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Indiana resident and entrepreneur, D. J. Angus produced an extensive photographic record of his work and travels throughout the U.S. and Mexico, during the late 1920s -1940s. The images of manmade and natural phenomenon often reflect his interest in engineering projects that include dams, bridges, mines, power plants, cliff dwellings, and quarries. Over 10,000 still images from 1903-1966 document Angus’ family, friends, business, and travels. Over 12,000 ft. of 16mm movie film complete this collection.</text>
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Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Kent County Oral History collections, RHC-23
Mr. Chester Idema
Interviewed on September 24, 1971
Edited and indexed by Don Bryant, 2010 – bryant@wellswooster.com
Tape #16, 17 (52:28)
Biographical Information
Chester Frederick Idema was born 18 August 1886 in Grand Rapids, Michigan. He died 20
March 1978 at his home at 29 Gay Avenue, Grand Rapids. He was the son of Henry and Johanna
Wilhelmina (Doornink) Idema. Henry was born in Grand Rapids in 1856 and died 8 Jaunuary
1951. He married Johanna W. Doornink on 3 February 1880 in Grand Rapids. Johanna died in
25 December 1953. Chester’s brothers, Walter D. Idema and Edward H. Idema were also born in
Grand Rapids – 16 December and 1888 and 23 November 1890, respectively.
Chester F. Idema was married on 4 October 1913 to Marion Mead in Grand Rapids. Marion was
the daughter of James Andrew Mead and Alice Nash and born 4 August 1891 in Grand Rapids.
She died 22 December 1957 in Grand Rapids. Many members of the Idema family are buried in
Woodlawn Cemetery in Grand Rapids.
___________
Interviewer: There, now we’re starting. I’m going to start right out with that, that question I
asked you before, whether you have, whether you think there is any value to this project at all.
And if you don’t think so, why not?
Mr. Idema: I am unable to see the ultimate good in a sufficiently to warrant the time, effort, and
cost, getting the material. I am unable to see that your objective is important. I’m probably
wrong.
Interviewer: You can be right, you know…
Mr. Idema: Hmm?
Interviewer: You could be right.
Mr. Idema: Well, time will tell that...
Interviewer: Well, were you born in Grand Rapids?
Mr. Idema: I was born on Lyon Street.
Interviewer: Whereabouts on Lyon?
Mr. Idema: Between Prospect and Lafayette on the south side.

�2
Interviewer: Yes? Was …?
Mr. Idema: The house still stands, in spite of the fact I left it.
Interviewer: What was it like growing up there in that neighborhood?
Mr. Idema: What was it like?
Interviewer: Yes
Mr. Idema: I don’t know just what you mean. There were an awful lot of kids, my age, a little
younger, a little under. We had our fights and our armies and our games and our plays. We all
went to Fountain Street School, then later to the Grand Rapids High School, which was then at,
on the Lyon Street hill, the big red school, that was high school.
Interviewer: Is that at Lyon and Barclay?
Mr. Idema: Barclay, yes, or Ransom, yes, I guess Barclay. No, Barclay would be, no, the big
school was on Ransom Street, the big red school, Ransom and Lyon.
Interviewer: Yes.
Mr. Idema: Then I went, I graduate…, I didn’t graduated, I went to preparatory school in
Pennsylvania and I went to the University of Michigan graduated there in nineteen nine.
Interviewer: What did you do after you graduated?
Mr. Idema: Went to the Elliot Machine Company.
Interviewer: Can you tell me the story about the Elliot Machine Company again?
Mr. Idema: Well, the Elliot Machine Company was a mana… was a company engaged solely in
the manufacture of button-fastener machines which would wire fasten buttons on button shoes.
The machines were leased, for a certain sum a year, and the wire, they, unless he agreed to use,
wire made by the Elliot Machine Company and no other, and that profit, and the very large
profit, was in that. And they had machines in every part in every city in the U.S., every shoe
store had to have one because a person would buy a pair of button shoes and they wouldn’t fit
and they’d have to have the buttons set over. So they clip off the old buttoner, unfasten it, set it
over where it belongs, and put it on with this machine. Every click was some value to the Elliot
Machine Company. Well, that, during the war, the government, I’ve forgotten what division that
would be, put the ban on the manufacture of button shoes, in order to conserve leather. As a
result of which, as button shoes disappeared, and couldn’t be repurchased, there was no use for a
machine to put buttons on them. And the Company folded up, there was no value except junk
value to those thousands machines, which were in every part of the United State, but not worth
the freight to bring them back.

�3
Interviewer: Well, I, how would, what would it conserve leather by doing away with the button
shoes? Weren’t there other shoes made out of leather?
Mr. Idema: Yes, but it made two styles. Two different types of shoes, you, you and your wife
would either buy lace shoe or button shoe or for some occasion or both. But anyway, they, what
it accomplished I don’t know, but that was their reason.
Interviewer: Yes.
Mr. Idema: Conservation of leather.
Interviewer: That was a pretty profitable company, the Elliot?
Mr. Idema: While it was growing, it was very profitable. But it ended just as quick. And all the
investment in machinery and tools and everything was practically nil. And these machines that
were in existence all over the country under lease, and they say they’re not worth shipping back.
Interviewer: You mentioned that Elliot paid for half of the Masonic Temple here in town.
Mr. Idema: I think its contribution was either about, even figure of about one hundred fifty
thousand dollars, or something like that, about half of it, I’ve forgot. But a large sum, which he
made in this business. Now that was during nineteen thirteen-fourteen-fifteen-sixteen, just before
the war, when it was in its height. Previous to that, lace shoes had been the style. Gradually it
turns over and button shoes came back in. Women used to wear button, button shoes almost to
the knee, there’d be sixteen buttons on shoe; that’s thirty-two buttons on a pair. Well, that was
worth probably twenty-five or-thirty cents to the Elliot Machine Company to put those on. See,
when, when shoes were sent to the retailer they’re sewed on, they’re never clipped on with wire,
because they have to be changed to conform to the customer and their needs. So, it’s very easy to
snip the threads, then put ‘em on with wire. So that very, very few of ‘em except for heavy men’s
shoes, were put on at the factory. They were sent and just tied on really. But you go in, you’d
lose a button as it happens you’d do this and a button would come off, you’d stop at the first little
shoe store, it’s on the way down, go in and take off your shoe and he’d put it on there and like
that there’d be a new, be clamped on. Automatically crimper would do that and slap the button
on. And using Elliot wire, which, in which he had a whale of a product.
Interviewer: Then, you went off to war?
Mr. Idema: Then I, I enlisted in nineteen seventeen, yes.
Interviewer: Did you go overseas?
Mr. Idema: No, I didn’t get overseas: I came back in nineteen nineteen and went into the, well,
it was soon after that, there was a little interim which there’s no need to go into.., I went with the
Welch-Wilmarth Company which later became a part of the Grand Rapids Store Equipment
Corporation. They had a factory down on Madison Avenue and a great big factory on outer

�4
Monroe Avenue. And, I left that to go in the Old Kent Bank in nineteen …, I can’t tell you, about
nineteen thirty-three or four. And I’ve been with the Elliot, I’ve been with the Old Kent nineteen
years, at the Old National office, you know where that is, where it was? You know where the
Bank is?
Interviewer: The Old Kent Bank?
Mr. Idema: No, the Bank, it’s a restaurant in the Pantlind.
Interviewer: Oh yes, the bar, yes.
Mr. Idema: That’s where the Old National office of the Old Kent Bank, that’s where I was, that
was my desk. And I was there until the new building was built and then they put all our stuff
over there, the National office, I mean. And the main office was in the Morton House, at that
time. It’s still a bank, but it’s not the main office; the main office, of course is in a new building.
Interviewer: Yes, was that known as Old Kent Bank when you joined it?
Mr. Idema: Yes. (It) was the Old National office of the Old Kent Bank, just like the other would
be the Morton Hotel office, or Cherry-Diamond office, or Plainfield branch, or whatever. I was.
at the time I retired, which they made me do it, I was a little over 65, according to the retirement
rules; I was in charge of the Old National office of the Old Kent Bank, Vice President in charge
of the Old National. And I haven’t worked since.
Interviewer: Did, were your brothers instrumental in forming Steelcase?
Mr. Idema: One brother.
Interviewer: Which brother was that?
Mr. Idema: Walter, he started with the Metal Office Furniture (Company), which was then, with
Mr. Peter Wege, who came here from Ohio, from General Fire Proofing Company, Youngstown,
Ohio. They formed and organized the Metal Office Furniture Company which is now Steelcase.
Interviewer: Was that a relatively new thing at that time?
Mr. Idema: What?
Interviewer: Was that a relatively new concept, metal office furniture when they went into
business?
Mr. Idema: No, no. General Fireproofing had been making it for years, and they were at that
time the largest in the world. Mr. Wege came here and got people interested; put in money, got a
factory down in the south end, started making metal furniture;. started in a very modest way,
making wastebaskets and little tables and filing cases and so forth. Now God knows, they make
everything, and they are the largest in the world, by far. General Fireproofing is not done so well

�5
since…I, I that shouldn’t be recorded, I mean comments like that, I don’t need to make them
because I have no business making them. I can tell you about the Metal Office or the Steelcase,
but I don’t know anything about General Fireproofing except they’ve lost some standing in the
business.
Interviewer: Yes, you go down to lunch nearly every day at the University Club, don’t you?
Mr. Idema: Just about every day.
Interviewer: Can you tell me a little bit about the University Club?
Mr. Idema: Well, as I say, I think it was first meeting was in the house right down there on the
corner which was then occupied by Mr. Wanty... Tom Wanty graduated [from] the University of
Michigan, and I went to Michigan, my brother went to Princeton, and they got somebody else
from Harvard, somebody from Yale, and so forth and formed a nucleus of the University Club. I
can’t give you the date, I wouldn’t even guess. But we have been in various places. We’ve been
in the Pantlind; we’ve been, well, for a long time on the top floor of the Michigan Trust
Company, until we moved into the new, five years ago, where we are now. But, what do you
want to know about it?
Interviewer: Is that, well, is that why they call it the University Club, because they took men
from certain universities?
Mr. Idema: You have to have attended a university to belong.
Interviewer: I didn’t know that.
Mr. Idema: Yes, well, that’s true in every city where there is a University Club, that’s why the
name. Don’t have to be a graduate, but you have to attend, been a pupil at a university,
recognized university. I don’t know how many members they got now, but I they got an awful
lot of them.
Interviewer: Was, what kind of, was there any kind of competition between the University Club
and the Peninsular Club?
Mr. Idema: No competition. The University, the Peninsular Club is more of the business club.
Older, older men and younger men if, you want to take a business, somebody there talk business,
take ‘em to the Pen Club. They don’t, the University Club doesn’t, doesn’t cater to that kind of
trade.
Interviewer: What, what does the University…?
Mr. Idema: It’s a social club, I mean you meet there to meet friends and. But the Peninsular
Club is a businessman’s club. A great many people belong to the Peninsular Club who don’t
belong to the other, or vice versa. Now, when I was in the bank, I belonged to the Peninsular

�6
Club, because it’d be some banker from Chicago over here, and I’d would want to take his, and I
would take him to the Peninsular Club which had more the atmosphere of a business club. And
they don’t cater to that kind of business at the University Club. It’s a social club, it has long
tables; everyone sits, long and then they have small tables around. Have you ever been there?
Interviewer: At the University Club?
Mr. Idema: You know what it looks like.
Interviewer: Yes, it is pretty nice. Their, their new club is particularly nice. I remember I went to
a dance at the old, you know, the University Club that was on top of the Michigan Trust
Building.
Mr. Idema: Oh, this is much larger.
Interviewer: Yes, oh yes.
Mr. Idema: And we never, the old club, the old club in the Trust Building, we didn’t have
regular evening dinners, which they do here I think every night but three nights, four nights a
week, I guess. All you have to do is to go down there and be served.
Interviewer: When you were growing up on Lyon Street there, was there very much closeness
among the families that lived along Lyon Street?
Mr. Idema: Oh, very much so, sure. Everybody knew everybody. Judge Dennison lived right
across the road, next to him was Mr. Barlow, next to him was Mr. Stone, next to him was Dr.
Schaefer, across the street was Mr. Treadway, in the railroad business, on the corner was
somebody connected with the Grand Rapids Brewery. I can go right around the block. Those
names I can remember, but you ask me who sat across from me this noon at lunch, I don’t
know…
Interviewer: What, what did, there, there were closeness in the neighborhood, was there very
much socializing among the families?
Mr. Idema: Not a great deal, no. Oh, there’d be some…this way, but not this way. This man
here, this family here, might be very close and friendly with the one across the street, because
their children was (were) the same age. Maybe the house next door they had no children and they
didn’t contact at all. Children made a great deal of difference; they, they kind of mixed the
families up, and in our particular house had the top floor which was the neighborhood, especially
on a rainy day, for all the kids in the neighborhood. There would be only one place that was that
big, and that was a very large house, and the whole top floor was a playroom. So we had all the
kids. In those days we didn’t play football, we played some baseball. And then, we had a big
dog, we used, we used to play some game Prisoners, some prisoner game, chase them with the

�7
dog. But all the people are gone, I haven’t got a single acquaintance that lived up where I lived
when I was little, a young man. Well, my brother.
Interviewer: You don’t know even whether they’re still living in Grand Rapids?
Mr. Idema: Oh, I know they’re dead; I know what’s become of them not eventually, but, I know
they died.
Interviewer: Was that street paved, Lyon Street?
Mr. Idema: Used to have cable cars. Ever see or hear of a cable car?
Interviewer: I’ve seen them in San Francisco…
Mr. Idema: Well, that’s the same thing. The cables were continuous cables that ran through a
slot. They dropped this grip down and take hold of it, the cable, and take the car up the hill.
Interviewer: From downtown on Lyon Street? How far out Lyon does that cable car go?
Mr. Idema: I think to what is now Grand Avenue… but I may be wrong on that. Perhaps only to
Union.
Interviewer: Beyond those streets was where the country was?
Mr. Idema: Yeah, more or less. I don’t think it was built up to much. But I don’t know, I didn’t
know much about what went on then, east of where I lived. West was downtown.
Interviewer: Did you spend a lot of time downtown?
Mr. Idema: Well, when? What do you mean?
Interviewer: If you didn’t spend much time east of the house, you must have spent your time
west of the home.
Mr. Idema: Well, what age are you talking about?
Interviewer: Oh, I don’t know….
Mr. Idema: We used to go downtown every day or two, for sure. Slide down a hill in winter and
walk down in the summer. Washington Street used to be a wonderful street for sliding. They had
the police roped it off. You start at College Avenue, ran down and turn on Jefferson. And I don’t
think they ever allowed it on Lyon, it was too steep. But Fountain Street allowed it and roped it
off. And then they had the horses; some of them would have horses, pull ‘em up.
Interviewer: When the kids came downhill, somebody had a horse to pull the kids up?

�8
Mr. Idema: They had a horse; it take ‘em down the hill, around by Fulton Street, then have them
pull it up to Fountain. But mostly we hauled our own. They had bobs that would hold twelve,
fourteen kids, and they’d go, I don’t know how fast they’re going at the bottom but we were
moving.
Interviewer: Was downtown much different then, than it is now?
Mr. Idema: Well, it’s beginning to change now, it’s high time.
Interviewer: What do you mean?
Mr. Idema: Well lower Monroe Avenue and Monroe to Campau Square of course entirely
different than it was fifty years ago. But it wasn’t very long ago that it looked a great deal the
same. They’re just waking up downtown now. That, maybe thing, maybe they can hold it, maybe
they can’t, I don’t know. Business is moving out, so is residential property.
Interviewer: Was that lower Monroe section, taken out by urban renewal, was that, were there
quite a few businesses in there?
Mr. Idema: Oh, retail businesses, firms, sure. Spring Dry Goods Company, a very large concern
that was right down at the bottom of the hill, just where you made the turn, the bottom of
Monroe. And, Herpolsheimer’s used to be Voigt-Herpolsheimer’s, but that’s moved up the street
from where it was, I think Wurzburg’s is where Herpolsheimer’s used to be, as I recall it. But of
course none of them are sitting home now. Steketee's.
Interviewer: Yes, Steketee’s is still sitting on a bench[?].
Mr. Idema: About the only one.
Interviewer: Voigt-Herpolsheimer, that’s the same family as the flour mills?
Mr. Idema: C. G. A. Voigt was the father of the Voigt brothers, and he and Mr. Herpolsheimer
owned the business, but he wasn’t active. He was always in the flour business. But my
grandfather, on my mother’s side and Mr. Paul J. Steketee, were partners, and the name of the
store was Steketee-Doornink and they were partners right where Steketee’s is now, ‘til they
agreed to disagree and my grandfather sold out to Mr. Steketee, and it became Steketee and
Sons, Paul Steketee and Sons. But he was in the dry goods business with Mr. Steketee, for quite
awhile.
Interviewer: What did he do after he sold his a…..
Mr. Idema: Oh, he retired: he, I don’t think he did anything. I never knew him, I was pretty
young then. Well, I knew him, but can’t, I have no memory of him.
Interviewer: Who was the first member of your family to come to Grand Rapids?

�9
Mr. Idema: Well, what do you mean by family?
Interviewer: Well, let’s say both on your mother’s and father’s side.
Mr. Idema: They were both born in Grand Rapids, my father and mother.
Interviewer: Did their parents come to Grand Rapids?
Mr. Idema: Their parents came from Holland; the old Holland called the Netherlands. Idema is a
Dutch name and a Dutch family.
Interviewer: What… Do you know what brought them from the Netherlands to Grand Rapids?
Mr. Idema: Ships.
Interviewer: I mean, what would have prompted them to leave the Netherlands for…..
Mr. Idema: Same thing that prompted everybody to leave the Netherlands, religious persecution
and they settled here, and they settled around Holland, Michigan. A great many of them settled
in Iowa, that’s a great Dutch settlement. And quite a few of them in Pennsylvania, although the
Pennsylvania Dutch, I mean the Dutch as we know them here, they’re not very much the same
class of people. I don’t know but I know they talked kind of disparagingly of Pennsylvania
Dutch. But all your VanRaaltes founded the Church down in Holland, the Dutch Reformed
Church. That was one of the most prominent Dutch families to come from Holland. But here the
Steketees and the Doorninks, and the, oh, I don’t know. There used to be more Steketees in the
telephone book than there were Smiths, not now, of course, but they died out.
Interviewer: Why did the Dutch come to this part of the United States?
Mr. Idema: I can’t tell you, I don’t know. I know when my grandmother, they moved, they lived
first in Buffalo, then they came from Buffalo to Grand Rapids, that’s my grandmother on my
mother’s side. And what brought ‘em to Grand Rapids, I don’t know. I don’t know why they
chose Grand Rapids, of course, a little bit of a village then – a town.
Interviewer: Well, would the Dutch people that came here, were they a very close knit ethnic
group?
Mr. Idema: Pretty much, and very religious.
Interviewer: Was your family a part of that group?
Mr. Idema: I would say so, my grandmother on my mother’s side, more than on my father’s. I
my father’s background is a little hazy to me; I don’t - I can’t tell you much about it.
Interviewer: Where did the Dutch locate mostly, in Grand Rapids, did they kind of hang together
in the same neighborhood?

