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Douglas R. Gilbert (b. 1942) is an American photographer from Michigan. He was born in Holland, Michigan and is the son of Russell W. and Carmen (Andree) Gilbert. Gilbert earned a B.A. in social sciences and art at Michigan State University in 1964, an M.S. in photography from the Institute of Design at Illinois Institute of Technology in 1972, and a M.S.W. from Salem State College in 1993. He is married to Barbara (McDonald) Gilbert, and has three daughters, Robyn, Rachel, and Anne. Gilbert took a serious interest in photography at the age of fourteen. In 1963 he joined the staff of Look magazine in New York as the second youngest photojournalist in the magazine's history. As a Look photographer from 1964 to 1966, he photographed folk musician Bob Dylan, the Newport Folk Festival, Simon and Garfunkel, the New York City Financial District, the children and facilities at the Manhattan School for Seriously Disturbed Children. From 1967 to 1969, Gilbert did several shoots, including that of folk singer Janis Ian for Life magazine. After moving to Chicago, Illinois in 1969 to attend the Illinois Institute of Technology, Gilbert conducted notable photo shoots of business and political figure Lenore Romney, and pursued more personal and artistic photography, focusing on urban and rural landscapes in Illinois and Michigan. He then joined the faculty of Wheaton College, where he taught from 1972 to 1982. In 1993, Gilbert graduated from Salem State College, Massachusetts, with a Masters in Social Work, and later pursued a second career as a psychotherapist. Douglas Gilbert died in June 2023. &#13;
&#13;
Throughout his photography career, he pursued both freelance commercial work as well as artistic work. His art photography is characterized by its classic black-and-white format, and features people, places and objects shot great attention and sensitivity. Gilbert's works are held in the permanent collections of the Art Institute of Chicago, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta, The Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, and the Grand Valley State University Art Galleries, as well as in numerous private and institutional collections.&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/783"&gt;Douglas R. Gilbert papers (RHC-183)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Grand Valley State University. Kutsche Office of Local History</text>
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                  <text>Collection contains images and documents digitized and collected through the project "Stories of Summer," supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities Common Heritage Grant. The collection aims to document the twin lakeshore communities of Saugatuck and Douglas, Michigan, as they transformed through the state's bustling tourism industry and acceptance of minorities. </text>
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                  <text>Stories of Summer (Common Heritage project)</text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Gregorio Gómez
Interviewers: José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 8/23/2012

Biography and Description
Gregorio Gómez is known as the “G Man” at one of Chicago’s longest running underground poetry
venues, “Weeds,” at 1515 North Dayton Street. Opened in 1964, “Weeds” still serves the Lincoln Park
neighborhood; the building has existed there since 1928. Today “Weeds” is known as “the neighborhood
bar without a neighborhood.” In the 1980s, prior to the Harold Washington campaign, José “Cha-Cha”
Jiménez organized a reorganizing event at “Weeds.” It was a small party reunion and the place was
packed. The purpose was to remember the Young Lords’ work and the Puerto Ricans who were
displaced from Lincoln Park. Mr. Jiménez was assisted by Iris (Martha) Ramos, who, before the Young
Lords were political, was one of three different presidents of the Young Lordettes. Ms. Ramos had
previously been married to Benny Pérez, one of the original Young Lords club founders, who also turned
political when the Young Lords became a human rights movement on September 23, 1968. She was also
the sister of Manuel Ramos who was a Young Lord killed by off duty policeman James Lamb on May 3,
1969. Mr. Gómez emigrated from Vera Cruz, Mexico to Chicago in 1963. And he has been in the poetry
community for nearly three decades. He has been the Managing Director of the Latino Chicago Theatre
Company, which has been in the forefront of theatre and arts in Wicker Park. Mr. Gómez’s work has
been published and recorded in numerous venues, including Stray Bullets: A Celebration of Chicago
Saloon Poetry (1991) and Poetry for Peace Anthology, published by the Peace Museum of Chicago. In

�1986, White Panther Party Minister of Information, Bob “Righteous” Rudnick, now deceased,
approached the owner of “Weeds,” Sergio Mayora, about staging “Poetry Slams.”. Soon after that Mr.
Gómez started to MC. Some of the patrons are a mix of newcomers and old timers, a few white pacifists
and anarchists, some revolutionaries, primarily Blacks and Latinos. Early poets who presented their work
at “Weeds” includes Chris “Man Defender” Chandler, “Sultry” Sue McDonald, and Susie “Mellow”
Greenspan. Poet and Young Lord Alfredo Matias is a regular at “Weeds,” along with Sergio Mayora who
always recites his two poems, and Mr. Gómez himself. As Mr. Gómez reiterates, “I stand for hundreds of
Poets who will never be famous.”

�Transcript

JOSE JIMENEZ:

Okay Gregorio, if you can give me your name, your date of birth,

and where you were born?
GREGORIO GOMEZ:

Okay. My name is Gregorio Gómez, I was born in Tierra

Blanca, Veracruz in the year of 1951 October 23rd.
JJ:

Where’s Tierra Blanca, Veracruz where is that?

GG:

(laughs)

JJ:

Veracruz is on the east coast, right?

GG:

Yes, on the east coast. We are, you know, several miles from Cuba, Puerto
Rico. Veracruz, in contrast to the rest of Mexico, is very Caribbean.
Guayaberas, arroz blanco, frijol negro, [zapateado en estilo?], [España?] a little
bit ’cause of, you know, Veracruz is a state where the conquest of [00:01:00]
Mexico came in. The Spañoles arrived in Veracruz, and from there they went
into Tenochtitlan. But it’s very Caribbean, I mean, I think that we have, at least in
my view, more of our connection to the Caribbean side of the Gulf of Mexico and
all of that than more towards the west coast in regards to culture. We fit more in
the Caribbean area. From there, we moved -- my father was a railroad man and
he travelled a lot. You know, he started laying rail, he moved on from layin’ rail
to, well, used to call them (Spanish) [00:01:56] which is those big blocks of wood
[00:02:00] where the rails lay down. What do they call ’em? I don’t even know
what they call ’em here. But he travelled, and throughout his travels -- of course
everybody was in those days, the late ’40s, you know, that were coming the

1

�Bracero Program and (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)
JJ:

What is the Bracero Program (inaudible)?

GG:

The Bracero Program, bracero comes from the word brazo, labor, where the
United States started recruiting Mexican labor because of the United States was
at war. And so all of the manpower or power of the United States, male
manpower of the United States, was in Europe and in other what they call
Europe, you know, the theaters of war. And so they started recruiting Mexicans,
even though there’s already a lot of Mexicans here. You know, the whole
question of the southwest of California and all of that [00:03:00] from the
Mexican-American War and the theft of the southwest. They still were bringing in
labor promising that white picket fence and the nice little white cottage
somewhere and that kind of stuff, and instead they get --

JJ:

This was in the mid-’40s?

GG:

Yeah, the late ’40s.

JJ:

Late ’40s, okay.

