybe not as capable as the officer, but able to take over and stop things from going bad.
Interviewer: “When you landed in Saidor, how long were you there? How long did this
battle go on?”
Maybe a month.
Interviewer: “Did you go into the land quite a bit or was it on the outskirts?”
No, we were just on the outskirts, up to the mountains and then we stopped there and we
stayed there a while and we went back and we stayed there a while and then we got on
the ships again and made another landing at Aitape.

26

�Interviewer: “Now as you were going into the jungle, you said you were at the base of
the mountains, were there any rivers you had to cross? What was the land like?”
There were always rivers.
Interviewer: “How did you cross them? Did you just wade across?”
Wade across or they put a rope across a lot of times and some of them were easy to cross
and others were terrible because they would be in flood stage or something and if you
didn’t hang onto this rope you fell in and we did lose a few men I suppose because you
had your pack on and your rifle and everything and if you lost your footing and lost hold
of the rope you could be swept out to sea before you knew what happened. 54:53 They
tried to safeguard that, they had other guys down there below us trying to stop anybody
that—I know they did that one time, they had some troops down there, back ups, if
anyone lost their footing or lost their hold on the rope they would catch them farther
down and drag them out. There was probably a stream every quarter mile or so because
everything hit the mountains and started running down and it ran towards the ocean, but
the jungle itself was just—I mean if it wasn’t for the tracks that the natives and the
animals made you would have a hard time fighting. 55:40 As it was, I kept my bayonet
and I sharpened that and used that and a lot of the guys were issued machetes which
were 3 feet tall and had about 6 or 8 inches of blade and they were fine if you were just
hacking your way through the jungle, but these things weighed 6 or 7 pounds and nobody
wanted to carry anything on their back that weighed 6 or 7 pounds, when you’re going
through the jungle you don’t need any extra weight on your back, so everybody dumped
their machetes and they would either use little knives or a lot of them like myself and
others, we sharpened our bayonets and used that if we had to hack our way through the

27

�jungle and so much of it was just green bamboo and green bamboo cuts fairly easy.
56:37
Interviewer: “Were you just being supplied by the troops that were coming in? Were
there any airdrops? How did you get food?”
They brought it up to us, especially from Aitape on, they had kitchens following us and at
Aitape and Saidor we could go back and they actually brought the kitchens far enough
up, but at Buna they couldn’t bring up any food, we had no hot food all the 3 months we
were there we never had a hot meal, nobody. 57:05 I was lucky because I’m one of
these people—I was brought up during the depression, but I like beans, I like stew and I
like hash and those were the 3 main ingredients of the “C” rations that we had at Buna
and to this day in my cupboard here, I’ve got cans of beans, I’ve got stew and I’ve got
hash and I’ll make stew myself, I love stew and I love baked beans and some guys can’t
stand that stuff, they can’t even stand to look at it. 57:46 Then we had bully beef, which
was the secondary thing that came up, which is corned beef, I call it bully beef because a
lot of it came from Australia and part of it is mutton and it’s greasy, but you eat it and
you don’t like it, but when you get hungry you will eat most anything. That’s why
everybody lost so much weight up there, I think the average weight loss they said, was
like 40 pounds. I know I went out of there less than—(trouble with the microphone) I
wasn’t much over that when I went in. I was just a little guy to start with.
Interviewer: “How old were you when you went in?”
How old? 21 58:30
Interviewer: “You said you were in Saidor for 1 month?”
I believe it was about a month, yes.

28

�Interviewer: “What did you do from there?”
We went to Aitape.
Interviewer: “How did you get there?”
By boat, we made another beach landing.
Interviewer: “Was it the same? Did you have much opposition when you landed
there?”
No, the same thing as Aitape a little bit more there because they were—not on the beach
landing, but later on they had some hard core Japanese there and I was moving up to the
front and I got hit by a sniper and from then on I was out of it, so I didn’t see too much of
Aitape after the first week or 2 I guess. 59:14
Interviewer: “How did you get hit by a sniper? What were you doing?”
I was just walking up to the front and the sniper was behind our lines, so he got me and I
always figured it had to be a sniper because I got hit and I don’t know how else I got hit.
I was walking and the lines were 100 yards ahead of me yet and I’m walking along as
carefree as anything and I’m going to the line and “boom” all of a sudden I get hit. The
next thing I know I’m on a stretcher being carried out of there. 59:46
Interviewer: “Where were you hit?”
In the stomach.
Interviewer: “Did they get to you fast? Did they get you on a stretcher and brought you
to where?”
They took me to a base medic station there and operated on me and the only thing they
did—the wound wasn’t too bad, the bullet—I was always curious—the bullet couldn’t go
in too far because it hit my amo belt and went through—it forced it’s way between the

29

�cartridges of my amo belt and my regular belt and my clothing and into my stomach here
and it only went in about an inch or 2 from what they tell me. 01:00:30 anyway, they
dug it out and the next thing I know I was being shipped back to Australia and they
patched me up and everything started going good and I got back to the states and I started
having problems with, not gangrene, but anyway I had to go into the hospital every time
and they put sulfa on it. They didn’t have penicillin in those days they used dry sulfa
powder.

30

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                  <text>The Library of Congress established the Veterans History Project in 2001 to collect memories, accounts, and documents of U.S. war veterans from World War II and the Korean War, Vietnam War, and conflicts in the Middle East and elsewhere, and to preserve these stories for future generations. The GVSU History Department interviews are part of this work-in-progress, and may contain videos and audio recordings, transcripts and interview outlines, and related documents and photographs.</text>
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                <text>Robert Hartman joined the Michigan National Guard in 1938, and served in Company E, 126th Infantry Regiment during World War II.  Originally trained and equipped to fight in Europe, his unit was sent to Australia and New Guinea in 1942, and fought at Buna, Saidor and Aitape.  He was wounded at Aitape and shipped home, and was discharged in June, 1945.</text>
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                    <text>ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW

Born: Chicago, Illinois in 1919
Resides: Battle Creek, Michigan
Interviewed by: Frank Boring, GVSU Veterans History Project,
Transcribed by: Joan Raymer, December 26, 2011
Interviewer: Bob, if we could start out with what is your name and where and when
were you born?
I’m Bob Hartman and I was born in Chicago, Illinois.
Interviewer: What year were you born?
1919
Interviewer: Can you tell us what your early schooling was like?
Well, I went to school in Muskegon through the kindergarten and stuff like that, and the
Hall School here in Grand Rapids, and I wound up at South High School where I
graduated from in 1937.
Interviewer: How did you first hear about the Guards?
My brother talked me into it. He was in the Guards, and he said it’s a good way to make
a buck or two a night, so—things were tough back there, so—I’d been in a CCC camp for
six months, so later on, in 1938, I joined the Guards with him.
Interviewer: What is a CCC camp?
Civilian Conservation Corps
Interviewer: For those of us that don’t know what that is, what is that?
Well, it’s a group and they take you up in the forest up here and you plant trees. 1:28
That was our main objective, planting trees. We got thirty dollars a month for going to

1

�camp, and they sent twenty-five of it home to our parents, so we lived on five dollars a
month, and we enjoyed it.
Interviewer: What was the appeal of the National Guard?
Just being there with all the guys, talking and learning things. You start right from the
beginning, you learn how to take a rifle apart and put it back together, and drill, and
march in step, and obey commands. One of the bad parts of it was that we use to wear
the old wrap leggings in those days, and they were from WWI. They were wide
bandages that you wrapped around your legs all the way up to the knee, and then you tied
them and tucked them, which is fine, but when you were in a parade, and you were scared
they were going to come unwrapped. That was the worst part of it, when you’re
marching down Monroe Avenue, and you’re so afraid that thing was going to come loose,
and they did if you didn’t do it right. 2:38
Interviewer: How old were you when you joined the guards?
Eighteen.
Interviewer: Tell us a little bit more about you experience with the National
Guards. This was seven days a week or was it four days?
One weekend a month, and other times they would call us up and we would report, and
go on maneuvers like down in Holland, which is thirty miles away, or to Muskegon, and
we would interact with the troops from down there, and be gone for the week-end, and
we enjoyed it because that meant extra money for every day you were gone. 3:21
Interviewer: Was there a sense of danger going on in Europe? Did you have any
feeling there was a war coming on?

2

�Not that we thought much about, and being that age we didn’t think much about it, and
we didn’t read the paper. We didn’t get the coverage, you know, like they do now. We
had radios, of course, but most people read the paper.
Interviewer: What was the training it’s self like? You mentioned the leggings from
WWI, was this more of a training for WWI type tactics?
Yes, they trained us to fight like they did in WWI, trench warfare, and that was the idea,
if we ever got into combat we would fight in Europe like they did in WWI.
Interviewer: When did things change for you in terms of the actual war starting in
Europe? What was your reaction to that? 4:24
Well, when they started things in Germany they said we were going to go away, we had
our choice. We could go away, and they were going to draft everybody for a year, and
they told us if we wanted to go now and get our year in we could go for a year and come
back and evade the draft this way, so most of us said, “we’ll go now”, and in fact, I
planned on getting married, so I said to my wife to be, “I’ll go and put my year in now,
and after I come back we can get married”, and she said, “ok”, so I went for the year, we
thought, and it was five years later that we came back. 5:14
Interviewer: Let me ask you about—at this point were you formed into companies
yet?
Yes, we were all in companies.
Interviewer: Could you tell us, before you were telling us about the individual
companies and where they came from? That was wonderful, and I wonder if you
could go through that again?

3

�Well, in the 126 we had three battalions and ABCD were the first battalion, EFGH was
the second battalion, and the milk battalion was MILK. A Company was from
Coldwater, B Company was from Adrian, C Company was from Kalamazoo, D Company
was from Holland, E Company was from Big Rapids, G Company was Muskegon, F
Company was Grand Haven, H Company was Ionia, and MILK Companies were from
Grand Rapids, plus Service Company, the band, and the medics were all from Grand
Rapids. 6:19
Interviewer: What Company were you with?
I was with Service Company to start with.
Interviewer: What was the Service Company?
Well, they had the trucks, most of the trucks, and they moved troops around, and they
also furnished all the clothing. They we like a small quartermaster outfit only in the
regiment, and we supplied the ammunition and the food, clothing, and everything else
that was needed.
Interviewer: What did you do specifically?
I drove a truck part of the time and part of the time I was Supply Sergeant.
Interviewer: So, you had already achieved the rank of sergeant by this time?
Oh yes, when I got married I was a sergeant; a year later, I was made sergeant.
Interviewer: Well, this might sound like a stupid question, but what were your
duties as a sergeant?
At that time, I just handed out supplies from the supply tent and that was mainly clothing
and ammunition, and rifles. We took care of all the rifles and all the armament. 7:19
The only armament we had in the Supply Company was rifles. Some companies had

4

�machine guns and mortars, but we didn’t have any, and we had side arms, a lot of us had
side arms.
Interviewer: Try to give us an idea of what daily life was like at this particular time.
You got up in the morning, you went to breakfast, tell us a little bit about that.
Well, if you were in a line company, you got up in the morning, stood in line for
breakfast, and depending on how long you might be in line, anywhere from ten minutes,
to forty-five minutes, depending on the amount of time it took you, and then after
breakfast you got in line and you marched out in the field and you went through a lot of
training. It was basically a round of fire, and fall down like they did in WWI. 8:17
Interviewer: Give us an idea of what the food was like at this particular place.
In Louisiana?
Interviewer: Yeah
The food was pretty good, and it depended on your cooks. The meat they served was
good meat and it depended on what the cooks did with it, and we had men that went to
baker’s school and could bake bread, and pastries, cake and doenuts. If you had good
bakers and good cooks, you got good food. Ours would vary depending on the mess
sergeant and the cooks. We would go from poor to good, but most of the time it was
fairly good, and we didn’t have very many complaints.
Interviewer: Was there any kind of schooling going on besides the training? Was
there any kind of training about where you were going?
No, never a word, never a word, except for the training. 9:16 We went out on
maneuvers, and that lasted a month or two, and we ranged over in Texas, Louisiana, and
as far over as Alabama and back. It was truck movements and you had the red army and

5

�the blue army fighting each other. Out of this came a lot of good officers that went to
Europe, like Patton was in the maneuvers, Bradley was in the maneuver, Eisenhower was
part of the maneuvers, and I can’t think of all of them, but it helped these officers, plus
we had a lot of officers from WWI. We had, our company commander at that time was
Captain Henry D. McNaughton who was the principal at Ottawa High School here. Our
Chaplain happened to be Reverend Dorr, who was the principal at South High School
when I went there. 10:25 We had Colonel Howe, who was a teacher over at Union
High School, and we had a lot of other men that were involved in the city of Grand
Rapids that went with the Guards.
Interviewer: Just so people have a better understanding of the guys that you were
with, were some of these people you knew or at least you knew their families?
No, I didn’t know anybody or any families. Well, I had a friend that I met his family, and
I knew his family. His name was Clayton, Clayton Van Amberg when he was drafted.
Our first draftees came in April, and we were there in October and our first bunch of
draftees happened to come from the Grand Rapids area, and we were lucky there because
a lot of guys met their friends. I was told that Clayton was going to be in the draft, so I
went over and saw him, and I got him transferred to my company, so we became buddies.
11:25
Interviewer: When did things change for you in terms of the training and all that,
now that you got the word that you’re going to go to war?
Right, and that was December 7th of Pearl Harbor day and Clayton and I were up in
Jackson, Mississippi to they use to come by and give us free ticket to go to different
places, so we got some tickets to go up to, and another fried of ours had a car, and so the

6

�three of us went up to Jackson, Mississippi, which was a hundred miles away, and we
saw, in Jackson, “Old Miss” play football. We came out of there and later we found out
they had bombed Pearl Harbor, and for everybody to get back to camp as soon as they
could. 12:18
Interviewer: What was your reaction?
The same as everyone else, “oh, oh, we’re in for it now”, so we headed back to camp, and
they just scattered us around. A lot of troops were put guarding various bridges and
water supplies and things like that. We stayed there for a few months and then they
shipped us up to Fort Devens, Massachusetts.
Interviewer: What happened at Fort Devens, Massachusetts?
Well, we were there for about a month and then they turned around and put us all on a
train and sent us back to Frisco. This was a fiasco because we landed in Frisco and they
had no place to bunk us, so they had the Cow Palace, which was an arena where they
have rodeos. It’s all dirt floor and seats all around, and it’s all cement. 13:24 They said,
“you’re going to stay here for a while”, so the troops that were lucky got set down on the
floor, some were in the aisles around there where the refreshment stands use to be, and
our company was told we were taking the seats. They gave us folding cots and said,
“spread them across these seats”. Now if you’ve ever been in a place where you sat
down in these folding seats and tried to put an army cot across them, it’s impossible, so
we tried it and it was just ridiculous because they stick up and there was no place for the
legs, so we would up sleeping sitting up in the seats for the ten days we were there.
Interviewer: Give us an idea of the number of people that were at this Cow Palace.
Probably five thousand, that was our regimental strength, roughly. 14:17

7

�Interviewer: So this is a lot of people in a Cow Palace basically?
Right, and some were in the dog track, which was next door, and they only housed about
three or four hundred people. I don’t know what the dog track was, just a building where
they raced dogs, I guess.
Interviewer: What was the “scuttlebutt” going around during this time? You were
anticipating getting into war, but what were you guys talking about?
There was not much that we could talk about, we were just waiting our time and
wondering when we were going to go. We knew we weren’t going over to England like
they planned and we had never heard of Australia, much less New Guinea. Then they
took us over to Angel Island, which is an embarkation point, and we were loaded on the
Lurline there. 15:18
Interviewer: What were you told before you got onto the Lurline? Were you told
where you were going?
No, we had no idea, they told us part of the time over there, and I think it was quite a
ways out before we ever found out we were going to Australia.
Interviewer: So lets talk about getting on this Lurline. Describe what this Lurline
was.
Well, the Lurline was a luxury liner like they have today; only it was not as high class.
The cabins were small, and they had two bunks in them, and they had a small bathroom
and a sink, and that was about it. I was lucky, my company, we were put up in the
ballroom, and they were making the ballroom into a first aid room to bring back
wounded, so they had double bunks, which were nice hospital type bunks that were
stacked two high. We had huge windows which you could look out during the day, and

8

�the floor was magnificent, it was a dance floor that we were setting on, and it was nice
during the day, but at night they had the windows all painted and you had to pull it up,
and you couldn’t see anything out. 16:32 the only thing is, most of us were seasick. I
got on board and by the time we had gone under the Golden Gate Bridge, I was seasick. I
was seasick almost all the trip over, and the only thing I could keep down was bread and
coffee. They steamed the food in this place, and just the smell of steamed food made me
sick, but I wasn’t alone, and my CO said, it’s just in your mind, and you guys just think
you’re seasick, but two days later he was leaning over the rail just like the rest of us, so
we had no problem there. 17:16
Interviewer: There was an understanding that a buddy of yours decided that he
thought he had a cure for it and it was called “lemon drops”?
Oh yes, that was Ed Szudzick thought lemon drops—and the Purser, I think, was making
money off of selling lemon drops because they were a good deal, and they would sell you
a jar of lemon drops for a buck and a half, and I put down four or five of them and just
got sick on lemon drops, and I’m heaving up lemon drops instead of everything else, but
Ed swore by them, and they helped him, so there must be something in the lemon drops.
They had no Dramamine, they had no Dramamine in those days, in fact, we had very
little supplies like they have now, and so we were not too lucky there.
Interviewer: When you crossed the Equator, and you had not crossed it before,
there’s a ceremony that goes on, an infamous ceremony, and I wonder if you can tell
us about the King Neptune ceremony? 18:16
They shave your head and you’re a Pollywog until you get your head shaved, and all
this, and then you became a, what is it, I forget the term now, but it’s quite a ceremony