�10
Mr. Idema: No, I can’t recall that they did. We were about the only one on that neighborhood
on Lyon Street. But the Dutch Church was on Bostwick Street, just off Lyon, called the Second
Reformed Church, and the services were in Dutch language. My grandmother who lived with us,
on my mother’s side spoke very little English. As a result of which I acquired a pretty good
smattering of Dutch.
Interviewer: Can you still speak it?
Mr. Idema: Oh, yes. I can understand it better, (at least when I knew) I had no need of the
vocabulary. I used to be pretty good in French when I went to college and took it four years. But
I don’t use it, so I forget it. But I can understand Dutch; we have a cleaning woman who comes
here every week and she speaks no English, why she and I get along fine. And it was a big help
to my father when he went in the banking business, and, the Kent County Savings Bank, where
he started, was called spaarbank. …
Interviewer: What does that mean?
Mr. Idema: Savings Bank
Interviewer: Is that Dutch?
Mr. Idema: Sure, it’s Dutch. It was on the corner of Lyon and it’s opposite where the Old
National was, the other end of the Pantlind, which was then Sweet’s Hotel, before the Pantlind.
Then the Kent County Savings Bank combined with the State Bank of Michigan, formed the
Kent State Bank, which later combined with the Old National Bank and made the Old Kent
Bank. They also took in the Fourth National Bank and People’s; that left only the Old Kent
Michigan National. And the well, really, before the days of the Union Bank, there were only two
banks. Mr. John E. Frey formed the Union Bank, Jack Frey, Ed Frey’s father. Dates I can’t give
you – I don’t know.
Interviewer: Who, who was kind of instrumental in tying together all these various banks to form
the Old Kent?
Mr. Idema: My father.
Interviewer: Your father?
Mr. Idema: Absolutely, he made it, he did it.
Interviewer: What was his name?
Mr. Idema: Henry.
Interviewer: Henry Idema?

�11
Mr. Idema: He lived to be ninety-five. He was active up to the time he was ninety. In those days
they didn’t kick them out at sixty-five like they do all over now. They, they took, they has a
little stuff left in ‘em. And he was very active in the bank in his eighties. Now when you’re sixtyfive, away you go. Everywhere.
Interviewer: Yes, in some places I think it’s even lower than that.
Mr. Idema: Yes, some of them have sixty two, and almost all of them have an option, if you
want sixty five or sixty two you can, but you lose some benefits. My other brother, the third
brother, Edward Idema, when he retired was the owner and operator of the Manufacturer’s
Supply Company, which is now being run by his son named Henry Idema the second. So that
was, what became of the three brothers.
Interviewer: Did you associate, like, the kids that lived along Lyon Street, did they associate
with the kids living over on, let’s say, Lafayette, Prospect…?
Mr. Idema: Oh, to some extent, because if we went to the same school. But we were, we had
enough of us in the area to take care of our needs for a little baseball or hockey or something like
that. Oh, there were, I had friends on Crescent Avenue, and over on Prospect Street, sure…
Interviewer: Where did you play ball in those days?
Mr. Idema: Usually in our backyard. We had the biggest back yard, that’s where they played.
Interviewer: What’s the address of that home up on Lyon Street?
Mr. Idema: I don’t know. It was two eighty-four when I lived there, but I know it’s changed. It
was bought by a Mr. Wagemaker, who bought it from my father and Isaac Wagemaker, and there
he had a son named Ray, who owned and operated the Wagemaker Company making bolts, you
know. He later bought this house directly across the street. And he died of a heart attack, about,
I’d say five or six years ago. And I always called that the Wagemaker House, although he didn’t
build it. But I never knew that, I never knew their family, except as I knew that they lived in the
old house.
Interviewer: Do you think that living is very much different today than when you were growing
up?
Mr. Idema: Sure is.
Interviewer: How is it, what was the biggest difference?
Mr. Idema: Well, your needs are so much, your economics are so different, your economy is
different. Five cent sodas are thirty five cents and all that stuff, and I mean, money wasn’t so
important. If a kid got fifty cents a week allowance he’d be pretty affluent. Now you get that
much for nothing. The economy is tiring, change, right straight across the whole strata. Not just,

�12
youth, it’s everybody. And I’m talking about previous to World War Two and way back in then,
I was born in the eighteen eighties. We didn’t know, we had the Spanish American War, but that
was no, that didn’t amount to anything. And of course, I was, after the Civil War, I hope. But we
never, we didn’t have the war problem, we didn’t have the economy problem, we didn’t have the
liquor problem. I don’t know, life was a lot easier, I’ll tell you that.
[End of side one]
Mr. Idema: Well, did you, were you in school with John?
Interviewer: Yes, he was a year behind me. And Steve was in my grade.
Mr. Idema: Yes, John just moved here within the last six months. He was in the army until last,
well, I guess he got discharged about March, February, March. He’s out at Amway Corporation.
Interviewer: Oh, is he?
Mr. Idema: And Steve is head of the local Legal Aid and their oldest brother. Phil, is a partner
with Crook, Fryhoffer and somebody, he’s been with them quite awhile. So they all live here, all
have children, no, Steve doesn’t have any. Steve just came here from Denver. He was the head of
the Legal Aid in Denver, or in the Legal Aid work. Previous to that he was with, oh, I’ve
forgotten the name of that, the government deal, similar kind of work but he was down in the
Caribbean. What was the name of that, VISTA, you know, VISTA, Volunteers In Service To
America .Well, that brought him to Denver and he worked with the poor around Denver, and that
kind of work, and then he was offered this job here and he came here oh, a couple of months ago.
Interviewer: Let’s see, I was going to ask you about your wife, and you know, if she was a Grand
Rapids girl and what her background was. Would [you] tell me a little about that?
Mr. Idema: Not very much. She was born in Grand Rapids, and went to Grand Rapids’ schools,
Smith College, graduated in nineteen thirteen; we were, in nineteen twelve we were married in
nineteen thirteen.
Interviewer: Did you build this house after, just after you were married?
Mr. Idema: No, I didn’t build it ‘til nineteen seventeen. I moved in the day war was declared.
And that was in April, nineteen seventeen. I enlisted and left here in February of nineteen
eighteen, and I was gone until nineteen twenty or twenty-one. But I didn’t go overseas. I was in
Camp Hancock, Georgia most the time. And she lived here; we had one child at that time. She
lived in the house.
Interviewer: Who built these homes, the other homes along Gay Street?
Mr. Idema: I can’t tell you. I’m the newest house so I don’t know.

�13
Interviewer: That one across the street, the Wagemaker house, you said that a…
Mr. Idema: I don’t know, well, I know who owned it, Mr. John Duffy, had it built, that what you
mean?
Interviewer: Yes
Mr. Idema: I don’t know the name of any builders…
Interviewer: Yes? No, the people who…
Mr. Idema: John Duffy bought it, built it, and paid for it. He was the head of the Grand Rapids
Hardware Company. And as I told you, Wagemaker bought it out of the Duffy estate, after John
Duffy died, and Mrs. Duffy. The house down here belonged to; I don’t think it was built by him,
but belonged to Joseph Brewer.
Interviewer: Whose house is that, the one that the Lockwoods live in?
Mr. Idema: No, the next house.
Interviewer: Oh, yes.
Mr. Idema: That’s an apartment house, and that is in their garage, and so… the Lockwood
house, I can’t tell you who built it, but I think it was a man named Childs. And his probably the
oldest house on the street, except the one on the corner, but that faces Washington. And the Gay
property, the Gay house faces Fulton, and the one up on the corner, which belonged to Mr.
Mormon, he built that, that faces Fulton.
Interviewer: That’s the green house there on the corner?
Mr. Idema: Well, they’re all apartment houses except Mrs. Lockwood’s and this one. And not
only there, but all the way around this block every single one of ‘em are apartment houses. There
isn’t a single apa… a single house, in the block which I’m sitting. That’s the way the change is,
all single houses when I built. There was no East Grand Rapids as we know it today. We used to
go out there by the streetcar and go up to the show at Ramona. That was East Grand Rapids. But,
if I knew then what I know now, I’d never built here.
Interviewer: Why is that?
Mr. Idema: Why is that?
Interviewer: Yes? If you knew what…
Mr. Idema: If I knew, what I know now?
Interviewer: Yes? What do you know now that you didn’t know then?

�14
Mr. Idema: Well, I know that we’re in right on the edge of a slum. I mean, the character of the
people, the houses, everything, we’re in a, they had a, well, tonight, right down here night before
last.
Interviewer: Where’s that, on Washington?
Mr. Idema: Yes, just off Washington. They snatch purses around here. I wouldn’t, well, I finally
persuaded the city to put up this light, I got a big light out here that lights itself, but… we’re only
two blocks away from Wealthy and that’s all colored, and that’s where the trouble is. Don’t I I
(didn’t) want that on.
Interviewer: No, that won’t be on, won’t reprint that.
Mr. Idema: I’d I mean I don’t, you don’t talk that way.
Interviewer: No. Why do you think that the, what, what caused these homes to go from single
family residences to apartment houses?
Mr. Idema: Because nobody kept up, and built decent houses, they all went out to East Grand
Rapids. That’s where all the money is in the houses.
Interviewer: In other words, the economics that maintained a home like this aren’t very much
different for maintaining a sizable home in East Grand Rapids…
Mr. Idema: What do you mean, cost?
Interviewer: Yes,
Mr. Idema: Oh, that isn’t a matter of cost. They just don’t want to be in this neighborhood
anymore, and I wouldn’t either.
Interviewer: Why did they all move out in the first place?
Mr. Idema: Well, why does anything like that occur or any movement, migration? I can’t tell
you.
Interviewer: Well, the reason why I asked is that I was talking to, I was interviewing someone
last week I think it was either Mrs. Whinery or Mrs. Lockwood, and they said that the Ledyard
property up there on the corner of Cherry and College that six generations of family lived.
Mr. Idema: That’s the Oakwood Manor.
Interviewer: Yes, where they opened the Hillmount, that six generations of the family lived
there, on that same plot of ground.
Mr. Idema: Yes, that’s right, and they die out.

�15
Interviewer: Yes.
Mr. Idema: Nobody comes along.
Interviewer: Yes, that’s another, other people we’ve interviewed talk about how their family,
well, I’ve talked to George Shelby and he said that the family built the, the house that’s
commonly known as the Booth house, his family built that, and they built another one on the
corner, and they built another one next to that.
Mr. Idema: I don’t know. Shelby ought to. Those are beautiful houses, on Lafayette Street, that
was, well, and this was top grade.
Interviewer: Well, this is still a beautiful house.
Mr. Idema: Of course it is, but isn’t a beautiful neighborhood. It’s a lousy neighborhood.
Interviewer: Well, I think there’s kind of a move among young people at least. I noticed up on, I
haven’t seen a house for sale on Gay Street in a long time, but, up on the hill there, the houses
come up for sale, and they’re sold pretty quickly. Now, I don’t whether it’s a…
Mr. Idema: Because they’re cheap…
Interviewer: I don’t know – I never looked at prices.
Mr. Idema: Well, East Grand Rapids prices are way up, compared to ours, for a similar thing.
My kids and grandchildren bought out there, one of them built, gee, what they have to pay for a
house would make you sick. But, they all want to be out in East Grand Rapids.
Interviewer: What, if you want to answer this one, but, just out of curiosity, just what, what did a
house like this cost you to build when you built it?
Mr. Idema:

Forty-two thousand dollars.

Interviewer: That was pretty expensive house at that time too.
Mr. Idema: Oh, you couldn’t do it today for a hundred.
Interviewer: Yes.
Mr. Idema: That’s with everything. And I know that because I just discussed selling it. People
want to know exactly what it cost, and they have a right to. But that was in nineteen seventeen,
that’s fifty-five years ago, fifty-four, sixty-four, so you can’t compare it because anymore than
you can compare furniture that was made then, or any automobile. When I moved in here I
bought a Cadillac, nineteen forty-one, at one time, while I was living; what do you suppose the
price was?

�16
Interviewer: For a forty-one Cadillac?
Mr. Idema: I have no idea.
Interviewer: Four door, everything on it, was sixteen hundred and twenty-five dollars. That car
today is sixty, [er] six thousand dollars. And that’s the way with everything. If I were to build, I
wouldn’t build this house today, I wouldn’t build this type of house, I’d have a more modern
house. This isn’t modern. It’s old, but isn’t an old fashioned house, but, there are a lot of things
about it, I’d put in air conditioning if I was building. There are a lot of things that I would do.
But that time’s past. One day, this will be another apartment house, I presume. It has six
bedrooms and four baths, and the entire first floor, this room and that room and the hall, is one
great big recreation room.
Interviewer: What, down below us?
Mr. Idema: I’ve had fifty people here to a dance, orchestra and the whole business down there.
Interviewer: It’s a beautiful place.
Mr. Idema: Well, it was then, it was, been a happy home for many years, kids grew up in it, and
but, it’s in the wrong location.
Interviewer: You didn’t really answer that, of course, maybe you don’t really know the reasons
but the question I had is - why did people move out of this area? I mean, why did they start
moving to East Grand Rapids, or Cascade, or wherever they moved?
Mr. Idema: Oh, they were attracted by the terrain, and the very strong work done by certain
realtors, one of which was Mr. Bonnell. [Do] you know where Bonnell Drive is? Well, Mr.
Bonnell bought all that property in there, and had it landscaped, and new streets put through and
they sold lots. Mr. Gilbert, Will Gilbert, bought where I used to play golf out there where East
Grand Rapids is now, part of that. And, that’s all East Grand Rapids now, the water’s there, the
lake, everything that attracted. There’s nothing attractive about this part of town, not now. When
I built it there wasn’t any East Grand Rapids. As I told you, Ramona, but not, there were no
homes like there are now. The Edward Lowe home, which is now Aquinas College, was built
approximately nineteen hundred and one or two. You know where that is? That’s now, well that
is on the South side of Robinson Road, at the end of Plymouth and that was the Edward Lowe
house. He lived, when he built that house out there, he lived over here on the corner of College
and Washington, which is the Insurance Company office, directly across from WOOD [TV])
Interviewer: Oh, yes.
Mr. Idema: That was, that’s where I lived, that’s my father bought it of Mr. Lowe, sold the
house up on Lyon, to Wagemaker.
Interviewer: And bought which house…?

�17
Mr. Idema: The one up on College Avenue on the corner
Interviewer: Is that house still standing?
Mr. Idema: Oh, I’ll say it is, sure.
Interviewer: Is that the Castle?
Mr. Idema: No, no, no, this end, Washington Street. The Castle’s on Cherry Street.
Interviewer: Oh, Washington and College.
Mr. Idema: Washington and College, south west corner.
Interviewer: Oh, yes, I see, yes.
Mr. Idema: It’s an insurance company. I sold it after my father died and my mother, to this
insurance company. That was before WOOD [TV] was put up, which is an abortion. That was a
beautiful block of homes, from Cherry to Fulton, on College. You can see that, well, you know
the Waters’ house still stands. And then the Bissell house was there, that was where WOOD is.
And down on the corner the Aldrich house, the Pantlind house, on this side the Castle, and the
Byrnes, John Byrne’s house, and the Voigt house, and then that house my father owned,
beautiful block, every house in there was a beautiful, big house. Look at them now. Awful.
One’s an insurance company, another’s torn down, and the Waters’ house is the Waters’ house.
And it’s an apartment house.
Interviewer: Yes, and they’ve got all those others, those multiple living, high rises.
Mr. Idema: Oh, as a residential section, this Grand Rapids is sunk. If you got any money, I
mean, if people have got to buy fifteen thousand dollar houses, you can’t go to East Grand
Rapids. You’ve got to buy where they can afford to, which is Grand Rapids, per se. But it’s, that
doesn’t make it any more attractive.
Interviewer: You think the automobile had much of an effect on the dispersal of the society?
Mr. Idema: On what?
Interviewer: On the dispersal of people, in other words, everyone lived in this area all of a
sudden are living…
Mr. Idema: Oh, I don’t know. Everybody had cars.
Interviewer: Everybody had cars before East Grand Rapids started developing?
Mr. Idema: I can’t tell you that, I don’t know. I think the first car in our family was nineteen
four, when we lived on Lyon Street, and that was a Winton. But cars weren’t cars then, I mean,

�18
they didn’t depend on them. Trip from here to Detroit took all day. There wasn’t the fluid
moment movement that there is now, and that, automobiles have come as you know, in the last
fifteen-twenty years was a tremendous rush. I won’t say they didn’t have something to do with it,
because without the automobile, East Grand Rapids would be left high and dry. You can’t walk
out there, but to say that that‘s the reason, I don’t know. But this so-called Heritage District that
you mentioned is, you’ve taken in an awful lot of territory, you’ve taken in some, I think very
run down places. You’ve got some good ones.
Interviewer: Well, I think that’s what the Heritage Hill people are concerned with, is not
necessarily you know, the junk that’s in there, but the good houses that are still standing that can
be preserved.
Mr. Idema: What they gonna do with ‘em?
Interviewer: From what I’ve seen, some of these homes, they are trying to persuade the people
that own them to, you know fix ‘em up, maintain them, keep ’em in good shape instead of letting
them decline and…
Mr. Idema: With what incentive?
Interviewer: Well, the incentive to maintain an area that they think is beautiful.
Mr. Idema: Why?
Interviewer: Because it’s like this street here, you can’t go out to East Grand Rapids and find a
street like this, maybe Bonnell Avenue, but that’s it.
Mr. Idema: Oh, yes, you can, these houses are old-fashioned….
Interviewer: That’s right that’s, but out there, like you say, if you were building today, you’d
build a modern house.
Mr. Idema: Why, sure.
Interviewer: But you don’t find homes like the homes in this area, built out there. A lot of people
find these homes, homes along Gay Street and ….
Mr. Idema: Oh, I think that house across the street, the Duffy house, I would say architecturally,
it was a great deal like the Fitzgerald house.
Interviewer: Yes.
Mr. Idema: And that’s in East Grand Rapids, and this was here. I don‘t think that’s, that’s
follows at all. I might put this same house if I could find a spot on Reed’s Lake, and it would be
in keeping, I mean, it’s not old-fashioned, in spite of the fact it’s that old, it’s architecturally, it’s

�19
still good. And outside, you can say, look at that old house. But this house could have built last
year.
Interviewer: Well, I guess we’ve got enough. Think so?
Mr. Idema: You’ve milked me.
INDEX