GG:

And so he crossed undocumented and got sent back, and then he crossed again,
but the second time he crossed -- (Spanish) [00:03:37]

(break in audio)
JJ:

Okay, so we were talkin’ about the Bracero Program.

GG:

Well, you know, the Bracero Program was a big thing in the ’40s to bring Mexican
labor in. So my father tried to get into that and he was able to do that. But then,
somewhere down the line, he was [00:04:00] sent back, then he came back
again. Typical thing, came back, got deported, and finally --

2

�JJ:

So’s he was comin’ without any papers?

GG:

Yeah, I think the second time he came without any papers and so he gets
deported. And finally, through whatever finagling, negotiating he did it -- I do
remember one quick story that he had a gold watch that he used in the railroad
that was an heirloom to him, and that he sold that watch in order to make it back
to the US, but this time he wanted to come back documented. So he finally did.
And that was the beginning of his thought about bringing the rest of the family to
[00:05:00] the United States.

JJ:

And he came straight to Chicago or...?

GG:

He came straight to Chicago -- he did a little stuff here and there, but there was
an uncle, my mother’s younger brother, was already here in Chicago. So he
says, “Come on down.” And so he ended up Chicago, which I’m kinda glad that
he did, in a sense, ’cause Chicago provided many different opportunities for us
as his children versus being in the southwest where the mixture of mexicano,
Chicano that was left over from the 1848 Mexican-American War. There’s a
whole different dynamic, you know, of Chicano, mexicano from the Southwest.
And here, even though we’re right in Chicago, [and there was a?] tremendous
amount of discrimination it was --

JJ:

And now what neighborhood were you --

GG:

We ended up in the far South Side neighborhood called Roseland, [00:06:00]
working class community.

JJ:

About what street?

GG:

Well, our first address was 11940 South Parnell, that was the first place that we

3

�lived in. The second one was 100 -JJ:

Those are the big houses that was (overlapping dialogue; inaudible) --

GG:

(laughs) No these was the -- I’ll get to that but we were living in the first floor of
this two-flat. My sisters were living in the -- they had the bed, was in the dining
room. Myself and my brothers were in one room in bunkbeds that my father built.
And so we were tight. And it was (inaudible) after that, later on. And it was from
Veracruz we -- at that time, the only place to get your documents was Monterrey,
Nuevo León, which is a northern part of Mexico. [00:07:00] For me, I believe that
was part of the preparation of being uprooted and learning how to deal with new
places. When we arrived in --

JJ:

Wait, with what?

GG:

With new places.

JJ:

New places, new places.

GG:

’Cause when we arrived in Monterrey, we were foreigners. We spoke funny, we
had an accent de Veracruz, we had a different, you know, sonsonete, a different
way of talking and the beautiful Monterrey del Norteños. Yeah, they were just -they listened to different music and so that was the first time that --

JJ:

So what is your music? I mean what did you (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

GG:

Well, I mean --

JJ:

Veracruz.

GG:

-- there’s sonnets in Veracruz. There’s sonnets (Spanish) [00:07:49] What else?
A lot of sonnets -- you know, marimba, we use a lot of marimba, arpa. And in
Monterrey, [00:08:00] it’s what’s now called banda music, polka. (sings) You

4

�know, that kind of stuff which is very popular even here in Chicago. It’s very,
very popular. And these big -- I mean, it’s okay. It’s danceable. But it’s a
northern part of Mexico now and it’s, again, a totally different place. We came
from a rural small town, very homey, Tierra Blanca to an industrial, urban,
bustling huge metropolis like Monterrey.
JJ:

And how old were you then?

GG:

I was about seven, eight years old.

JJ:

And I didn’t get your father’s name or mother’s --

GG:

[Hipólito?] Gómez is my father’s name. My mother’s name is [Tomasita?]
Gómez. [00:09:00] I’m gonna get to that too, that’s an interesting connection with
her. And so we end up in Monterrey. Being in Monterrey -- we had a lot of
family, but from my mother’s side. Unfortunately, on my father’s side, all of his
family disappeared during the various revolutions in Mexico. And I’m not gonna
give you details on that ’cause he never really was fond of talkin’ about that. So
he ended up with his mother and grandfather, who was killed later on. And he
hated the caciques?] with rancheros, the landowners, ’cause he lived in one of
those and, you know, those are the style of fiefdom where you’re a serf.

JJ:

These are, like, haciendas? [00:10:00]

GG:

(inaudible) the haciendas and they gave you a plot of land and you work for the
hacienda, but then you come home and then you toil your own piece of land. But
then you have to give part of your fruits to the hacienda as part of the payment,
the rent. But then you’d have to buy the seed from the ranchero. I mean, it’s a
racket, you know. The railroads used to do that here in the United States, where

5

�-- or the miners as well, where the mine owned the store, you know, there’s a
famous song that deals with that. Tennessee Ernie Ford used to sing it, “16 tons
and what do you get? One day older and deeper in debt.” You know, that kind
of thing. And so he always hated that, so that’s when he finally’d make his move
to join the railroad, to get away from that lifestyle. He didn’t know how to read
[00:11:00] or write until he was 19 years old when his grandfather or somebody
started teaching him. And he was always pushing ahead to get away from that
kind of Mexican oppression. You know, government oppression, right. Capital
oppression.
JJ:

So you call that Mexican oppression?

GG:

There’s Mexican oppression man. It’s goin’ on, now, you know. And so he -well, in Mexico, the oppression is the rich versus the poor, not necessarily color.
The rich is always screwing the poor no matter what. And so he’s always tryin’ to
get away from that. Comin’ to the United States was his dream come true. You
know, that was his golden apple. That was his way of believing that he arrived at
the promised land, but [00:12:00] he had to bring us all in order for him to be --

JJ:

So when you say he brought us all, what are your siblings?

GG:

I have five brothers and two sisters.

JJ:

And can you give me their names or...?

GG:

Okay. My older sister is [Carmen Senco?], she’s the oldest, second oldest is
[Marisela Ruben?], my older brother [Abram Gómez], myself, and then my
younger brother [Guillermo?], and then [José Louise?], and [Raul?]. And Raul is
born here, though and he was the last one of the family of eight. But so he

6

�brings us to Monterrey, you know, there’s where we went to to get the
documentation. We lived there for six years. That was a process of time to get
your documents and particularly for a large family. And then, of course, it’s all
that money you have to be dishing out. As a matter of fact, a couple of years ago
I found some documents [00:13:00] that my father had saved. Letters, written by
hand, from people giving my dad, my pops, references and that he was a good
man, that he was a hard worker, very trustworthy, and things like that, that he
was sending to Monterrey as proof that he was working and proof of character
and, you know, those kinds of things that they’re still very valid today. I mean,
what’s the first things that someone wants to know about you? Are you good
person? Are you employed? You know, do you have personal good character?
Those kinds of things. So but we lived in Monterrey, and in Monterrey I learned
that life was not gonna be easy.
JJ:

Okay, so what was Monterrey like?