9

�and one of the sailors dresses up like Father Neptune, and he has a spear and a thing and
they go around and they drag people out of the crowd and they shave their heads, and I
didn’t get my head shaved then, but I liked it so well that I had my head shaved and I
kept it shaved ever sense.
Interviewer: So, the trip over is quite difficult because of the seasickness and all.
Where did you land finally?
We landed in Adelaide, and it was thirty one or thirty two days for this trip because we
had to detour out around, way out around, and don’t ask me how, but we detoured way
out around and came in at Adelaide, which is at the other end of Australia, because the
battle of the Coral Sea was going on with the Navy. 19:24 Thank God we had a Navy
out there to stop them because we’d have probably been torpedoed. Then you zigzagged
every day. They had two or three ships carrying troops. The 126 was on one troop ship
I know, the 127 was on another, and the 128 was on the other one, so there were three
ships all from the Matson Line carrying troops and later on they took these same ships
and practically dismantled them and put on these old, these standby things where you
bunk five or six deep, one on top of the other, but we were lucky there. Coming back the
troops slept like that, but I came back on a hospital ship.
Interviewer: We’ll get into that later. When you arrived in Australia did you have
any interaction with the Australians?
Not too much, we landed and we were dressed up in our full wool uniforms, we had these
old army coats that hung down to your ankles, we had army wools on, we had winter
underwear even, that they issued us in Massachusetts because we planned on going over
to England. 20:38 It was going to be cold over there and we got to Adelaide and it was

10

�like eighty-five or ninety degrees in Adelaide because you’re close to the equator. It took
us a few days before we could get the regular type of uniforms. We liked the Aussies, the
men, the Aussies, were real good fighters and they were good friends to us.
Interviewer: Is this the group that came from Tobruk?
Yes, they called them “the rats of Tobruk”, and they fought in Africa. For a couple of
years they had been fighting the Germans, and they stopped Rommel, and they were
practically wiped out. They came back to Australia and reorganized, and then they were
sent up to New Guinea. 21:29 They were up to New Guinea ahead of us. We were not
the first troops in New Guinea, the Aussies were there and they went over the Owen
Stanleys ahead of us, and they also helped—we used them as guides over the Owen
Stanley.
Interviewer: Now did you go through any kind of training or maneuvers at this
time?
Not very much—we trained a little bit, but not too much because I don’t think they knew
what to train for. They had no idea—they would go out in the morning and train, but the
training was minimal.
Interviewer: The interesting point here is, the actual training you had was WWI
trench style warfare and here you are about to embark in the jungles.
Right, and then when we moved from Adelaide, we went by train up to Brisbane, which
is on the other side of Australia, and they had—the trouble there is they have different
gauges of trains, so you have to unload everything. 22:34 You go so far—they have
five states in Australia, and you go to one state and you have to unload because the tracks
were a different gauge. You would have to take everything off and go around and carry

11

�it, put it on another train, go so far, and we had three stops like that going to Brisbane.
Now I understand it’s all one gauge they had the same problem here, back in the 1800’s.
Interviewer: So, in Brisbane then—I have a note here about the uniforms and the
camouflage. What kind of camouflage did you have or what did you do?
Well, we had no camouflage, just old green fatigues they didn’t want us to wear dress
khakis, of course, so we wore our green fatigues, and somebody came up with the fright
idea, this came down from headquarters, they brought down some paint. 23:34 What
kind of paint it was, I don’t know, but they made us stand in line with our fatigues on and
they took brushes and they would dip them into the red, and they would splash some
here, and they would splash it around, green, blue, yellow, just enough to make us
camouflage. The only thing is that is you get paint on cloth it just stiffens, and then later
on when you sweat, the paint goes through and winds up on your skin and itches. It
drives you crazy. There were one or two companies that did that, and my company was
one of the ones that had to go through this painting thing. We finally dumped all these
old things and went back to wearing our old green fatigues in the jungle. 24:25
Interviewer: So you’re now in Australia, you still don’t know where you’re going,
when was the turning point? When did you start to get into battle?
When they took us up to Port Moresby. We landed at Port Moresby, which is just a
couple of shacks, and one of them was a hotel, and a bar, the hotel had a bar in it, and the
other was a small grocery store. I think there were three buildings there, and now they’ve
got motels ten stories high and everything else.
Interviewer: Well, lets get an idea of the numbers here. This is still the entire
regiment arriving here, five thousand of us?

12

�Yes, it was the entire division, but the 127 and the 128 came up behind us, the spearhead
of the spearhead. They picked the 32nd—let’s see—there were three outfits that were
picked to go. 25:23

The 32nd, the 41st, and the 37th, three divisions, and they made the

32nd the spearhead of the three, and then they came along and said, “ we’ll pick the 126
to be the spearhead of the division”, and then they came along and they said, “we’ll pick
the 2nd Battalion to be the spearhead of the battalion”, and then they came along and said,
“we’ll pick E Company to be the spearhead of the battalion”, and it wound up like that,
so we were the spearhead of the spearhead, of the spearhead.
Interviewer: We had talked before about your being a sergeant and involved with
trucks. What was your rank at this point and what was your responsibility?
Platoon sergeant, which was a staff sergeant in those days, and then they elevated it to
tech sergeant. Staff sergeant had one stripe underneath, and a platoon sergeant had two.
26:18
Interviewer: So, you have a lieutenant above you?
Yes
Interviewer: A captain above that?
Half of the time
Interviewer: Let’s get back to you then, what were your specific responsibilities?
To make sure my platoon did everything right, and I looked after them like you would
anybody that you’re in charge of. You are in command of the platoon and the lieutenant
gives you the orders. I had buck sergeants underneath me and they each had a squad and
I had four squads when we were full strength. We would up with—my platoon, at one
time, was a total of twenty men, and three of them were sergeants, you know. My buddy

13

�that was killed was a sergeant at the time, and he was a squad leader, but we had no
squads really, we were just fighting men. 27:17
Interviewer: We’ll get to that as well, I’m trying to get an understanding of what
the whole structure was before you actually went into battle. So, you arrived at this
small little island [town] with a couple of shacks and that. I’m just trying to get a
vision in my own mind of five thousand plus men arriving at this place. How did
you actually get to the beach?
It was the beach.
Interviewer: Right, but how did you actually get there?
Oh, E Company flew, and they were the first company. They would fly into combat, and
of any company during WWII, they never heard of it, but they needed somebody in a
hurry, so they flew us up to Port Moresby, and then we moved over to, we called it
Kalamazoo because we couldn’t pronounce the name. That was our base camp going
over the Owen Stanley, was Kalamazoo. 28:18 At that time the tune that was popular
was Kalamazoo, “I Got a Gal in Kalamazoo”, and that’s why they picked it. Another
reason we picked it was—see we picked all code names for passwords with an L in them
because the Japanese could not pronounce L’s. I don’t think it did us any good, but we
used the word “Roosevelt” more than we did any other word for a password.
Interviewer: Now that you’ve arrived with this whole group of people on this beach,
where did you go?
We went five miles—we were just—there was an airport there that the Aussies had, and
then of course the Americans took it over, and it was called “a five mile strip”, and from

14

�there we had a base down at the end of it, and we started walking over the Owen Stanley
Mountains. 29:17
Interviewer: So, you’re literally getting off an airplane and starting a march.
Yes, that’s about it
Interviewer: So, tell us about the walk across the Owen Stanley.
Well, it was a nightmare, and it’s like climbing up a steep mountain. It was just a trail
that was probably made by the natives for years, for the thousands of years that the
natives were there. They had one place there at Kalamazoo; they had a mission there, a
small mission and a couple Aussie missionaries, and they started us out. We had native
guides and a couple Aussies leading us, but you clawed your way up this thing and you
would slide back down. Three steps forward, two stops back, and it took us thirty some
days just to travel this distance. 30:22
Interviewer: Let’s give an idea to people who have never been there. First of all,
when you started the trip was it in the morning, the afternoon, the night? When did
you actually start?
About noon when we first started going because we landed and then we started right
away.
Interviewer: What was the weather like?
Well, when we first started it wasn’t too bad; it was rainy because we were on that side of
the cliff, but the higher up you got it rained all the time. You couldn’t even light a fire to
warm your food, so you ate it cold. We ran out of food—they used to drop C rations, and
they would drop them out of the sides of these planes, but they would crash and break.
Then they tried parachutes, and we lost a colonel who was on a plane like that because

15

�the parachute got wrapped around the tail fin, so then they came and asked if anybody
knew how to pack a parachute, and it turned out that we had—in our company we had a
fellow named Doc Slaughter, and his father and him use to have the balloon ascensions
out at Reeds Lake here in the summer when I was a kid. 31:37 Doc was probably in his
thirties at this time, but he knew how to—his dad use to take this balloon and these hot
air balloons would go up and his dad would parachute out in the water or on the land. So,
doc was promoted to sergeant and all he did the rest of the time was pack parachutes for
the air corps, and they dropped them out of the parachutes, which was a lot better.
Interviewer: What was the terrain like?
Oh, jungle types all the way up and down, and you just grabbed a tree and pulled yourself
up, and just kept on going. You slung your rifle across back and you kept your cartridge,
but you threw away everything you didn’t need. 32:22
Interviewer: Let’s get into that—you’re fully packed when you actually get off the
airplane, so give us an idea of what started to happen as you go through the jungle
with a full pack.
The first thing to go was our gas masks because they were useless, and the next things to
go were your blankets. We had what they called a shelter half, and maybe some of the
guys held on to them, but I threw mine away because I was wet all day long and you
couldn’t sleep hardly at night anyway, so we threw away our shelter half’s, we threw
away our tent stakes, we threw away everything but our ammunition and our rifles. We
even threw away—they use to give us big Machetes, and those were cumbersome, so I
threw mine away and kept my bayonet, and I sharpened that in case I wanted to cut my
way through and cut something, I could use my bayonet, and that’s all I used my bayonet

16

�for. I don’t think I ever put it on my rifle like we were taught back in the states. Put it on
your rifle and charge forward with the bayonet. 33:32 We had to go through bayonet
drills, stabbing and thing like that, we didn’t use them for that.
Interviewer: We’re still looking at thousands of men going through this. Try to
give us an idea of—can you see the people around you?
You could see the guys ahead of you and behind you, and that’s about it, that’s about all.
It wasn’t thousands, it was just one battalion—the rest of them flew up. When we got
over there we took the airstrip, the old airstrip that they had over there, and fixed it so that
they could land planes on it, and they started flying in the rest of the outfits.
Interviewer: Were there any casualties or skirmishes or anything as you were--?
No, the bad part was—I was lucky I didn’t get—some of the guys got malaria and they
just suffered along with the rest of us going over. 34:34 But, there was no way to
evacuate them; there was no way to evacuate anybody. If anybody had broken a leg, I
don’t know what they would have done, but as far as I know, nobody was—we had a lot
of small injuries where the guys would fall and hurt themselves, but as far as—climbing
up was—once you got to the other side you kind of slid down on your rump.
Interviewer: What happened after you got to the bottom?
Well, then we got—some of the companies got into combat, but the Aussies had kind of
cleared out most of it, and then a couple days later we were taken over to the Bloody
Triangle. 35:22 There was a pillbox there, and we were supposed to take this pillbox.
Interviewer: Before we get into that, let’s back up just a little bit. You said some of
the companies got into battle. Did you actually hear the sounds of battle?

17

�Oh yes, we weren’t that far apart. We couldn’t see each other, but you could hear gunfire
all the time practically.
Interviewer: So, this might sound like a stupid question, but what did you hear? I
know this was many, many years ago, but do you remember the first time you heard
gunshots, and the sounds of battle knowing you were literally about to get into
battle?
Probably about that time, and that’s when your stomach starts to knot up, and if anybody
thinks they weren’t scared, they’re crazy. We were all scared, but the way I looked at
it—I was scared just as well as anybody else, and most of us were, but most of us hid it.
We acted like, “what the heck, this is nothing”, you know, and especially being in the
position of platoon sergeant, I had to let my men know that I was their leader and I
wasn’t scared. 36:30 If they only know how scared I was we’d of all ran, you know,
you just hide it and you act as if this is an everyday thing, you know, and you cuss, and
things go on as normal.
Interviewer: So, as you’re approaching the battle—the thing that I think is really
important for people to realize is this is dense jungle.
Dense, you couldn’t see twenty or thirty feet ahead of you. There were times when you
could see—there would be patches of Kunai Grass where you could see across them, but
you never knew what was on the other side of that. See that was—what we found at the
Triangle. There was a Kunai patch there and right at the other end of it was a pillbox and
we’re trying to take it. 37:22
Interviewer: For people who don’t know, what’s Kunai Grass?

18

�It’s a grass that grows anywhere from two feet to twelve feet high, and it’s sharp as a
razor. If you don’t watch yourself you can cut yourself and make you bleed. I mean, it
can make you bleed, and sometimes if you went through there fast you come out of there
with cuts all over your hands and face, and most of the time they show pictures of these
men in the jungle without shirts and bare to the waist, and it’s just the opposite, we
covered ourselves up for that simple reason that we kept the bugs and everything off of
us, and it was as warm with a wet thing on as it was with nothing. We’d go through this
Kunai Grass and we’d have scars all over our body from it.
Interviewer: So, you’re now approaching this pillbox. Now, you were told to take
the pillbox or did you just come upon it? 38:26
No, I was told to take it. “Sergeant, there’s a pillbox out there, go get it”, so I went out
there with my men, and I’m leading them, and I come across—they pointed in the general
direction, and I came across a path that was cut. It was cut way down low, and I said,
“Why am I going through this tall grass? Now I can see where I’m going”, so I started
crawling down this path that had been cut like it had been mowed, and all of a sudden it
dawned on me that this is not a path, this is a precut path. It’s a fire lane, and at the other
end of it is a machine gun trained on me. 39:26 The minute this thought hit me I just
instinctively dove for the other side, and as I did they cut loose with their machine gun,
and I got hit in the arm, but they clipped my bandolier and knocked that off. Luckily I
had my rifle like that, and they hit the stock of the rifle, and that might have been
dangerous. I got to the other side, and I knew I was hit. I’m laying on my arm, and all I
could think of is, “How bad am I hit?” I knew I was hit, and it turned out it was just a
minor flesh wound, and I’ve still got it right there. [points to his forearm] It’s scary, you

19

�lay there and you’re afraid to look. So, finally I lay there, and I hollered at my men,
“don’t come out here, don’t come out here, it isn’t safe, for Christ's sake, don’t come out
here”. So, finally I made a mad dash across, and I got across before they could fire
again. Then we went up through the tall grass, but it got so bad we had to pull back, and
we lost a couple men there. 40:26
Interviewer: From the gunfire?
From the machine gun, so we pulled back.
Interviewer: What happens to the guys that get shot in a situation like that?
We dragged them back, and then the burial unit took over.
Interviewer: This group that you were leading, approximately how many men?
Started out with about thirty
Interviewer: At the pillbox there were thirty guys?
Yeah, I had no lieutenant at that time either.
Interviewer: Why not?
Well, they put him somewhere else. I mean, they were so short on officers, the officers—
when we first got up there the officers use to wear their badges and insignias, there
second lieutenant bars, and their captains and all that, and finally everybody smartened
up, and they took these off and dressed like the regular men because the Japanese were
told to pick off the officers first. 41:30 That’s what we tried to do, to get their officers
first because when we got their officers they were disorganized, and they didn’t realize
that in the American army, you might get an officer, but you have men qualified and we
could think for ourselves. The Japanese were not allowed to think for themselves, and I
think that made a big difference, plus out firepower was greater than theirs. We only had

20

�the M-1 rifle, which fired eight rounds at a time, one shot at a time, and they had—we
trained with the old 03 where you pulled the bolt back and slammed it in, fired again, and
pulled the bolt back, which was a fine rifle for target practice, but it was no good in
combat because it was too slow. 42:23 Just before we got to Australia they issued us
the M-1’s, which were—one clip held eight shots, and you could pull off eight shots
without doing anything, and then the clip would fly out, and you would throw another
one in, and you were all set. The M-1 never jammed either it was a good gun. Ed
Szudzick, my friend, carried a Tommy gun and we wouldn’t carry one because they
jammed. Ed said that one time his jammed when he needed it bad because—they were
the old Tommy guns that the “G Men” use to carry, and that type of thing, that’s what we
had, and they weren’t too good for jungle warfare.
Interviewer: We’re not talking just hours, we’re talking days that this is going on,
give us an idea of—it wasn’t constant battle every single moment, there were
moments you could sit down to eat. What were you eating? 43:26
Three months it went on, and we ate C-Rations, which was, one can of beans, one can of
stew, and another small can that had three or four hard cookies, plus a can of instant
coffee. It wasn’t as good as the instant coffee today, and pieces of sugar, and a couple
pieces of candy. We got to the point where we were living on one can of C-Rations a
day, which was four ounces, but we couldn’t carry more, and we didn’t want to carry
more. When you dive for the— when we were out on patrol, or something, and all of a
sudden they cut loose, you want to hit the ground, and you don’t want anything between
you and the ground. In fact, there were times when you didn’t even want to carry a pack

21

�of cigarettes because it kept you away from the ground. 44:22 It might sound silly, but
not when you got bullets flying at you.
Interviewer: So, there were several skirmishes throughout this period of time?
Oh yes, we were in combat all the time. We would go back maybe a day—one guy
would go back, and this is another thing we did—I did it a couple times myself, we’d
pick one guy and take his helmet, and we’d go back and get some canned heat, it was
hard to get, otherwise if we could build a fire with something we would, and we’d use his
helmet for a cooking pot. The first thing you had to do was cook all the paint off the
inside of the helmet, because you didn’t want to eat that. Then we would throw in a
handful of rice and a can of beans and mix them up and four or five guys would share it.
one time I went back and I was going to really do something good. 45:26 I took a can
of beans, I got one guy to give a can of stew, and a can of hash from another, and two
handfuls of rice. It was all over the place, but it was a mixture of all these things with
rice, and we ate it. Anybody told me today that I would eat that I would tell them they
were crazy, but when you’re hungry you eat what you get.
Interviewer: Where did you get water?
Oh, out of the streams, out of the rivers, out of anything. We had canteens, of course, and
we would fill our canteen, and we had chlorine tablets we put in there about—if you got a
chance, or got any time off, you would knock the mud out of the bottom of your canteen
because you would probably get a half inch of mud in the bottom of the canteen. One
time , and this wasn’t the only time, we were drinking this water, and come to find out
there were some dead Japs in the stream up ahead of us, but this wasn’t isolated, this was
common. 46:24 We drank any water we could, no water was carried in, we drank the

22

�water that was there, and most of the time it was pretty good. You got to hate the taste of
the chlorine in it, but you weren’t going to take any chances.
Interviewer: Now, what about change of clothes, socks, boots? You took them
down to the local Laundromat?
We stayed with the same clothes all the time, and we didn’t bathe, we didn’t shave, we
didn’t—I didn’t shave for almost three months. Everybody grew a beard because they
kept the mosquitoes and that off your face, and that helped with malaria. I didn’t get
malaria until almost towards the end of the campaign.
Interviewer: Let’s go into that, in addition to the danger of fighting the Japanese,
and in addition to just getting through the jungle, infections, diseases, and all that,
tell us about the effect of malaria and dysentery on your group. 47:33
Dysentery, you just put up with. You just had it, and with malaria, at first they were just
sending them home with a 98, 99, or 100 fever, and then it got up to 102, and they were
sending them back to Australia. Some of the guys we got our worst casualties from was
malaria, and I got up to a fever of 103, and by that time they just took me to the first aid
tent, it was a canopy, and laid me down, and gave me 25 grains of quinine. I took that
and I was practically delirious from the quinine and the fever, and I was there for twentyfour hours and the fever broke, and I went back to the line. 48:27 We all did this, that
were left, because they couldn’t afford to send us back. If they had sent everybody back
we would have been over run and been annihilated. We were told, in fact General
Harding, who was out first general, wanted to pull the 32nd Division out, and he told
McArthur, these men have gone through too much to stay here. McArthur pulled
Harding back off the line and sent up Robert L. Eichelberger, who was a three star

23

�general, and he told Eichelberger, and I found this out later because I was at the hearing.
Eichelberger was told to either keep going or don’t come back, and Eichelberger had no
choice, but we realized it later, anybody that had any sense realized it later, that if we’d
have stopped fighting, and waited for reinforcements, that the Japs would have overcome
us. 49:29 We just kept pushing, pushing, pushing, and that’s the only thing that saved
us, because we were outnumbered about seven to one [the Allied forces at Buna actually
outnumbered the Japanese], but like I say, our firepower was better than theirs.
Interviewer: But, you didn’t know you were out powered seven to one.
We knew we were out powered, we didn’t know what the number was. We just knew
there were more Japs there than there was of us.
Interviewer: What is it like to have malaria in battle?
Oh, your ears ring, and your eyes water and you just keep going. It’s like having the flu
or something, you just keep going, but it’s worse than the flu. I had reoccurring malaria
after the war, and for every thirty days I would come down with malaria, and I had that
for about five years, and it decreased every year until finally it went away. 50:22
Interviewer: Now, I’ve talked to some of your fellow Red Arrows who talk about
the heaviness of the rifle when you’re sick like that, it’s so heavy.
Oh yes, but it only weighted –was it seven pounds or something like that, I forget what it
was now, and it seemed a lot heavier, but still you hung onto it, that was—that was your
bread and butter, you didn’t get rid of your rifle, and that’s one thing we liked about the
M-1, you didn’t have to clean them very often, you could drop them in the mud and pick
them up, wipe them off, and they would still keep firing. I didn’t hear of a one that
stopped, and even some of the marines used the M-1, and they swore by it too.