B

K

Bonnell, Mr. · 16
Kent County Savings Bank · 10

D
Dennison, Judge · 6
Duffy, John · 13, 18

E

L
Lockwood Family · 13, 14
Lowe, Edward · 16

O

Elliot Machine Company · 2, 3
Old Kent Bank · 4, 10

F

P

Fountain Street School · 2
Frey, John E. · 10

Peninsular Club · 5

G

S

Gilbert, Will · 16
Grand Rapids Store Equipment Corporation · 3

Shelby, George · 15
Smith College · 12
Steelcase · 4, 5
Steketee's · 8

H
Herpolsheimer’s · 8

U

I

University Club · 5, 6
University of Michigan · 2, 5

Idema, Edward · 11
Idema, Henry (Father) · 8, 9, 10, 11, 16, 17
Idema, Johanna Wilhelmina Doornink (Mother) · 8, 9, 10,
17

W
Wagemaker, Isaac · 11, 13, 16
Wanty, Tom · 5
Wege, Peter · 4

�20
Whinery, Mrs. · 14

Wurzburg’s · 8

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                    <text>Identity and Intentionality
From the Lenten sermon series: The Servant of the Lord
Text: Isaiah 50:7; Luke 9:51
Richard A. Rhem
Christ Community Church
Spring Lake, Michigan
February 28, 1988
Transcription of the spoken sermon
I have set my face like a flint... Isaiah 50:7
... he set his face to go to Jerusalem. Luke 9:51

Tomorrow I give my first lecture to The Introduction to Preaching class. At some
time during the term, I will address the matter of telling sermons. I will not use
today’s title as an example of how to do it. If you come to worship on the basis of
the title of the message, you would not likely have come this morning.
“Identity and Intentionality.”
Doesn’t sound very promising, does it? I grant you it is about as prosaic as one
could get. My only justification for my title is that it points to precisely what I
want to set before you: That as God’s People we must be clear about our identity
and intentional in the execution of our ministry.
Identity: Who we are.
Intentionality: The deliberateness with which we do what we are called to do.
Let me set this message in the context of Lent/Eastertide, 1988. The Lenten
focus, Part I of this series of messages, is “The Servant of the Lord.” We are
examining the vocation of the Servant in Isaiah 40-55 and the fulfilling of that
vocation in the life, death and resurrection of Jesus who adopted the Servant
motif as the model for his ministry.
Jesus understood himself to be the Servant of the Lord.
Jesus calls us to be a Servant People. By understanding the Servant concept in
Isaiah and how Jesus lived it out, we will be instructed and inspired to realize our
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Richard A. Rhem

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calling to be The Lord’s Servant community and to do so with self-conscious
awareness and intentional resolution. That is our purpose.
Should I be successful in that purpose, then the on-going development of the
Christ Community story will follow as a matter of course, then our response will
be, not to a charismatic leader, not to a finely-tuned campaign of manipulation,
but to the Word of God.
Let us begin then with the portrait of the Servant as it comes to expression in the
third of the four Servant Songs in Isaiah 40-55. The Old Testament text is Isaiah
50:4-9. The Servant describes his calling, the opposition he encounters, the
confidence he has in God Who called him and then gives us this vivid image:
I have set my face like a flint
The servant of Isaiah had a clear sense of identity; he was convinced that he was
called of God to speak to God’s people in Babylon a word of forgiveness and
imminent salvation from their experience of exile. Remember, this is the prophet
whose opening words are.
Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, says your God. Speak tenderly to
Jerusalem and tell her this, that she has fulfilled her term of bondage,
that her penalty is paid.
This is the prophet to whom a voice said, “Cry!”
In the third Servant Song which is our present focus, the Servant says, “The Lord
God has given me the tongue of a teacher.” He goes on to tell how God has
sharpened his hearing so that he might learn the word to speak to God’s people.
He encountered opposition; he suffered scorn and mocking. Yet he remained
confident:
... The Lord God stands by to help me; therefore no insult can wound me.
I have set my face like a flint.
The Servant was a messenger of God’s salvation and with that clearly before him,
he resolutely determined to carry out his task.
I have set my face like a flint.
That is a wonderful image. It speaks of one who has sense of identity and a
certainty about what one is called to be and do and who looks neither to the right
nor the left, but with single-minded determination pursues a course straight for
the goal.
If you want to understand it in contemporary terms, contrast that image with the
presidential hopefuls - Republican and Democratic alike, who in Iowa sang the

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Iowa fight song, in New Hampshire sang a New England tune, and are
articulating with studied ambiguity their Southern strategy in preparation for
Super Tuesday. Hardly flint-like; closer to a waxed nose profile.
When Luke told the story of Jesus, he borrowed the image of Isaiah to describe
the resolution of Jesus as he set out for the final confrontation in Jerusalem. In
our New Testament text, we read,
As the time approached when he was to be taken up to heaven, he (Jesus)
set his face resolutely towards Jerusalem. (9:51)
Luke sets his Gospel from 9:51 to 19:44 in the context of the journey to
Jerusalem. We know that the Gospels are not biographies of Jesus, and the
Gospel writers were not giving a chronological account of successive days and
weeks in the life of Jesus. The Gospels are faith statements, theological
documents, deliberately composed to portray who Jesus was and what he came to
do. And so the journey to Jerusalem in Luke is not so much a geographical
concern as it is Luke’s way of telling the way of Jesus and inviting others to join in
and follow that way.
But we know there was a time in Jesus’ ministry when he deliberately set out for
Jerusalem with the intention of bringing his message of the Kingdom to final
confrontation with the Jewish established religious institution. What Luke
conveys with this introductory word is the flint-like resolution with which Jesus
pursued his course.
Like the Servant in Isaiah to whom Jesus looked as his own model, Jesus knew
himself claimed and called by God to bring salvation to the world. Like the
Servant he met opposition, but he did not waver. He had a strong sense of
identity; with deliberate intentionality he moved toward the goal. All of this is
wrapped up in that little phrase,
... he set his face resolutely towards Jerusalem.
Self-aware, intentional, he set out to fulfill the will of God for his life.
Luke sets the ministry of Jesus in the context of the way to Jerusalem and writes
his Gospel as an invitation to all who read to follow Jesus on the way. It is an
invitation to us who are once again on Lenten pilgrimage to Jerusalem, to Holy
Week, to crucifixion and resurrection. As we contemplate our identity as the
People of God, followers of Jesus Christ, we too must test the resoluteness of our
intention. Nowhere does Jesus call people to discipleship under false pretense. In
the immediate context of Jesus’ own setting out, Luke gives us some clues as to
the nature of that discipleship.
We learn at once that the mission to which we are called involves neither coercion
nor angry reaction.

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To go from Galilee to Jerusalem involved going through Samaria, and the
relations between Jews and Samaritans were strained, to say the least. Most Jews
would circumvent Samaria going by way of the Jordan East Bank. But Jesus sent
his disciples ahead to make arrangements to go through Samaria. This was a sign
of his care, a token of friendship, but the Samaritans wanted nothing to do with
him since he was on his way to Jerusalem. They rejected his approach.
James and John were furious. They wanted to call down fire from heaven on the
Samaritans like Elijah had done. But Jesus rebuked them and they went to
another place.
It is interesting that John the Baptist, too, had wanted Jesus to be a second
Elijah, but Jesus chose rather the Servant of Israel as his model. The Servant
accepted his suffering voluntarily, trusting his cause to God Whom he believed
would vindicate him.
As followers of Jesus there will be an honest approach, invitation, offer of the
Gospel, but never coercion. The Gospel is offered, the invitation is given, but
there must be no force-feeding.
And never is angry reaction in order. We call down no fire from heaven on those
who reject the message, who spurn the offer of the Gospel. If there is, we have too
much of ourselves, too much of our own ego invested.
As they proceed on the way, an enthusiastic candidate for the Kingdom comes
and says, “I will follow you wherever you go.” Jesus says, “You will? Do you really
know what you are saying? Foxes have holes and birds their nests, but the Son of
Man has no place to lay his head.” This is not an isolated instance. Jesus always
cautioned, “Count the cost,” for he never apologized for the self-sacrifice expected
of the Christian.
Jesus met another person and invited him to follow. He said, “Yes, but let me
bury my father first.” Now, it’s unlikely that his father had died; he was saying I
have obligations to family first; then I will follow. Jesus’ response was, “Leave the
dead bury the dead; you must announce the Kingdom.”
And then there was one who said he wanted to follow but first return home and
say farewell to his family, to which Jesus responded, “No one who sets his hand
to the plough and then keeps looking back is fit for the kingdom of God.”
In the citing of these examples immediately after portraying Jesus with his face
set resolutely towards Jerusalem, Luke is saying clearly that the call to follow
Jesus involves a clear identity and a resolute intentionality.
Identity - The Servant of the Lord called by God to hear his word and speak his
word - to proclaim the Kingdom, to announce God’s great salvation.

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Intentionality -To be resolute, having counted the cost, willing to sacrifice, willing
to give God’s program priority, willing to give it undivided attention.
Let’s bring it right down to Christ Community and let’s think first of all of the
ministry we share together - We are People of God; we are followers of Jesus
Christ. We have heard the good news, the Gospel of grace, and we have
experienced that grace, receiving the word of forgiveness, knowing ourselves
taken up into the love of God.
Seventeen years ago we renamed ourselves - we took the name Christ Community
as a statement of the identity we would seek to realize, defining the kind of
community we desired to become - a community of Christ’s people graced and
mediating the unconditional grace of God to all who sought healing and
wholeness.
In many wonderful ways that identity has been realized. In self-conscious
awareness we have opened our arms to all without question or condition. We
have been and we increasingly are a place where all sorts and conditions of
persons come and find refuge, support, acceptance, forgiveness and love.
The only qualification necessary is a hunger, a thirst, a sense of need. The only
question asked - Do you receive the grace of God through Jesus Christ our Lord?
We are an ecumenical community with a broad spectrum of confessional and
religious backgrounds represented. We are a diverse community; every place on
the continuum of discipleship is represented in this large community - and all are
loved and affirmed. What we are we are, not because of traditional structures,
denominational affiliates, ethnic background; what we are we are selfconsciously; we have chosen to be the kind of community we have become.
Now the question confronts us anew: Will we with resolute intention broaden,
deepen and expand this community? Will we keep the story going and growing?
Let me suggest that we need always to do two things: We need, first of all, to be
open to all people, no questions asked, no conditions demanded. We must always
be giving our life away. This must always be a place where one can come with
nothing to offer, nothing to give; a place where one can enter gingerly, remain
anonymous, simply be.
Secondly, there must always be some who will hear Jesus’ invitation to
discipleship and respond joyfully making sacrifice, giving the building of this
community and the larger community of Christ top priority and undivided
attention.
That brings me to the personal application of this message. Let me ask you: Do
you have that sense of identity as a member of this body that is the result of an

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experience of grace and then the desire to share, to mediate that grace? Do you
choose to be identified with an open, gracious community of God’s people?
Further: Have you come to the point of intentional resolution to total
commitment to the building and ongoing development of this community?
Do not think I identify the Kingdom with Christ Community. We participate in
the Kingdom of God but are not synonymous with it. Nor do I think one’s
commitment to Christ Community is the only way to give first place to God’s will
and purpose in one’s life.
I do, however, believe God is in this community. I do believe grace is mediated
here. The Spirit is moving here, the Gospel is proclaimed and lives are
transformed here, and I believe this is one concrete arena in which to live out
one’s discipleship.
Many are doing just that. Over the years there has been a core that has borne the
heat of the day, shouldered the load, made it all possible. Sometimes one deeply
involved would say to me, “Why are there not more?” I always smile and reply, “It
only takes a few.”
No one is coerced into discipleship. There must never be angry reaction when
rejection is experienced. And not everyone is at the point of total commitment.
But, there are always those who are ready to make that move. In these weeks
there will be special opportunity to enter a new level of discipleship and ministry.
It is an exciting time and the joy and rewards are great.
An Old Testament prophet knew himself to be claimed by God, called to be God’s
servant, even to suffer voluntarily on behalf of others. Confident God would
support him, he set his face like a flint.
Jesus knew himself to be the Servant of the Lord. He knew the inevitability of
what lay before him, but he did not flinch; he set his face resolutely towards
Jerusalem.
Identity. Intentionality.
Jesus invites us to discipleship, to create here a place of grace, with self-conscious
intention. Let us commit ourselves anew to our ministry.

© Grand Valley State University

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                    <text>Identity Crisis
From the series: The Human Face of God
Text: Isaiah 42:3; Luke 4:1, 2
Richard A. Rhem
Christ Community Church
Spring Lake, Michigan
March 8, 1998
Transcription of the spoken sermon

The lines from Bishop John Shelby Spong that triggered the Lenten series for me
are printed on the inside cover of your liturgy this morning. The lines caught my
attention because they present Jesus Christ in most compelling fashion, the Jesus
Christ that grips me and that moves me:
Look not at his divinity, but look, rather, at his freedom. Look not at the
exaggerated tales of his power, but look, rather, at his infinite capacity to
give himself away. Look not at the first century mythology that surrounds
him, but look, rather, at his courage to be, his ability to live, the contagious
quality of his love.
Jesus is interpreted by the Christian church in very exalted fashion. But, that is
interpretation, the interpretation of an experience. More and more, we try to lay
back the layers that the tradition has placed on him to see if we can find the face
of that one, that Nazarene who was here, who was baptized at the hands of John
the Baptist and, in that experience, sensed that he was claimed and called by God.
Luke tells us that in the baptism he was praying and it was as though the heavens
opened and the Spirit in the form of a dove descended upon him, and he heard a
voice, "This is my beloved Son; You are my beloved son in whom I am well
pleased." With a claim and a call that dramatic, one might think that that’s all
there was to it, simple, clear, not to be doubted, and sometimes, as the stories are
written in the gospels, the exaggerated stories of his power, the first century’s
mythological framework in which we find him portrayed, it might seem as though
there was little room for any question, any doubt on his part, and yet there is
enough of that real Jesus that obtrudes through, even in the gospel portraits that
are written after Easter and paint him in exultant colors - there’s enough of that
historical core that comes through that we can see that it was not so easy for
Jesus. Jesus still had to determine who he was and the nature of the mission to
which God was calling him, and that didn’t come automatically.

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It’s rather interesting that in Luke and Matthew, who follow Mark, they all record
the experience of the temptations, Mark just a brief reference, but Luke and
Matthew, some expanded conversation with the devil in the wilderness after forty
days of prayer and fasting, and it is not by coincidence that the evangelist placed
that struggle, that temptation experience immediately after the claiming and the
calling in his baptism, preceding his ministry, obviously trying to tell us that
Jesus had to struggle to understand who he was and the nature of the work to
which God had called him and for which God had claimed him.
Mythological? I would guess so. I don’t meet the devil engaging me in
conversation out on the street, and of course, I don’t go into the wilderness where
maybe I would meet him. It’s an obvious creation of the evangelist in order to
make a point. Not that we deny the reality of darkness, the reality of evil in the
world. Not that all of the religions in the world have not recognized that
hindrance to wholeness and to the mending of creation. But, nonetheless, this is
obviously a creation of the evangelist in order to tell us that Jesus, in the light of
the claiming and the calling of God and in the prelude to the ministry he would
execute, had to figure out who he was and how he was to go about it.
The Gospel of John doesn’t mention the temptation experience. Nonetheless, the
Gospel of John does have John the Baptist pointing to Jesus as the Lamb of God
who takes away the sin of the world. John witnesses to the fact that he saw the
Spirit of God fall out on Jesus. He cannot do anymore than he does to affirm this
one, and so John the evangelist also ties in Jesus to the ministry of John the
Baptist. But he doesn’t tell us that John the Baptist baptized him, and he doesn’t
tell us about this wilderness temptation experience. What he does tell us in the
early chapters of his gospel, I think, is a narrative form of what Luke and
Matthew were trying to tell us.
It’s interesting that the Gospel of John, which is different in its chronology and so
much of its import from the other three gospels, presents Jesus witnessed to by
John, pointed out by John, but then going to Galilee. He’s in Cana of Galilee
where he performs his first sign, changing the water into wine, and then already
in the second chapter we have Jesus going down to the Passover in Jerusalem.
Now, if you read these gospels, you find that in Matthew, Mark and Luke, Jesus
goes to Jerusalem just one time, and it’s the last week of his life. But, in John,
Jesus goes back and forth to Jerusalem, and early in his ministry, he goes to
Passover in Jerusalem, and he comes to the temple and do you remember what
he does? He’s infuriated. He’s filled with anger at what he sees - the whole temple
establishment, everything that was going on there which he must have seen as a
barricade to access to the grace of God rather than the instrumentality through
which that grace is to be mediated. John tells us he made whips of cords, he
overturned the moneychangers tables, and he made quite a scene. It was an angry
scene, and, of course, people loved to have it so. I mean, this man has fire! This
man has passion! And so, they come to him. Now, still in the second chapter of

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John, we read that as they were coming to him, he realized it was because of what
he had done, of the sign that he had perpetrated, and John says, "But Jesus
wouldn’t give himself to them because he knew what was in them. He didn’t
entrust himself to the multitude that came rushing on.
What was going on? I suspect that what John was trying to tell us was that, in the
early phase of Jesus’ ministry, he was very much in the mold of John the Baptist.
Wouldn’t that be natural? John baptized him, and in his baptism he senses his
calling, and wouldn’t it be expected that, having identified himself with that
spiritual renewal movement at the end of the age as John presented it, that Jesus
would have carried on very much with the voice and the manner of John the
Baptist? John the Baptist was a fiery preacher of judgment and the wrath of God
to come. I suspect that Jesus began in that mode, and at least the chronology of
John’s gospel places Jesus and the cleansing of the temple in the wake of his
initial call and claiming as the manner in which he had determined he was to
carry out that ministry. Then he saw the reaction, and the reaction he saw was the
reaction of anger and hatred and violence.
Isn’t it interesting what religious rhetoric can do? Is there any rhetoric in the
world more volatile and explosive than religious rhetoric? And seeing that, it
must have raised questions in Jesus’ mind. Is this what I am to be about?
It’s a little creative imagination, but I think I understand what was going on. In
my earlier years, before I knew Jesus, I used to preach some angry sermons, and
afterwards I didn’t feel so good about it. Now, there’s no question about the fact
that you deserved it! But, leaving, I didn’t feel good about it. I had gotten
wrapped up in the rhetoric and I didn’t like what I felt, and frankly, didn’t like
what it did to you.
Now, if stay with John’s gospel for a minute, you’ll find that Jesus carried on a
ministry in Judea, down south of Jerusalem in the area of John the Baptist.
Matthew, Mark and Luke don’t tell you that. Only John tells you that he began a
ministry with his disciples down the banks of the Jordan, in the vicinity where
John had carried on his ministry and where Jesus himself had been baptized.
And if you read in the end of the third chapter of John, you will find that the word
got around that Jesus was drawing better than John. John was holding forth in
the First Presbyterian Church, and now there’s a Second Presbyterian Church
down the line, and it’s doing better. (It used to be a Reformed Church, but it’s
Presbyterian.) Now, they come to John and they say, "Hey, that fellow that
started out with you is down there doing this thing, and the crowds are going to
him." And then if you read a little further on, you’ll find that when Jesus gets
wind of this, he leaves. He says, "I’m out of here," because there was something
about the competitive nature of that ministry that he knew was a violation of the
very ministry he was carrying on. And we read that Jesus went to Galilee, and
how did he go to Galilee? He went to Galilee through Samaria, and at Samaria,
what does he do? He engages the woman at the well, which is quite an astounding