GG:

Monterrey was a rough, rough -- we lived in a very rough neighborhood. It
looked middle class, it looked -- or, actually it was kinda lower-middle class if you
can call it. Again, another [00:14:00] working-class neighborhood, but
surrounded by the rest of the world, you know, life. People who were living from
day to day, that kinda thing. I ended up at a school called [Meliton de Arrel?]. It
was an all-boy school. It was an all-grade school from first grade to high school
and it was a school that was a state school, but it was managed by the Catholic
Church. There’s another form of repression right there. So at this boy’s school,
there was a lot of tension.

7

�JJ:

The Catholic Church was a form of repression? Do you think that?

GG:

Haven’t you noticed? (laughter) Oh, you want me to answer. Right? No, it was
[00:15:00] because they needed to, you know -- the student population came
from the lower parts of society’s neighborhood. Very rough kids, you know, fights
would break out, and I’m very light, I’m very light. So kids would come up to me
and they’d look at me like, “Hey, pinche güero, man.” You know, “Where you
from?” That kind of stuff. And I got beat up a couple of times, and finally I
started to -- I had to fight back. And that also seems to me that it was a form of
training for my arrival in the United States, my arrival in Chicago. The years in
Monterrey, though, it was really wonderful.

JJ:

But they’re callin’ you güero because, could it be, that you were from Monter-from Veracruz?

GG:

From Veracruz? No, they were [00:16:00] callin’ me güero ’cause I was güero
[00:16:01]

JJ:

Just ’cause you were --

GG:

Yeah, I was just -- I mean that --

JJ:

And they just didn’t like --

GG:

Well, you know --

JJ:

-- Americano (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

GG:

They didn’t think I was a gringo, but they just -- I was so, so blatantly white, you
know. Blondish hair, my eyebrows were yellowish, I was white, white, white.
Even though I come from Veracruz where it’s a very tropical region, but then it
has to do with my mother’s background. Her father was Spanish, an español,

8

�you know, so she has very light skin, blue eyes, where my father on the other
side, he’s a Huichol out of Jalisco. And he’s a dark-skinned man -JJ:

A Huichol?

GG:

It’s a tribu. It’s an Indian nation that’s out of Jalisco. He was born in a little
[00:17:00] town called Ayo el Chico and that area was all Huichols at one time -and other tribes, of course, but he was and, you know, my grandmother was a
Huichol. And I have brothers who are brown. (laughs) You know, you look at
them and you look me, it’s like, “How the hell you guys, you know, same family?”
But, like, no that’s typical, I think, too of many families, including in the boricua
brothers and sisters. I’ve some that are [prietos, prietos?] and on the other side
they’re, you know, lighter skin. As a matter of fact, I met a person from
Guatemala -- no, no Ecuador? One of the two, whose brother is very dark and
whose sister is very light. But I thought that Monterrey also was a training
ground. As I got older and began to be analytical of this wayward North,
[00:18:00] it made me think that Monterrey was a good thing. ’Cause when we
arrived in Chicago in 1963, we didn’t know any word of English. We were put in
an all-white neighborhood, primarily Eastern European, and I learned racism.

JJ:

This was on the South Side?

GG:

On the South Side, Roseland.

JJ:

Roseland, okay.

GG:

Which is gonna start ser--

JJ:

But what do you mean you were put there? What put you there?

GG:

Well, that’s where my father was living.

9

�JJ:

Oh, he put you there.

GG:

112 Street. Yeah, he put me there. (laughter) This is where we arrived, this is
where we landed. 112 Street -- no 11920. I’ll never forget that address, right
across the street from West Pullman School. And that’s ’63 in late August.
Week later, we were in school, September, [00:19:00] and my name went from
Gregorio Gómez to Greg Gomez. And everybody’s name, the rest of my
brothers and sisters, their names was changed. So I didn’t understand a word,
so the teach would go, “Hey, Greg Gomez.” I didn’t know who the hell she was
talkin’ to. (laughter) I would sit there, who knows. I never responded to that
name until I began to get punished for behavioral problems at West Pullman
School in 1963, but I was already used to that. I went to Militum de Arrel in
Monterrey. You know, West Pullman school didn’t hold a candle to that school,
’cause that was, you know, (laughter) that was a rough school. In Militum de
Arrel we went from -- we had to be there at 8:30 in the morning to 4:00 in the
afternoon. All day long. They [00:20:00] closed the gates. If you were late, they
wouldn’t let you in. They closed the gates, and the gates would stay closed until
they opened them up at four o’clock for you to go home. So this punishment
here, it was not (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

JJ:

Today -- was that more for security reasons or...?

GG:

No, it was just the way it was. Just the way it was. Well, security reasons, I’m
not sure to be honest with you. But it was because of, again, the clientele that
came in there. A lot of juvenile delinquencies, a lot of -- not everybody because I
didn’t think I was, or maybe I was. (laughter) I just, you’d know it. You know

10

�what I mean? So those things began to balance in my head later on, but that first
shock. It was a shock to arrive in Monterrey and be put in this urban [00:21:00]
setting, even though I understood the language. And then, it was a bigger shock
to arrive in Chicago f-- we were awakened around midnight. We were then taken
to the bus stop. We packed all our stuff. I was half asleep. Everything was
already packed. We were taken to the bus stop. From the bus stop, we drove all
night long to Nuevo Laredo, Texas, crossed the border, and landed in a roach
motel. ’Cause we had to wait for the train the next day to bring us to Chicago. I
think it took two days or something like that.
JJ:

So you landed in a roach motel?

GG:

And I seriously mean a roach motel, and the roaches were about this big in
Texas. You know, they smoked cigarettes down there. (laughter) [00:22:00] But
that was my first cultural shock. And what made it even worse as a cultural
shock was at the train station, you see the cowboys, you know, with their big
cowboy boots and all of that and big sombreros, you know. And I’m talking about
the white cowboys, not you know... Had these huge.... And then you see the
contrast, which I thought was tremendously schizophrenic, the Blacks. Then I
saw the Blacks who were -- they were like, Black, Black, Black. For some
reason, to me, that was the first shock again. They were Black, and it tripped me
out because I’ve seen Blacks in Veracruz, but they didn’t have the same
physicality. These seem to be definitely much more [00:23:00] Afro-Black than
the Mexican Black. And I’m not gonna go ahead and try to explain the
difference. It was just a kid’s, you know, shocking vision from one day to the

11

�other. ’Cause from at night to the morning, I was in a different country with a
whole different... And I was still not too freaked out yet ’cause there were still
people who spoke Spanish in Texas, broken as it was. My mom was able to
communicate. We understood a little bit. You know, we went and had huevo
rancheros. And I looked at these huevos rancheros like, “What the hell is this?”
It was not the huevos rancheros that I remembered from the night, from week
before. And so that was one cultural shock. And then we came by train to
Chicago, which was a beautiful ride too. You see all this countryside, you’re
traveling. [00:24:00] And I love trains, because I used to ride trains with my old
man. And in Mexico, there’s a lot of usage of trains to travel. And so I thought it
was a really beautiful ride. Come to Chicago, don’t know anyone. A week later,
I’m in school, Sept-- you know, right after Labor Day. And I’m sitting in a
classroom full of white kids, and they’re talking gibberish. Not a word. The
teacher I recall, her name was Mrs. [Hefferman?], put me in the back. She didn’t
want to deal with me. I was in the back, gave me a book and I remember this,
because later on, I remember that. She gave me one of them Dick and Jane,
see the dog Spot run, those books. Put it in front of me, and to me, it looked like
children’s book, which [00:25:00] I didn’t pay attention to in the first place. It’s a
children’s book, you know. And I didn’t know what to do with it. So, I looked at it,
sat there. And all day long, I went -- you know, they moved us from class to
class. And now here’s a new kid, his name is Greg Gomez. Sit him down, I sit in
the back, and I sat there.
JJ:

Now, you had gone to school in Mexico already?