24

�Interviewer: In your opinion, how did you adapt to jungle fighting when your
entire training has been trench WWI type warfare?
It’s either you adapt or die, it was that simple. 51:34 You make up your mind you’re
going to do it, so you do it.
Interviewer: Did you see a lot of men around you getting killed?
Not too many because you’re in your own little battle, and it’s that way though Vietnam
and all those other wars. There might be a huge—for instance, Normandy, these men
don’t see all these men down the beach dying, they see just this group that’s ten feet on
either side. You lose your peripheral vision, you just focus on going ahead and doing
what you please, you watch the guys on this side, and you watch the guys on that side.
You don’t have time to look around and see what the other guys are doing. And that’s
the way it was, but I saw a few men dying, too many. 52:24
Interviewer: In terms of this jungle warfare, you’ve got the guy on the right, you’ve
got the guy on the left, and you can hardly see anything in front of you, what was
the sound like? I’m picturing bullets whizzing through the leaves. I mean, what
was the sound of the battle like?
There was a lot of noise, and the Japanese rifle, they shot a 25 caliber, and it was faster
than ours, it moved faster, which didn’t make any difference, but it cracked, it made a
cracking sound almost like a firecracker, and it wasn’t a loud sound, but we could tell.
We could tell when the machine guns were firing, just from hearing them, which machine
gun was the Japanese, and which was our 50 caliber, and which was our 30 caliber. They
had a little thing there they called the knee mortar, NEI was printed on this thing, and it
was a little mortar about eighteen inches high with a little tube like that. 53:34 We

25

�overtook some Japanese that had these mortars and they had the shells in there, and
somebody was looking at these and said it’s a knee mortar. On the base, it’s oval shaped
on the base like that, and somebody thought a knee mortar you could put on your knee
and fire, but I think somebody did try to fire it like that and broke their leg, but it was just
the manufactures name was NEI. You could put them against a tree, is what it was, they
put them against a tree and fire the mortar shells. They used--their hand grenades were
not as good as ours, they were just as dangerous, but they had a wooden plug in their
hand grenade, and they had a pin through it with a string around it. They would take and
unwind the string and pull the pin out, and they had to turn the hand grenade over and hit
it on something hard, and drive that pin on the end of that wooden plug into the explosive
to set it off, and then they had about three seconds to get rid of it. 54:39 Where ours, we
just pulled the pin and let the handle fly, and threw it, but we liked the Aussies' better
than ours because the Aussies'—our grenades were five second grenades, and if you
pulled the pin and threw it, sometimes the Japanese would pick it up and throw it back, so
we used the Aussies', which was another three second grenade, and you pulled the pin on
theirs and threw it, and it went off when it hit. With things like that you learned to count,
but most of the time when you pull that pin you don’t want count. You don’t want to
take time to say one thousand one, one thousand two, you’re afraid it will go off in your
hand because some of them would premature. 55:26 The same with our mortar shells,
our mortar shells had little packets that you dropped down in there and they ignited and
shot the mortar fires up. Those things got damp in the jungle and half the time they
would only go half as far as they were supposed to, which was the only heavy weapon we
had in the jungle was the mortar. We had machineguns, 30 calibers, and 50 calibers, but

26

�no cannon or anything else like that, mostly just rifle. One time up there— I went up
there one time we got a shipment in, where it came—I think it was supposed to be for the
MP’s—they got in some crates of rifles, but they weren’t rifles, they were shotguns, and
we thought, “this is the best weapon they ever came out with”, and the minute they found
out they came and took them right away, and took them back because it was against the
Geneva Conference. 56:25 Can you imagine what a shotgun would have done in a
jungle compared—it would have been ten times better than a rifle.
Interviewer: You were injured the first time with superficial wounds, which I
assume they just patched you up and they had to heal by themselves, what was the
next incident?
It was when we made a beach landing at Aitape. First we made a landing at Saidor, and
our beach landings were nothing like Normandy. The navy came in and shelled the
beaches, and the planes came in and dropped bombs on the beaches and that, at points
where the Japs had congregated. The Japs, they didn’t know any more than we did, they
were waiting to be picked up by the Japanese navy, and the Japanese navy was not
around to pick them up, and they weren’t going to. As far as the Japanese were
concerned, these were all dead men on the—but the Japanese didn’t know they were dead
until—they were left there and finally surrendered. 57:35 There were too many of them
at Saidor, so when we landed there was some skirmishing and some fighting, and a few
guys got killed, but mostly Japanese. We pushed them right back, and then a month or
two later we landed at Aitape. I was behind the lines then, I was walking up, and all of a
sudden I got hit, and I think it was a sniper, I’m not sure if it was a ricochet or what, but it
went through my cartridge belt, and it’s lucky it didn’t set off any of the ammunition in

27

�there, went through my web belt, my cartridge belt, my regular belt, and my clothing, and
lodged in my stomach, right in here. 58:23 They took me out on a stretcher and took me
to the hospital, the base hospital there, and they operated on me. They took the bullet
out, and apparently it hadn’t gone in too far, or something, and then they took me back to
Australia, and from there I went back to the United States, and I was in the hospital for
various times at various camps. I started at Brooks General in San Antonio, I was in the
hospital up in Illinois, and I wound up spending about six months down here in Percy
Jones, which is here in Battle Creek.
Interviewer: Now, when you returned back to the sates, your family was informed
that you were ok?
Oh yeah
Interviewer: So, there was no worry that you were dead or anything like that?
No
Interviewer: When did you first see your family again?
When I got back—when they let me out of—they let me go home, I was able to go right
back home, and I had to report right back to Brooks General in San Antonio. 59:30
Interviewer: What was the reaction of your family when you came home?
I guess they were glad to see me, but we had no brass bands or anything like we have
now. The only ones that met me at the depot were my mother and father, and my wife
and her mother and father. It was that way with all of us, and we didn’t care, we were
back and we didn’t care. It was two and a half years later.

28

�Interviewer: There are a couple more questions I wanted to ask you. What is the
distinction of the Red Arrow compared to any other battle unit? What is the one
big distinction? 0:10
We put in more combat time than almost any other outfit in combat, and we went through
some of the toughest of the fighting without any experience at all. We were green troops,
and I heard a commentator say one time on the radio that the troops are green and going
over to Iraq, and what they need is experienced troops. That’s not true, you’re going to
fight, just to save your own life, you’re going to learn and adapt. Steve Janicki and I both
agree that you’re not fighting for your country, you’re fighting for yourself, is what it
comes down to. If somebody had come up to me halfway through Buna and said, “hey
Bob, you can leave here now and go home”, I’d have gone home, so would everybody
else. You stay because you have to stay; nobody’s going to say you can go home. You
adapt, I mean, and we got some time off in Australia, and we learned to make beach
landings in Australia 1:18. Then we went up, we landed at Milne Bay, and then we
went over to Goodenough Island. There was a little set to on Goodenough Island. I was
in charge of, and I knew the colonel, Colonel Schnepke, and we were there at
Thanksgiving in 1943, and we had just landed there and it was a couple days before
Thanksgiving, so we went back to the quartermaster because we heard they were giving
out turkeys, and the quartermaster said, “you guys can’t get turkeys because these are for
the base people here, and you guys are going to be leaving in a few days”. I went back
and told the colonel, and he was furious. He went to General Harding, and General
Harding blew his stack. It wasn’t General Harding, but it was the general, and they went
back down there and we got the turkeys that were meant for the base people. 2:17 We

29

�had turkeys up the kazoo. We had cooks—everybody was cooking turkey, and there was
like a turkey for every two men. They gave us every turkey they had on hand. That was
before we made our beach landing at Saidor.
Interviewer: Bob, to wrap up here I just wanted to ask you a question. It’s more of
a personal question. What do you feel personally, what was the effect of your being
in the Red Arrow, the battle experience you had, the experience you had in the
military, how did that affect the rest of your life?
Oh, it didn’t affect it much except I found a lot of buddies, we all had the same thing in
common, and we had a kinship that nobody else can have, and that’s why--we’re a dying
outfit, you know, and we don’t want to bring in anybody else. 3:15 They talk about
bringing in our sons and that, and I have a son, but I’m not going to ask him to become a
member of this because we have something that even by son could not achieve, you
know. I have a son-in-law that was in Vietnam, and I lost a brother in Korea, and he was
in the infantry. He wasn’t in the infantry, he was in the combat engineers, and I lost him
in Korea, and it’s been tough on my mother.
Interviewer: I have been very honored to meet all of you when you got together the
first time, and I was very pleased the museum was able to put on that symposium
that all of you were at. I am very honored sir that we are here and that your family,
and your future family, is going to be able to have the same kind of joy of saying
that I had a chance to know you.
I appreciate it

30

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                <text>Bob Hartman was born in Chicago, Illinois in 1919. He graduated high school in 1937 and joined the Michigan Army National Guard in 1938, assigned to the 126th Infantry Regiment, Service Company. His company’s task was to transport troops and provide them with ammunition, food, and clothing. He began as a truck driver and later became a Supply Sergeant. His regiment went on maneuvers that lasted up to two months, traveling to places such as Texas, Louisiana, and Alabama. When Pearl Harbor was bombed, Hartman was in Jackson, Mississippi to see a football game and was ordered to go back to camp immediately. He was then shipped to Fort Devens, Massachusetts for about a month before taking a train back to Frisco, Texas. After that, he was shipped to Angel Island and boarded the Lurline to head for Australia. He landed in Adelaide and then took a train to Brisbane. Later, he flew to Port Moresby where he marched across the Owen Stanley Mountains and saw jungle combat as a platoon sergeant. Hartman suffered from malaria during battle, and the sickness continued to recur every month for about five years. Hartman later was flown to Papua New Guinea. He made a beach landing in Saidor, where he experienced a few skirmishes before arriving at Aitape a month or two later. At Aitape, he was shot in the stomach presumably by a sniper. He was hospitalized on base before being shipped back to Australia and eventually the United States, where he spent time at several hospitals in San Antonio, Illinois, and finally back home in Battle Creek, Michigan.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans’ History Project
Duane Harvey
World War II
1 hour 36 minutes 44 seconds
(00:00:11) Early Life
-Born in Smelter City, Oklahoma in 1924
-Father worked at the Eagle Pitcher Zinc Smelter
-Worked part time during the Great Depression
-Also worked odd jobs to supplement his income
-Area did not get greatly affected by the Dust Bowl
-Had “dusty days” but not the massive dust storms like western Oklahoma
-Stayed in the same town growing up
-Had two brothers and one sister, he was the youngest
-Finished high school in 1943
(00:03:53) Start of the War and Getting Drafted
-Heard about Pearl Harbor via the radio and by word of mouth
-Aware of the war in Europe prior to the bombing of Pearl Harbor
-Local newspaper would cover the conflict
-Didn’t expect the United States to get involved
-A lot of the men in town enlisted after Pearl Harbor was bombed
-National Guard members were mobilized
-Didn’t consider enlisting
-Felt he was too young and wanted to complete high school first
-Draft was instated in 1942 [1941, but he was only old enough to be eligible in 1942]
-Draft boards had quotas to fill which meant all men became eligible for drafting
-Meant that when you turned eighteen you had to report to your local draft board
-Granted deferments for thirty or sixty days before you were classified
-Classified as 1A (fit for service) or 4F (unfit) for example
-Still had to complete high school before you began basic training though
(00:08:50) Basic Training
-Started basic training in July 1943
-Got inducted at Fort Sill, Oklahoma
-Took tests to determine which part of the Army you would serve in
-Got sent to Aberdeen Proving Grounds, Maryland for ordnance
-Had a specialized replacement training center there for new draftees
-Got issued his fatigues at Fort Sill before going to Aberdeen Proving Grounds
-At Aberdeen got assigned to a barracks and his training unit
-Basic training lasted eight weeks
-Typical morning consisted of physical training, drills, and introduction to Army protocol
-In the afternoon they were given firearms training which led to rifle qualification
-Discipline was very strict in basic training
-For infractions you had to do pushups or were given extra kitchen patrol duty
-For him it was easy to adjust to living in the Army

�-Had grown up with simple meals and few, to no luxuries
-Had more clothes as a soldier than as a civilian
-Didn’t have trouble with following orders
-Grew up obeying teachers and parents and felt that the Army was no different
-Recruits and draftees came from all over the United States
-Trained with men from New York City, Chicago, and California
-Got introduced to Poles, Italians, and Jewish men
-Lived with these men so you bonded with them and ignored the differences
(00:18:40) Ordnance and Other Training at Aberdeen Proving Grounds
-After basic training began training to specialize in small arms, field artillery, and vehicles
-Got assigned to a new group of trainees at Aberdeen Proving Ground
-Ordinance training lasted about eight to twelve weeks
-During this time got sent to Fort Meade, Maryland as part of a special training group
-Showed promise of being a leader so he was put through Noncommissioned Officer School
-Learned how to lead and how to teach other soldiers
-Specifically requested not to be assigned to be a drill sergeant though
-Final part of training was an urban combat course
(00:22:05) Deployment to England
-After training got sent to a staging area in Pennsylvania
-From Pennsylvania got sent to New York City to board a troop ship in May 1944
-Wound up arriving in England just before D-Day
-Had been granted a two week leave home prior to being deployed
-Sailed over to England aboard the S.S. Argentina
-Traveled with a convoy of other ships
-Weather wasn’t bad and doesn’t recall getting seasick
-At night no one was allowed on deck, and during the day the deck was extremely crowded
-Led to not having much to do in the way of occupying time
(00:26:21) Arrival in England
-Ship stopped at Glasgow, Scotland
-Did not disembark there and instead boarded a ferry bound for Liverpool, England
-From Liverpool got sent to Birmingham
-By now D-Day was well underway
-In England he was assigned to Litchfield Barracks as part of an antiaircraft unit
-Part of the 10th Replacement Depot
-Started to receive word about how many troops had been lost in Normandy
-Noncombatant soldiers were being reassigned to be riflemen
-Others were offered the chance to join the 501st Regiment of the 101st Airborne Division
-He volunteered because it would let him stay in England longer
(00:31:06) Paratrooper Training
-After volunteering to join the 501st he was sent to a “jump” (parachuting) school in England
-Led by the well-known (from Band of Brothers) Captain Sobel
-He never had any problems with him though
-Carried out mock jumps on the ground
-Repetitive drills that involved pretending to jump out of a C47 plane
-Physical training was intense
-Command wanted to wash out the volunteers that weren’t suited to be paratroopers

�-Learned how to pack their parachutes a few days before a live jump
-During the second week of training he did his first live jump
-Did five jumps at varying altitudes and qualified to be a paratrooper in one day
(00:38:12) Deployment to France
-By now the 101st Airborne and 82nd Airborne were in Holland as part of Operation: Market
Garden
-Because it was a British operation American replacements weren’t being sent to Holland
-He got sent to Mourmelon, France to join B Company of the 501st Regiment for a couple weeks
-Wound up getting assigned to an S2 Squad in Headquarters Company
-Job was to man the observation posts and to deal with prisoners of war
-Upon arriving in France got advised to wear warm clothes for where he was being transferred
(00:44:02) The Battle of Bastogne
-Joined an S2 Squad with 327th Glider Infantry Regiment in Bastogne, Belgium in December
-When he arrived there snow was already on the ground
-Within a couple days he was selected to be part of a team to establish a roadblock
-Set it up on the east side of Bastogne
-First day there didn’t have any contact with the Germans
-The next day they were shelled and lost a few soldiers
-He spent most of his time on the back side of Bastogne
-Didn’t get attacked by the Germans as bad as the front position did
-Knew that Bastogne was surrounded by Germans
-Word that they were surrounded traveled quickly
-Knew that the possibility of being surrounded came with being a paratrooper
-Had to dig into frozen ground to create their foxholes
-The best way to survive was to dig a foxhole and hunker down in it
-Unit was poorly supplied during the German siege of Bastogne
-Stayed with the 327th Regiment for about a week before being rotated out
(00:50:35) Alsace-Lorraine Pt. 1
-After Bastogne he rejoined his original S2 Squad
-For three days he would man an observation post then get rotated back to headquarters
-In their observation post had a field telephone, but no radio
-Had to rely on calling a radio operator to make a longer range call
-Remembers operating in an observation post in Alsace-Lorraine when he encountered Germans
-Observed a German mortar crew that was nearby, but of no real threat
-Sergeant ordered him to shoot them
-Refused on strategic and ethical grounds: saw no reason to shoot them
-Sergeant ordered another soldier to fire and that soldier did
-Alerted the Germans to their position
-Germans began to mortar their post and they were forced to move as a result
(00:55:40) Detail about Bastogne
-While in Bastogne he got the chance to stay in a nearby castle a few times
-Helped provide security for the officers that were being kept there
-Secure position and optimum for protection of high ranking soldiers
-While there he found an officer’s down sleeping bag unattended in a hallway
-Managed to grab it while no one was looking
-Kept him warm throughout the winter in Europe