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thing for him to do. And James and John, who feel the inhospitable attitude of
the Samaritans, suggest to Jesus, "You know, maybe we ought to call down fire
from heaven on these Samaritans." Very much in the old mode, eh? The Sons of
Thunder, they were called. Damn them. Wipe them out! Ah, there’s something
down here in the visceral section of our being that responds to that. And Jesus
said, "Stop. You don’t know what spirit you are of."
And then he went to Galilee and carried on his Galilean ministry and do you
remember what happened when John the Baptist was thrown into prison? He
sent his disciples to Jesus in Galilee when he heard the ministry that Jesus was
carrying on in Galilee and what was his question? "Are you the one? Or should I
look for another?" Are you the one upon whom I had pinned my hopes for the
future? Are you the one that I mentored and nurtured in this ministry? Are you
the one who was to carry on the program of the kingdom of God when I lose my
head?
It’s really tough when you’ve mentored someone to have them turn away; when
you have taught and nurtured and shaped and invested yourself, and then find
them turning out to be quite other than the aspirations you had for them. I think
that was behind John’s question. And the answer to John’s question would have
to be, "Yes, and No. I am the one called and claimed by God, but no, not in the
fashion in which you shaped me, John, because the fashion in which you shaped
me is something that causes me to tremble. It flies in the face of what I’m sensing
God to be and what God is calling me to be."
Was there another model? Sure there was. And if John was modeled after the
prophet Malachi, then I think that Jesus in his own reflection, in his meditation,
in his fasting and in his prayer, came rather to see the suffering servant as the
paradigm for his ministry.
The suffering servant - there are four poems, four servant poems in Second
Isaiah, Isaiah 40-55. We read one of them, Isaiah 42:
My servant, my chosen one in whom my spirit dwells. The bruised reed he
will not crush. The dimly burning wick he will not snuff out. Not only will
he not call down fire from heaven, but he will take that which is bruised
and broken and nurture it and care for it and fan it into life.
I believe that Jesus, having sensed the claim and the call of God, and having
begun in one direction was turned around in his heels, so that it was not John the
Baptist who provided for him the model for his ministry, the ministry of
condemnation and judgment and the wrath of God, not the announcement of the
imminent wrath of God, but the announcement of the imminent breaking in of
the grace of God, the kingdom of God, the reign of God. A message not of doom,
but of good news; a message not of judgment, but of grace. That, I think, is what
those temptation narratives in Luke and in Matthew, based on Mark’s statement,
were intending to tell us - that Jesus didn’t come into this full blown, that Jesus

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had to wrestle and struggle and fight his way through to a sense of who he was
and the nature of that ministry to which he was called, that Jesus was not so cock
sure.
Interestingly, Luke tells us that the devil left him for a more opportune time. In
other words, it wasn’t over. Indeed, it wasn’t over. Look at the Garden of
Gethsemane. "Let this cup pass from me." He didn’t want to die. Look at the
darkness of Calvary. "My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?"
Did he mean that honestly, genuinely? I think he did. Might he not have
expected, having come finally to determine who he had to be and how he had to
be - might he not have expected, convinced that he was that he was the agent of
God’s incoming kingdom, might he not have expected, even at the last moment,
that God would have done something, some dramatic move? I think so. And
nothing happened. And he died in the darkness, forsaken, trusting, forsaken,
trusting, doubting, wondering, clinging to God. Where else could he go?
The devil said, "Why don’t you get it over with right at the beginning? Why don’t
you make God show God’s hand? Why don’t you get a demonstration, a public
demonstration?"
Jesus knew that was not the way he was to go. He was to go by faith. He was to
trust. He was to embody grace, and he was to trust, and that was the only option
available if he would be true to what he sensed God was about.
Identity crisis. For us, too. Is grace still enough? Will we be doubly committed to
being a place of grace? Will we dare follow Jesus so that, if it comes to standing in
the face of religious establishment or political pressure or whatever else might be
out there, we will stand as the embodiment of the grace of God where there is no
exclusion? Will we dare to see Jesus as Jesus saw himself, as the servant of the
Lord who was God’s agent, in whom God was embodied? God still transcending,
God still larger, God’s embrace still broader?
Jesus did not see himself as God! Jesus knew himself claimed by God, the servant
of God, the embodiment of God. That’s where I see God; in the face of Jesus I see
God. Paul said, "We’ve seen the light of the revelation of the glory of God in the
face of Jesus." John has him say in the fourth gospel, "If you’ve seen me, you’ve
seen the Father." It’s the human face of God. That’s where I see God. I see
through the face; I see through the ages, giving me the clue to God Who is beyond
it, beyond him, beyond us all. In that beautiful, gracious, compassionate, open,
human being, I see God. God is like that. That’s how God is. And if that’s how
God is, in that human face, then I still will be able to find God in human faces - in
yours, and yours, and yours. And I will know the truth of that biblical statement,
"The one who dwells in love, dwells in God and God dwells in that one."

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It was not easy for him to gain his sense of identity and to know the nature of his
mission, but by God he made it! Thank God he made it, and thank God for human
community full of grace where God can still be touched.
It’s really quite simple, once you see it.
Christpower
Look at him!
Look not at his divinity,
but look, rather, at his freedom.
Look not at the exaggerated tales of his power,
but look, rather, at his infinite capacity
to give himself away.
Look not at the first-century mythology that surrounds him,
but look, rather at his courage to be,
his ability to live
the contagious quality of his love.
Stop your frantic search!
Be still and know that this is God:
this love,
this freedom,
this life,
this being;
and
When you are accepted,
accept yourself;
When you are forgiven,
forgive yourself;
When you are loved,
love yourself.
Grasp that Christ power
and
dare to be yourself!
John Shelby Spong, 1973

© Grand Valley State University

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                    <text>�•§m

I

ptit

•

National Headquarters
352 W i l l i s A v e .
B r o n x , New Y o r k
10454
First Printing

— p t -

Feb.

I972*

criticisms

/v /

^IHH*

W i l l be u p d a t e d and r e v i s e d
at f i r s t party conaress
J u l y 1972
All

HBimiffite

and s u g g e s t i o n s

"

welcomé

fT/

3*-»

�THE I D E O L O G Y O F THE YOUNG LORDS PARTY

( P u e r t o Rican R e v o l u t i o n a r y

Party)

Juan Gonzalez, Minister of Defense
Juan " F i " Ortiz, Chief of Staff
Gloria Gonzalez, Field Marshal
David Perez, Field Marshal

Denise Oliver, Former M i n i s t e r of Economic Development
Pablo "Yoruba" Guzman, Minister of Information
"I have lived in the belly of the monster, I have seen its
entrails, and mine is the sling of David."
TABLE

OF

CONTENTS

—

Jose Marti

1. INTRODUCTION

2

2. D E F I N I T I O N O F TERMS

3

3. ON HISTORY A N D DIALECTICS

5

by Yoruba
4. P R O T R A C T E D WAR IN PUERTO RICO
by Gloria Gonzalez

13

5. ECONOMIC A N D M I L I T A R Y STRUGGLE
by Juan Gonzalez

20

6. C O L O N I Z E D

MENTALITY

AND

NON-CONSCIOUS

IDEOLOGY

.26

by Denise Oliver
7. THE PARTY A N D THE STATE

33

by David Perez
8. THE PARTY A N D THE I N D I V I D U A L

,,,37

by Juan " F i " Ortiz
9. A N A L Y S I S OF PUERTO RICAN SOCIETY

4I

�INTRODUCTION
This is the beginning of the ideology of the Young Lords

Party. What is ideology? It is a system of ideas, of principles,
that a person or group uses to explain to them how things
operate in the world. Our ideology was developed out of the
experiences of almost two years of struggling everyday with
our people against their oppression.
The systematic ideas and principles in this pamphlet are
guiding us as to the best way to lead the liberation struggle of
the Puerto Rican nation. These are not fixed, rigid ideas, but
constantly developed as we constantly work to serve and
protect the people.
There

are

certain

principles

that

are

fixed

and

unchangeable to us, though. First, is collective leadership, not
individuua I leadership. One individual can never see the
whole of a problem. Only collectives of people, working
together, can solve problems

correctly. Second, we can

understand nothing unless we understand history. One of the
problems of the Puerto Rican and amerikkkan revolutionary
movements is that they have not done systematic, scientific
study of their history and so do not yet understand the
countries that they wish to liberate. Third, a revolutionary
must be one with the people, serving,

protecting, and

respecting the people at all times.

"Wherever a Puerto Rican is,
the duty of a Puerto Rican
is to make the revolution."
GLORIA GONZALEZ,
FIELD MARSHAL

2

�DEFINITIONS

When we begin to read and study things on revolution, on
how other people's have liberated themselves and on how we
can develop our revolution, we come across a lot of new
words we have never heard or seen before. We should learn
what the words mea n and then learn how to explain those
ideas to our brothers and sisters in ways they can understand.
Nation: A people who have had the same history, culture,
language, and usually have lived in the same territory for a
long pe riod of time.
Colony:

A

culturally,

nation
militarily

which
by

is

controlled

another

country

economically,
and

whose

government is run by that other country.
Capitalism:

A

way of running the economy of a nation,

where a few of the people in the nation own the factories,
trains, business, commerce, and the majority of the people
work

for

those owners.

The few capitalists make large

amounts of money by selling what the rest of the people
make--the products, like dresses, cars, copper, oil. This is
called profit.
Vendepatria: A sell-out. One who has sold out his or her
people for money or powar.
Contradiction: When two things are opposed to each other,
for instance, right and wrong, up and down, good and bad.
When you have a contradiction, you have a problem that has
to be solved. If someone says that the way to get to a place is
by turning right, and someone else says it's by turning left,
you can't get to that place until the contradiction is
solved-it's either right or left.
Jibaro: The mixture of mostly spanish and Taino, but also
some Blacks, who developed in the mountains and campos of
Puerto Rico mostly as small farmers and as peasants. The
language is spanish, the culture Spanish and Indian.

3

�Afro-boricua: The mixture of mostly Spanish and African
who developed in the sugar cane plantations and coasts of
Puerto Rico doing fishing, and whose ancestors were slaves.
Most Black Puerto Ricans try to call themselves mulattos
when the language is Spanish, but the culture and customs
are still mostly African, and when the racist societies of Spain
and Amerikkka still treat them as though they are inferior.
Class: The group of persons that an individual belongs to all
of whom make their living the same way. For instance,
lumpen make their living by surviving -stealing, prostitution,
dope, etc.. The workers make their living by working for
someone. The petty-bourgeois make their living by working
for themselves, the peasants make their living working on the
land for themselves or someone else. The bourgeois make
their money off the labor of everyone else. They don't work
at all.
Self-determination:
It means very
individual, every
nationality has the right to determine their own lives, their*
future, as long as they don't mess over other people. A nation
shoud be free from control by another nation.
Independence: When a nation has a government made up of
people from that country, but it is still controlled
economically, and culturally
by
another
country.
National liberation: When a country is completely free from
control by another nation. When the people are in control of
the government, economy and army.
Lombriz: A parasitic worm that produces intestinal disease,
found in tropical countries. We use this word for all the
Puerto Rican traitors, for the parasites they are.

"The price of imperialism
is lives."
JUAN QONZALIS

4

�ON HISTORY
&amp; DIALECTICS
The Young Lords Party has always believed in the correct

studying of our history, the history of the nation. Puerto
Ricans are told

we have no

past,

not as good as the

oppressor's past. So finding out the truth is a good thing. See,
the game that the amerikkkan enemy runs is to tell us that
we ain't got no history, no roots, no tradition, no nothing. In
this way, we are made to feel as though we have just popped
up, and when we move against the enemy, we move blindly.
If we had a knowledge of history, we could study the
mistakes and successes of those who came before; instead of
starting anew, we could begin where the last generation left
off.
It is time that all Puerto Ricans get down to studying our
history. This serves three purposes:
1) We'll be able to check out what our ancestors did and
did

not

do.

Also,

we'll

get

a

sense

of

our

people's

development. In a national liberation struggle like ours, a
movement must be built that comes from the people, from
our experiences, sorrows, joys. There is a certain way to
organize the Puerto Rican nation, as opposed to say, the
Polish nation.
2) Studying history allows us to see the enemy's master
plan develop, such as the one being used to control Puerto
Ricans.
3) Finding out about our roots gives us a certain pride in
the knowledge that we have withstood oppression for so
long. We must transmit this righteous pride to all of our
people.
Let me run something down on history. In school, or in
society in general, we are taught that events in history take
place because of a few "great" individuals, like Napoleon or
George Washington (specifically, "great" white males). We
are taught that history goes in cycles, that it repeats itself.

5

�This is all jive. In the Young Lords Party, we are training
ourselves in thinking scientifically, in looking at things from
an orderly point of view to arrive at the right conclusions. All
Puerto Ricans concerned with their people must begin to see
things in a scientific way.

Scientific?: Well, we learned in school that the way a scientist
approaches a problem is by way of a thing called the
scientific method. The scientist first say, "What do I want to
get out of this thing after I understand it? Where do I want to
go? Now what would be the best way of getting through this

6

�problem and to my goal?" And then the scientist lays out
each step, one by one, until the goal is reached. This is the
way we must lay out the revolution, using our passion, our
feelings, to keep us going, step by step, until we are free.
This means that we will become something called "dialectical materialists." What does this mean?
First, take the word dialectics. Dialectics is the study of
contradictions.
What is a contradiction? We've heard about
something being contradictory, right? Like say you're having
a discussion with someone, and then they say one thing and
you say the opposite. That's a contradiction, and it must be
resolved one way or the other. The both of you could have
an argument and walk away, or a unity of thing between you
will arise. Contradictions are everywhere, even in nature. Say
you have a herd of pigs, the last herd left. Then say there are
some people who are starving , and they come across the pigs,
a decision has to be made. Thft
people or the pigs.
That's a contradiction.
A Puerto Rican in, say, high school who hears
their history teacher say "history repeats itself," will say,
" N o good, teacher. History flows, like a river, and the course
that river takes depends on how contradictions are resolved.
In other words, history is always moving ahead, teacher,
going forward, once a contradiction is dealt with (resolved).
Sometimes a contradiction is resolved in a way that it only
looks as though history repeats itself." That sister or brother
would say, "See, let's say you have a nation where most of
the people are starving, and a few people in power are eating
well. That's a contradiction. It could be resolved either by
the people rising against those in power, tike in Cuba in 1959,
or by those in power taking the country into a war against
another country, like the united states in 1941 against Japan
(sometimes the rulers of a country go to war so that the
people forget their internal problems, like their stomachs)."
This Puerto Rican would say, "That's history, that's life: you
have contradictions, they get resolved, which changes
history's course, and since there are always contradictions,

7

�there will always be new changes."
Some contradictions are the ones between machismo and
male-female liberation, or between capitalism and socialism.
The second word is materialism. This means that all of
these contradiction occur in the real world, the world we can
see around us. Many times, for example, the economic facts
of life cause other things to happen. Yet, we are taught in
school that the united states went into World War I "to make
the world safe for Democracy." This is a lie. The u.s.a. went
into World War I for the same reason it went into the
Mexican-American

invasion, Spanish-Amerikkkan

Korean and Indo-China Wars —

invasion,

economics. Wealth. As an

imperialist country, amerikkka resolves the contradiction of
constantly

needing

more wealth

to

keep

its machinery

running by going to war to rip off land (Puerto Rico from
Spain)

and to

put

people

to

work

at home.

(Defense

contracts=f actor ies=employment=products=consumers).
Scientific analysis show that it is materialism, real things, that
exist in the world. Part of dialectics is that everything has its
opposite, and the opposite of materialism is metaphysics,
idealism. Idealism is ideas that have nothing to do with
reality. It's like saying that the reason why flowers grow is
because of magic, or why people are here is because man was
made from dirt, and woman came from man's rib. The reason
why flowers grow or why people are here is because of
certain

scientific

laws of

nature. That

is real. That

is

materialism.
With this kind of thinking in mind we can now briefly
cover Puerto Rican and Black history. Why? Well, there are
contradictions between people and the enemy; these are
natural contradictions since it is the enemy that enslaves us.
Contradictions with the enemy are antagonistic, non-friendly.
These differences are resolved ultimately through war. Then
there are contradictions among the people. We have been
divided and conquered by the enemy in hundreds of ways housewives
against

against

women,

unionized

prostitutes,

Puerto

workers

Ricans

against

young

against

non-union

8

against old,

men

Afro-Americans,

workers,

workers

�against drug addicts, families against other families, one ar
rabale against another. These contradictions should be kept
non-antagonistic and settled among ourselves, as friends so
we can unite against the enemy.
So, in studying Black and Puerto Rican history, we look
at the history of the contradictions between Blacks and
Puerto Ricans as differences among brothers and sisters
oppressed by the yankee.