12

�GG:

Yeah. Yeah.

JJ:

How far had you gone?

GG:

I got to sixth grade in Mexico.

JJ:

And then this grade was what?

GG:

They put me in sixth grade again.

JJ:

Oh, sixth grade again.

GG:

And then they put me in sixth grade again. They flunked me. I came here, they
put me in sixth grade. No, I was actually I was on my way to what --

(break in audio)
GG:

-- first year in high school in Monterrey ’cause there’s no seventh grade in
Monterrey. You go from sixth grade, you graduate, and then you go to high
school, which is what they call here -- [00:26:00] no, I don’t even know what the
hell they call it.

JJ:

Middle school, I think.

GG:

Middle school. Yeah, that’s it. Thank you. Middle school. But over there it’s
already high school. So I get here, and they put me in sixth grade, I don’t know
the damn language, nobody talks to me. And the year goes by, and I get held
back. So I did two -- I did three sixth grades. So I just want to begin to go,
“Okay, this is fucked up, man. This is --” Again, in retrospect after analyzing,
there was no support systems, of course, and I was not expecting any support
systems ’cause they didn’t exist in those days. Nothing, no such things as
bilingual, no such things by biculturalism, no such thing. It was just Gringolandia
[00:27:00] period, which is where the country is going back to, you know. You’re

13

�not a gringo, you know, get the hell out of town. So those were the years that
began to mold a political, cultural -- before it became political, it became a
cultural ideology. I began to hold on to my Mexicanism. I began to hold on to
things that I thought I was beginning to lose. I ended up going to night school.
My pops, my sisters, my older brother, other Mexicans, took advantage of a
program, English as a Second Language, at Fenger High School at night. So I-JJ:

Is Fenger in Roseland?

GG:

Yes, in Roseland. Fenger High School is on 112th Street and Wallace,
[00:28:00] and just, you know, eight blocks away from the house. And so I would
tag along and go to class with them. And the teachers there taught you English,
basics. But basic enough for you to be able to make that transition, therefore,
English as a Second Language, which is still being taught today, you know.

JJ:

And what was that area like, what type of population was...?

GG:

The population was primarily Eastern European. Very white, if you want to call it,
very European.

JJ:

I thought it was by 95th became a Mexican community later.

GG:

Well, 95th, even today, is not, you know, I mean, it was 95th Street -- If you’re
talking about a Mexican community --

JJ:

95th and Commercial, around there somewhere?

GG:

The what?

JJ:

Is it 95th and Commercial?

GG:

Nah, you talkin’ ’bout South Chicago.

JJ:

Oh that’s South Chicago.

14

�GG:

We can go there. That has all -- that was --

JJ:

Oh, this is not South Chicago.

GG:

No, this is not South Chicago. South Chicago [00:29:00] is east of us.

JJ:

This is more like around Harvey or something or...?

GG:

North of Harvey.

JJ:

North of Harvey.

GG:

Roseland is the furthest most south neighborhood in Chicago as it is. It begins
south of 95th Street, goes all the way down to 127th Street. It goes from Western
on the West Side to Michigan Avenue on the East Side. I mean, it’s a huge
neighborhood. And it was a very --

JJ:

So it was mostly white.

GG:

It was all white, not mostly

JJ:

It was all white.

GG:

It was all white. The Mexicans that lived there prior to our arrival were white.
You know, they became white. Even if they spoke with a heavy Mexican accent,
they were white. You ask them what their name was and it was not [Margarita?],
it was [Marguerite?]. And it wasn’t [00:30:00] José, it was Joe. There was this
one guy, his name was José... He even changed his last name to an English
pronunciation.

JJ:

So they had been well trained then?

GG:

Yeah.

JJ:

They had been --

GG:

(mimics a whip crack) (laughter)

15

�JJ:

In the school system, maybe.

GG:

Yeah. And so because they had been the -- from before me, and I took the
name Greg by force ’cause I couldn’t do anything about it. I was too young to
protest. But little by little, I got into playing soccer. I was very athletic, so I
played soccer. So I played soccer with a Mexican team, with a Mexican
community. So the Spanish that I was beginning to lose, I began to retain. And
then one day, when I was about 19 [00:31:00] years old, one of my coaches says
to me, he says, “Hey, (Spanish) [00:31:04].” He started reprimanding me
because I was beginning to stutter my Spanish as I was stuttering the English.
When I learned English, I began to stutter d--d--d--d--d--. ’Cause you know how
your brain wants to make your mouth talk and say the words, but your mouth
doesn’t have the facility to say it? And so I began to stutter d--d--d--d--w--w--.
’Cause I wanted to say things and I just couldn’t. Where in Spanish, I would
(snaps) and then I began to lose that language too. So that was a shock again.
And then I began to, “Okay, I have to retain the language. I have to retain some
things.” By the time I got to high school, I changed my name again, and I
promised everybody that my name was Gregorio [00:32:00] and if you don’t call
me Gregorio, there was an ass-kicking coming behind it.

JJ:

Okay. What made you so proud of -- bring out that pride in your --

GG:

What did it --

JJ:

-- all of a sudden? Was it all of a sudden, or what...?

GG:

No, no. It built. It built. The first signs of my rebellion in regards to -- That’s why
I say it was cultural. When I began to read the history that the United States has

16

�put forth in regards to the mexicano, [00:32:35] in regards to the rip-off of the
Southwest via the 1848 War, in regards to how they made the mexicano look like
a bandido. How they made us constantly look like some sort of lower-class
nation. Poor, yeah, of course, Mexico is still poor. [00:33:00] I mean, there’s a
lot of things about Mexico that’s fucked up to think. The whole droga thing, you
know, the narcotraficantes, the narcogobiernos that have been established, you
know, the killings in Juárez, the murders in Monterrey, the kidnappings in Mexico
City, or -- I mean, there’s a lotta, like -- our government is fucked up. Okay? But
that doesn’t mean that this government isn’t, and that this country hasn’t had its,
you know, their Ku Klux Klans, their slavery, their lynchings in the South, all of
those things. So you cannot tell me we’re a democratic country, and then throw
rocks somewhere else and say, “No, we’re this.” But that’s where I began to
develop a resentment towards the United States. And it was not this resentment,
[00:34:00] “I hate this.” It’s a resentment of how we were being pictured. And
how the other gringo -- how the little güeritos around me would turn around and
look at me and say, “Well, he looks like me.” Because I look so white, “But he’s
Mexican, he doesn’t speak English, and when he speaks English, he talks
funny.” And so, you know, they used to call me taco bender and beaner and
things like that. They learned real fast that insulting me was going to get them an
ass-whipping, which I did. I beat up a lotta kids. That established me as a
person not to fuck with. There was this one guy, his name was Stanley,
something real -- Polish kid. They called him The Skull. His head actually
looked like a skull, and he was a tough kid. So he comes messing around with