�-Still has the sleeping bag to this day
(00:58:05) Returning to France Pt. 1
-In March 1945 he was able to return to Mourmelon, France
-Given a chance to shave and shower
-Also given a haircut
-Essentially given a small psychological reprieve from living in the field for months
-Despite what his unit went through morale was always good
(01:00:42) Alsace-Lorraine Pt. 2
-In Alsace-Lorraine during the Battle of the Bulge the objective was to maintain the frontline
-Didn’t want to make any grandiose advances against the Germans
-Just wanted to make sure that the Germans didn’t break through their line
(01:03:50) German Prisoners of War
-While his division would press an attack the S2 Squads would follow behind to collect POWs
-His job was to guard them and transport them for later holding and interrogation
-Saw most of the prisoners as just Germans, not as young or old, just as Germans
-Most of the Germans were complacent with becoming prisoners of war
-Knew they’d be treated well and were ready to stop fighting
-Occasionally German prisoners would be shot if they weren’t worth transporting
-Made no distinction between rank or affiliation with infamous units like the Waffen-SS
(01:08:10) Returning to France Pt. 2
-After being sent to Mourmelon, France in March 1945 the 501st was kept there
-Idea was to help keep the Soviet advance in check
-Also began to pull German POWs away from the frontline to the rear
-Concerned about the prospect of the Russians massacring German POWs
(01:11:44) Interactions with Civilian Populaces
-Had more interactions with the English civilians than with most European civilians
-Language barrier in mainland Europe made communication more difficult
-Initially found the French to be welcoming, but soon noticed they were opportunistic
-The price of goods being sold by French merchants was being driven up
-Had disdain for that behavior
-Passes were handed out for visiting Paris and visiting the French countryside
-Most men opted to stay on their bases though
-Had no reason to go into cities or villages because food was too scarce
(01:14:00) Occupation Duty in Germany Pt. 1
-At the end of the war he was sent to join the 101st Airborne in Berchtesgaden, Germany
-Objective was to help carry out occupation duties and maintain an American presence
-Helped to keep the Soviets from advancing out of their prescribed zones
-Personnel in the 501st were being rotated to the 101st’s frontline positions
-Men like Duane were being used to relieve the men who had been in longer
-He was assigned to the 81st Airborne Antiaircraft Glider Battalion
-After the end of the war in Europe the 101st Airborne was slated for the invasion of Japan
-After the atomic bombs were dropped and Japan surrendered the 101st was deactivated
(01:17:20) Coming Home
-After the 101st was deactivated he was reassigned to the 82nd Airborne Division
-Completed his service with them and returned home with them
-Sailed from Southampton, England to New York City

�-Marched in a 5th Avenue Victory Parade in New York City with the 82nd Airborne
-Still considered himself to be a “Screaming Eagle” of the 101st Airborne though
-When he got home it was January 1946
(01:18:00) Occupation Duty in Germany Pt. 2
-While still in Europe he remembers at the end of the war staying in “cigarette camps”
-Military camps that had been named after cigarette brands
-After the war ended he was assigned to be part of the force carrying out occupation duties
-Still viewed the Germans with suspicion and disdain
-Fraternization with the Germans was not allowed at least at first
(01:19:30) The Death of Don Fair
-Remembers one soldier by the name of Don Fair that he knew from high school
-Got killed during a German artillery attack near Bastogne
-Often wonders about what Don Fair could have been and done in life?
-What could he have contributed to the Army and to the larger war effort?
(01:21:26) The Death of Gulick
-Near the end of the war he was attached to A Company for a raid across an ice covered river
AT 01:22:00 to 01:22:20 SOUND CUTS OUT
-Got placed in charge of six replacements
-Basically told to keep them out of the way
-Once the raiding party crossed the river he instructed the replacements on what to do
-Follow his lead, don’t get in the way and follow the guy in front of you
-Five of the replacements wound up missing
-During the raid captured three German soldiers
-Missing replacements returned with one soldier severely wounded
-On the way back to base that soldier died
-Last soldier killed in the last action of the war his unit saw
-Later in life met a sergeant who happened to know who the wounded soldier’s name was Gulick
-Learned that Gulick had survived D-Day and Operation Market Garden
-Struck by how this soldier had survived so much only to be killed in the last action
-Wondered what this man’s life could have been like had he survived
(01:27:10) Reflections on Russian Contribution
-Astounded by how much the Russians lost in fighting the Germans
-Believes that had it not been for their sacrifice D-Day would have failed
-Feels that mainstream culture needs to recognize what the Russians did for the war effort
(01:30:04) End of Service and Life after the War
-Went to Camp Chaffee, Arkansas and was discharged from there
-Even in January 1946 when he was discharged men were still being drafted
-Struck by how young the draftees that he saw looked
-Felt that the war had forced him to grow up
-Went to college after the war
-During that time got married and had children
-Knows that without the GI Bill he would not have gotten to go to college
-Got married to a woman who became a doctor
-He studied geology and went on to do various work
-His wife was the “bread winner” of their household
-Uncommon at the time, but he didn’t mind it

�(01:34:50) Reflections on Service
-Life as a civilian during the Great Depression wasn’t much different than being in the Army
-In some ways being in the Army was an improvement
-Serving with people from different backgrounds made him able to be more tolerant
-Showed him that it was better just to get along and work together on a goal

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                <text>Duane Harvey was born in Smelter City, Oklahoma in 1924. He grew up there and finished high school there in 1943. He was drafted in 1942, but allowed to complete high school and was inducted into the U.S. Army at Fort Sill, Oklahoma in July 1943. He was sent to Aberdeen Proving Ground, Maryland for basic training and for ordnance training. In the spring of 1944 he was sent over to England and arrived just prior to the D-Day Invasion. He was stationed at the Litchfield Barracks part of the 10th Replacement Depot until he volunteered to join the 501st Regiment of the 101st Airborne Division and become a paratrooper. After completing paratrooper and “jump” (parachuting) training in England he was sent over to Mourmelon, France where he was first assigned to B Company and later joined an S2 Squad in Headquarters Company dealing primarily with observation posts and processing German prisoners of war. He saw action at Bastogne and in Alsace-Lorraine during the Battle of the Bulge and after the war ended was part of the American occupying force in Germany, and returned home in January 1946.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans’ History Project
Ralph Hauenstein
World War II
1 hour 16 minutes 35 seconds
(00:03:03) Beginning of Military Service
-Working as a city editor [for Grand Rapids Herald] in Grand Rapids, Michigan before the war
-Called into service by the War Department in September 1940
-He was a reserve officer at the time
-Sent to Fort Sheridan, Illinois
-This was the beginning of his duty as an intelligence officer
-At the time the Army’s intelligence capabilities were very limited
-He was made the Public Relations officer for Fort Sheridan
-He worked alongside intelligence officers
-Worked with an intelligence officer who had worked in the FBI
-His duty as a PR officer was to insure that Fort Sheridan had a good public reputation
-One of his first duties was to investigate a fire that had broken out at Fort Sheridan
-This fire then resulted in some promotions being withheld
-Ralph suggested calling in the FBI to find out who, or what, caused the fire
-As per his suggestion the FBI was called in and the cause of the fire was discovered
-A soldier had been stealing gas, and smoking a cigarette while doing so
-Worked in conjunction with Great Lakes Naval Station, Illinois
-Acted as a liaison for the Army with the Naval intelligence there
-Another job was to work in counter subversive operations
-Select an informant from the lower ranks to report any subversive talk among soldiers
-He felt that it was insidious
-Eventually the operation was eliminated
-At the time he had access to top secret radar detection systems
-This was because one of Fort Sheridan’s primary duties was antiaircraft
-When the machines arrived they were broken
-It was initially thought to be the work of sabotage
-Learned that it was just poor materials
(00:09:27) Deployment to Iceland
-He learned early on that the United States would eventually get into the war
-He was made part of an intelligence team to be sent to Iceland with a Marine brigade
-They were going to relieve British troops that had occupied Iceland
-Iceland was technically in the zone of combat
-The objective in going to Iceland was to stop Germany from taking over Iceland
-If Iceland was lost German U-Boats could work from there to stop supply convoys
-The British that they were relieving had been the ones that fought at Dunkirk, France
-Went to Iceland in September 1941
-His assignment was to be an assistant G2 (intelligence) officer
(00:13:00) Awareness of the War
-He was convinced early on that the United States would go to war

�-Thought that it would be because of German aggression, not Japanese aggression
-Remembers when the Germans torpedoed the USS Kearney in October 1941
-This happened before the U.S. was even formally in the war
-He had to take an Icelandic tug boat out to where the ship had been attacked
-He made a report to be sent back to President Roosevelt
-Tried to keep the incident quiet in Iceland so that the news couldn’t report on it
-Had the news reported on it the U.S. could have gone to war much earlier
(00:15:14) Living Conditions in Iceland
-Slept in Nissen huts
-Helped build up the infrastructure of Iceland
-Building roads and setting up telephone lines
-Had to live on spam for a few months
-He worked with a good staff in Iceland
(00:17:16) Start of the War
-He was largely unsurprised that the United States was finally dragged into the war
-The only thing surprising about it was that Japan, and not Germany, had attacked
-This was simply because the focus had been on Europe, not on Southeast Asia
-Immediately concerned about a possible German attack on Iceland
-There were a few German battleships operating in the area
-Had to hope that the British Navy would be able to aid them if necessary
-Early on Germany began to send over bombers to gather intelligence
-If they flew low enough to take accurate photographs they were shot down
-He was sent to investigate a German bomber that had been shot down over the glacier
-Went out with a team and discovered German naval codes had been onboard
-He was sent to London to deliver the code book to the British intelligence
-They realized the value of what had been found
(00:20:47) Wartime Operations in Iceland
-The main purpose of forces in Iceland was antisubmarine warfare
-Remembers watching convoys of 50 ships being sent to aid the Russians
-Only seven or eight would return
-He was promoted to be the commanding intelligence officer in Iceland
-Worked as the liaison between Washington D.C. and London
-Part of his new duty was to oversee the recon operations being carried out in Norway
-Worked with Norwegian troops that had retreated to Iceland
-Helped them infiltrate Norway to gather intelligence on German forces there
-Began working with two Norwegian agents: Beetle and Cobweb
-They would later become instrumental in the success of D-Day
(00:23:20) Transfer to London
-He expected to be sent back to the United States in 1943
-Instead he was transferred to London to begin working on a special mission
-He was placed on an intelligence task force to handle the invasion of France
-Planning the intelligence aspects of the invasion
-Working with French resistance groups to aid in the invasion
-When he got to England he was allowed some leave time in London
-His task was to plan a phantom invasion of France
-A ruse to distract the Germans from Russia long enough for Russia to counterattack

�-Unfortunately Germany didn’t take the bait and stayed in Russia
-His new position in London was to be the assistant to the chief of the Intelligence Branch
-Worked with him on numerous projects, but namely D-Day
-Placing new officers in new positions created in the Army
-Translators, interpreters, and intelligence officers specifically
-Worked in the G2 (intelligence) and G3 (operations) sectors of the Army
-For the most part the British had commandeered the intelligence operations of the war
-Relied on a “bodyguard of lies” to protect the truth
-Essentially, deceive the Germans as much as possible to trick them into making mistakes
(00:29:29) Intelligence Operations in London
-Project Bodyguard was a two part intelligence operation
-Fortitude which focused on Northern Europe
-Zeppelin which focused on Southern Europe
-He would liaison with British intelligence staff, but worked with an American staff
-Aided by the British “Body of Twelve”
-Designed plans to deceive the Germans
-Submitted the plans to American intelligence to review
-Look for any possible flaws or logistic problems
(00:32:54) Operation Fortitude
-He helped work on the plan to convince Germany the invasion would happen at Pas de Calais
-Had to insure that 2,000 German tanks were kept away from Normandy
-Specifically wanted to deceive Hitler into staying away from Normandy
-They were always successful in tricking Hitler
-They were able to know what the Germans were going to do, before they actually did it
-Used British “Ultras” to intercept communications between Axis leaders
-Always made sure to never underestimate Hitler
-Managed to keep the bulk of Hitler’s forces in Norway and Denmark and out of France
-Created “phantom” divisions and real divisions of troops as part of the deception
-Managed to convince Hitler that the invasion would happen through Norway
-Worked in conjunction with the Russians and the Swedes to pull this off
-Started setting up a phantom division in southeast England to be led by Patton
-Used inflatable vehicles and mannequins to convince German recon aircraft
-Relied on the help of German double agents to gather intelligence from occupied Europe
-Convinced Germany that nonexistent forces were going to be involved with the invasion
(00:40:48) Preparing for D-Day
-On the eve of the invasion the biggest concern was whether it would be successful or not
-Took part in a council of intelligence officers from the U.S. and the British Empire
-Organized by Lord Mountbatten
-He was one of the two American officers at the council
-Addressed the council and told them that battleships would be needed for the invasion
-His idea was dismissed at first, but later implemented
-Held in the Scottish Highlands
-Watched as British Royal Marines prepared to scale the cliffs of Normandy
(00:43:05) Logistics of D-Day and the Liberation of France
-The logistical preparations were led by General CH Lee
-Convinced Hitler that they would invade with 87 infantry divisions and 7 airborne divisions

�-In reality they only had 37 infantry divisions and 5 airborne divisions
-The only logistical problem during the French liberation was the gasoline supply
-Patton was advancing so quickly they couldn’t keep his vehicles fueled
(00:45:10) D-Day
-On June 6, 1944 he was in the war room watching Operation Overlord play out
-It was a somber environment
-Everything wound up going according to plan for the most part
-The only snag was a German reserve infantry division showed up at the last minute
-Had gone up to Normandy to train and was there during the invasion
-Another problem was that some troops were being unloaded too quickly
-Got dropped off in high water and drowned
-Began receiving reports that the bombardment and paratrooper missions had gone well
-He knew at the end of the first day that this was the beginning of the end for Germany
-Received reports that the French resistance had done their part in aiding the invasion
-They had managed to destroy roads and railroads necessary for German movement
(00:48:51) Liberation of France
-After D-Day the next major strategic moves would be in the hands of Allied generals
-The intelligence forces were able to keep a good order of battle
-Basically knowing exactly where Allied and German forces were at all times
-His job became to oversee the analysis of aerial photographs and the interrogation of prisoners
-He was sent to Normandy and from there flew into Paris
-Landed at a soccer field
-Met with the French Forces of the Interior who escorted him through Paris
-It was a grandiose entrance for the French forces to reenter Paris
-He was taken to the Majestic Hotel in Paris which had served as the German headquarters
-He converted it into his own intelligence headquarters
-Throughout the war gathered intelligence about newly liberated areas
(00:53:17) Battle of the Bulge
-By December 1944 he knew that Hitler would ultimately be defeated
-The only reason Hitler’s bulge strategy worked was because of communication discipline
-He had ordered all German units to maintain a communications blackout
-As a result that is why the German offensive caught the Allies off guard
-After the Bulge failed in January 1945 Hitler was, for all intents and purposes, defeated
-Knew it was just a matter of crushing German opposition
(00:54:43) Beginning of the Cold War
-As World War II neared its end he could see the Russian advance across Europe
-There was concern that the USSR would turn on the Allies and start a whole new war
-Stemmed from Russian troops occupying areas they were not supposed to occupy
-Patton wanted to strike Russia first as soon as the war with Germany was over
(00:56:10) End of the War
-At the end of the war in Europe there was a chance he’d be involved in the invasion of Japan
-There were concerns about morale for infantrymen that were going to be redeployed
-At the end of the war he was back in the United States working in the War Department
-Helping to get the CIA established and the placement of intelligence officers
-He was anxious for the war to come to a complete end and to get out of the Army
-The main purpose in establishing the CIA was to insure the U.S. had a concrete intel service

�-At the start of the war there had been nothing until the OSS came along
-The OSS being the precursor to the CIA
-He was overjoyed when the war finally came to an end
-At the end of it didn’t think of himself as being anyone that special in the war effort
-Just one man that was part of a larger force for a higher good
-Feels there are so many heroes that suffered so much for the cause
(01:00:27) Meeting with German Officials and the Holocaust
-At the end of the war he was involved with interrogating German officers
-The purpose was to gather as much intelligence from them as possible
-He met with Field Marshal Von Rundstedt of the Wehrmacht
-Amicable to talk with
-Von Rundstedt had wanted to surrender even before D-Day had happened
-Confessed that he had had no faith in Hitler whatsoever
-Said that he should have stayed in the mountains tending a farm
-Met Herman Goering commander of the Luftwaffe
-Found him fat, arrogant, and narcissistic
-He was part of the Allied force that liberated Dachau
-Saw the unbelievable atrocities that the Nazis had committed
-Saw rooms filled with corpses and lye waiting to be burned or buried
-Saw the gold fillings ripped from the mouths of victims
(01:05:19) Postwar Duty and Reflections
-One of his last duties was to help with the organization of the occupying force of Germany
-Getting intelligence officers from the U.S. to Europe and in position
-Felt a sense of accomplishment with the war being over
-Went from working behind a desk becoming a colonel in the Army
-Because of what they achieved there was a sense of accomplishment in everyone
01:08:38 INTERVIEW ENDS