"We wasn't thinking
about the other guys
being Puerto Ricans
•••iff he was your enemy,
you kill him."
CEORCIE

We studied the history of Puerto Ricans. First, we saw
that the u.s.a. took control of Puerto Rico because they were
preparing a "safety valve" country in case the "Black
Problem" got too heavy. In case Afro-Americans increased
their efforts to remove their chains, the u.s. intended to ship
the Black people to Puerto Rico, the Phillipines, and Hawaii.
The gringo came claiming to be liberators from Spain, and
our people couldn't even understand the lies since they were
made in english. We were ruled by interpreters. By changing
the currency of Puerto Rico to u.s. dollars, one unit of the
old currency was now worth 60 cents amerikkkan. Then a
hurricane wiped out the coffee crop (the only crop), and this,
combined with the currency devaluation drove people
bankrupt overnight. A severe depression set in. The u.s.
self-proclaimed liberators of the island, sent aid to Puerto
Rico that amounted to about 8 cents a person. Dig that.
Already the Yankees had a master plan — First, to take
military control; then, to make Puerto Ricans citizens; then
change the colony to a dominion status, like Canada; then
make it a state. This plan was made in the early 1900s and
the enemy is right on schedule.
The governors amerikkka picked to rule over us weren't
exactly gems, either. They were perverts and lames. Not one
knew a thing about diplomacy, shown in how they

9

�constantly said openly racist stuff, or got caught either
embezzling or having late-night sessions with ambassador's
wives. We studied how Munoz Marin weasled his way into
power, running an independence line here, a commonwealth
line there. Most important we saw Iombriz Ferre's scheme for
getting Puerto Rico to be a state:
1) Before the '72 elections, he was gonna ask Nixon to
set up a commission to see if Puerto Rico could vote for u.s.
president. (The commission has already been set up). A
referendum would be called for the people.
2) They are then gonna ask that the resident
commissioner who now sits and watches what happens in the
amerikkkan House of Representatives, be doubled (another
resident commissioner) and the both of them would be given
the right to vote.
3) Ferre runs for governor again in 1972 on a maintain
the commonwealth line.
4)

After

Ferre

wins,

after

there

are

two

resident

commissioners in the house of representatives, and after the
island is given the presedential vote (so that Puerto Rico can
vote for Nixon in 1972) Ferre puts out the referendum to
make Puerto Rico a state.
Ironically,

the

u.s.

congress

may

be most

strongly

opposed to this. A lot of those red-necks wouldn't want no
"spanish-speaking
fornicating,

colored,

poor,

rum-drinking,

illiterate,
welfaring,

nasty,

smelly

stupid,

lazy,

troublesome spies" to be a state.
Next,

it

is

important

to

study

the

history

of

Afro-American people. Many people think that Puerto Rican
history is like one circle sitting by itself on one side, and
Afro-American history is a circle sitting by itself on another
side. Actually, the two circles are linked together. To study
Black history is to complete the study of Puerto Rican
history,

and vice-versa. African people were brought, in

chains, to the americas, and the resistance started from day
one. The ships brought Africans to Hispanola, Cuba, Jamaica,
Brazil, Puerto Rico, etc. Moving through history, we see how
many

of

the organizations and tendencies of the Black

movement in Amerikkka are definite outgrowths of history
as are all people's movements.

10

�The Young Lords Party recognizes Black people in the
united states as the leaders of that country's revolution, since
they have been the most oppressed people in that empire's
history. INio other people in amerikkka were ripped off from

11

�their country and brought here as slaves. For 400 years, the
only change in Black people's conditions was that the visible
chains were removed and non-visible ones put on —
segregated

schools,

ghettoes,

police

aggression,

like
or

mind-bending chains like "No niggers allowed" signs. One of
our

most

important

allies in the fight for the national

liberation of Puerto Rico, will be Afro-Americans, and we
must eliminate the racism that divides us now, or else all of
us be killed off separately.
Let us look at the history of the revolutionary struggle in
the united states. For example, most of us never were taught
in school the true history of that empire, how it expanded
from a rebellious little colony of England to destroy a whole
people, the Native American, how it committed genocide
against the Hawaiian people, how it conquered and exploited
the Filipino people, how it forced large numbers of Chinese,
Mexicans, and Japanese to leave their countries to come to
the u.s. like Puerto Ricans did, looking for jobs, how it
massacred large numbers of poor European immigrants who
rebelled against the conditions they were forced to work in.
Most of us were never taught in school about a righteous
white workers' movement of the early 1900's called the
International Workers' of the World (IWW) or the Wobblies.
These were some revolutionary people. In the early 1900s
amerikkka was uptight. It may seem shocking to us now with
the hardhats walking around, but these white workers were
revolutionary. And the IWW was the leadership of their
struggle. One leader of that movement was Elizabeth Gurley
Flynn who was a leader of a general strike of 25,000 workers
in Patterson, New Jersey. What happened to this progressive
movement was the sell-out political parties, like the socialist
party, and the enemy's tricks like World War I, and their
final tool - repression, the jailing and killing of many leaders.
We must study white amerikkka's background to see how
the monster developed, then we can begin to move in the
manner which Jose Marti 19th century Cuban Revolutionary,
described, "I have lived in the monster, and know its entrails
(insides), and mine is the sling of David."
*

12

�PROTRACTED
WAR IN
PUERTO RICO
The concept of Protracted War best describes the history
of the Puerto Rican people. For many centuries our people
have been invaded by one nation or another. Two oppressors
were successful, the spaniards in 1493, and the yankees in
1898.
When a country is invaded by another, it becomes a
colony, slave, of the occupier, and that control stops the
normal development of the people.
In Boriquen, the Taino nation had its own economic,
social and political structure, and was developing in its own
way. When these people came they used the riches of the
island to aid Spain's development and destroy the Tainos.
The Taino people rose up against the enemy. The war did
not last long, because the Spaniards, with their plunder of the
rest of

Latin America, had more power and arms. Many

Tainos died, some because of diseases the Spaniards had
brought,

others through

the war, and the rest fled to

the mountains to avoid slavery.
Then the Spaniards had the problem of who would be
their

slaves. Beginning

in the 1500s, they showed how

barbaric and criminal they were. They began to ravage the
African lands, kidnapping our Yoruba brothers and sisters to
serve as slaves. By the 1600s there had been four slave
revolts. We were once again defeated, but they did not
destroy us, as is shown through the

influence of African

culture in Puerto Rico.
Out

of

these temporary defeats, our people became

stronger, and by the 1800s, the Puerto Rican nation, as we
know

it today,

was formed,

13

of

the mixture of Taino,

�Yoruban, and Spanish, of the most exploited by those in
power of men and women more determined than ever to be
free.

Among

the

many

freedom

fighters

were

Ramon

Emeterio Betances, Maria Bacetti, and Segundo Ruis Belvis.
These were the ones who toward 1868 raised the cry for
liberation on September 23, in Lares. Eventhough we were
defeated again, Betances knew what a protracted war was and
he said, "Men and women pass, but principles continue on
and eventually triumph." And so our struggle for liberation
continued.
In 1898, the Spaniards had war declared on them by the
united states and were quickly defeated. As a result, Puerto
Rico passed from one slavery into another. Now the invaders
were Yankees, and on July 25, 1898, 18,000 amerikkkan
troops landed at Guanica.
This new invader would be the most criminal and vicious
that has touched our land, and with the new invasion began
the new war of liberation.
The principles established by the Taino nation, by the
African people, and then by the revolution of Lares were
advanced

by

the Nationalist Party, which in the 1930s

proved to the Yankees that our people have never been
docile.

During

this

time

our

people

suffered

from

unbelieveable hunger and misery-that was the "democracy"
the Yankees brought to us.
The Nationalist Party, under the leadership of Don Pedro
Albizu Campos, became the defenders of the people. In
1936, the amerikkkans arrested Don Pedro and the rest of
the leadership of the party, because they were considered a
threat to their plans. It was during this period that occurred
what we have come to know as the Ponce Massacre. On
March

21,

1937,

the

Nationalist

Party

organized

a

demonstration in Ponce. The day was the anniversary of the
abolition

of

slavery

in the era of

the Spaniards.

The

demonstration was to let the Yankees know that our people
would not tolerate either political prisoners or continued
occupation.
Throughout this period the amerikkans had one of their
own as governor. At the time the criminal was called Blanton
14

�Winship, and he, along with the lombrice, Corsado, gave the
order

to

assassinate the nationalists;

200

persons were

wounded and 22 killed- With this act the united states
declared war on the Puerto Rican nation. The enemies of our
people

continued

their

brutal

attacks,

arresting

2,000

persons and sentencing many to 400 years of prison after the
revolt of Jayuya in 1950. All of this had one sole aim- to end
the operation of all the just struggle for liberty because we
were receiving international support.
In addition

to all of this, the yankees began operation

"co-option." That is, they looked for sellout traitors, and
during

this

period

they

began

to

heavily

support

the

electoral parties, especially the Popular Party led by traitor
Munoz Marin.
The combination of the repression of the Nationalist
Party and the lies of the Popular Party created a lot of
confusion among the people. Another important factor was

"If our people fight
one tribe at a time,
all will be killed.
They can cut off our
fingers one by one,
but if we join
together we'll make
a powerful fist."
LITTLE TURTLE, MASTER GENERAL OF THE
MIAMI INDIANS, 1791

that the Yankees tried to weaken us by dividing the people
through "Operation Bootstrap," and they moved 1/3 of the
Puerto Ricans to the united states, but our struggle
continued.

15

�It's true that they weakened us when they took away our
revolutionary leadership, but what they did not understand
was that it is impossible to stop a liberation struggle.
Once again, in the united states, we rose up in the belly
of the monster. In 1965, we rebelled, together with Black
people

in Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and in New

Jersey; wherever there were boricuas, the cry of liberty was
heard.
Out of those rebellions, developed the Young

Lords

Organization in Chicago, in 1969. With the example of the
Afro-american people, who throughout their prolonged war
inside the united states, raised consciousness among Puerto
Ricans, and with the principles and examples of Don Pedro,
Lolita Lebron, Dona Blanca Canales, the Y L O began to
organize the Puerto Ricans in Chicago . Meanwhile, in New
York arose a group, the Society of Albizu Campos, young
students and lumpen (lumpen are the class in our

nation

which for years and years have not been able to find jobs,
and are forced to be drug addicts, prostitutes, etc.), all of
whom had the same sole objective, the liberation of Puerto
Rico on the island and inside the united states.
The Young Lords of Chicago united with the Society of
Albizu Campos to create the national organization. With a 13
Point Program the organization began to serve and protect
the people, with free breakfast programs, free health and
clothing programs , and with the taking of the People's
Church, where the organization was recognized as a group
with support from the community .
Each day the organization won more support, but it
found itself with many problems. Because of its oppression,
the Chicago group did not understand the necessity for
discipline and political education, which is needed to achieve
our liberation, and was not able to further the struggle. In
New

York,

was the

Eastern

region with a much more

disciplined and developed leadership, which was anxious to
advance the struggle. We split with Chicago and formed the
Young Lords Party. With three bases in El Barrio, another in
New Jersey, and another in the South Bronx, the Party began
to analyze Puerto Rican society, and we soon realized that

16

�2/3 of our people, almost wholly unknown to us, lived on the
island.
The analysis of Puerto Rican society made it clear that
our nation is composed of distinct classes and social groups
and with this understanding we began to formalize ideas to
bring

the

Party

to

all

sectors of

our

people.

Always

remembering that we are a revolutionary party whose goal is
complete national liberation, and about the job of uniting
that nation.
In August, 1970, two leaders of the Party, Juan Gonzalez
and Juan Fi Ortiz, made the first official Party visit to the
island. From that trip we analyzed a number of things.
For example, we saw that the struggle in the united states
was much more advanced since the conditions in the u.s.--the
racism, the oppression was much clearer; hunger and
oppression expose quickly the lies of the amerikkkan dream.
Although it's true that there were other established
independence groups, the Movement for Puerto Rican
Independence,
founded
in
1959, the Puerto
Rican
Independence Party, founded in 1947, the origin of these
groups was either from the petty or upper bourgeoisie (the
middle and upper classes). Also, they were either social
movements or electoral parties. As the years have passed.

17

�these organizations have raised the consciousness of the
people, especially MPI, but for our revolution to succeed it's
clear that we need more revolutionary leadership. With this in
mind, we began the preparations for the move to the island,
this being the best way to unite the 1/3 of our people on the
island and the 2/3 in the u.s.
The Yankees have divided and weakened us in many
ways--the analysis of

Puerto

Rican society

helps us to

understand the divisions. First, we have to unite the two
most oppressed classes, the lumpens and the workers, and
also the two social groups in which our people are divided,
the most oppressed Afro-Puerto Ricans and the jibaros. This
is not to say that we won't also unite the petty-bourgeoisie
and the students. As we have seen, with a little education,
they will come in large numbers to follow the lead of the
people and will take part in the revolution.
Taking into account our origin in the u.s., we began to
analyze the 2/3 in Puerto Rico.
In the northeast of the island, are the towns of Loiza
Aldea,

Fajardo, Rio Grande, Canovanas:

it was to these

towns that the Spaniards brought the African slaves, and to
this

day

these

population,

towns,

with

are Afro-Puerto

one

third

of

the

island's

Ricans, victims not only of

exploitation, but of racism.
Carolina is one of the most industrialized towns where
the Yankees have built many factories, and the people are all
workers.
In this area are the big arrabales (slums), like El Cano, in
Santurce,

Barrio Obrero,

Martin

Pena, Catano,

and the

housing projects like Lloren Torres where 26,000 people live,
and communities with large lumpen populations, like La
Perla, in San Juan.
With this, we have briefly described the north of the
island,

The

second

area

of

major

importance

is the

center- Lares, Adjuntas, Jayuya, and the south, Ponce, Cabo
Rojo, Salinas, and Guanica. The social group of the center is
what by the 18th century received the name Jibaro. The
jibaro of that period was humble and illiterate because of
their exploitation, very superstitious, and always ready to

18

�defend their honor.
It was rare when the jibaro or jibara visited the town.
Their calendar was the many hurricanes that passed over the
land. The Jibaro of today continues to be illiterate, not so
superstitious, and now not only visists but lives in the big
towns, now that the Yankees have forced them to leave their
lands, turning them into tomato pickers in New Jersey or
dishwashers in New Y ork. The jibara, who once had her herd
of pigs, her house in the mountains, now is a worker in a
factory

making

a

miserable

amount,

while

producing

brassieres. It's obvious why this group, a large part of our
population,

will

give

strength

to

the

revolutionary

movement.Our job is immense. We have called it the Chains
Off

Offensive

nation,

(Ofensiva

Rompecadenas). To reunite our

we began with a demonstration on the 21st of

March, the 34th anniversary of the Ponce Massacre. Together
with our revolutionary example , the Nationalist Party, we
raised once again the cry of liberty in Puerto Rico.
T H M ^ r e many reasons why we chose Poi;
the secoraMjest city on the island, n e ^ d t f P ^ T u a n . The
place where u ^ Q ^ b j o was b o r n ^ ^ t i p M v n e r e the Yankees
have

establishec^^kMfPj^'plants,

unemploymen^^gfPlM^^^^ave

although

the

all sectors of our

s o c i e t y l ^ j ^ ^ ^ P i h e lumpensara^taM&amp;ers

and also the

d j | j | ^ ^ ^ r o c i a i groups, Afro -Puerto R ^ l p f c and jibaros.
unified can we break the chains of slavery.
For the Puerto Rican nation this is another stage in our
protracted war for liberation. To achieve our liberation we
need a revolutionary Party, representative of all the people
with one sole objective, national liberation.
In that way we will give our largest contribution to the
other oppressed people's of the world, as the people of
Vietnam have done for us.

Liberate Puerto Rico n o w !
Venteremos!
19

�ECONOMIC
AND MILITARY
STRUGGLE
On the television, in newspapers, wherever Puerto Ricans
go, they tell us that money is the key to a good life, that if
you work hard you'll make enough money.
But who tells us that money is the key —

the ones who

have the money, who own the televisions, the factories,
azucareras, the refineries, the hotels, the restaurants, the
hospitals, and even own the government. We work and sweat
for $50, $70, $100 a week. We work and the companies
grow, and the bosses get richer, and we stay the same. And
whatever we produce the owners sell for a lot more^poney,
that's their profit, for doing nothing. We, the people, work
and they, the capitalists, profit.
We

must

begin to

demand that all the money and

factories made from our sweat and blood be returned to us.
We know that this is the only system where a woman can
work nine hours in a factory, produce dozens of dresses in
one day and not go home with enough money to buy herseff
a dress. That's why many of us hate our bosses, and we
should —

they are robbing us. That's why many of us would

like to, and do, steal the bosses' products, because they
belong to us.
If we study history, if we talk to our parents, we will see
that things were not always this way.
Capitalism is just one phase of the human race. It has
existed since the late 1700s, but the human race is probably
25,000 years old. The whole history of human beings is the
story of our trying to develop our ability to survive, to have
food, clothing, shelter, and mental satisfaction. We used our
hands, feet, and brains to increase our power to survive, to

20

�produce out of nature, what we needed. First we traveled in
tribes looking for food. Little by little we settled in one
place, the men hunting and the women bearing children and
planting food. As agriculture became more developed, not
everyone was needed to look for food, so some people could
do other things. Some farmed, others made clothing, or tools,
or built homes, and little by little cities developed. Then,
some began to become more wealthy than others and soon
enslaved others to work for them —
like the Pharoahs of
Egypt, the Emperors of Japan, or the Aztecs of Mexico.
Then came the period of feudalism, when there was no
slavery but people were serfs, worked on the land of one rich
prince or another. All these periods did not come at the same
time all over the earth. Some areas, like the African nations
of Mali, Songhay, or the Biblical kingdoms of Mesopotamia,
developed faster, or at different times. Then came the period
of capitalism and of nations with a state and a regular army,
both working under the employ of the capitalists, who began
to buy and sell politicians like they bought and sold goods. In
the 1800s revolutions in France and all of Europe brought
the rising young businessmen to power against the feudal
Kings and Queens. Why was it that Europe, a backward and
barbarian country in the year 1300, rose to conquer the
world by the year 1900 is hard to say. Maybe it was because
Europe was sitting on much of the iron needed to build
factories and had many rivers needed for steam and electric
power to run those factories With that iron they built the
guns that conquered the rest of the world in a few hundred
years.
As capitalism developed, there was competition between
them to control the wealth; the little ones were cheated,
killed, outcompeted by the big ones, who then began to look
to other countries in the world where they could make
money. They looked to Latin America, Asia, and Africa,
trying to find natural resources, cheap labor, and more
consumers. We call this, when one nation oppresses another
nation, Imperialism.
In the 1930s came the world-wide depression. Millions of

21

�people were out of jobs — capitalism had collapsed because
of its own faults. In Puerto Rico, the depression meant
complete hunger and misery. The old type of competitive
democratic capitalism had failed. A new type of capitalism
was suggested by one of their own politicians, named Adolf
Hitler. He put forth fascism, open dictatorship and genocide
as a solution to the problem. Meanwhile, Roosevelt in north
amerikkka put forth the "welfare state", the government
controlling things peacefully for the welfare of the
businessman. We call this monopoly capitalism. Rexford
Tugwell was Roosevelt's lacky in Puerto Rico and he together
with lombriz Munoz Marin developed Operation Bootstrap,
the welfare state idea for Puerto Rico.
Roosevelt was a left-wing capitalist and Hitler a
right-winger. These divisions still exist. Nixon, Reagan (the
governor of California) and Ferre are right-wing and Lindsay
(the mayor of New York City), Kennedy, and Munoz Marin
are left-wingers. Both are enemies of the peoples.
World War 11 was a war between left-wing and right-wing
capitalists. But the ones who fought the war are the ones who
always fight the wars, the poor and oppressed people. The
capitalist and generals always stay far away from their own
wars. While the u.s. and its allies fought Germany, in Asia,
and China, which had been long exploited, was fighting the
Japanese fascists. Twenty million Chinese were killed by the
Japanese but China liberated itself and in 1949 emerged as a
socialist country with 1/4 of the world's population. Since
then Korea, Vietnam, Cuba have also become socialist, and
little by little capitalism is dying. Chile and Guinea-Bissau
and other countries are not far behind.
We must begin to study economics. We must begin to
learn how the yankees invaded Puerto Rico destroyed our
economy and rebuilt another to meet their needs.
The main capitalist countries are the united states,
england, france, germany, japan. They are surrounded by the
2/3 of the world which is starving, homeless, and angry. The
europeans and yankees are like one big city and the Third
World is the countryside. They must fight genocidal wars in

22

�the countryside as well as fight against their own internal
enemies.
The first front is Indo-China.
The second front is Palestine.
Where will the third front be? Puerto Rico? Black
America? Brazil? India? Meanwhile, these wars are destroying
northamerikkka internally. A recession in the u.s., Puerto
Rico, and the world is leaving hundreds of thousands out of
jobs. Layoffs in New Jersey factories, Fajardo sugar centrales,
Mayaguez refineries, the New York garment center, general

23

�motors plants, and the California aviation industry. For the
first time since the depression, workers are looking to
revolutionaries for the solution to their problems.
This is just a summary, but it shows that we have much
to study in economics and world politics. If we are to liberate
Puerto Rico and control our own destiny, we must study
how we have been enslaved and how we will release the
power of the people, through socialist revolution.
The amerikkkans tell us we can't exist without them. But
Albania, Israel, Switzerland, are all countries with similar
populations and area and they exist well. They tell us we
have no
natural
resources, but
they
try to steal
$3,000,000,000 of copper from the island's center. Another
deposit of $2,000,000,000 worth of nickel was found in
Mayaguez, and they are looking for oil in the off-shore areas.
They tell us we have no food but before they came we grew
our own food and ate decently and we fished in our own
waters. Now we eat only canned foods and New England
codfish. Yes, we can and will be free from the Yankee.
MILITARY
People ask how can Puerto Ricans, 2,700,000 on the
island and 1,500,000 in the united states, possibly hope to
fight

a

war

of

liberation

against

the

united

states,

200,000,000 strong and the most advanced country in the
world? Our island is 100 miles by 35 miles. The united states
is 3,000 miles by 1,000 miles. The u.s. is thousands of times
bigger.
First,

the Young Lords Party and the Puerto Rioan

people do not want war. We would prefer peaceful liberation.
We would prefer that the yankees left Puerto Rico and gave
us self-determination in the u.s.a. peacefully. But they refuse.
Instead, they cover 14% of our land with military bases and
bombard our islands of Culebras and Vieques. So we have no
choice but to fight for liberation. The other choice is the
slow destruction of the Puerto Rican nation into the 51st
state.