17

�me, I beat the shit out of him. So then he brings his cousin, [00:35:00] a fat kid.
They called him Catman. Those are the scary names, you know, the scary
nicknames (inaudible) Skull and Catman. So he wants to beat me up, too, so I
beat him up. But here’s the interesting thing about those days, just real quick,
then come back to the other thing. When Stanley, Skull, challenged me to the
fight, he says -- and half of it I’m understanding, and the other half is being
translated by this other guy who knew English a little better than I did. He said,
“No kicking, no biting, no spitting, no scratching.” You know, so I’m thinkin’,
“Well, what kind of fight this is gonna be?” So the first thing I did, I spit in his
face, I kicked him in the shins, I drop him to the ground, and beat the hell out of
him. I don’t know if you’re supposed to be proud of that or not, but I learned that
[00:36:00] fighting was a way of salvation. It was a way of salvation for me
because then the other white kids wouldn’t mess with me. And then tougher
kids, instead of trying to fight me, well they became friends. You know, the whole
the strong goes with the strong kinda thing. And then I began to learn the
language at night school. And I resented other things, like the teachers I
resented (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)
JJ:

So you started going to night school, or...?

GG:

I started going to night school with my pops and my sisters and my older brother.

JJ:

He wanted you to go to night school or...?

GG:

No, that’s for English as a Second Language. You know, that was, I think, by
’64.

JJ:

Okay, they had the program?

18

�GG:

Yeah, they had the pro-- ’64, something like that. There were some enlightened
teachers that somehow -- How did that program get started? I don’t know, I
never studied it. But there were some people who were enlightened. They said,
“Hey, you know, these people don’t know English. Well, let’s have this...”
[00:37:00] And it was a government funded program. ESL was a government
funded program.

JJ:

And you must have felt better because you were around more Latinos at that
time, no?

GG:

Well, yeah. I mean, I was learning English with -- There were not just Mexicans,
you know, there are mexicanos, there were a couple of other... I remember
seeing a couple of turbans, which could have been Hindu, could have been
Arabic, could have been whatever, but they had the headdress. I saw this who
were white but couldn’t speak English, they could have been another, Polish, you
know, Eastern European. So I would begin to look at this thing, at this eclectic
group of students, mostly adults, because the classes were for adults. But being
a young kid, I was able to pick up the language (snaps) fairly quickly. Within a
year, I was speaking English. Within two, I was speaking it and writing it well.
Within three, I was submerging myself. [00:38:00] Within four, I was beginning to
look like I was a gringo, man, you know? And so there was this whole transition
that happened to me as well, that I submerged myself into the hippie movement.
And my hair started growing long, I started going to protest marches.

JJ:

Okay so, before we get there, now this -- are you still on the South Side?

GG:

I live in the South Side right now. Just enough --

19

�JJ:

Oh, you have never moved from there?

GG:

No, no, I did. I did. When I came back from college, I actually ended up moving
to Logan Square, a neighborhood that I never lived in my whole life. I went from
the South Side to the university in Whitewater, and when I came back, I spent a
little time at my folks’ house, but I was driving all the way to Palatine, Illinois,
[00:39:00] to go to work, which was a crazy drive. You know from whi--

JJ:

What kind of work was it?

GG:

I came back working as a community organizer at a place called The Bridge
Youth Services, and they put me -- my job was to organize students -- well, not
students, youth and parents at a Section 8 housing, which I can get to that as
well. I was going to go that way as well. Anyways, getting away from all of that -

JJ:

Okay, so you became, you said, like a hippie or something? You said --

GG:

Yeah, I went from this kind of rough kind of character -

JJ:

This is before you went to the college?

GG:

Yeah, yeah. In high school --

JJ:

What year was this?

GG:

This was from 1967 through 1971.

JJ:

Okay, so you became a (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

GG:

The thing about it is that [00:40:00] I started getting into music and the Beatles
and the Stones and that kind of rock and that kind of, you know, the long hairs
and things like that. And I liked that. I thought that was better than hanging out
with the guys who were more -- Well, I never got into it with the jocks because

20

�they were too wide, straight, none of it. In my neighborhood, there were
divisions. There was the jocks, which usually were the athletes, the baseball
players, the football players, and that kind of stuff and their girlfriends, the
cheerleaders, and all of that. And then there were the greasers, and the
greasers were, if you remember the 1950s, those guys with the white T-shirts
and the cigarette rolled up and the sleeve and the hair combed back, the Elvis
Presleys, you know. And then there’s always the, like, the smart kids. They
were always somewhere else. [00:41:00] And then there are those of us who are
left out. We didn’t fit there, we didn’t fit here, we didn’t fit there. And little by little
this group of mexicanos and gringos, we began to mix together, started hanging
out at the park, drinking Boone’s Farm, listening to music.
JJ:

What park was that?

GG:

West Pullman Park on 123rd Street and Wallace.

JJ:

Drinking Boone’s Farm?

JJ:

Boone’s Farm, Ripple, Little Wild Eyes, you know it’s like that, Wild Irish Rose,
smoking a little weed. You can edit that. (laughter) Nah, just --

JJ:

No way.

GG:

You know, and just getting into this strange, excellent music. Listening to this
music, sitting, just kicking back and relaxing. Not losing the toughness, but not
wanting to be there anymore. I didn’t want to fight people anymore. I didn’t feel
like doing that. [00:42:00] I changed my name from Greg to Gregorio. I let my
hair grow long. I started being more anti-war, anti-Vietnam. My older brother,
Abram, who had a wonderful job at ComEd, decided, “Before they draft me, well,

21

�I’m gonna join.” Everybody told him, “If you join, they will send you to Vietnam.”
And sure enough, you know, he joined, they didn’t send him to Vietnam. They
sent him to Germany. And then, who was it? I think it was Nixon, who said, “I’m
pulling out 70,000 troops from Vietnam. I’m pulling them out.” He pulls them out.
A week later, he sends 70,000 troops back again. But he pulls out 70,000, but
he took soldiers from the Philippines, Germany. My brother calls up and says,
“I’m going to Germ-- I’m going to Vietnam.” [00:43:00] And it’s just, it was a
shock. So I started getting involved in that kinda stuff. I started going to
marches and protests.
JJ:

What groups?

GG:

No group in particular. Just, “Hey, there’s going to be a march, you know, a
peace rally march.”

JJ:

In that community or...?