�</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project

Albert Havinga
1:02:18
Background information (00:10)
 Born in the city of Groningen, the Netherlands, in 1921 (00:17)
 His father worked as a tool maker (00:17)
 There were 5 children in his family, 4 boys and 1 girl. He was the 4th child in the
family (1:04)
 His father had job during the Great Depression in spite of economic hardship (1:27)
 He was in school until age 15 but had to stop due to the start of the war in 1936 [the
Germans invaded in 1940] (2:42)
 He had chance a after the war to go to the U.S. and took it (3:26)
 He attended evening School for 2 years (equivalency of High school) and worked
several jobs before the invasion of Groningen in 1940 (4:19)
 Resided with parents at this time (5:16)
 much attention had been paid to the aggressive actives of Germany (5:37)
 radio and news paper was used to inform public of German activates and advances
(6:23)
 Was married July 27th 1948 (47:00)
 The following spring he moved to the U.S. (in 1949) (47:27)
German Invasion (7:00)
 German invasion of his town in May of 1940 had been unexpected (7:29)
 Very little destruction had been witnessed during the invasion (8:14)
 Germans seen on first day of offensive (8:40)
 Germans appeared very orderly, and sang as they marched into town (8:48)
 Originally there had been few demands imposed upon the native peoples by the
Germans, but slowly buildings had been seized and a curfew was set at 8 o’clock
(9:32)
 Not known if any soldiers had had been stationed in his town, but many German
soldiers were present (10:04)
 Germans had not been very polite to the native people (10:44)
 In May of 1940 the bank he worked at was told that 1 of 2 people had to be sent to
Germany to work. This encouraged him to quit the bank and go into hiding (13:00)
 He took a job at a mental institution as an orderly for a year (13:40)
 Many Jews had been committed there pretending to be insane but were not (13:45)
 Germans needed more men to fill jobs that had been left so that men could fight in
the war (14:33)
 Germans did not attempt to recruit the Dutch as troops but some had volunteered in
support of Hitler (15:16)

�




After working as an orderly he traveled to the northern part of Groningen and
worked in a grocery store (16:13)
His cousin was a state trooper and was asked to apprehend several individuals but
did not want to. This lead to the imprisonment of him as well as his parents by the
Germans (17:38)
Havinga came back to central Groningen in 1944 (17:40)
Returned to lives with his parents (18:00)

Effects of the Occupation (20:11)
 no news papers were circulated within the last two years of the occupation 19421944 (20:55)
 no radios, Germans demanded all radios be turned in (21:01)
 no cars were aloud (20:06)
 there was very limited if any gas available (21:13)
 no bikes, due to the German seizing of tires (21:15)
 no negatives (film) (21:40)
 there had been no public transpiration within the last two years of the occupation
1942-1944 (21:45)
 no train transpiration (21:50)
 no toilet paper (21:56)
 no gas for home heating or cooking (except for 2 hours in the middle of the night)
(22:11)
 In spite of the ban on radios, a lot of people had still owned one. Often they were
hidden so they would not be taken away (22:46)
 collection days where set up by the Germans for resources such as copper (23:50)
 Food was not as scarce as in other more populated areas but still limited during the
occupation (24:35)
 Some bartering of goods and food had been done in Groningen. (26:63)
 almost every night bombing could be heard overhead (28:48)
 no air attack had been directed against Groningen specifically but some bombs had
been accidentally dropped on the location (28:57)
German treatment of the Jews and foreigners (30:03)
 A close family friend had hidden a Jew from the Germans. (30:31)
 Paper stars had been used in the town to identify Jews. (31:47)
 Future wife was apprehended in 1941 as a result of having lived in the U.S. She was
transferred to Amersfoort then Germany then to a camp in France. She was freed in
1943 (33:12)
 She had been arrested as a result of technically being a U.S. citizen as it was where
she was born. (33:43)
Near the end of the occupation (35:40)
 nearing the end of the war, German attitudes had been more bitter due to losses in
other nations (35:45)

�



In one instance, he had been used to transfer ration coupons for the underground.
These were to be used to feed individuals that the underground kept in hiding
(36:33)
Germans often interrupted with the actions of the train to “clean” cars or check
them for suspicious individuals. (37:00)
Some friends and family had been sent off to Germany in order to fill work positions
(40:50)

After the War (42:40)
 He re-met with very few individuals who had been taken to Germany or prisoner
camps during the occupation (42:48)
 It had been very difficult to get around due to the disarray of the country and
transportation (42:53)
 After he got engaged to his future wife, there was great difficulty in finding a home
because none had been built for ten years (43:13)
 Residents with no children were forced to take couples in (43:22)
 He was placed on a waiting list to move to the U.S. with a projection time of 5 years.
However after marrying his wife who had already been a U.S. citizen, he was able to
move in 1949. (43:36)
The Liberation of Groningen on April 13th-16th of 1945 (44:30)
 Mortars and other weaponry could be heard so he and others took cover on the
floor of a house (45:01)
 The House took a direct hit from an explosive round. When he went over to
investigate another round hit the home and plaster shrapnel was blown into his
eyes making him unable to see (45:30)
 Small airplanes where spotted overhead (45:50)
 The liberation of Groningen by the Canadian army could not be “enjoyed” by him as
he was unable to see (46:20)
 The day after when his eyesight returned there were still German bodies on the
ground and others had been surrendering and were taken away (46:30)
Life after the Liberation (48:00)
 Worked as an inspector of the distribution of fresh fish (48:08)
 Worked in the office for a wine business for a year (48:46)
 In this shop, a false wall was constructed during the war to hide all the oldest wines
(49:10)
 Worked in a cigar shop (49:43)
 Cigarettes had been scarce. To cope with this some people even smoked dried grass
(50:00)
 A short time after he came to the U.S. in 1949 (50:08)
 Took private lessons at this time to become an accountant (50:17)
 Regular jobs in Groningen had been scarce during the war however these
businesses and positions quickly resurfaced after the war’s end. (50:57)

�Life in the U.S. (52:48)
 His first job was at a bakery (Moe’s bakery) in Grand Rapids (54:00)
 He worked this job for about 6 months (55:17)
 After words he worked at Mueller’s bakery on 28th street for 12-15 years (55:30)
 Parents came to the U.S. from the Netherlands in 1956. (56:06)
 at this time he had 3 kids (56 26)
 he had been running low on funds so looked for a part time job (55:33)
 began working at the post office (56:46)
 Worked at the post office for 7-8 years for 3 hours at night (57:37)
 he began working full time at the post office ~45 hours a week (58:00)
 children went to colleges including Michigan State University and Hope College
(58:45)
 Was unable to speak English when arrived in the U.S. (1:00:03)
 Wife stayed at home and took care of the children (1:00:27)
 The first house he and his wife bought was a two family house on Madison Ave. in
Grand Rapids (1:01:15)
 They lived there for 22 years till it had been paid off (1:01:26)
 After that at age 55 he purchased another home in 1976 (1:01:45)

�</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Raymond Hawkins, Jr.
Length: 37:44
(00:10) Background Information







Raymond was born on July 7, 1956 in San Juan, Puerto Rico
His father had been in the Navy and stationed in Puerto Rico when Raymond was born
Raymond was a student at Michigan State University, training in the ROTC before he
enlisted in the Army
He was commissioned once he graduated and he became a 2nd Lieutenant
Raymond was sent to Fort Riley, Kansas for about 1 month of basic training while in the
ROTC and also went to Jump School at Fort Benning, Georgia
Once he became a 2nd Lieutenant, Raymond was sent to Oklahoma for artillery officer
basic training

(3:20) Louisiana
 After training Raymond was stationed at Fort Polk, Louisiana where it was very hot and
there were tons of mosquitoes
 Each individual unit there had their own cook and the food was very good
 Raymond spent 3 years at Fort Polk before he was sent to Germany for another 3 years
 While in Europe he was also able to travel to Spain and Italy
 Once Raymond was finished in Germany he was sent to Oklahoma for more advanced
training
(5:35) Traveling
 Once Raymond was off duty he worked as a defense contractor during the beginning of
Desert Storm
 He later worked in the Reserves through the latter part of Desert Storm
 He was also in the Reserves after the 9/11 attack and then called up to serve in Bosnia
 He felt Bosnia had once been a “westernized” country and had been torn apart by the war
 There were elementary schools that had been turned into refugee areas for homeless
people
 There were graves everywhere and the men were threatened mostly by snipers
 There were seldom ambushed, but there were also landmines everywhere left over from
the Cold War
 Part of their job was to remove the landmines and take weapons away from civilians
(8:35) Working in Bosnia

�





Raymond got along well with the other men he was working with and also the Bosnian
civilians
They used the internet for communications; telephone calls were too expensive
They were seldom off duty for leisure and usually working 18 hours a day
The men did a lot of logistics work, shipping supplies to soldiers in Afghanistan
Overall Raymond had a good experience in Bosnia

(11:45) Iraq
 After Raymond was sent home from Bosnia, his unit was immediately mobilized again
and he was sent back to Oklahoma
 They began training other units that were to be deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan
 Later that year his own unit was sent to Iraq, which was a very different atmosphere from
Bosnia
 They were never working at night, but it was still very noisy from all the bombs going off
and he was never able to get any sleep
 There were always rockets and mortars going off and IUDs on the roads
 His unit continued working on logistics and supporting ground troops, driving civilian
vehicles
 To avoid the IUDs they go very fast, usually 90 MPG
 Raymond spent 6 months in Iraq before he was once again sent to Oklahoma
(15:55) After Service
 Raymond continued training soldiers before they were to be shipped to Iraq or
Afghanistan
 He was overseas for 3.5 years and only spent 40 days of that time in his actual home on
leave
 Raymond had been married while overseas and had children, but they were a bit older
and only one of them was still in school
 His leave was hard on his wife and she was always very worried about him
 Raymond found he had become pretty impatient in civilian life
 He was used to having to make split second decisions and act quickly
(21:41) Looking Back
 Raymond is now retired and does not expect to ever be called up again
 He felt very good once the Iraqis had their first election and was glad that they were
showing the courage to get out and vote
 He learned great problem solving skills, leadership, analytical and people skills from
being in the Army
 Raymond also learned to appreciate the many things Americans take for granted

�</text>
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Boring, Frank</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Raymond Hawkins, Sr.
Length: 24:09
(00:30) Training





Raymond was serving in the Navy towards the end of the Korean War, working as a
communications technician
He had enlisted in the Navy in hopes of traveling all around the world, and also because
he had not wanted to be drafted into the Army
Raymond went through basic training at Great Lakes Naval Academy in Chicago and
was then stationed in Alaska
He did not think that training was very fun, but it was very educational, learning nautical
skills, Navy terms, weaponry, swimming, and survival skills

(2:50) Average Days
 While working in Aleutian Islands, the men would fish for salmon with their bare hands
 He made many good friends and enjoyed working with them
 Raymond did not ever see any combat and was able to keep in touch with him family by
writing frequent letters
 They lived in barracks in Alaska and often went bowling on their time off or watched
movies
 To learn survival skills they often had to sleep outside in the snow and it was freezing
 In Puerto Rico they were able to spend time on the beach during their time off
(6:20) Working in the Navy
 Raymond had started off in Chicago, and was then sent to California for radio school and
security training
 They were often working on top secret information with the NSA and he thought many
strange things were going on
 Raymond got along well with the other men he worked with and his officers
 Once he received orders that he was going to be discharged, he was sent from Puerto
Rico to Norfolk, Virginia
 Raymond had been married while he was in the service and had a son
(9:20) Life After Service
 It was a very nice day when Raymond was discharged, but he had hoped to travel more
while in the Navy
 Raymond decided not to re-enlist because his family needed him

�





He went back to working at his father’s dental business and was expected to take it over
one day, but he wished he had gone to college
Raymond still keeps in contact with the men he served with and often emails them
He continued to work in his father’s dental business for 40 years and is now retired
Raymond has been retired or 12 years and keeps busy with his grandchildren and
traveling
He spent 4 years in the Navy and now thinks that every young man should spend a few
years in the service

�</text>
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                    <text>Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

Edward and Gretchen Hawley Interview
Interviewed by Nora Salas and Paul Kutsche
June 18, 2016

Transcript
NS: Melanie got this water for you. I don't know if you wanted some coffee or something.
EH: Well, I don't like bottled water.
NS: Uh oh.
EH: So, I do not want the water.
NS: Okay.
EH: And I don't think I need any coffee right now, so I think we'd better go ahead...
NS: Okay.
EH: ...with what we need to do.
NS: Sounds good. Yes, well, we have some questions, but of course, you know, it’s up to you, also, what
direction you want to take things. We do need to say a couple of things right at the beginning just so we

1

�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

get it on the recording. And then if the recording were ever separated from the records, for some reason
in the future, they would be able to know who was here and what they did, et cetera.
EH: Alright.
NS: Okay so, and we'll have to put your name in, too… when we say the interview name.
EH: Anyway, should I say… this is what I thought I would say at the beginning here…
NS: Okay.
EH: ...if it would work in. Do you want me to say it here now or?
NS: Well, right, maybe right after I say our names and the dates and such. So, this is Nora Salas and...

PK: Paul Kutsche
NS: ...and we are here today with...
EH: Ed Hawley
NS: ...Ed Hawley at the Hart…
PK: City Hall [laughter].
NS: ...City Hall?
EH: Well, it’s a Commons. Don’t they call this the Hart Commons, back here behind the City Hall?
NS: Yes.
EH: I think.
NS: Yes, in Hart, Michigan and today, which is June 18th, 2016, this oral history is being collected as part
of the Growing Community Project, which is supported in part by a grant from the National Endowment
for the Humanities Common Heritage Program. Of course, thank you for agreeing to come and be
interviewed and talk with us today. And we are interested in talking more about your family history and
your experiences in Oceana County. Before we go into this, can you please state, again, your full name
and spell it?
EH: Yes, my name - well, if you want the whole thing - is Edward Adair Hawley. E-d-w-a-r-d A-d-a-i-r H-aw-l-e-y.
NS: Sounds great.
EH: OK.
NS: Why don’t you go ahead?
EH: When the topic for today first appeared in the Oceana Herald Journal, I knew that the Hawley
Nursery and Fruit Farm is an important part of that history. I also knew that there are only four of us left
with personal experience of that history. The other three are my sister Martha Ann Piegols, my nephew
John Hawley, and my niece Joann, who with her husband David, own and operate the fruit farm. My
2

�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

sister always defers to me in things like this and she has a conflict today anyway. Well, Saturday is the
busiest day of the week for the other two and their businesses. So here I am ready to share what I can.
NS: Awesome, thank you. So, we have questions... we don't have to go by these questions, especially if
you get started on a particular topic…
EH: Oh, I have a bunch...
NS: ...or you want to have your own things. Why don't we start with what you brought, I think would be
better.
EH: Okay, well, I went in yesterday - no, Wednesday - to the Chadwick Munger House, office of the
OCGHS. And they were pointing out to me that on their curb lawn, there is a cherry tree that was given
by my father, Monroe Hawley, to Dr. Munger and he still... he finished his practice but was still living in
the Munger House. And that tree still blooms every year and has cherries every year, so that is a
connection. And then another connection that might be missed. This book that I have brought with me
is a history of the Robinson and Hawley families by Duane Robinson, who was a cousin of mine and the
family connection goes back to the Hart High School class of 1907 because Morris Robinson and he was
a Morris who spelled Morris: M-o-r-r-i-s, but my dad is a Maurice and he spelled / it’s spelled: M-a-u-r-ic-e. The connection is that in 1892, my grandfather, who had just graduated from an institution then
known as the Michigan Agricultural College in East Lansing, and his brother, who Harry Edward Hawley
came from Ganges, much further south down near Fennville, up to Oceana County, and leased eightyseven acres because there was a railway track that kind of angled and made a boundary of it that was
owned by the Hubbard family. And they leased this farm from the Hubbard family and began the
Hawley’s Nursery and that was in 1892. My Uncle Ed, we called Uncle Ed... I just sent a big email off to
the Robinson family members who live out in Seattle, Washington - another long story that I need to tell
- and but that Morris Robinson went to Hart High School and my men in our part of the family call him
“Uncle Ed” stayed up here and rented a house on the same road that this eighty-seven acres was on.
And his daughter, Hazel. Oh, this is my wife Gretchen…
[?]: ...who wants to come and add to the story.
NS: Okay, we need a chair.
[?]: I will get one for her.
NS: Gretchen, did you sign the release form at the beginning?
GH: No, I didn't expect that I would be doing anything.
NS: Do you want to say something? Maybe you should sign it just in case you need to sit to interject.
GH: Okay.
NS: Because I think if you interject and you haven't signed it, I think we might have to try to edit you out
or something and it could get really complicated.
[?]: OK, should I take her back out there to do that or bring it in here?
NS: Just to the beginning station where… what’s that young woman's name?

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

[?]: I don't know.
NS: I don't know either. [Laughter]
[?]: [Laughter]. Okay.
NS: Then we would, of course, welcome you to come in.
GH: Oh, thank you. Thank you. I’ll sign...
NS: Yes.
PK: Good morning. I’m Paul Kutsche. Remember we met last year?
GH: We did.
PK: And this is Nora Salas, who is conducting the interview.
NS: Hi, I'm sorry, what's your name?
GH: I'm Gretchen Hawley.
NS: Gretchen. Hi, Gretchen.
PK: Oh yes, Mrs. Hawley.
GH: Yeah.
NS: Yeah, I got that part. [Laughter]
GH: Fifty-eight years this summer.
NS: Oh, my goodness.
GH: Well, of course, we started late, that’s really amazing.
[Laughter]
PK: By the way, the two of you have Michigan State in common. Dr. Salas got her Ph.D. in History, was it
not?
NS: It is true, yes.
PK: From Michigan State.
PK: Your fellow alumni.
EH: Oh, an alum. Mine is also...
NS: Oh, really?
EH: ...but that was much longer ago.
NS: Well, yes.