24

�If they want war, we will fight it on our terms. That
means first that the liberation war for Puerto Rico will not
just be fought on the island but also in the u.s.a. Since there
are Puerto RI cans in every state of the u.s.a. forced to leave
their homes by the yankee, we will fight wherever we are,
because the enemy is the same, from Humacao to Aguadilla,
from Florida to Seattle.
If there are less than 5,000,000 of us, we will show the
strength there is in unity. Since we have lived and developed
close together for 500 years we are more unified as a people.
If they forced us to work in their factories, we will fight in
their factories. If they filled our land with military bases, we
will fight on their bases. If they herded 1,000,000 of us into
their most important city, New York, then we will fight in
that city. If they use us to slave in migrant camps and
factories throughout their east coast, then we will wage war
on that coast. If they stuck us in barrios isolated and
oppressed, we will take control of these communities. If they
have bombers, missiles, modern weapons, and a regular army,
then we will fight guerilla warfare, with few weapons, gotten
from them, but using creativity and our own resources. If we
are a few and they are many, then we will fight a protracted
war, eating them away little by little, one by one, until they
either withdraw or are crushed.
We will always be on the initiative, always fighting to
win. We have the moral superiority because our people fight
for freedom, for their homes, and loved ones, while the
enemy fights for money.
We only attack when we know we'll win. The enemy
attacks whenever he can, and many times loses. Our army
will be made up of free, thinking, men, women, and children
—

a true People's Army. Their reactionary army is made up

of mostly racist, robot-like men.
If the u.s. appears strong, it is just a trick. Thirty million
Black people, 20,000,000 Chicanos and Chicanas, 500,000
Hawaiians, 500,000 Chinese Americans, 250,000 Japanese
Americans, and 700,000 Native Americans and millions of
young and poor white people fight with us. The u.s. is really
very weak.

25

�In the rest of the world, with Indo-China, Palestine, and
Latin America rising up for freedom the amerikkkan army is
weak and overextended.
With socialist countries like China, the Soviet Union,
Cuba, and Korea, watching it, u.s. imperialism can't do
whatever it wants.

So we are sure to win if we maintain

unity and strength, and if we remember that combined with
our fighting is the constant education and mobilizing of
lumpen, workers, and students.
Guerrilla War, People's War, Protracted War, is the key to
an

underdeveloped

people

defeating

a

larger,

more

technologically advanced people.

COLONIZED
MENTALITY &amp;
We are all fighting against an enemy, the Yankee and the
Puerto Rican lombrices. The one major thing that holds us
back in our fight to liberate Puerto Ricans and all oppressed
people is a lack of unity. If we are not united, like a fist, we
are weaker in our battle. In unity there is strength, and a
nation divided is a weak nation. We have been divided
geographically, with one third of the nation on the mainland
and two thirds on the island. To be stronger we must unite.
But even this unification will not be enough if we still fight
against each other. One of the problems that we face is the
fact that we have been taught to fight against each other.
Capitalism is a system that forces us to climb over our
brothers and sisters' backs to get to the top. It is like a race,
in which the prize is survival, with 500 people in it, and only
one person is the winner —

the one who gets to the finish

line first, the losers all starve to death. The prize money
which is equal to life: We fight against each other to live, and
we are divided into groups that fight against each other.
These groups are formed out of artificial divisions of race and

26

�NONCONSCIOUS
IDEOLOGY
sex, and social groupings. The struggle between men and
women, the struggle between lumpens and workers are all
contradictions among the people. Contradictions among the
people must be erased in order to form a solid fist, a fighting
force to destroy the enemy.
Many

of

these divisions that exist are a result

of

colonization. Puerto Ricans are a colonized people. As a
result

of

generations,

the

oppression

first

under

suffered
Spain

for

and

generations
then

under

and
the

amerikkkans we all develop a "colonized mentality". The
colonizers divide us up, teach us to think we are inferior, and
teach us to fight against each other, because as long as we
fight against each other we won't deal with our real problems
—

slavery, hunger, and misery. We are brainwashed by the

newspapers we

read, the

books

they

write for us, the

television, the radio, the schools, and the church, that we
don't know what our real thoughts are anymore. We are
afraid to be leaders, because we are taught to be followers.
We have been told that we are docile so long, that we have
forgotten that we have always been fighters. We are afraid to
speak in public because we have been taught not to speak
out. We are told that we cannot exist without amerikkkans in
Puerto Rico, and we believe it, even though we know that
our nation existed for hundreds of years without them. All of
this brainwashing, this "colonized mentality" holds us back
from our liberation. If you take 10 rats and lock them up in a
cage which is only big enough for 5 rats, some of them will
kill each other and some of them will go insane, just as we
kill each other in the streets for five dollars, or in a stupid
argument, and just as we

27

go insane and turn to drugs to

�cover up the ugly reality of our lives.
We can only unchain our minds from this colonized
mentality

if

we learn our

true history, understand our

culture, and work towards unity.
This colonization is responsible for the racism that exists
in our nation. We do not see it all the time, and most Puerto
Ricans believe that we don't have any racism. Most people
will tell you "we are all Puerto Ricans, we are all different
colors, none of us are black or white, we are just Puerto
Ricans." But that doesn't mean that racism doesn't exist. It is
so deep that we just don't see it anymore. The darker
members of every Puerto Rican family have felt it all their
lives. We have been so brainwashed that it has become
unconscious.

The

Young

Lords

Party

calls

this

"non-conscious ideology." We believe that Black is bad and
ugly and dirty, that kinky hair is "pelo malo," we call Black
Puerto Ricans names like prieto, moulleto, and cocolo. We
are not proud that our ancestors were slaves so many ot us
say we are "spanish" or "castillians." Our birth certificate
says white even if the reality when we look in the mirror is
very dark.

T h e

Spanish

treated

the slaves as

if

they were animals, and none of us want to believe that
our

ancestors

were

animals,

so

we "non-consciously" reject the Blackness we are all a part
of. All Puerto Ricans have a Black heritage, in our culture, in
the way Spanish is spoken, in the blood which flows through
our veins. Having slaves for ancestors is not something to be
ashamed of;

one should

be proud

to know that one's

ancestors were strong enough to live through the horrors of
slavery, strong because of the rich and beautiful history of
Africa. We are taught that Africans were savages, and this
makes us non-consciously ashamed of our past. We must
study true African history, of the civilizations of Mali and
Songhay, for this history is part of our history. The Young
Lords Party is a Party of Afro-Americans and Puerto Ricans.
Both have the same roots in the past, similar culture and the
same types of "colonized mentality." Because of the Black
Power and Black Pride movement inside of the united states,
American Blacks are now able to hold their heads up high

28

�"The chains that
have been taken
off slaves' bodies
are put back on
their minds."
DAVID PEREZ

and be proud of their past. It is necessary that we understand
and study Puerto Rican history, much of which is African
history so that we can move on ridding ourselves of the
barriers that exist between Afro-boricua and jibaro.
We should not be afraid to criticize ourselves about
racism. We are all racists, not because we want to be, but
because we are taught to be that way, to keep us divided,
because it benefits the capitalist system. And this applies to
racism towards Asians, other Brown people, and towards
white

people.

White

people

are not

thè oppressor

—

capitalists are. We will never have socialism until we are free
of these chains on our mind.
The other way in which "non-conscious ideology" divides
I our people is through machismo, or male chauvinism. We
have said for a long time that sisters and brothers should be
equal in the struggle, that men and women should work
together and that Puerto Rican men should not oppress their
wives, mothers, and daughters anymore. When we said that
machismo is fascism, we were saying something that was true,
but we couldn't understand the reasons why men became
uptight when they were accused of machismo. Brothers could
not understand why some of the ways that they treat sisters
are wrong. Brothers did not know how to act differently than
their fathers and grandfathers have always acted toward
women. Is it all right to rap to a sister? Should I give a
woman a complement? Is it machismo if I want to protect a
woman? Because we did not understand why there is this
division we could not explain well enough, all we could say
was machismo was bad, male chauvinism is wrong, you are
oppressing your sisters.

29

�On the other hand, we criticize sisters for being passive
and docile. We want women to become leaders, to speak out
in public, to stop being shy end timid, to learn to be strong.
We tell sisters to change, the way our mothers have taught us
to be, the way our mothers mothers' have always been. And
again, we did not completely understand why our sisters had
difficulty

in understanding what passivity is, and how to

change. Sisters still volunteered to cook and sew, to take care
of children. Sisters still felt more comfortable letting the men

Palestinian Women's Militia
Jordan, July 1970
be the leaders. Sisters don't like other women to be leaders
either. We did not understand why women constantly get
into arguments with each other. When a woman is strong and
a leader she is considered to ba a "bitch." When a man is

30

�strong he is a "good leader." But why?
We have realized that the division of the sexes between
male and female have existed for such a long time, that all
societies have accepted the "fact" that there is a difference
between men and women. We know that the only differences
are biological —

women have a womb and ovaries and they

make eggs, and men manufacture sperm.
All societies developed around the first oppression; man
used woman as a worker, to reproduce, to make babies, while
men were free to do other things. This ideology of a division
of the sexes is called "sexism," just like the ideology of the
division

of

the

"non-conscious
women produce

is

called

ideologies."

races

From

"racism."
the

Both

simple

are

fact that

babies and men didn't, developed all sorts

of ideas that women were a certain type of human and men
another type of human.
What is a man? What is a woman? "Non-consciously" we
believe a man is strong, aggressive, hairy, bad, decisive, hard,
cold,
weak,

firm,

intelligent.

timid,

smooth,

"Non-consciously"
soft-spoken,

a woman

scatter-brained,

is

soft,

warm, dumb, and loving. Both of these sets of descriptions
are a result of the way we have trained "non-consciously."
From the time a baby is born it is taught by its parents and
by society to be a "man" or a "woman." If it grew up alone,
with no outside influences what would its personality be
like? Just because it has a womb, would it be weak? If it had
a penis, would it be aggressive and strong? No. These traits of
personality are part of the way we are taught to be.
A little boy wears blue. A little girl wears pink. A little
boy is given trains, trucks, toy soldiers and baseball bats to
play with. Little girls get dolls and suzie homemaker sets.
Little boys wear dungarees and can play rough and get dirty.
Little girls wear dresses and stay at home near their mothers
to play and watch them cook. When a little boy talks about
what he wants to be when he grows up he dreams of being a
fireman, a doctor, a lawyer, a cabdriver, a revolutionary. A
little girl can dream, but everyone knows what she will be
a

mother,

a

housewife.Anything

else

is

strange

—
and

temporary. Any other job she has must be something for her
to do part-time until she can quit and stay home. If she has

31

�to work she then has two jobs —

the main one is the home.

Women cannot exist in this society without a "man to
protect them." Women who have no men are forced to make
it in a world that doesn't accept them. Welfare mothers are
women with no men. Women compete against each other to
"get a man." So we don't just have division between men and
women, sexism divides women against each other.
By the time a baby is six months old it has already been
treated differently if it is a boy than if it is a girl, and acts
and responds differently. Baby boys are more active. Baby
girls cry more.
Because Puerto Rican society is structured in a sexist
way, it is very difficult to fight against things that we are not
aware of. If we want to change this society and develop a
new one that no longer oppresses anyone we must try to
eliminate the sexism that we "non-consciously" retain in our
minds. We must become instead of men and women —

new

humans, revolutionary people.
Men should learn to cook, to care for children, to be
open to cry and show emotions because these are all good
things —

needed to build a new society. Women must learn

to be leaders, to speak out, to use tools and weapons, because
our army must be made up of brothers and sisters. One of the
ways that brothers can figure out if they are oppressing
sisters is to ask themselves if they would treat another
brother the same way. If you lived with another brother,
would he always cook the meals and do the housework. If
you lived with another brother and friends came over would
you do all the talking? Sisters can judge their passivity the
same way. How would you repair machines if there were no
men around? Who would protect you if you were attacked?
We must think about all the ways we have been brainwashed
un consciously and fight against it. It is a hard struggle,
because everything around us is sexist —

the books we read,

the t.v. shows we watch, the institutions of our society. We
will never«be free until we have broken all the chains of our
"non-consciously ideology" and our colonized mentalities.

32

�THE PARTY &amp;
THE STATE
We are a colony of the yankee. We have been kicked and
pushed around, and forced to work for the lowest wages
while we do the hardest work. All major decisions that
concern Puerto Rico and our people are made by racists in
Washington,

by crooked

politicians who

represent their

bosses, the capitalists that own the factories and tourist trade
of the island. One third of our people were conned into
coming to the united states so that they could divide and
control us better. We are programmed or mis-educated to do
whatever the yankees desire. If they say Puerto Rico should
be a state, we are Supposed to bow our heads down like good
Puerto Ricans or spies and agree.
We are allowed the privilege to vote for some of our own
oppressors like badillo or hernandez-colon. Soon they think
they will give Puerto Ricans the "privilege" to vote for the
pig president of the united states. By keeping us from coming
together they have been able to remain in control. Whenever
we make attempts to liberate our people, they use whatever
force they have available to prevent it from happening. When
the Nationalist Party was becoming successful in educating
the people, they were crushed, by having their leadership
jailed and assassinated, and they succeeded in terrorizing the
people.
Now the Young Lords Party is becoming the force to
organize the nation for a struggle for national liberation, a
struggle where the whole people will be organized to fight
against the colonizer. We are the Party which through our
practice, has raised the consciousness of Puerto Ricans in the
u.s. to the point that "Viva Puerto Rico Libre" has become a
household word and "Power to the People" is replacing the
unhappy good-byes. We have come to understand that
without a revolutionary Party based on scientific analysis,

33

�we will not be able to gain our national liberation. A Party is
necessary because there has to be a leading body to give
direction.

The

revolution

is not

made by

a bunch

of

individuals running around doing their thing. Our problem
has been that we have too many individuals and little groups
doing their thing and forgetting that the struggle for national
liberation is our thing. What we need are leaders that come
from the poor people and who place in their hearts the
interests of the poor people and oppressed above anything
else, and who are prepared to die for the liberation of the
people,

struggle is for "power", power to determine the

direction in which we and our people move. That power
means a struggle for control of the churches, hospitals,
schools, police departments, political system. Any struggle
that builds the consciousness of the people to control their
institutions, helps the national liberation. A

struggle that

raises consciousness abo ut the reactionary and corrupt
commonwealth or amerikkkan state and government is good.
While we fight to control and destroy the old government
organization, at the same time is being formed the new
people's government which grows as we fight. This concept
we refer to as the Party and the State.
We recognize that a Party has to exist to give political
direction (revolutionary theory), that it has to show people
how to organize themselves, how to move against their
landlord, a government agency, a factory boss whatever, and
how

to

build

organization),

organizations

and the Party

that

last

also supplies

(revolutionary
revolutionary

examples of what to do, for example, when we seized the
People's

Church,

or

Lincoln

Hospital,

or

the

National

Students' Conference of September 23. This revolutionary
Party

is composed

of

the most active, most politically

conscious, disciplined and committed revolutionaries in the
nation. We understand that the Party will be a minority in
number compared with the masses. But because we serve and
protect and are one with the interests of the people, we
represent the majority. The Party cadre (members) are all
leaders of the battle of the people, and will coordinate the
national liberation struggle.

34

�We see that there have to exist other organizations which
we call People's Organizations. These organizations are
massed based, try to get as many people as possible involved
in struggle. They are not cadre organizations, like the Party.
They have a specific are of work to control; for example,
student
organizing,
workers organizing,
community
organizing. We think as many people's organizations as
possible should be formed. These organizations work closely
with the Party and have Party members in them, or working
with them. We see this method as preparing the revolutionary
state, the People's government, in th at the people are
braining themselves how to run their own society.
As the People's organizations grow, there will then be
two powers in the Puerto Rican nation-the power of the
reactionary present government, police, and businessmen,
and the power of the poor people, people's organizations,
and Party. These two cannot exist peacefully side by side.
There will be conflict until one destroys the other. And as
the people gain in strength, the revolutionary movement,
together with the People's Army, will destroy the old state
and set up a new revolutionary government.
Many people ask, who will make this revolution?
Everybody? The Young Lords Party feels most of our people
would live better in a socialist society. But there are two
classes of people that will fight harder for the new society,
because they have been most oppressed in this present
society. The lumpen-worker alliance is the name we use for
the two classes who will lead the revolution. It means that
according to our analysis of Puerto Rican society, the two
most important parts of Puerto Rican society are the
lumpens and the workers. The lumpens are the prostitutes,
drug addicts, welfare mothers, hustlers, the street people,
unemployable because the system has no jobs for them. They
don't want jobs because they know already how much the
sys tem makes off of them. They are the prisoners in the jails,
all political prisoners, colonized and messed over by the
system. They come out of school into no jobs, no future,
nothing but drugs, wine, gambling. They try to find
something worthwhile in their lives and only find racism and
greed, or a pimp ready to make money off of them.