GG:

In the community and then downtown, and we’ll come downtown. You know, I
was not in any group as a kid, except for the group that I hang out with, which
they called us the pot smokers and wine drinkers, and, you know, that. The
hippies, we’re the this, that. And I liked it. It kept me from being crazy. It kept
me from... well, I was not smart enough, according to the teachers, to be in the
[00:44:00] right classes. And I didn’t like mechanics. So I didn’t want to be an
auto mechanic. I didn’t like that. My pops, he was an excellent carpenter, but I
didn’t want to be a carpenter. You know? I didn’t have an idea as to what the
hell I wanted to do. I just knew that what I didn’t want to do. But I didn’t -- so I
breezed through high school at d’s and c’s. It was okay with me. I didn’t give a

22

�shit. I didn’t have to study. And I would walk into a class, I would look at a test. I
got a D, fine. I took another test. And then I found something interesting called
architecture, drafting. My brother was a draftsman. And then I said, “What good
are the draftsmen?” So I took drafting, and I liked it. But I never got into that,
you know. [00:45:00] That was not my calling either. And so I just started to
work, I figured I’m going to be at my father, my pops. In the summers, he would
take me to work with him. He was a truck driver. He used to -- we would go to
stores, empty stores, and dismantle all this stuff that was there. We’d throw ’em
in a truck. We took ’em somewhere, and we got paid. I had no idea what the
hell job that was. He was a truck driver, and I was his helper, and we went into
places, we took it apart, and we would go home. I worked at a place called the
[Goodman?] store one time, and then I graduated. My pops says, “Hey, you’re
not going to do anything with your life. Why don’t you come and work with me?”
Second time.
JJ:

Graduating from college now?

GG:

No, from high school. [00:46:00] This high school. Seventy-one, nowhere to go.
Literally nowhere to go. I didn’t have the grades for any kind of college
institution. I didn’t have the drive for a college institution. I was never
encouraged by anybody in high school to be college-oriented. And I don’t
remember seeing a college counselor -- I mean a high school counselor, in high
school. I used to hear all these other kids, “Oh, did you see your counselor
today?” “Oh, yeah. My counselor said this, and my counselor said this.” I said,
“Who the hell is a counselor?” You know who I met? The vice principal. You

23

�know who he was? The disciplinarian. That’s who I met. (claps) Out the door. I
got caught talking Spanish in my sophomore year [00:47:00] at Fenger. And the
teacher reported me to Mr. [Kelly?], that was his name. Hated that son-of-abitch.
JJ:

So you got reported for talking Spanish?

GG:

For talking Spanish. Got 30 days suspension.

JJ:

For talking Spanish?

GG:

For talking Spanish. 30 days. Me and this other guy.

JJ:

Are you sure that was the only reason? I mean, not that I’m questioning that.

GG:

No, no. I mean --

JJ:

Sometimes you might forget, but that’s your understanding?

GG:

No, no, no, no. (inaudible) If I was misbehaving, I’ll remember. I never got
kicked out for misbehavior. ’Cause I would -- I never did. I didn’t have to
misbehave. I have one goal and one goal only to please my father, my pops.
Graduate from high school and get a job. Don’t --

(break in audio)
GG:

-- others and ass-kicking. Simple life. (laughter) It was a simple life. All I had to
do was stay out of -- here was the other thing, too. [00:48:00] He says, “You get
into trouble, don’t bring it home.”

JJ:

What was his feeling that you got suspended?

GG:

I never told him. He never knew. I get up in the morning, acted like I go school,
instead of going to school, I would get together with a couple of friends, we would
go to 103rd Street Beach, hang out all day at 103rd Street beach, you know, which

24

�is the South Side, [Kennedy Hill Park?]. It’s the furthest south part of Lake
Michigan. And we would hang out there by the rocks, swimming, jumping in the
water, kicking back, drinking beers, and then going home. Go home, drop your
books off, change, go to work. In high school is when I started working at that
Goodman store. Before -- Well no that’s a -- I don’t know if I want to get into that.
It’s another crazy story about my first job. But my father once told me -- I wanted
to buy these shoes that have [00:49:00] little -- they used to be known as beetle
boots. It was similar to this, but they -- but they used to call it Cuban tacón, the
Cuban heel. And I wanted one of those. It was 11 dollars and 50 cents. The
shoes that my father bought me were 6 dollars and 50 cents. I didn’t like ’em.
And he says, “You don’t like ’em? Get a job. You get a job, you can buy
anything you want.” Okay. So I got a job delivering groceries for 50 cents an
hour. And I made $11.50 plus taxes and bought the damn shoes. He hated it,
but he knew that what I -- plus, I gave some money to the house. That was the
other part of the deal. [00:50:00] “Now you’re working, you have to contribute to
the house.” And so that became a routine for all of us. If we’re not working, we
have to cut the grass, do the dishes, do the chores. That was our lot to living in
his house and not get in trouble. He told me one day, says, “You know what? I
know you gonna in trouble. I know it. I don’t want to see the police in my house.
I don’t want the police coming back in my house.” Is what he told me, and they
never did. The cops never -- I got arrested a couple of times.
JJ:

For what? Or, I mean...

GG:

Well, you know, curfews, drinking kinda stuff. You know, “We’re gonna call...”

25

�They would take me to the local police station, which was Kensington at the time,
115th Street and Indiana. [00:51:00] Would put me in there. Nobody’d come
pick me up. They would let me go in the morning. That was it. You know?
Those were the days where you really didn’t get in trouble. You know, not like
today, where everything is an assault on society. In those days the cops would
be coming by. There would be -- ’cause a lot of the kids that I grew up with were
sons or nephews or knew the father of a copper from the neighborhood. And the
coppers would come by, it was in the early ’60s -- no, not early. Middle ’60s to,
you know, ’70s, something like that. The cop car would come by. He would
bang on the door. He would call one of the guys. Come on over. He’ll whisper
something in his ear. The cop would go. The kid would come back, say, “Let’s
put all that shit away.” [00:52:00] Let’s leave a couple of beers. The paddy
wagon would come by then. They would call us over. They would go, grab that
beer that was there and whatever that was open. In front of the neighborhood,
they would spill the booze on the ground. They would slap us around a little bit.
They would put us in the paddy wagon, drive us away, and drop us down. And
let us go a block away. You know? That was their way of keeping the neighbors
from getting crazy. It was a way of letting us know that if they really wanted to
bust us, they could. But we were, you know, we’re hanging out with this guy who
was the nephew or the son of that cop and so we’re friends. But when they
wanted to arrest us, they did. You know, when they got tired of our stuff, they did
come down, they put us in handcuffs, and took us to the police station and write
us up and... (snaps) [00:53:00] But I never took the problems home. That was,