4

�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EH: Specifically, in nineteen forty-three. I think I have that right. So, but I...and it was a strange situation
because it was wartime and I was studying for the ministry so I had a deferment for that purpose. And I
felt because all my friends were going into the service or were conscientious objectors, that I should
since I had this deferment, that I should get to college as fast as I could. Well, all these friends were in
danger one way or another. And so, Michigan State had a requirement that you could only take twentyone credit hours and, from the time of Pearl Harbor, I began to do that in order to get through as fast as
I could. And also, being the school it was - MSC, as it was when I was there - had a requirement that you
could only take twenty-one credit hours in a semester, or not, a quarter because they were in the
quarter system. And so, I was trying to do that, but also, we had ROTC and that was a credit and a half.
And so, I wound up taking twenty and a half credits each semester and goes right through the summers.
And then I was going on from there to Chicago Theological Seminary on the University of Chicago
campus by Rockefeller Chapel. And I should remember his name - began with a “K” - my History major
professor. Oh, I suddenly relaxed for my last term since they would not let me take twenty-one and a
half credits.
PK: [Laughter]
EH: “No, you can’t do that, you have to go to summer school.” So, they gave me a blank sheet of paper,
they let me stand in line for graduation, but I had to write one more paper. So, I… ten o'clock on a
Saturday morning, I went in with my last paper and left it on my history professor's desk and went out
and hitchhiked to Chicago with everything that I needed on a backpack. And amazingly, the University of
Chicago and Michigan State were on exactly the same schedule, so I arrived on a Saturday evening and
on Monday morning I took my first course at eight o'clock in the morning in seminary. So that was my
transition and how they could be on exactly that same term schedule. And also have an intensive sixweek summer school divided in half was amazing, but that's what happened.
PK: Did you happen to be a contemporary in the seminary with Duncan Littlefair, who became…
EH: No, I know Duncan Littlefair from Grand Rapids, but he was in divinity school and I was in Chicago
Theological Seminary, which were a part of a federated faculty and this gets so complicated.
PK: Oh, I see. That, of course, has nothing to do with the project…
[Laughter].
PK: Since I’m a member of Fountain Street Church, I was curious whether…
EH: Yeah, well, that's right. I certainly knew Duncan Littlefair, but that was the connection. He was
younger than I.
NS: Before we go too much farther, Gretchen, just in case you do have something to add, at the
beginning you missed the part where we ask people to state their name and spell it. Just in case, at
some point in the future the written record were to be separated from the recording, then people
would always know who was here. So, if you could do that, that would be really helpful.
GH: Alright. I'm Gretchen Hawley. G-r-e-t-c-h-e-n H-a-w-l-e-y. And I'm Ed’s wife. We were married on
the Fourth of July, nineteen fifty-eight.
NS: Thank you. Easy day to remember.

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

GH: I was a town girl and I married a farm boy.
PK: Which town?
GH: Lowell.
PK: Oh!
NS: So, one of the first questions on here… we’re moving around a little bit, but... Ed, you grew up here
in Hart, right? The relationship with the nursery?
EH: Well, on a farm outside of Hart.
NS: The seventy-eight acres?
EH: Yes. Yeah, eighty-seven.
NS: Sorry, yeah. It says, “tell us about where you grew up, some of your most vivid memories from
childhood.”
EH: Okay. Well, I, believe it or not, can...I have a memory of my sister's birth. There was no hospital in
Hart or Shelby at the time I was born, which was in 1923, and my sister was born two and a half years
later. But our doctor, who was Dr. Nickelson, a contemporary of Doctor Munger's, the house where his
office is still down here on Main Street. And he… when my mother went into labor, he sent a midwife
out to help deliver the baby. And I don't remember when that happened to me. But I was aware enough
as a two-and-a-half-year-old because we had bedrooms upstairs separated by just a passageway. Same
house is still there in Iona now. But anyway, I have this distinct memory of my… my bed was by my
parents' bed, but when she went - my mother went - into labor, they put me in the back room, of
course, but I still remember that the midwife came and when I went back in, I was shown this new baby
sister that I had and I am always amazed how things like that can somehow stick in our heads. But I do
feel I…
PK: Were you the oldest?
EH: What?
PK: Were you the oldest?
EH: I was the oldest.
PK: Uh huh.
EH: And then we have another sister, Lucy, who is five years younger than Martha Ann. So, she was born
in the hospital; by then, an old building that had been a family restaurant down by the… well, kitty
corner from Ace Hardware, down there was the hospital and it had a big front porch. And another
memory I have was my grandfather had appendicitis and went to the hospital and died at the age of
sixty-two. And I can remember going down and, as a child or children, Martha and I weren't allowed to
go into the hospital, but the big plate glass window from when it had been a house was in the same
room that my grandfather was in, and we could stand on the porch and wave to him from outside the
window of the hospital. So those are some ancient memories, but I don't know we need to go into them

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

with the Holly Nursery because I do want to get to the...specifically, the Holly Nursery part of this. And
aren’t we supposed to be doing this out there or at this time or what’s the schedule?
NS: To try to scan that stuff?
EH: No, no, I’m not worried about scanning. We can do that…
GH: No, you do it all here, Ed.
EH: We do this all here?
NS: Where you talk about it?
EH: Oh, yeah.
NS: The nursery?
EH: Oh, okay.
NS: Yeah. We can, if you want to go in that direction we can do that, but there's a couple of questions
too. We don't have to do all the questions, though.
EH: Okay. I definitely want to get into the Holly Nursery part of it.
NS: Yes. Yeah, so we can go ahead and do that if you want to. And then afterwards, they have a couple
of stations set up to scan the documents that you have there. So, if you want to take them out and talk
about them then... if that's what you wanted to do.
EH: I have one question about this, and that is about copyright, because this book, which I would very
much like to get a lot of into the Historical Society record, is... I think has a copyright by… I can’t recall
his name, my cousin.
NS: Robinson?
EH: Well, he's the author of this thing.
GH: Duane.
EH: Duane, yeah, Duane Robinson. And so…
NS: I think we have to ask Melanie.
EH: He’s gone and when I got into this, I remembered. Let me go back to give this part of the history, to
get the Robinson / Hawley connection and why this is that way. Because Morris Robinson went to Hart
High School and my uncle Ed’s daughter, Hazel, also went to Hart High School. I had thought they were
in the same class, but they weren't. That's where they got to know each other. And they got married and
Morris went on to get a law degree at Ann Arbor, to the University of Michigan, and then went to work
for Sears Roebuck. And Sears Roebuck sent him out to Washington State and that's where he never
really practiced law because he was too busy selling Sears products, I guess.
[Laughter]

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EH: But I suddenly realized, having looked at this, that Duane finished this in 1974 and that some of us
who are still living ought to update it. Well, he had five kids and so I sent an email off to all of them
yesterday saying that it suddenly struck me that some of us needed to bring this up to date while we’re
still around. And I don't think they’ve… well, I haven't heard back from any of them yet. And there's a
son who was a rather famous jazz musician. Well, a cousin of mine. So anyway, I hope that some of us
will be willing to bring it up to date. And I can't imagine any of them would object and probably would
never know anyway if I had some of us stand...
PK: What is the date of the copyright, Ed?
EH: What?
PK: What is the date when this is copyrighted?
NS: Because the law is different depending on when the copyright was.
GH: It just says 1974.
PK: Oh, so the copyright may still be enforced.
NS: We can... I think that when we get to the part of scanning it, if we ask Melanie then…
EH: Okay,
NS: ...we can see what she has to say. Is there a copy of this in the historical society?
EH: No.
NS: Okay, just for your family?
EH: I wish there were and I don’t know if there’s any loose copies around, there might be now because
some family members may have died and their offspring have no interest it, but I'm not sure of that.
Ideally if the whole thing could be in there...
GH: We need to get it. We have a copy at home and this one at the cottage.
EH: No, this is Steve's.
GH: Oh, no, that's the one I took out of our bookcase.
EH: Oh, it is, okay. This... we have it then; one in each place.
PK: Well, of course, you know that you're at liberty to deposit this with the historical society, quite apart
from scanning it.
EH: Yeah, okay.
PK: Whether it's, you know, whether the copyright’s enforced or not.
NS: Yeah, especially if you fear later it might not be preserved, you know, down the line, then that could
be a good idea. Sometimes people save a lot of things and then, you know, not everybody saves it after
they're gone, unfortunately.

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

PK: It's awfully hard for families to keep things and let them get destroyed. And I'm right in the middle of
it in my family. So, if I may, I urge you to… if you have a spare copy to deposit it with the historical
society…
NS: Think about it.
PK: ...then if you want to update it, there's no reason you can't do that. Then they might eventually have
two versions. The earlier and the later. All the better.
NS: Yeah. Sometimes families, even if they want to preserve it, though, you know, the basement floods
or something, you know, things are accidents. People move, lose track of things.
PK: Well, I've been desperately trying to keep family records together, and I find that little bits of paper
just sort of wander off. And so, the earlier they get deposited in a place that professionally can keep
them the better, I think.
NS: Now, what's this one that you have there? Is this about the nursery?
EH: Indirectly. This is my dad here in the picture. And I made copies of this yesterday. And the historical
society has one already so…
GH: They copied that, you’re saying.
EH: No, but was one thing, well I guess, we found.
NS: So, this nursery…
EH: Yeah.
NS: ...when your family worked on that, what can you tell? What do you think is really significant? What
do you remember about it?
EH: Well, the fact is that a high percentage of all of the fruit trees in Oceana County and up and down
the west shore of Lake Michigan were originally produced and sold by Hawley’s Nursery - the Hawley
Nursery is the correct name. And so, in order to have the trees to sell, we had to get rootstock from
someplace out in Oregon or Washington state, I'm not quite sure which. And then someone in March of
each year, we'd have to have a field where they would plant all of this rootstock. And then come August,
some of us - including me and a lot of kids from high school and all of my relatives of roughly the same
age, my cousins - all crawled on our hands and knees up and down fields all over this county, because
my dad needed fresh ground not to do this on the same field every time. So, he would lease land all over
the county, really. And then send us… we had some very experienced and very fast and good budders
[?].
But the technique was - having cut off the tops of these and dropping the root stock - was to... the
budder [?] would go down the aisle and make a cut in the rootstock, and then he'd have a bundle that
my dad would have or somebody going out into the orchards where there was fruit, true to name on a
tree, and cut off a stick of buds. And as he crawled down, the person crawled down the aisle, pulled one
out from behind and made a slip behind it, kind of a pointed slip. And then he would cut like this and
slide that down into the rootstock. And then some of us would crawl along behind with a specific length
of rubber band and wrap that up tightly. And then it would be left until the next spring when that bud
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

would sprout and grow. And I think it was usually a year later when those were dug out of the ground
and sold to farmers.
And I was intrigued just a year ago now that a friend, a near contemporary of mine in high school, Todd
Novles [?] died and he had written his own obituary and he spent his adult life basically over on the
other side of the state. But he wanted his obit[uary] because he would come over, he had a cottage… his
family had a cottage on Pentwater Lake and it’s still in the family.
And so, Tom, when he wrote his own obituary, and wanted one in the Oceana Journal, what he talked
about in his obituary was how he crawled up and down the aisles budding [laughter] or tying rather
behind the budder.
PK: Does this then produce hybrid stock?
EH: What?
PK: Does this produce a hybrid, the rootstock plus what's going in?
EH: No, the root stock…
GH: ...it doesn’t influence it.
EH: ...it doesn’t influence it.
PK: Oh, it's merely the host!
EH: Yeah.
NS: It’s like grafted together.
GH: Yeah.
PK: Okay.
NS: What kind of fruit was it?
EH: What?
NS: What kind of fruits?
EH: Basically plums, pears, cherries - I think I’m onto five - and peaches…
PK: And apples!
EH: And apples, yeah. But then we always had I think usually just one quince among all of these. But and
so those were all true to name and the people that bought them would be confident that they would be
producing the same kind of peach or apple. My dad said it was, so…
NS: Do you think it changed over from when you were smaller till later? Like, what kinds or different
varieties?
EH: Well, they were intended to be fewer and fewer. My sister still has in her house a catalog from the
Hawley Nursery from something like 1907 that lists at least twenty-five different varieties of - I think it's

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

nearer a hundred different varieties - of all five of these. And because not all of them were sold
commercially, that list got smaller and smaller as the years went on down to maybe forty varieties.
NS: What do you think was the most biggest change from when it first started until now?
EH: Well, the biggest change is that small nurseries like this were gradually forced out of business by the
big commercial ones. What’s the one down in Kansas… near Kansas City? I should remember. Starcrow's
[?] is one, but there are several of these that have pretty much forced all of the smaller nurseries out of
business.
PK: Hawley Nursery no longer is in business?
EH: It's no longer in business. The fruit farm is because David and Joann Rennhack operate the fruit
farm… live on and operate the fruit farm and have the Rennhack store now down across from Hansen’s
where they sell all of their stuff.
PK: Rennhack inherited or bought your business?
EH: They inherited it; Joann is my niece so…
PK: Really?
EH: Yeah.
PK: Wonderful family.
EH: So, and Martha Ann… technically, Martha Ann and I are the inheritors in that generation, but Martha
Ann passed hers down to Joann, and then Joann married David, so that's the connection there.
NS: Do you remember roundabout when that stopped being able to be a nursery and went more to just
the fruit farm part?
EH: Yeah. John Hawley who his… my dad was Monroe Hawley. And then he had a brother, Morris, who
died in the flu epidemic in the First World War in 1918. And then there were three girls in that family.
And then my uncle, Herb, who has two daughters and a son, John, who's still… and John kept the
nursery going for quite a while and had a place over on Polk Road for a while. But he and his wife were
living in what is now the clubhouse for the Colonial Golf Course over on 72nd here. And that was a fruit
farm which John also inherited when his dad died. He had kept it going because Herb wanted it to keep
going, I think. And so, John took out all the fruit trees and made a golf course instead and he now is the
manager of the golf course. And that's where Gretchen went to see if he had any Hawley Nursery stuff.
GH: He didn’t, but he said hello.
[Laughter]
NS: When did the golf course go in?
EH: What?
NS: When do you think the golf course went in?
EH: I think it's fifteen years ago, roughly, I'd have to…
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

PK: There was a restaurant there also for quite a while, was there not?
GH: Well, there still is.
PK: Oh, still is? That’s still running?
GH: Inside Herb’s… that was the Herb Hawley house, that's the clubhouse.
PK: You mean that beautiful, beautiful house there?
GH: That was Herb’s house.
EH: Before that, we always think of it as the Russell House because the original owner of that land, the
man who built the house, was Judge Russell and Russell's Creek flows through and down and eventually
into Hart Lake. And my uncle, Herb, bought that from the Russell family after Judge Russell died, and
then he and Lucille, well, they built a smaller house for themselves and had John and Sandy living in the
other house, in the big house. But Herb and Lucille are long gone. There was almost an even thirteen
year difference between my dad and Herb, and then I’m about thirteen years beyond that. There’s all
these girl children in between.
NS: And this is ‘52 and this is your dad?
EH: Yeah.
NS: And it says he was a nursery man.
EH: Yeah.
NS: And he had the nursery through maybe the [nineteen] sixties, seventies or longer?
EH: Well, he had… he and Herb together had the nursery. And then John took over when both of them
were gone...
NS: And he still had the nursery.
EH: ...and he still had the nursery.
NS: And then part of it became a golf course.
PK: How many acres of trees did the Hawley Family have at the maximum, would you say roughly?
EH: Well, there was that original eighty-seven acres, and then my dad bought what we called the Turner
Farm across the street, across the road from that original property. And the reason he bought it is the
man that did these wonderful postcards and note cards for the historical society just died a few weeks
ago.
PK: You don't mean Ed Ricketson, do you?
EH: I do.
PK: Oh!

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EH: Yeah. Because he worked on all those cards and I read his obit[uary] and didn't catch the fact that
that’s whose obit[uary] I was reading, somehow. But, yeah, it was Ed Ricketson. And anyway, where was
I going with that? [Laughter]
PK: How large the enterprise was…
EH: Oh, yes! And the reason for the Turner Farm. And that is that my mother grew up in Adrian,
Michigan, which is down close to Toledo... closer to Toledo than any other sizable place. Anyway, she’s
from Adrian. She went to Adrian College, then she got a master’s degree from the University of
Michigan, and then she got hired to come up and teach high school in Hart. And it happened my dad's
sisters were in her classes and dad, my grandfather, had been in… no, now we’re with my dad. My dad
was in the Second World War and was with an army unit that went over to France.
GH: Well, that would be the First World War, Ed.
EH: Oh, my memory is...
GH: [Laughter]
NS: It's okay.
EH: ...playing tricks on me.
GH: It is.
PK: There wasn't much time between the First World War and the Second. It’s easy to conflate them.
NS: He met your mom, then, when she was at the school?
EH: Yeah, that's right. This is the First World War, as Gretchen says. And so, my dad, Monroe, had
missed going to Europe because he had scarlet fever, and the unit went without him, but he got
discharged then after the armistice and came back to Hart. And his sisters had Doris Hawley as their
teacher and she said they liked her very much and thought that they should introduce her to their
brother.
And so, one of the funnier stories about that is that he began dating Doris at his sisters’ encouragement
and it was in the middle of the winter for them when this was happening and he had a sleigh and a
horse. And so, he took her out in the winter with lots of rogues [?] for this ride in the sleigh and the
horse knew the way and they got acquainted with each other as they went. And he suddenly realized to
his embarrassment that the horse had turned in at the driveway of the girl that he had dated before.
[Laughter]
GH: The horse knew the way.
NS: It seems like the sisters overruled the horse, though.
GH: [Laughter] Yeah.
NS: The horse had an opinion about this, too, I guess. [Laughter]
EH: He made some kind of excuse, which I probably once knew, but no longer.
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

[Laughter]
PK: Well, they got married anyway! [Laughter]
EH: Yeah, right. [Laughter]
GH: Dorris' maiden name was Adair and that's Ed's middle name.
PK: Now, all this had something to do with the growth of acreage because that's where we started from.
EH: Oh, yes, the Turner Farm. The original farm was in the Gulliver [?] School District. One of the things
that - oh, what was it - the man we were just talking about produced is a card that there were one-room
schools that sometimes got expanded to two rooms all across the county that served grades one
through eight. And I just signed off this morning to a friend of mine that's helping me write my memoirs,
because right where we're sitting here in the bottom center of that card, there's a picture of a building
that ran from up here all the way back to the playground at the back down there that’s above Courtland
Street, where I went to school from kindergarten through senior in high school and all in the same
building. And so, and then it has pictures of several of these country schoolhouses on that same...
GH: Yeah, but the reason your dad bought the Turner farm?
EH: Yeah, oh, that's where we were going was that my mother was still teaching in high school. And so
instead of us kids having to walk up the road half a mile to the Garver [?] School, which our neighbor
kids did have to do because Dad bought the Turner Farm across the street, it was in the Hart District.
And my mother was still teaching in Hart, so she could take us into Hart School and we could go to a
single-grade classroom because he was paying taxes on that property.
PK: How big was Turner Farm?
EH: Turner Farm, I think - it’s been expanded some - but I think initially it was pretty much a standard
ninety-acre quarter section.
PK: So, all together then you had at that point maybe one hundred eighty acres or so?
EH: Something in that neighborhood. And then they bought some other additional that was beyond
that, too.
NS: And maybe, you said before, maybe leased some other?
EH: Huh?
NS: You said before, maybe leased some other lands sometimes?
EH: Oh, yeah, almost every year. For example, one year I can remember he’d leased land out in Elbridge
Township in what had been the American Indian Reservation.
Gretchen grew up in Lowell and Cobmoosa, who was a chief of one of the Indian nationalities, actually
lived in Lowell in a regular house. She’ll correct me if I'm wrong.
GH: [Laughter]
EH: But then because the federal government decided that they should give these people some of their
historical land, they made this Indian reservation; all of Elbridge Township, originally, was American
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