35

�The workers, the majority of the population, work five
and six days a week for a lousy $100 more or less, they work
in hosp itals, post offices, trains, and buses, in restaurants and
hotels, in construction, in factories big and small. They are
the housewives and working women oppressed at home or on
the job, who have nothing to do but come home to bills,
credit, T V , and beer, who will never get anyplace though
they have lots of dreams. The lumpen understand the
oppression best, that is why the y and the students (who
come mostly from petty-bourgeois or middle class) are the
first to get involved. The lumpen also form the hard core
fighting force, once they are disciplined, because the
individualism of the streets is still very strong with them. The
workers are usually a little more conservative, because they
have at least an apartment, even if there is no heat, and a car,
even if it's mortgaged, and a job, even if it pays nothing, and
they are afraid to lose their little bit. But they also have the
most power. With their labor they built the society, and with
a strike they can paralyze the whole island or a city. It is
from the labor of the workers that the capitalist gets all the
goods he sells. The workers know how to run the factories,
the hospitals, the schools, the restaurants. They will run,
along with the lumpen and students, and a small group of
professionals, the new society, but first they must be
educated to join with the lumpens and students to wage the
War. Lumpens on drugs and having nothing, are divided from
workers who fear getting robbed by them. Workers who have
a few crumbs, are afraid the lumpen will steal it, so the two
classes fight each other. The duty of the Party and the
People's Organizations is to unite the two classes into a
fighting force, the main force of the revolution.

"Let me say at the risk
off seeming ridiculous that
a true revolutionary is
guided by great feelings
O f

l O V e * "

CHBOUIVARA

36

�THE PARTY
AND THE
INDIVIDUAL
The ideology of the Party is the framework from which
we move. Everything we do relates to the principles on this
paper. Ideology doesn't only talk about what the Party
believes but also where the Party sees itself going. On the
basis of those principles and ideas we do our work among
.the people. We call this practice.
As the Party grows and develops, we are going to be
developing a bigger more defined ideology and we will be
faced with a continuous problem; how do we keep building
that Party of our people that will put the ideas into practice.
It is no good to have an ideology if all you can do is talk and
not practice. fn order to be involved in good practice, two
things must de dealt with; first on the level of organization,
and then on the level of the individual.
On the level of the Party, we ask ourselves, how do
we develop the type of organization that can lead our people
in a liberation movement? How do we structure it? How do
we run the Party? We must remember that the structure is
not for any one part of our people, it must suit the needs of
all our people-lumpen, worker, student. Also, it must help
develop people into good revolutionaries.
The

Party

ministries.

is divided

The

levels of

into

levels of

leadership and

leadership are the branch, the

leadership of the branch, and the leaders and coordinators of
the Party in general. The ministries. Defense, Staff, Field,
Information, Economics, and Education are specific fields o*
responsibility

assigned

to

party

members.

The

level of

leadership is the army that does the organizing of the people,
and the ministry is the function that aides the Party.

37

�We have learned the hard way, through trial and error
some of the problems involved. It is very important for parts
of the Party to communicate with the whole. If this is not
done, there will be no unified Party. Communication is done
in many ways, regular reports, telephone, mail, personal
visits.

One

of

communicating

the
is

most

important

education.

things

Without

-a

besides

structured

educational system in the Party it is very hard for the Party
to organize all sectors of the people. It is also hard for any
individual to develop without political education.
Two of the cores of the Party are the general membership
meeting, where democratic discussion and decision-making
are done, and criticism - self-criticism, the key to Party
democracy. The structure is still changing, but we should
never be afraid of changing to progress.
On the level of the individual the question comes up, how
do we train cadre? What is cadre:

How do we develop

individuals from different sectors of the society at the same
time? In this field the Party went through many changes. We
were

organizing

high

school

students,

lumpens,

college

students, workers, and other sectors at the same time and we
had to fight the bad traits that each group brings with it, like
the impatience of high school students, the individualism of
lumpen, the conservatism of workers, and the intellectualism
of college students.
What is a cadre? A cadre is a person in the Party who has
gone through a change in himself or herself from just another
Puerto Rican to leader of the people, a revolutionary. This
change does not take place right away. First, a person
becomes political, then they join the Party, then, after a
period of time, they become a leader of the people. But it
isn't as simple as that. There is a big change in the whole life
of the individual. This change can be broken into two parts.
First, losing the bad traits from the class they originated
from,

like

individualism,

machismo,

sexism,

racism

intellectualism, superiorities and inferiorities. This is called
"de-classizing". Once you become a cadre of the Young
Lords Party, you are no longer a student, or a lumpen

38

�street-person, or a worker. You have that background, but
what you are is able to organize best that class that you
came from because you understand it best, have dealt with a
lot of the negative parts of it, and have recognized the good
parts.
Second, is the big change that the individual has in
getting rid of the scars that capitalism has left in the person's
mind , like liberalism (not doing something you know is
right), pessimism, and the biggest of all, colonized mentality.
Colonized mentality is the effects of oppression. Because we
are taught that a spie is a lower form of human, we end up
believing it and acting as if it were true. We shy away from
responsibility, we think negative, we don't think we can learn
and then we takeut on ourselves, persecuting ourselves and
fighting with others. We call this change, "de-colonizing".
This doesn't mean that before you become a Lord, you have
completely succeeded in getting rid of bad traits-that takes
years--but that you have made an effort and are succeeding.
The change
in the
individual
of
de-classizing and
de-colonizing goes on at the same time and both complement
each other. The developing of the Party should be seen as
preparing internally for
the prolonged war demands
constant development and change.

39

�ANALYSIS OF
PUERTO RICAN
SOCIETY
In

May,

1970,

the Young

Lords Party

studied the

divisions in our people, divisions that make us weak. We call
this the "analysis of Puerto Rican Society." This is how we
are divided in classes. Every Puerto Rican fits into one of
these classes. Your class is determined by how you make
your

living,

how

you

survive

everyday

in

this

crazy

amerikkkan-controlled world.
Industrial Workers: The majority of the population are
workers.

We

employment,

work

in

factories

and

in

government

in sweat shops and petroleum refineries, in

construction and restaurants. We make $40, $60, $100 a
week and hardly stay alive while our bosses make hundreds
of thousands off our hard work. We don't like to get into
trouble, because we might lose our job, or our project or
casserio apartment, or our children might suffer. We are the
housewives and working wome, who are oppressed not just
on the job but at home by our own husbands, who beat us or
mistreat us because they don't know any better. We are
afraid of the lumpen, because they rob us; but we know that
this is the result of the system that forces them into drugs
and

prostitution.

They

are

our

brothers

and

sisters,

compatriots, oppressed by the same enemy. We will join with
them to free Puerto Rico, and after the yankees are kicked
out, we will take over and run the factories for the good of
all the people.
Lumpen: Are men and women who are unemployable, on
drugs, prostitutes, welfare mothers, people in jail. Most of us
never had a chance for a decent life. We are young, poor,
there were never any jobs waiting for us, there was no future,
so we turned to drugs and crime. The society calls us

40

�¡ • ¡ t sili' %
f¡¡ f*- it ' sfflB.

;

¡H p a w

a "

Vi h.

jì

1 i Si

T• •1-

worthless, good for nothing. But all we are is oppressed
h u m a n beings. W e r o b from our own people because w e ' r e

prisoners, of drugs, of our conditions. We don't ©'ring the
drugs into the community, the businessmen and government irrasssfeisii

d o to keep u s pacified. We are waking up and uniting as a
nonnia tn fioetrAi/ tKo raot
class with
titefl
I J d J u l U H ! y
- 'If 15?'-'- f "Of
E3¥XSMM9B8£IM9MEflS^H
H
H s
-^.••^r—--T |gi J ^ l l ^ i - H t « ! « « « « ™ « ^
enemy--the yan' ' • A g r i c u l t u r a l Workers: We are the last of the campesinos,
who h a d our l a n d s bought up or stolen by the amerikkams,
w h o were tricked i n t o slave-like migrant labor and shuttled
back

and f o r t h

from

the u.s. to Puerto Rico, to pick

tomatoes or other crjps. t h e Petty-bourgeois are people who
don't work for anyone else or who work with their minds not
their hands, b u t who also don't employ anyone or any other
people. In other words, they live off their own labor. There
are three main types o f petty-bourgeois:
Bodegeros: We own our own store or businesses. We have
anywhere from 1 to 5 people who work for us. We make
enough to live on if we work hard ourselves. But now the
amerikkkan chain stores or the Cuban gusanos aré running us
out of business. If we don't joint the other oppressed classes,
we will soon be destroyed by the amerikkkans and Cuban
gusanos (exiles).
Capitalists and Traitors: These are the few Puerto Rican
capitalists, like Ferre, and the big traitors, like Sanchez Vile
Ita; Badiilo, Hernandez Colon, all the politicians and others
whose lives are tied up with the amerikkkan occupation.
There are also the thousands of Cuban pigs, who were kicked
out of Cuba by Fidel. We will kick all of them out of Puerto
Rico to establish a free, independent, and socialist nation

:

The lumpen and workers, allied together, will lead the
revolution. The students, bodegeros, and professionals will
join with them. Some professionals, vendepatrias and
capitalists will bé against u$ , but in the long run, we wi
and Puerto Rico will be frée.
i n w i ^ f
41

IS

ijjjPB

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                    <text>If God Is…That Means…But…
From the series: God in the Mirror of a Human Face
Text: Luke 7:28; Luke 6:27; 35-36
Richard A. Rhem
Christ Community Church
Spring Lake, Michigan
Lent, March 7, 1999
Transcription of the spoken sermon
This is the second Lenten sermon and the second week in a row with a funny title.
Last week, "That Means ... And That Can’t Be." and I filled that in for you by
saying that if the message of John the Baptist was right, that means that God is a
violent God and that can’t be.
And this week, "If God Is ... Then ... But .." Now, it must be obvious where I’m
going with that again. If God is, indeed, nonviolent, as we suggested last week, in
contrast to John’s image of God, taking our cue from Jesus instead, that means
that we must be nonviolent, too, but ... but I’m not ready for that kind of
discipleship. I’m not capable of that kind of discipleship. That means that if God
is a God of nonviolent justice, then we, God’s people, are called to be a people of
nonviolent justice, but do you realize how radical that is? This is so very
important because, as we said last week, the God that we worship will shape us.
Over a lifetime the God that we image in our worship and devotion will determine
the kind of people that we are. We’ll be killer children of a killer God, or we’ll be
nonviolent children of a nonviolent God of justice, and I suggest to you that it is
critical to get a proper fix on the historical Jesus because Jesus is the human face
that mirrors to us God, and that which is mirrored in the face of Jesus will give us
insight into the nature and character of God, and the nature and character of God
will determine the kind of people we are. That’s why it’s so very important to get
it right with Jesus in order to get it right with God in order to get it right in our
own lives.
This morning I want to try to establish the fact that my statement last week that
Jesus, indeed, presents an alternative vision and program to that of John the
Baptist, can be read out of the Gospels themselves. It’s like a good detective story,
but as we have come more and more to understand what we have in Matthew,
Mark, Luke and John, the finished Gospel products have layers within them and
there are pressures and forces that get pressed into a certain final portrait which
still reveals the lines of some of that conflict within. And if you read Matthew,
Mark, Luke and John about John the Baptist and Jesus, you get the impression,
you get what was being created as the proper perspective, namely that John the
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Baptist was the forerunner of Jesus the Messiah, and that there was continuity
between the ministry of John and the ministry of Jesus.
I want to suggest to you that, when you probe beneath the layers a bit, you will
see that that was a patching over of what was break and discontinuity, that, at
some point in the ministry of Jesus, Jesus moved from being a disciple of John
the Baptist to creating his own alternative vision and program over against John
the Baptist. John was an eschatological person. Jesus was an eschatological
person. An eschatological person believes there is something fundamentally
flawed about the way the world is organized. John believed it; Jesus believed it. A
world organized around power with structures that perpetuate injustice,
inequality, that lack mercy and compassion, that is marked by violence, is a world
that a person who is eschatological, who is concerned about the end, must reject
and protest against. An eschatological person is a person who wants the world to
end the way it is, not the space-time world, necessarily, but just the way the world
is, almost the normal way the world is.
John believed the way the world is was fundamentally flawed; Jesus believed the
way the world is was fundamentally flawed. And such a person, John and Jesus,
both believed that there was a divine mandate to right the wrong of the world and
that it couldn’t come just through human tinkering or human engineering,
human ingenuity or human creativity, but rather, it had to be the act of God.
There was a third element in being an eschatological person and that is how one
lives out that conviction, and there are at least three ways that that has been
done. The first way was John the Baptist and the apocalyptic vision, the sense of
the imminent in breaking of God, to damn the wicked and establish the
righteous, the winepress of the wrath of God overflows with the blood up to the
horse’s bridle in a river of blood 200 miles long. We saw it last week in that vision
in Revelation. The apocalyptic vision is the vision of the God Who will come in
dramatically, violently. The final solution to the righting of the wrong of the
world involves violence which edges towards vengeance. That was the God of
John the Baptist.
There’s another possible response to a conviction that the world is fundamentally
wrong. You can withdraw from the world. There were communities at the time of
John and Jesus, the Essenes, for example, the Qumran community, the
communities connected with the Dead Sea scrolls. They left Jerusalem and went
out into the wilderness, forming their own communities of prayer and fasting and
waited for the appearing of the Messiah. They gave up on the world; they
withdrew from the world into monastic community.
There’s a third possibility and that’s the way of Jesus, staying in the heat of the
battle, but making a protest nonviolently, being full of grace and compassion,
making the protest obvious but nonviolently. Dom Crossan calls that ethical
eschatology, and it is my conviction, and I didn’t invent this, but it is my

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conviction, on the basis of the study of the Gospels going back to an essay of 1962
by the Anglican Bishop, John A. T. Robinson, confirmed in current historical
Jesus scholarship by the likes of Dom Crossan, I am convinced that if you look at
those Gospels in the layered view, you will find that Jesus began as a disciple of
John the Baptist, identifying with John’s mission, being baptized by John, but at
some point rejected the vision of John, separated himself, went into Galilee and
began his own mission on the basis of another vision. That’s what I believe can be
established from a study of the Gospels if you weave it all together.
It’s only in the fourth Gospel that we know that Jesus had a period of ministry
before the Galilean ministry, a ministry down south in Judea where John was
baptizing, and if you read the third chapter of John’s Gospel, the fourth Gospel,
verses 22-30, you will find that John is carrying on his ministry of baptism and
Jesus and his disciples are carrying on their ministry, and I would say at that time
that Jesus and his disciples must have been considered a part of the Baptist
movement. And then in the fourth chapter of John, in the first verse, you will find
Jesus leaving the area and going through Samaria to Galilee. Then in that first
verse of the fourth chapter of the fourth Gospel you will find an indication that
maybe there was some competition developing between John and Jesus. (I’m so
glad that in the religious life of today’s world, competition doesn’t exist anymore.)
Whatever the reason, that movement from Judea in the south to Galilee in the
north marked geographically a fundamental change in the vision and the mission
of Jesus, and the change was the rejection of Apocalypticism and the movement
to ethical eschatology, which is simply a protest carried out nonviolently.
Jesus began with John and I’m sure it might even have been assumed that he
would pick up the reins from John. Early in his ministry, only in the fourth
Gospel does Jesus go to the temple and "cleanse" the temple. You remember that
dramatic scene - Mark, Matthew, Luke tell us that it happened during Holy Week,
but in Matthew, Mark and Luke, Jesus only goes to Jerusalem one time, and so if
he’s going to cleanse the temple, it has to be during Holy Week. Now, if it was
during Holy Week or not, I don’t know, but the interesting thing is that in the
Fourth Gospel he goes to the temple very early in his ministry and further, during
Holy Week, according to Matthew, Mark and Luke, when he cleanses the temple
and they ask him by what authority, he says "By what authority did John
baptize?" In other words, Jesus’ response in Holy Week with John long dead,
connects his cleansing of the temple with John the Baptist. I suspect that John,
the Fourth Gospel, may be right at this point, that Jesus went very early to
cleanse that temple. Jesus was under the spell of John the Baptist. Jesus was
waiting for God to come in dramatically to intervene and to bring about the
ultimate judgment that involved violence, and his address at the temple at the
early part of his ministry, according to the Fourth Gospel, is indicative that he
was growing in the mode of John the Baptist.
There’s another interesting thing in the early part of the Gospel. The temptation
narratives – where Jesus is struggling in the wilderness according to what kind of

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�If God Is…That Means

Richard A. Rhem

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person he is, what kind of ministry he is to have, what his identity is to be – are
early in Matthew, Mark and Luke. John A. T. Robinson suggests that maybe
those temptation narratives were indicative of the fact that Jesus, beginning with
John the Baptist in the mode of John the Baptist, comes to a point of personal
crisis and struggles with who he is to be, and he comes out of the wilderness, out
of the temptation narratives. Go to Luke’s Gospel, in the fourth chapter, where
Jesus is now in Galilee giving his inaugural sermon. What does he do? He stands
up to preach, quoting Isaiah 61, "The spirit of the Lord is upon me, he has
anointed me to preach good news to the poor and to give sight to the blind...."
and that quotation concludes, "to proclaim the favorable year of the Lord."
Now, if you go the Isaiah passage from which he is quoting, you will find out that
the prophet did not stop at "the favorable year of the Lord." The prophet said, "to
proclaim the favorable year of the Lord, the day of God’s vengeance." That is
deleted. Either Jesus deleted it or Luke interpreting Jesus deleted it, but in any
case, there is a very, very clear clue that Jesus was not about vengeance, and
Luke, when he writes this Gospel, knows Jesus was not about vengeance, even
though the passage from which Jesus quotes to proclaim his program and his
vision of healing concluded with “the day of the Lord’s vengeance.” Jesus didn’t
say it because he was no longer about a God of violence that edged toward
vengeance.
Jesus was about healing; he was about grace; he was about the stuff we read in
that passage from the Sermon on the Mount, which is in Luke the Sermon on the
Plain. That impossible stuff about turning the other cheek, about lending and not
expecting it to be returned. That impossible ethic that comes out of Jesus and
that sermonic material that says love your enemies. Love your enemies! Love
your enemies, in order to emulate God. Be ye therefore merciful as God is
merciful, God who is good to the selfish and the ungrateful. Or, in Matthew’s
version, who causes the sun to shine on the just and the unjust, and the rain to
fall on the gardens of the good and the evil, the God who make no discrimination.
Be children of God, be merciful as God is merciful. Be compassionate as God is
compassionate.
Well, even in the dungeon in Marchaerus where John the Baptist who had been
arrested was mouldering away, they slipped in The New York Times and he read
what Jesus was about. Pansy stuff: healing, forgiving, being gracious, soft stuff,
stuff that seemed to lack discrimination. Where was the fire! Where was the
sickle being ready to be thrust into the vineyard to reap the earth in order that the
winepress of the wrath of God might overflow?
John had a vision for Jesus. It was the vision of Elijah returned. It is the vision of
Elijah which comes from Malachi that I read a moment ago, that messenger of
the covenant that will come, who will prepare the way of the Lord, the great and
terrible day of the Lord, who will be like a refiner’s fire, who will purify the
righteous and damn the wicked. Elijah’s return was to prepare for the dramatic