26

�like, the one thing. The other thing is to graduate from high school no matter
what. So I was ready to say, “Shh, I’m done. I’m done with this thing.” So I
never studied. I never really, really studied. I never put the brain to work. I
never put in effort to school. And therefore, I never heard from the counselors
’cause when they talked to me, and I rem-- (inaudible) they would say, “You
know what? You’re not college material man, so you don’t have to see me. You
know, you’re not this and you’re not that.” And by my senior year, there were all
these kids that were preparing themselves to go to college, and they were all
excited. Some of them were goin’ over here and some were goin’ over there. I
never knew what those places were ’cause they seemed so vague. They were
like a fog [00:54:00] to me, those places they were talking about going to school.
They were fogs, you know, ’cause I never knew them. I was not familiar with
them. My world was here. That’s it. And out of that circle, I was never gonna
come out. But in ’72, my brother Guillermo graduates from Fenger. He went
through the same problems I did except a year after me. And he says to me one
day, “Hey, man. Take me to Thorton Community College. I’m gonna go apply
there.” I looked at him with such an idiotic and stupid thought, me. “You’re
gonna go where? You’re my brother. You’re not smart enough to go to college.”
That was my -- and actually, [00:55:00] my brother is tremendously intellect, has
a tremendous intellect. So I take him to Thorton Community College, and the
lady there says to me, “He’s going to take the entrance exam to your college.”
You know (inaudible). So the lady says to me, “You know what? You’re already
here. Why don’t you take the test? If you don’t make it, you don’t make it.

27

�There’s nothing gained, nothing lost. I took it, and lo and behold, Cha-Cha, I
passed the damn thing. Mathematics, English, science, and whatever else was
in that test, I think a little bit of an essay. And then he goes -- A couple of weeks
later, I get a letter of acceptance from this college and I go, “Come and see your
college counselor. [00:56:00] Talk about your classes.” That is where my life
changed. I think that was a pivotal place in my life that began to bring me to this
place. I don’t think that -- there’s been other places, other flags, other places
where I’ve changed life, but that was the beginning of my life, truly began from a
conscious perspective. When my eyes were awake, where I was not this young
kid, still kind of balancing life between stupidity and nowhere to go. You know
what I mean? I was 19 years old. Those two years at Thorton Community
College gave me -JJ:

What was that? On the North Side or...? [00:57:00]

GG:

That was -- No, I lived in the South Side all my life. I’m not a North Sider. I was
never a North Sider until 1980. You know never a North Sider. I never went to a
Cubs game.

JJ:

Sox?

GG:

I’m still a White Sox fan. I’m not a fanatic, but they’re in first place. What the
hell? So I’m a White Sacks fan today. (laughter) We used to sneak into the old
Cominsky Park. There was a way for us to sneak in the old Cominsky Park. I
think they thought, if you know where it’s at and you snuck in, we’re gonna let
you stay. You know, it was one of those deals. But it was in 1972 when I talked
to that counselor and I was actually in the present versus, like, in that fog. What

28

�the hell? You know, I was just working. [00:58:00] I was working for my pops,
with my pops, as a welder in that time. That was gonna be my job. I actually
thought I was gonna be a welder for the rest of my life, and the money was good.
Being a welder at a young age, making almost seventeen dollars an hour, you’re
a wealthy kid. You makin’ $17 an hour today. You’re doing pretty well, I would
say, if you’re an unskilled worker. And I was learning a skill, welding. And I
probably would have stayed if it wasn’t for the steel strike that threw everything
out the window. And so that steel strike, in combination with taking that test,
getting that acceptance letter, and talking to this counselor that [00:59:00]
opened and unfogged my mind. Clear. Now, I didn’t know what the path was,
but it definitely became clearer. By this time, I was already be -- you know,
because of being in the whole hippie movement and all of that, I was already
reading books. I was getting a personal education in sociopolitics. I was aware
what was happening in Mexico. The whole craziness with the Tlatelolco Square
where all the kids got killed during the olimpiadas of ’68. The raised glove from
the Black boxers showing that kind of solidarity of Black power. My first
remnances of talking about the Black Panthers and [01:00:00] the Brown Berets.
I was still not familiar with the Young Lords yet until about maybe ’74, ’75 I think,
when I first read my first article. And I think it was on -- I don’t remember exactly.
I’m not sure if it was the taking of the church when that was, but it was not there.
That’s foggy because I was still not clear, you know, still not paying attention to
things. And so then I found out that I placed quite highly in my entrance exam. I
always thought I was, kind of, not very smart. My intellect, I always thought of it

29

�as being not way up there. Taking those two years of college in Thorton
Community College [01:01:00] really opened up my mind. My reading level
raised. My writing skills raised. I took speech classes. I took all kinds of
philosophy classes. I took film appreciation, theater appreciation. My grades
rose to as and bs. And then what? An associate’s degree? What the hell is
that? By this time, I was no longer, “Ah, who cares about school?” By this time,
I’m saying, what’s after that? What’s gonna make it? So one day, I was stuck
into a couple of Black veterans. At the student union of Thornton, it was like an
L. It was the student union, like an L. And then one part of the L, the long part of
the L, is where all the other students hung out. In the little part of the L is where
the African Americans hung out, mostly vets. They played chess. [01:02:00] So
I used to play chess with them. And they talked about -- there was another
learning lesson, they talked about Vietnam and they talked about the politics and
they talked about how the Blacks were put out front, along with the other Latinos
and Mexicans. How they would arrive in Vietnam, and they would be at the front,
they would be at point. So all these things about Vietnam, and how Vietnam was
affecting them, and how, now that they were veterans, they come back, and they
were nothing but niggers again. And I’m not going to excuse myself for using the
word, because that’s a fact of 1972. People go, “Oh, the n-word.” Well, you
know what? They were niggers. That’s what they were, as I was a spic, you
know, and that kind of stuff. People sometimes get so dislocated with reality -with one reality versus another, that, [01:03:00] you know, they would say, “Yeah,
they dress like niggers, man. You know, we’re veterans, we fought. I have a

30

�purple heart, I have this, I have...” They would come to school with an army shirt,
with the medals, just to show that, you know, they were men of honor, and they
were still being treated like second class. And one of those guys, so it was him
and this guy named [John Sherrods?], coming from the Ada S. McKinley Agency.
I think it still exists today, primarily doing services to the Black community. They
spoke about monies in Wisconsin, monies for minorities, lots of money.
Abundant, I mean, they were throwing monies up in the air, and that kind of stuff.
I went to the workshop, took it, made my applications. I applied at places like
Madison, Wisconsin, La Crosse, Green Bay, [01:04:00] and this little town called
Whitewater, Wisconsin. Whitewater there’s a Chicano recruiter who comes and
says, “I can get you guys in. You’re older --” By this time I was already in my
early 20s. And he says, “I want you and your brother to come up here. And, you
know, can you send us a reason why you want to?” By this time it was much
more political. We ended up in Whitewater, Cha-cha, and we become really
political. That’s where we started talking about the Chicano movement and the
politics. And really started looking towards a Chicano Studies Department and a
Chicano recruitment program, making connections with California and Colorado
and Texas.
JJ:

With Chicano groups there or movements?

GG:

There was a small Chicano group that was really [01:05:00] lost. They were all
young. They had really no leadership qualities. That’s why -- what’s his name?
Oh, man. I had his name in my head and I just lost -- it’ll come back to me.