Indian. And so Cobmoosa decided that he should come up because he was a chief of his people, he
should come up and live on that land. And his log house is now down in the Hart Historical District down
here.
But I can remember when it was still out in Elbridge Township and my dad had rented probably
something like twenty acres across the street from it for budding. So, for about three weeks in August,
we would take lunch and go over. By then, no one was living in the Cobmoosa house. But we would have
our lunch over there and then go back to crawling up and down the aisles across the street. And then
eventually they carefully took it apart and reconstructed it down here in the historical district.
GH: Before you did budding in high school and all, your dad hired you kids to hang out in the orchards.
EH: [Laughter] Oh, I knew she wanted me to tell this story.
GH: [Laughter]
EH: Child labor.
GH: [Laughter]
EH: And this is when Martha Ann and I and our neighbor kids - the Nickleson girl and a boy, we were
roughly the same age - that played together. Dad had a cherry tree that was out in the orchard with lots
of other cherry trees, but that bloomed about a week earlier than the others. And as soon as it would
have fruit on it, the Cedar Waxwings would all come in to eat the cherries off the tree. So, my dad
offered us a nickel a day - the four of us - if we would go out and play under these trees to scare the
Cedar Waxwings away. So that is child labor laws [laughter] were being violated for a nickel a day.
NS: What about the other… aside from the important job that you all did when you were kids, were the
other people who worked for your dad and worked for the nursery… where did they come from? High
Schoolers?
EH: I hope Walter has lined up... because the house that Martha Ann and I were born in, I still own, but
it’s kind of… my dad just pulled it out of the farm when it went over to the Rennhacks and eventually it
has to get back into their hands. But I'm renting it currently to Tommy [?], who works at the La Fiesta
restaurant and her brother now runs it or her father. But that family all came up in the summer to work
on my dad's... on the nursery and the fruit farm for my dad.
As did a, for example, this is sometimes forgotten, a white family from Alabama who were also part of
this migration of people that went around picking crops and that white family whose name will come to
me and should eventually, stayed here in Hart and of course, because they learned the nursery and fruit
business, were doing some of the same things on their own.
And that same thing was true with Tommy and her family and that family named her brother now
inherited from her father, who was the original one who came up and worked seasonally, is down in the
valley between the golf course and Polk Road and he keeps the place up beautifully. And so, we have
that connection also with the history of Mexican ancestry people who have now settled here. And I
think Walter has him on schedule to be a part of this.
PK: Ed, a couple of people whom I interviewed, particularly Floyd Fox and Velo Burmeister, both of
whom were in their mid-nineties when I interviewed them...
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EH: And Floyd is still around, I think.
PK: Yes, he is. I understand he's still healthy, as a matter of fact.
EH: That’s right. I go to Shelby Church and he's five years older than I am.
PK: Still driving his own truck, as a matter of fact.
EH: Yeah, right.
PK: Well, each of them told me the succession of waves of pickers started, as you have already told us,
with the kids in the family.
EH: Uh huh.
PK: And then they moved on to different categories. With the Latino pickers, they were all Mexicans to
start with, were they not?
EH: Yep.
PK: Came in...
EH: Well, no, some of them were Texicans, actually, that they were born in Texas, but of Mexican
ancestry.
PK: But they were of Mexican ancestry, not Honduran or Guatemalan or Puerto Rican.
EH: No.
PK: Can you give us an idea of the succession of categories of people who picked and otherwise worked
on your family's acreage, starting with the family and then…
NS: When you were a kid, did they hire people outside the family to work?
EH: I think so.
NS: Do you remember?
PK: And who were they? I don't mean their names, but were they other Anglos or were they?
EH: There was... I don't ever remember any black families.
PK: Oh, blacks did not pick for you. As you know, they did for other families.
EH: Uh huh. There was one black family and one black man, Gabe Crocket [?], and one black family, the
Reeds [?], that lived in Hart when I was a small kid. But how they got here… they were just here. Oh, but
I think the Reeds had to have probably come up from Muskegon and probably did start working. But my
memory, because at one point they lived in the Garver School District and there were two girls - Fanny
and I'm not sure I can remember their name - and i think two boys. But there was a time when they
were living in the Garver School District and would walk past and further to the north because they
would walk past our house and the Nichols [?] house to go up to Garver School. And Fanny had a great
voice and was a wonderful singer. And Estelle, I think, Estelle was mentally challenged and she kept
being left behind so she'd be much bigger than the other kids in her class, but Fanny, Mrs. Nichols [?]
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

would invite them to come into her house. She had a piano and she would get Fanny to sing. And I
remember as small kids, they were somewhat older than we were. We would be fascinated by listening
to her sing.
GH: But they never worked in the orchards for your dad?
EH: No, I don't think they ever worked for my dad, but they were here and Gabe had the house in Hart
and I know right where it is, still. And he was a very short man. He probably was only five [foot] two
[inches] or something like that. And he allowed himself to be the butt of people's jokes at the county
fair. But I remember the men coming up to him and pinning prize bull or something on his collar and he
would just smile and go on.
PK: But he didn't work for you?
EH: He didn't work for us.
PK: You mentioned a family from Alabama.
EH: Yeah.
PK: They were white people.
EH: They were white.
PK: And you remember when that would have been? What decade, at least?
EH: That would have been in the late 1930s or early 1940s.
PK: Now, as you know, they were great, at least one, maybe two prisoner of war camps here for
Germans.
EH: There were.
PK: And they worked for a lot of people. Did they work for you?
EH: No, I don’t think they did. I remember walking by there on our way back and forth from school
because one of them was just south of what is now Polk Road, which wasn’t then called Polk Road, I
don’t remember what it was. But I do remember that they were there, but they didn't... I don't think
Dad ever had any of them working on the farm.
PK: Well, then was the Vasquez family the first of the Latino families who…
EH: I think so, yes.
PK: That would have been when? 1950s, perhaps, or?
EH: Better ask Tommy or her brother. Let me think, it was earlier than that in the 1940s, probably.
NS: During World War Two.
EH: What?
NS: During World War Two, the federal government had a program where they brought workers from
Mexico directly. Sometimes they called them “braceros.”
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EH: Oh, yeah.
NS: And they were mostly all men. They were supposed to be all men, not families.
EH: Yes.
NS: Do you remember them coming?
EH: Not to Michigan, but I remember them coming to California and how they...
NS: Were you in California?
EH: Oh, the folk singer had this... John Denver had the song, I think…
NS: Guthrie?
EH: ...which would be later.
NS: Guthrie, maybe?
GH: Not John Denver.
EH: Who was it?
GH: Woody Guthrie?
EH: Woody Guthrie. It was Woody that had this…
PK: John Denver would be flattered to be compared to Woody Guthrie.
EH: Yes, Woody Guthrie had this… oh, I thought I could sing the words to that song even about being
forced to go back to Mexico.
NS: Yeah, that continued for a while until 1964 for that program.
EH: Yeah.
NS: And then it ended, so yeah.
PK: Did you help the Vasquez family get started in the restaurant business? They're so successful now
that it's very interesting to a lot of people how they made the transition from migrant laborers to solid
members of the commercial community here in Oceana County. Was your family instrumental in helping
them make that transition?
EH: Well, I don't remember any specific instances of it,
but just the fact that they knew they’d always have employment on the nursery or the fruit farm. It gave
them, I think, the stability to be able to develop their talents along that line and create their marvelous
chips that are now probably even more the part of the business than the restaurant.
[Unknown]: Slide past. I’ve got to use the restroom.
NS: [Whispers] It’s okay.
[Unknown]: Sorry about that.
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

NS: Sorry, so you mentioned some people who came to work from different places.
EH: Uh huh.
NS: And then sometimes high schoolers would come and you would go when you were in high school
and when you were younger. How were those people recruited, especially who came from other places?
How did they find out? Or at first, you know, like, they get in their car in Alabama and how do they end
up at the Hawley’s?
EH: I'm not sure I know, they just appeared!
[Laughter]
NS: Well, after a while, they must… they came back year after year.
EH: Yeah.
NS: Right? But if a family decided not to come back, then you needed more people to replace them.
How would they… how would your dad or other family recruit people?
EH: I think we would say to the ones already here, “do you know anybody else?” And they would then
say, “well, yes, there’s so-and-so, and I'll tell them.” So, that's how that would happen.
NS: Do you know what time of the year when they would arrive? Usually?
EH: Usually, I think in June. I doubt that any arrived much earlier than that, but I would need to think
about that more to be sure. A lot of them had a routine that would then eventually take them down to
Florida to pick tomatoes after stopping in New York State to do something or other. So, it was a big
circle, Texas, and maybe with the stuff in Missouri on the way to Michigan, I'm not sure about that but…
it was Missouri or Iowa, but.
PK: Did any of the… well, how many Mexican pickers did you have at one time at the maximum, do you
think? It wasn’t just one family, I'm sure.
EH: Oh, boy. I think John Hawley is the one that really could answer that better than I.
PK: Do you happen to know, to remember...?
EH: Once I finished high school, I was here so little. John was on the ground all the time, so he would be
a better person to ask.
PK: Do you recall whether any of them moved into supervisory positions, at least field bosses or
managers or anything other than the pickers on the ground? I know that's fairly rare, but I do know of a
case or two where somebody who started picking ended his career managing. Chico Longoria, for
instance, who worked for the Fox’s for a long time, whose obituary appeared in the Herald Journal last
year, was a conspicuous case. Are there any such people who worked for the Hawley’s?
EH: Oh, well, the Vazquez’s, of course.
PK: But were they in a managerial position for you or is it only after they left Hawley to go on their own?
EH: Well, as I say, when I graduated from high school, which was 1941, I do not recall, but after that, I
just wasn't around enough to be aware because I was going straight through school.
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

NS: After school, after you went to school in Chicago, too, then what did you do?
EH: What?
NS: After you went to the school in Chicago, then what was the rest of your life?
EH: Well, the first thing that happened...
NS: How did you end up back here in Hart?
EH: The first thing that happened is that once the war was over and I no longer had this compulsion to
keep going to school, I had in 1946, I had connections with what our denomination called the
Congregational Christian Service Committee. And Jim Flindt, who was on the staff of the big
congregational church in Madison, Wisconsin; Jim was also on the board of the Congregational Christian
Service Committee.
And the congregational churches in Great Britain - and we did have an international congregational
organization - were completely closed down, their theological schools, during the war and with the
bombing and everything going on. And the tradition had been that young people who were studying for
the clergy in Great Britain would go into various inner-city programs to work with kids and youth and
children,
and that just completely shut down. So once the war was over and the seminarians were going back to
school.
[Cough] Well, I may need… well, all right. [Inaudible]
They recruited seminary students from here to go over to Britain for a year and work in these places.
[Cough] And Jim Flindt knew me from the Pilgrim Fellowship, which was the youth group of the
congregation. [Cough] He asked me if I would like to go and I jumped at the chance to do something
besides study.
And so, in September of 1946, I got on the Queen Mary - which was still a one-class ship at that point
because it had been a troop ship during the war - and went to Great Britain and wound up at the
Crossway Central Mission in South London, near what is still called the “Elephant and Castle,” which is
the name of a pub in Southwark. And the New Kent Road connects up with the Elephant and Castle and
Crossway Mission was at New Kent Road.
Bill Martin, W.B.J. Martin, who was a Welshman who had been working in London inner city in the
height of the bombing over on the East Side and somehow got through all that. He was then the
minister and that building after the old city missionary [?] had a tower that had three apartments in it…
maybe two apartments. But anyway, Bill Martin and his wife, who is also an ordained minister, were on
the one floor and the caretaker who lived on the top floor - the last name was Vassie (V-a-s-s-i-e) - and
they would come to me and they had a spare room. So then, as it turned out, for two years I lived with
the Vassies on the top floor. And so, there are lots of connections with that. I'm not sure how far we’re
going in terms of Hawley’s Nursery now but...
NS: Well, but then you were in London and then, for two years, and then…
EH: Yeah, I was at Crossway Mission for one year, but stayed with the Vassies because I had been
national president of the Pilgrim Fellowship, which was the youth organization for the congregational
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

churches in this country. And the Congregational Union of England and Wales had a youth division and
decided they wanted to have something similar in Great Britain. So, they asked me to stay a second year
and travel around to all the different counties and meet with the youth of the churches in those areas to
help them form.
That was the pattern of Pilgrim Fellowship. Each different confluence had its own organization so that
was the connection there and was fantastic because… oh, and in between these two things was the
Second World Conference of Christian Youth, which was held in Oslo, Norway. And I had been doing the
work at the Crossway Mission and their work with the youth program really wasn't going to start, so I
had that summer fairly free and because each of the denominations had people that would go to this
Second World Conference of Christian Youth, and I was closer so, at least, I think it was easier for them
to make me one of them because it wasn't going to cost as much to get me there from London as it was
from New York City or California or someplace or Hawaii. And so, I did, I was able to spend two weeks
there and again, these marvelous connections. And this is certainly a long way from where we started.
The Congregational Churches Worldwide had the foresight to call a pre-Oslo conference,
which was held at… there was a Congregational College at Cambridge University, and they got
Congregationalists from all over the world to come together for a week there. And one of the people
who came was Russell Chandran from the Church of South India, and he was from Bangalore.
Russell and I not only got to know each other at the meeting in Cambridge, but when we got to Oslo,
that program was divided up with small groups. And he and I wound up in the same group for two
weeks in Oslo. So, we got to know each other quite well and he eventually came to do some additional
study. He and his wife, Vicki, from South India, came to Chicago Theological Seminary, which was my
seminary. By then, I was the minister of the interracial and bilingual church on the west side of Chicago
and the…
NS: What church in Chicago?
EH: It was the Warren Avenue Congregational Church. It no longer exists, though. It merged with the
Presbyterian Church on the next corner. And the building now is a Black Baptist Church and it’s still
there. But that was another marvelous experience because…
EH: Oh.
NS: It's OK.
EH: Is it okay?
GH: Well, you've gotten far afield.
NS: You find all kinds of things.
PK: So, you went with the merger?
EH: Yeah.
GH: But you were in Chicago then, not Oberlin.
PK: And Bruce, as you know, went with the congregational holdout.
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EH: Over to the church, yeah, there’s still a Continuing Congregational Church out in Grand Rapids, isn’t
there?
PK: Mayflower.
EH: Mayflower, yeah.
PK: One of my relatives went there, the rest of them stayed at Park [?]. I'm happy to tell you they still
went together for Christmas.
EH: Oh, good. [Laughter] Well, that’s amazing.
PK: And we almost overlapped in London, apparently; I arrived in London in September 1949 and went
to work for the United Press and stayed there until 1951. But you had already left by then, had you?
EH: Yeah, but I came back in the summer of [nineteen] fifty-one for the Festival of Britain.
PK: Oh, how wonderful!
EH: And also, to direct a World Council of Churches work camp in Deptford south of the river and which
was one of the stranger work camps anyplace because the minister of this church...
PK: An inner-city slum work camp, huh?
EH: Yeah, it was decided that the building should be restored. But they had once had a much bigger
piece of land and had a graveyard outside. And way back in history, they had brought all the bones from
the graves outside into the basement. And when the minister decided he wanted to restore the building,
he had to get to the foundations and all these bones were down there. So, our work camp and the kids
from Germany and Denmark, World Council of Churches people from all over, a German guy and I were
co-directors of this, where our whole job was getting these bones out from around the foundations that
had to be supported.
PK: What did you do with the bones?
EH: Nothing ever came of it, in terms of actually getting the building changed.
PK: What did you do with the bones? Did you throw them in a pile?
EH: No, we were reburying them, but away from the pillar, we had to get the pillars cleared so that they
could be reinforced to hold up the rest of the building.
GH: So, they're still there; the bones are just relocated?
EH: They were the last I knew! But I have not kept up with that.
[Laughter]
EH: I don't follow bones around.
PK: You know, there’s something that struck me: are we sort of freewheeling now or do you have a part
of this you want to get back to? Because I think Ed and I are sort of going way past Oceana County.
NS: Well, you've discovered new things now, connections that you didn't know before.
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

PK: Yeah, but I don't want to interfere with the core.
NS: It doesn't have to follow a linear path, necessarily. I think that might be kind of hard for us to…
PK: Well, I think Ed’s getting tired and I’m getting tired.
NS: Yes, that could be.
EH: Didn't Walter have other people that you're supposed to be interviewing lined up?
NS: Yeah. I think… are there things you wanted to talk about that you didn't get to yet? Before you
came, are there things you said, “Well, I'm going to…” because I don't want that to be missed out.
EH: Well, let me look at my notes. I’ll tell you what I wrote down.
NS: I don’t want him to leave not having talked about things he wanted to talk about. I doubt most
people got to all of these questions.
EH: This is pretty peripheral, but it's interesting how, again, things come together because Duane
Robinson, who put this book together… I had to come up here to do a lot of interviewing and, of course,
Duane, having been part of this branch from Seattle or West Seattle from our family, had come here
knowing that his dad, Morris Robinson, was from here. And at that point, when he came, Ivan Robinson
was still living and was on a farm just south of the farm that Martha Ann is still living on, and she and I
grew up on kind of on top of the hill. And all of his family, Duane had talked to them and had listed by
name in the book all of the Robinson family members that were living right in our neighborhood here in
Oceana County.
I broke the femur in my hip two summers ago and wound up in the Oceana County Medical Center. And
there was a man there… actually, two people that relate to this and I'll get to the other one, maybe two.
We’re a little more back to what we originally were aiming at anyway. And I discovered that one of them
who was a patient then in the medical center was named Manley Robinson. And he and I would eat
lunch together while I was in there rehabbing from my hip. And I eventually thought that I'd better go
look at this book. And sure enough, here was Manley’s name and Ivan… Duane had interviewed Ivan and
he listed all his brothers and who they were and where they were. So, again, I copied out of this book
that page where Manley’s name appeared and I was able to produce it for him at the medical center.
And he was so pleased and amazed he actually had his name in print.
PK: [Laughter] That’s great.
EH: He’s gone now, too. But, I’m glad before he went, he knew that he was remembered.
GH: Have you interviewed any of the families that are here now that worked in the orchards who came
up from Texas?
PK: I decided when Andy Schlewitz came up and interviewed a number of people who worked in the
orchards, that I would carve out something. At that time, nobody else was doing that, they were
interviewing the growers. So, I have not interviewed any pickers.
GH: When we were married in ‘58, the Hawley’s were still tapping all those old - well, now they're really
old - maple trees along 72nd Avenue and to make maple syrup.