© Grand Valley State University

�If God Is…That Means

Richard A. Rhem

Page 5	&#13;  

in-breaking of God. John the Baptist saw Jesus as Elijah. You may say, "No, no,
no, John the Baptist was the forerunner of Jesus the Messiah."
No. The first chapter of John’s Gospel records the question to John the Baptist,
"Are you Elijah?"
"No. No. I’m not Elijah. I’m a voice. I’m pointing to Elijah who is to come, who is
to prepare the way of the Lord."
Now, John is reading The New York Times about what’s going on in Galilee, all
kinds of healing and nice things happening, gentle things happening, and he says,
"What in the world is going on?" He sends two of his disciples to Jesus to say,
"Are you the one? Or do we look for another? Did I get it wrong? Are you not the
one I thought you were?"
Years ago in the days of my youth I preached a marvelous sermon on that text. It
was about John in the dungeon, almost losing his faith, full of doubt, sending his
disciples to Jesus to say, "Is it going to be okay?" And Jesus says, "Sure, look
what’s happening. Go tell John it’s going to be okay. I’m the one. Tell John to
relax and die in peace." That was how to deal with religious doubt; it was a great
sermon. And it was wrong. It’s not what this is all about at all.
John is in prison. I think John was ready to die, that wasn’t the problem. But,
John’s boy has it wrong! The program! Where’s the program? Where’s the fire?
Where’s the judgment? Jesus, very indirectly and carefully, says to these disciples
of John, "Go tell John what you see and hear. The blind are seeing, the lame are
walking, the deaf are hearing, the poor have good news proclaimed to them." And
then he says a strange thing. "Happy is the one who takes no offense in me."
John took offense in Jesus. Jesus was a pansy. Jesus compromised the program.
Jesus wasn’t preparing for the winepress of the wrath of God. He was talking
about forgiveness and grace and compassion. So Jesus said, "Go tell him what
you see," but actually, contrary to what I preached many, many years ago, that
Jesus was saying, "Go tell John, Yes, it’s fine. Yes, I am, I am," Jesus was saying,
"Go tell John No, I’m not the one. As a matter of fact, John, you are Elijah, the
Elijah figure from the prophecy of Malachi is the projection of you, John. You are
Elijah fulfilling that role.
"Who am I, then, John? Well, in my own struggle, John, my mentor and my
friend whom I respect, let me tell you there’s another part of the prophetic
witness: Isaiah. There is the suffering servant, one who doesn’t snuff out the
smoldering wick or crush the bruised reed. There’s the suffering servant who
doesn’t lift up his voice. There’s the suffering servant who goes as a lamb to the
slaughter. John, I am not the one you thought I was. I cannot fulfill the role of
Elijah in Malachi. It’s Isaiah for me, because I’ve come to see, John, that your
God is a God marked by violence, edging toward vengeance to effect the final

© Grand Valley State University

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Richard A. Rhem

Page 6	&#13;  

solution and, John, I don’t believe that violence and vengeance can ever effect the
final solution."
The disciples left and Jesus began to talk about John. He said, "Whom did you go
out to see? A reed? Someone dressed in gorgeous robes? Of course not. Did you
go out to see a prophet? Yes, you did. Yes, and more than a prophet, let me tell
you. Of all of those born of women there is none greater than John the Baptist."
Great affirmation. Great respect. But then Jesus went on to say, "But I tell you the
least in the kingdom of God (that is, the movement that I am leading), the least in
the kingdom of God is greater than John the Baptist, because John the Baptist
isn’t even in this ball game. This is a protest of nonviolent justice because I sense
that God is that way."
What triggered that move in Jesus? Well, of course, who knows? But I wonder if
it was not simply the fact that Jesus could see that violence begets violence. Look
at the generations and the centuries of the feud in Ireland and the Balkans and
the Middle East. Blood feuds never die. Violence begets violence, and there is no
transformation. Violence can coerce, violence can crush, violence can destroy, but
violence cannot transform, and I suspect that Jesus came to see that and to see
that the alternative was to face violence non-aggressively, nonviolently. Now, of
course, when you do that, you make yourself vulnerable to death, and they killed
him. They killed Gandhi, too. They killed Martin Luther King, too.
One whose God is a nonviolent God is one who stands in nonviolent protest
against the way things are and absorbs the darkness and receives the world’s
verdict which is to die. If God is nonviolent, then those who see God through the
lens of Jesus are called to nonviolence, but, but, but, ... I’m not ready for that. Are
you? But, maybe, even the acknowledgment of that might be one moment of
honesty and truth-telling in the midst of Lent. To be continued.

© Grand Valley State University

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                    <text>If That’s How It Is, I Can Live With That
From the series: God In the Mirror Of a Human Face
Text: Psalm 82:3-4; Micah 5:8; Acts 2:44; John 20:21
Richard A. Rhem
Christ Community Church
Spring Lake, Michigan
Easter Sunday, April 4, 1999
Transcription of the spoken sermon
I suppose it may be somewhat the world situation that has caused me to be
hounded by two particular thoughts and those I would share with you this
morning as the Easter message. I want to speak about my problem with Easter,
and then the promise of Easter.
Let me begin with my problem with Easter. We have followed for forty days of the
Lenten journey the way of Jesus. We have seen him move ever deeper into the
darkness; we have come to that time when we knew events were culminating into
a climax that would not be good. We have seen him enter the city, negate the
Temple system, find himself under survey by those who would put him to death.
We’ve been with him at that last supper around the table, in the garden with its
anguish, the arrest and the execution, and as we have done that, we have
celebrated in our ritual form, following the Holy Week events and we have sensed
something of the nature of Jesus and the God that Jesus mirrored.
We have known that he was on a collision course because, in a world dominated
by power relationships, Jesus pointed to a God of non-violent justice. We could
see that it would have to end this way because the power of this world has the
power to snuff out the light. We have recognized the darkness of the world and
we can identify with a John the Baptist who would say, "God, can’t you do
something?"
But we’ve come to see that Jesus saw something far deeper, more profound, that
God was not the God of the quick fix, that God was not some God Who would
come in with blinding power to damn the wicked and establish the righteous.
Rather, with infinite patience, God waits for that inward transformation. Nonviolent protest against injustice was the way of Jesus, and we have a sense of that.
We’ve come to this place on Thursday evening and as we’ve been at the table,
we’ve come here in the darkness and that contemplative mode of Good Friday. It
has seeped into our pores; we’ve begun to see something. This is the way the
world is. This cosmic, historical drama of which we are a part is in constant
conflict, injustice eliciting violence, eliciting more violence in an ever-deepening
© Grand Valley State University

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Richard A. Rhem

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cycle of violence that ends in the kind of chaos that is so much a part of our
Easter world today. We begin to feel it; we begin to sense it.
Then barely twenty-four hours later the lights go on, the flowers come in, the
bells are rung, the music sounds forth and we shout "Hallelujah!" That’s my
problem with Easter. It’s just too quick; it’s too sudden; it’s too strident; it’s too
triumphalistic. In that twenty-four hour period, the darkness is not dissipated. In
fact, the darkness hangs heavy upon us, even now 2000 years later.
Oh, I know, this is pageantry. The Christian Year is the symbolic celebration of
those events that point to the very real historical happenings, and yet, the way we
celebrate them is not the way they happened. But, it’s necessitated, I suppose, if
we are to remember those things in some kind of liturgical fashion here as a
people. So, what we celebrate is what comes to us in the four Gospels. But, the
earliest gospel was forty years after the events and the Gospel lesson of this
morning was some sixty-five years after the event. By that time, the meaning of
Jesus’ death and resurrection in the tradition is honed to a consistent story. What
we have is the finished product, and if we would take it as it’s written, one would
think that by Easter morning the darkness was scattered and by Easter evening
the disciples were glad to see the Lord and we could get on with life. God knows
we’re anxious to get beyond the darkness. God knows there is something in us
that doesn’t want to dwell in the darkness, and it is true there’s only so much
truth that we can bear.
Philip Hallie, to whom I referred last week, in his book, Lest Innocent Blood Be
Shed, wrote about the village of Le Chambon in France, a city of refuge and an
oasis of grace, because, in the midst of his researching Holocaust documents, he
felt himself so mired in the darkness and evil that he said, "I was coming under
the coercion of despair," and that can happen to us. We can lose our perspective
and we can lose our joy.
Then, too, I suppose that we’re able to make that quick transition from darkness
to light, to celebrate with all of the glory of this morning because we have really
transformed the message of Jesus. I was going to say we have distorted the
message of Jesus, because, you see, if Jesus really was a divine intruder whom
God sent dipping into this world to be the sacrifice for our sins offering us
forgiveness and life beyond, then the world can reel on its way to hell and all of its
darkness and it’s not really significant because then what I have done is I have
blunted that radical edge, that radicality of Jesus who came to a world of
darkness and protested against it non-violently, looking evil in the eye. Then I
can say, "Let the world go to hell! I’m saved; I’m saved. Hallelujah!"
But, that’s not really what Jesus was about. That’s too easy. It’s too facile; it’s too
superstitious; it’s too superficial. It is not what he was about. It’s so easy. If I can
transform what Jesus was really about - the transformation of this world through
the inward illumination of persons who come to see the nature of God reflected in

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Richard A. Rhem

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his face, the God of non-violent justice, moving with infinite patience toward a
world community marked by justice and mercy, I’m home free.
The God of Psalm 82 calls the lesser gods into counsel and dismisses them
because they have failed to effect justice on the earth, with the result that the
foundations of the earth are shaken. The God of justice who, in the words of the
prophet, calls us to do justly, to love kindness, and to walk humbly with our God
is the God of Jesus. If I can just make Jesus a salvation figure, if I can make
Christian faith a salvation cult, if I can think that it’s all about my salvation and
my getting to heaven, then I can let the world go to hell and it’s a helluva lot
easier!
But, that’s my problem with Easter, you see, because that is not what Jesus was
about, and God is not a God of the quick fix. We saw Jesus facing the inevitable,
crying out, "If it be possible ..." dying in godforsakeness, and God was silent
because the very God that Jesus reflected was the God Who does not send the
thunderbolts that will spring Jesus free in the last moment. The God of Jesus is a
God of infinite patience. When we cry out, "Why don’t You do something?" God
says to us, "I’m waiting for you to do something!"
That’s my problem with Easter. I wanted to stay here in Good Friday for a while. I
wanted to absorb the truth that I saw following Jesus in his passion. I wanted to
let that truth seep into the pores of my being because that’s reality. You don’t
dissipate the darkness with a snap of a finger.
But, I’ve come to see the promise of Easter, as well. You might say to me,
"Haven’t you jettisoned precisely that which Easter is about?" and I would say not
so, for I have come to see something far more magnificent as I have looked into
the face of Jesus and have seen there mirrored the eternal God. I have seen a God
Who will never abandon Creation, Who will never let us go and will never finally
let the darkness overcome the light. For, think about it for a moment, have you
ever felt sorry for Jesus? I don’t think so. Jesus was not a tragic figure. You don’t
feel sorry for him as some pathetic do-gooder, some social reformer.
Much rather, when you see Jesus, are you not fascinated with him? Are you not
moved by his passion? Are you not impressed with his strength? Does not your
heart cry out to be like him when you see the integrity with which he lived and
with which he died? Jesus in all of the strength and wonder of who he was
reflected the God who waits for us, the God of non-violent justice, whose purpose
is world community marked by justice and compassion and mercy and love.
And when I see Jesus, I see one who is simply magnificent because he was able to
live to his death in the strong conviction about the God whom he served who
would never quit and never finally let the truth be defeated. You can attempt to
execute the truth, you can kill the prophet, you can crucify the prophet, but you

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Richard A. Rhem

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can never finally put the truth to death and you can never finally snuff out the
light.
We started out this Lenten season around this same table with John Dominic
Crossan here reminding us that where there is bread and wine it represents body
and blood and where body and blood are separated, one from the other, it speaks
of violent death, execution. And then he suggested that those of us who come to
this table to take that bread and that cup, thereby are standing in solidarity with
Jesus in the conviction that the truth will never die and the light will never be
snuffed out. Execute, crucify, oppress, repress, but finally, because God is God,
the light will break forth.
Some of us on Wednesday evening were at the Jewish community Passover
Supper, and on Thursday evening I shared a paragraph from a writing about the
meaning and significance of Passover and the Seder Supper in the Jewish
community. This particular writer says of the Jewish community that we have
been "heirs to those who struggled and quested, we are old-timers at
disappointment, veterans at sorrow, but always, always prisoners of hope."
There’s an image for us. That’s the promise of Easter. If you’re following in the
way of Jesus, you can be stripped of everything, but you can finally not be
defeated. The promise of Easter is that the truth will live and the light will shine
and, ultimately, finally, justice will be done and will pour down the mountains as
a mighty, rolling stream. We cannot change the whole world, but we can embody
in this community that justice, that kindness, that love and that grace. We can
stand where we must and go where we must, unflinching, with full integrity, in
total commitment, saying, come what may, we stand in solidarity with Jesus who
embodied God, whose Body we continue to be. If that’s the way it is, I can live
with that.
(The Sanctuary Choir chanting The Christ Community Church Credo)
We live together in the awe of worship
in the Presence of the Mystery of God
Whose inclusive grace moves us to embrace all
with unconditional love and gracious acceptance,
irrespective of race, gender, economic status, age or sexual orientation,
loving the world as God loves it,
following the way of Jesus,
sensitive to the winds of the Spirit,
seeking to discern the Word of God in the biblical tradition,
the Movement of God in the context of our culture.
We are an ecumenical community in background
in faith perspective
in worship expression;
a blending of all the great Christian traditions.
We find our window to God in the face of Jesus

© Grand Valley State University

�I Can Live With That

Richard A. Rhem

Page 5	&#13;  

while affirming the quest and insight of other faiths;
opening ourselves to dialogue and mutual enrichment in our pluralistic world.
We are intentionally a community of open mind and warm heart ...
Where the broken find healing,
the doubting learn to trust,
the anxious find peace,
and the strong are confirmed,
trusting God ...
The God of The Beginning,
The God of The End,
The God with us in The Meantime ...
This in-between time.

© Grand Valley State University

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&#13;
Douglas R. Gilbert (b. 1942) is an American photographer from Michigan. He was born in Holland, Michigan and is the son of Russell W. and Carmen (Andree) Gilbert. Gilbert earned a B.A. in social sciences and art at Michigan State University in 1964, an M.S. in photography from the Institute of Design at Illinois Institute of Technology in 1972, and a M.S.W. from Salem State College in 1993. He is married to Barbara (McDonald) Gilbert, and has three daughters, Robyn, Rachel, and Anne. Gilbert took a serious interest in photography at the age of fourteen. In 1963 he joined the staff of Look magazine in New York as the second youngest photojournalist in the magazine's history. As a Look photographer from 1964 to 1966, he photographed folk musician Bob Dylan, the Newport Folk Festival, Simon and Garfunkel, the New York City Financial District, the children and facilities at the Manhattan School for Seriously Disturbed Children. From 1967 to 1969, Gilbert did several shoots, including that of folk singer Janis Ian for Life magazine. After moving to Chicago, Illinois in 1969 to attend the Illinois Institute of Technology, Gilbert conducted notable photo shoots of business and political figure Lenore Romney, and pursued more personal and artistic photography, focusing on urban and rural landscapes in Illinois and Michigan. He then joined the faculty of Wheaton College, where he taught from 1972 to 1982. In 1993, Gilbert graduated from Salem State College, Massachusetts, with a Masters in Social Work, and later pursued a second career as a psychotherapist. Douglas Gilbert died in June 2023. &#13;
&#13;
Throughout his photography career, he pursued both freelance commercial work as well as artistic work. His art photography is characterized by its classic black-and-white format, and features people, places and objects shot great attention and sensitivity. Gilbert's works are held in the permanent collections of the Art Institute of Chicago, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta, The Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, and the Grand Valley State University Art Galleries, as well as in numerous private and institutional collections.&#13;
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                  <text>Douglas R. Gilbert Photographs</text>
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                  <text>Gilbert, Douglas R., 1942-2023</text>
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                  <text>Photographs scanned from negatives and transparencies from the Douglas R. Gilbert papers (RHC-183).&#13;
&#13;
Douglas R. Gilbert (b. 1942) is an American photographer from Michigan. He was born in Holland, Michigan and is the son of Russell W. and Carmen (Andree) Gilbert. Gilbert earned a B.A. in social sciences and art at Michigan State University in 1964, an M.S. in photography from the Institute of Design at Illinois Institute of Technology in 1972, and a M.S.W. from Salem State College in 1993. He is married to Barbara (McDonald) Gilbert, and has three daughters, Robyn, Rachel, and Anne. Gilbert took a serious interest in photography at the age of fourteen. In 1963 he joined the staff of Look magazine in New York as the second youngest photojournalist in the magazine's history. As a Look photographer from 1964 to 1966, he photographed folk musician Bob Dylan, the Newport Folk Festival, Simon and Garfunkel, the New York City Financial District, the children and facilities at the Manhattan School for Seriously Disturbed Children. From 1967 to 1969, Gilbert did several shoots, including that of folk singer Janis Ian for Life magazine. After moving to Chicago, Illinois in 1969 to attend the Illinois Institute of Technology, Gilbert conducted notable photo shoots of business and political figure Lenore Romney, and pursued more personal and artistic photography, focusing on urban and rural landscapes in Illinois and Michigan. He then joined the faculty of Wheaton College, where he taught from 1972 to 1982. In 1993, Gilbert graduated from Salem State College, Massachusetts, with a Masters in Social Work, and later pursued a second career as a psychotherapist. Douglas Gilbert died in June 2023. &#13;
&#13;
Throughout his photography career, he pursued both freelance commercial work as well as artistic work. His art photography is characterized by its classic black-and-white format, and features people, places and objects shot great attention and sensitivity. Gilbert's works are held in the permanent collections of the Art Institute of Chicago, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta, The Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, and the Grand Valley State University Art Galleries, as well as in numerous private and institutional collections.&#13;
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                  <text>&lt;a href="%E2%80%9Dhttps%3A//gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/783%E2%80%9D"&gt;Douglas R. Gilbert Papers (RHC-183)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections and University Archives.</text>
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                <text>Iggy Pop and Scott Asheton of The Stooges</text>
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