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

PK: Oh!
GH: And so those trees…
PK: Well, those are sugar maples then?
GH: Uh huh, those are all sugar maples.
PK: That's a pretty big industry in Oceana County.
GH: And they had, what was it called where you boiled the…
EH: An arch is what we called it.
GH: An arch. And they had the big pans that are about twice the size of this table. And they’d use old...
PK: That’s where they boiled the sap down?
EH: Yeah, right.
GH: They’d use old wood from the orchards, trees that were cut down, to keep the fires going. And Ed
was showing me this arch where the syrup was...
EH: We’d have the big pan...
PK: So, your family was in that business, too, then.
EH: Well, it wasn’t a business. We were just doing it for ourselves.
PK: Oh!
EH: Yeah.
NS: Home use.
PK: You didn't put your label on…?
EH and GH: No, no.
EH: No, it was all canned by my mother and we…
PK: I wondered where maple syrup came from.
GH: It takes a lot of sap to make the maple syrup. And those trees are still there, but no longer tapped.
But it was in that arch that you presented me with this engagement ring.
EH: Oh, that’s right!
GH: And I didn't fall into the fire. [Laughter] It was a great surprise.
PK: How many gallons of sap… [Inaudible] [Laughter].
GH: I don’t know. Yes, but besides that, did your mother can a lot of fruit or not?
EH: Yes, we had that whole basement… well, you've been down in the basement.

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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

GH: Oh, that’s right.
EH: Remember, we had all those cupboards of things she’d canned that would be used during the
winter.
NS: But when you were a kid, she still worked at the school?
EH: Well, not too long.
NS: Just a little?
EH: Long enough to get us established going there. But I think by the time I was in second grade, she had
stopped teaching and was just homemaking, but we were still going. And of course, often we would
walk to town to school and walk back on the railroad tracks. And that was always a challenge to try to
walk on the rail and not fall off as we were walking home from school.
GH: The tracks that are now the Rail Trail?
EH: The tracks that are now the Rail Trail.
GH: Okay.
PK: Which run right through what I think of as the Rennhack...
EH: What?
PK: The Rail Trail runs right through the… what I have always thought of as the Rennhack orchards,
right?
EH: Uh huh.
GH: Yeah, those were the Hawley…
PK: Which were the Hawley orchards.
GH: Uh huh. Those were the Hawley orchards.
PK: Your niece is married to a Rennhack? Or is her maiden name Rennhack?
EH: No, that’s her married name.
PK: She's a Hawley who married a Rennhack?
EH: No, she’s a Piegols. Because she’s my sister Martha Ann Piegols… Martha Ann Hawley Piegols’
daughter. So, her original name was Piegols and now it's Rennhack.
PK: May I drop your name the next time I'm there?
GH: Absolutely! [Laughter]
EH: Well, certainly.
PK: They're wonderful people.
EH: Yeah, we agree.
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

PK: I’m all done; are you all done?
NS: We can be; it's kind of up to you. I could ask you, frankly, I could sit here and ask you both questions
all day.
[Laughter]
NS: All day. But I think that, you know, there's a limit to what you can... I could think of more and more.
It's up to you.
GH: I remember something that has to do tangentially with the orchards and apparently what they
produced and financially. And that is that when we went to East Africa with our World Board and I had a
baby three months after we got into Tanzania, they had to... they flew over to visit their new
granddaughter. And I remember Monroe Hawley saying that he did that because he had a good apple
crop. So that was an apple trip financed by the apple crop. And then when we moved up six years later
to Nairobi, they decided to come again and he said that was a plum trip.
EH: Oh, that's right. I had forgotten that! [Laughter]
PK: Did you hear echoes of that rhythm from other families? I'll give you an example, but I'm wondering
if… well, let me tell you the example and you can tell me whether you have other examples.
I interviewed Barbara Bull and Barbara Bull, as you know, is an alumna of Mount Holyoke College. Her
younger sister is an alumna of I don't know what, but at any rate, it’s not one of the seven sisters. And I
said to Barbara, I said, “your sister is a brilliant pediatrician, I believe. Now, how come you went to
Mount Holyoke and she went to some state school?” And Barbara's answer, just like that, was: “because
we had a very good cherry crop the year I went to college.” And you're echoing that.
GH: Uh huh.
PK: Do you find that with other picker families, excuse me, other grower families, too? That, of course,
your income is so totally dependent on the weather and other things you can't control that there must
be an enormous variation from year to year.
EH: Yeah.
PK: Whether you can go to East Africa or wherever.
GH: Yes, they make two trips over. He also went to horticultural meetings in England - Monroe did.
PK: And were those on the years that there were good crops?
GH: I expect they would have been, but I don't know. And the horticulturalist from England that he met
there came and visited the Hawley Nurseries here.
PK: Really?
GH: In fact, you're still in touch...
EH: Well, Duane is, anyway, with one of the families because they’ve had kids come over and work on
the farm. The man that Dad knew was the editor of a gardener magazine in England. Thought I would
have the name of it come to mind, but it didn't. And so, I think he had come to the States first and
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

somehow met Dad at a meeting. And then they got to corresponding and so that got quite to be back
and forth and went on to the next generation. That's the son of the man that my Dad knew that Joann
keeps in touch with and who we've been over to visit and had their kids come over or a kid come over
and spend the summer working on the farm.
GH: So, there's an international exchange that goes on.
PK: I thought I was all done, but I guess I'm not because each of you and Gretchen have just touched on
something that surprised me very much.
I’m, as you know, I'm only a summer person here, but I was brought up on the shore of Lake Michigan in
Ottawa County at Port Sheldon. And I expected when I bought my cottage thirty-two years ago, and I
expected when I bought it, that the citizens of Oceana County would be people whose worlds were very
small, very circumscribed by just the local environment. And I was surprised the very first year and have
been surprised ever since repeatedly by the breadth of connections in the world of people in Oceana
County.
And do you think… have you just told me what the answer to this dilemma in my mind is? That it's
because of commercial and agricultural missions and visits, do you think that’s what really is essentially
behind it?
GH: And going to conferences over in England and all. And I remember Monroe saying none of the apple
varieties in England were what he grew here. They were all different.
PK: Well, you probably noticed that there is an unusual - I think it's unusually high - student exchange
between families in Oceana County and families abroad. Is this part of… do you think that this mood for
wanting such exchanges was set by these earlier...?
GH: I don't know.
PK: And of course, I don't know whether it's higher than it is in other countries in Michigan now,
because I left Michigan when I was sixteen years old and didn't come back until I was seventy, so…
[laughter].
GH: Oh, my.
PK: I don’t know what’s happened in the meantime.
GH: I remember when - I don't remember the year, but - when the cherry pickers first… the picking
machines first came in, that Monroe, very excitingly, had us watch how they operated.
EH: The shakers.
GH: The shakers... that picked all the cherries at once. Not the sweets, they still had to pick the sweets
by hand. Is that right?
EH: Yeah.
GH: But the tarts, they could use the shakers and they’d come down in a curtain of red down to a
canvas.
NS: Was he happy with how it worked?
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�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

GH: Well, the old orchards, when the trees would be shaking, the old branches would go flying. You had
to be careful not to get hit. But now they're planting the orchards and with shakers in mind because
that's what they use. And so, you don't have the old twigs hitting you on the head when they use them.
And of course, the trees now are much shorter than they were. And they had three-legged ladders that
the pickers used. And you can still see some of those around because they could fit under the tree. They
had the regular ladder with a third leg.
PK: Are those sweet cherries still picked by hand? Even now?
GH: I don't know, are they?
EH: I think so, but I'm not sure about that.
GH: Well, during the last few years, didn't you and your sister have to pick cherries and leave the stems
on because he got more money for them if they were on the stem?
EH: Yeah, that's true.
GH: Yeah.
NS: I guess one of the questions that was on there, too, that some of what you had said does remind me
of, I wonder if we might get to it a little bit, is your dad and some of the other people went to meet with
other horticulturalists, maybe trade varieties or talk about different techniques or even find out about
the cherry picker machine shaker thing. Did they participate in different organizations that were for
nurserymen or growers or farmers?
EH: There’s a Michigan Horticultural Society that meets every December and usually in Grand Rapids, I
think, maybe in other places. And Dad was always active in that. And he and my mother would plan to
go down to Grand Rapids. We had, well, my sister, Ruthie, was down there anyway, so they had a place
to stay. And they would spend those three days in Grand Rapids for the Horticultural Society meeting.
And Dad was the one who went to the meetings, and my mother and Ruthie did whatever they wanted
to do.
I'm going to mention one more thing that's on my list, and it's not really very direct, but we would...
because the nursery actually had a southern branch that my uncle, Ed - all of his side of the family called
him Harry, I never quite figured out why - he was Uncle Ed to all of us, but he was Grandfather Harry on
that side. But anyway, his wife, I was a little embarrassed when we would go down because Uncle Ed
would have some areas for budding patches and we would go down to spend maybe four or five days in
his budding patches. And it was always an adventure because he’d put us all in the back of the truck
and, of course, no seatbelts or anything and then drive madly down these country roads to where we
were going to be working that day.
PK: Where was that? In southern Michigan?
EH: Fennville.
PK: Oh.
EH: He, actually, his...
PK: You mentioned Ganges.
28

�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EH: Well, originally Ganges is where our family came from.
PK: That's right on the lake, isn’t it?
EH: Right on the lake, that's right. In fact, Dad showed me the house once that I think I remember
correctly. There was a river or big creek or something that empties into Lake Michigan and just on the
south side of that creek is the house he said is the family house, but I don't know if I could go back and
find it.
PK: I hope that house is still in the family because lakefront property at that latitude is worth an awful
lot of money. [Laughter]
EH: We have kind of shirttail relatives who live in a house in Douglas County that is south of where the
road got washed out many, many years ago. But they don’t have lakeshore property, but they are part
of a common area of homes that do have access to Lake Michigan. And they're trying to sell their house
now, and even though the lake is so high and there's so much erosion, just the fact that they're hoping
to visit us next month. And he's a very skilled jazz musician.
PK: Oh, wonderful.
EH: But they're trying to sell their house and it's tied to the fact that there is this lake access, even
though it's down a lot of steps to get there.
NS: So, what you wanted to tell us about going to the farm in Fennville?
EH: Oh, yeah. The connection is that Uncle Ed's wife was a Plummer - her family name was Plummer.
And I didn't know that until later. I had stayed with her, but what her maiden name was never came up.
And when I finally learned it, I realized that I lived in a co-op house at Michigan State and one of the
other members of that co-op house was also a Plummer and probably we had some kind of an indirect
connection there with the two families.
But then Charlie Spencer was [inaudible] but Uncle Ed's grandson still was when he was living. And he
died maybe fifteen years ago, so fairly recently, and his second wife had land on the west side of
Fennville. The train to Grand Rapids goes through his land, basically, by Fennville. And so, he had that
connection and we had stopped to see him, at that time we were in Chicago and driving back and forth
and stopped to see Charlie. He always wanted me to meet his wife's daughter, Ginny, who we would
never quite stay long enough. He’d tell her to come. But she's the one now we’re going to be meeting on
the Fifth of July, when they head up to a jazz event up in Leelanau County and they’ll come by to see us.
PK: Excuse me, see you later.
NS: Yes, I think we might be wrapping this up here.
EH: Yeah, well…
NS: I’ve tired you… we’ve tired you both out, I think maybe. [Laughter] Thank you.
GH: ...quite far afield.

29

�Growing Community: Oceana’s Agricultural History Project
A project supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant
Project Director: Melanie Shell-Weiss, GVSU Liberal Studies Department

EH: Oh, I did… I copied out and these are from the book and not the memorial society. This page and a
little bit here are the Hawley… and there was one strange… I may try to talk to Walter about this,
because it gives my grandmother's maiden name as Render.
NS: Mm hmm.
EH: But it was actually Bender.
NS: Oh, it's not correct.
EH: So, somebody couldn’t read somebody’s writing, obviously.
NS: That happens sometimes.
EH: In fact, it goes on here later to talk about her brother, Jim, and calls his name Bender.
GH: Are you leaving that with her?
EH: No.
NS: Well, let's go over to the place where they have the scanning machine.
EH: Okay.
NS: And we can talk to the woman who might know about the copyright thing you said earlier and see
what they have to say.
EH: Okay.
NS: I don't know, but I'm going to make sure I'm not supposed to say anything at the end.
NS: Thank you both for your time. I’m supposed to say…
GH: He's so excited about doing this.
NS: Oh, thank you. I'm supposed to say, officially, this concludes the interview.
EH: Okay.

30

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project
Richard Hawley
(33:22)
Background information (00:10)
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Born in Michigan in 1932 (00:12)
He lived with his grandparents who farmed (00:20)
He went to live with his mother in Traverse City, Michigan, in 1937. (00:50)
He then moved to Kalamazoo, Michigan, where he attended school until 11 grade. He then
dropped out and joined the Air Force at age 17. (approx. 1949) (1:10)
He picked the Air Force over the Army. (1:46)
He decided to enlist due to his fear of eventually being drafted. (2:06)
During his childhood he paid close attention to the conflicts in Europe and in the Pacific.
(2:30)
He had family in the armed forces. (2:48)
th

Basic training (3:15)


For basic training he was sent to Lackland Field in San Antonio Texas. (3:16)






Basic lasted 12 weeks and consisted of shooting, marching, and learning discipline. (3:20)
He was able to adjust to the discipline but other men had more difficulty. (3:40)
He attended basic in January of 1950. (4:30)
During basic, Richard was given aptitude tests. He was originally assigned to engineering but
later became a welder for aircrafts. (4:58)
He was next sent to Selfridge Michigan where he worked as a welder on maintenance.
(5:34)
He was in Selfridge Michigan for approx. 6 months. (6:06)
He was in Selfridge Michigan at the beginning of Korean War in June of 1950. Most of the
soldiers were “fired up” about this news. (6:32)
He spent 19 weeks at a welding school before being assigned to Selfridge. (7:27)
Richard Volunteered to serve in the Far East. He was hoping to work in Japan but instead
was sent to Korea. (7:48)




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

Service in Korea (8:14)





He sailed on a troop carrier to Japan and then was flown to from Japan to Korea. (8:16)
The voyage to Yokohama, Japan, took 9 days in spite encountering 2 typhoons. (9:38)
He was stationed in K-2 (10:15)
Bombers primarily flew missions out of this air field. (10:38)

�





He worked on aircrafts as well as on the runways, particularly on the runway planking.
(10:54)
The pressure of a heavy aircraft was what did most of the wear on the runway. (11:48)
Every night K-2 came under fire. (12:05)
The Air field was hit about twice a week by aircraft. (12:44)
K-2 was located about 150 miles from the front lines at the time of Richards’s service.
(13:23)

Life in Korea (13:42)





















At K-2 the men lived in tents. The men were often cold and wet with oil heaters used for
warmth. There were about 8 beds in a tent. (13:45)
There was a mess hall for food. (14:20)
There were many Koreans working on the bases, one of whom Richard taught how to weld.
(14:45)
Richard picked up pieces of Korean as well as Chinese during his service in the Far East.
(15:23)
Korean soldiers were used to guard the base as well. (16:04)
There were about 200-300 aircraft stationed at K-2. (16:24)
Richard spoke often to the pilots and the officers and as a result had a good perception of
what they were doing. (17:11)
Several air craft where lost a day at K-2. (17:56)
Some pilots had shot down 20-30 MIG fighters. The pilots often thought that the MIG pilots
were Chinese because the North Koreans were not as good at maneuvers. They did not
think they were Russian. (18:29)
For R and R the men at K-2 often went to Japan. During this time most men went to bars.
(19:00)
Richard thinks that most of the Koreans were surprisingly kind to the U.S. soldiers. He thinks
this in spite of being hit by a jeep by a Korean and being out of service for 1 week as a result.
(19:52)
Most men Richard worked under were career officers and mostly disciplined. (22:26)
He spent 1 year in Korea (approx 1950-1951). (23:06)
The base had trouble with crime. One soldier sold his truck 3 different times. (24:00)
Richard used the radio to inform himself on the state of the Korean War. (24:34)
He thought that the reason for the war was to protect South Korea not to stop Communism
from spreading. (25:30)
Men were constantly being cycled out. This, however, led to trouble with training new men
because too many experienced soldiers would leave at one time. (25:49)
He was very anxious to return home. When he returned home he was taken by boat. (27:49)

Service in the U.S. (approx. 1951-1953) (28:17)



After returning to the U.S. Richard continued his work as a welder and maintenance man.
(28:34)
He left the military 4 months early in approx. 1953. (29:12)

�Life after Service (29:40)




Richard worked as a welder after service. He did many contracts for different (29:48)
He believes that the military gave him much more experience and a different perspective of
the world. (30:25)
After Korea he arrived in San Francisco, California. He then took a train to Michigan but it
ran in to trouble when the track was damaged due to an earthquake. (31:39)

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Boring, Frank</text>
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                <text>Richard Hawley, born in Michigan in 1932, served in the U.S. Air Force from 1949-1953 in both the U.S. and Korea during the Korean Conflict.  During his service in Korea, Richard worked as a welder and maintenance man at the K-2 air base, mainly repairing runways and aircraft.  After returning to the U.S. he continued his job as a welder in Selfridge Michigan.</text>
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