JJ:

But is Chicano meant the -- a person born here or...? What is the--

31

�GG:

Well, the Chicano terminology --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) ok

GG:

-- has a lot of different, you know places. But the way that I like to interpret it is a
person of Mexican descent, born primarily in the Southwest, who has grown -who comes from that fruit of the descent franchise because of the 1848 war, that
[01:06:00] has family, relatives, and the whole thing that happened during the
Zoot Suit Riots. That’s where all the whole Chicano movement, you know, has
its base, has its roots, has its -- the sense of power. But the thing that makes this
kind of interesting is that it was in Crystal, in Texas, when the first high school
students started to walk out, started to demand bilingual education, started to
demand multiculturalism, started to demand a lot of things versus California.
California ended up with the bigger piece of the pie, along with Colorado,
because they had people who were willing, from the upper echelons, such as
professors and teachers and social workers [01:07:00] and other activists, you
know, out of California. Of course, there was Rodolfo Acuña who wrote
Occupied America. And out of Colorado, you know, you had Jorge Gonzalez
and the whole Brown Beret movement, that kind of stuff. So we get there and
there’s Chicanos from California, there’s Chicanos from Texas, and there’s
Chicanos from Colorado. And there was [Donald Salazar?] from Colorado, it was
[José de Paz?] from Northwest California, and I don’t remember the guy from
Texas, but he was outta Crystal, not a very active character. Maybe that’s why I
don’t remember him. And then of course, out of California also came out this
Gilbert Cano, who was also a strong activist, out of California. So this guy

32

�started recruiting all these older characters, and we got to Whitewater, and in
Whitewater [01:08:00] is when we get the whole Chicano -- Their name was
Estudiantes de Aguas Blancas, Students of Whitewater. They translate
Whitewater to aguas blancas. [01:08:11] And they says, you know, that “We’re
the Latino, the Mexican, you know, Latinos de Aguas Blancas.” And we changed
that to MEChA, Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán. So we became
MEChistas. Then they gave us a title to California.
JJ:

Was this the original group or was there a tag to another...?

GG:

Well, MEChA came out of California. And different campuses created their own
organization, but we used the same bylaws and mission statements so that we
all were part of this. Now, we were affiliated only by [01:09:00] our drive to be
affiliated to something bigger than. So when we used to say we’re MEChA out of
Whitewater, which was about 30 to 50 students, we’re not talking about 30, 50
students. We were talking about several thousand students because we were
tied to California, Colorado. So we always say, “Well, you know, we’re MEChA.
We are --” So we made ourselves be part of a national movement. And the
reason that we did it is because by the time the guys from the Southwest arrived
in this little town of Whitewater, they brought in all these ideas, all these crazy
ideas about what --

(break in audio)
GG:

-- better. And it was at that --

JJ:

(inaudible) thinkin’ Whitewater’s way up north in Wisconsin?

GG:

Whitewater is [01:10:00] 250 miles from here. It’s a little bitty school. Now it’s

33

�actually a very well-recognized school, even though small. Big on education, big
on social work, business. Now it’s big on the arts. It was one of the first schools
(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)
JJ:

Is it by Milwaukee or something or...?

GG:

It’s west of Milwaukee and southeast of Madison. And it became the seed of the
Chicano movement in Wisconsin. And as a matter of fact, we were ahead of
even Chicago. The students in Chicago were still [LAMAS?] you know, Latin
American Student Association. LASO, not LAMAS, Latin American Student
Organization. You know, there was still using Latin American wording where we
said, “No, we’re gonna be --” We planted the [01:11:00] word Chicano into our
organization, into everything we did.” We created the first Chicano recruitment
program. There was a minority recruitment program, but minority, for us, was
Blacks, you know. It was all Black-run. Most of the recruitment was done within
the Black neighborhoods. Hey, it’s okay. You know, we said, “It’s fine with us.
We don’t want their pie. We want a piece of our pie, but not from their pie. We
want a piece of pie but from your pie, from the university.” You know, we didn’t
want money from the minority programs because they already were there. And
so all they were going to do is split that and we’re going to anger the brothers.
So we [01:12:00] demanded our own, which we did. And we started having
conferences, Chicano conferences, and Rudy Acuña would come, and others
come. And then the leadership from Chicago came to one of our conferences.
Chuy García came, Rudy Lozano came. A few others, you know, started
coming. So we saw that now our little Chicano movement in Whitewater began

34

�to really take root with the leadership in Chicago. And even though the
difference is -- and even though we said we were saying, “Chicago -- Chicanos,
we’re Chicanos,” and this and that, the majority of us from this area were
Mexican. We really didn’t fit the criteria of the Chicano as it is defined.
[01:13:00] But we were becoming very political. We were demanding things. We
were marching. Our connection to Chicago became very strong in that we began
to meet people that spread our wings. And in, I think it was 1978, my brother
Guillermo came to Chicago. There was a huge march, and I believe it was in
protest of the killing of a couple of young Boricuas. And as members of the
Chicano movement, we wanted to show solidarity. So we came from Whitewater
to be part of that. I was not able to come for some reason. Later, or before that-JJ:

What year was this?

GG:

I think it was 1978. [01:14:00] Maybe ’79, but could be-- I’m not sure. But I know
it was a huge march that they started in Humboldt Park and they marched
downtown. And they had ’em going through these very tight streets, man. They
had a very controlled-- my brother was telling me -- Oh, I was working. That’s
why I couldn’t go, I had to... And also there was this guy named [Felipe?]. He
was the brother of a woman that was doing her master’s degree in Whitewater.
And he was hooked up with Roberto Caldero, Luis Gutiérrez, who else was part
of that? And that was when that whole -- the FALN and, you know, things were
getting hot with the FALN. And, you know, your name came up. So we came
looking for Felipe. It was a nasty, nasty January storm. [01:15:00] I think it was
in January. And we found ’em all up in the North Side, which was my first

35

�experience. And they were not necessarily hiding, but they were kind of keeping
low, keeping a low profile in this apartment in the north side. And Felipe was -and I can’t -- Felipe [González?], was it? No, no, no. Felipe something. As a
matter of fact, he was involved for a long time in the North Side with the Puerto
Rican community. So those were my first connections to Chicago. I already
knew about you by this time.
JJ:

You’re talking about David -- not [David Hernández?] or...?

GG:

David Hernandez, I met later. Yeah, no. David Hernandez and [Eliud?] and
[Victor González?] and a few others, but that was more in the education side.
[01:16:00] When I came back -- by this time, I was aware of the Young Lords. I
was aware of the takeover in the church. I was aware of a lot of things, but we’ve
never -- I knew who you were.

JJ:

Were you reading about it or did you -- how did you hear --how were you --

GG:

I had read about it and it was oral his-- you know, and people talking about, you
know, “Oh man.” About the Young Lords and about you.

JJ:

So while it was taking place, you didn’t hear about it, you didn’t pay attention? I
mean --

GG:

No, no. I know --

JJ:

-- ’cause you were in Chicago in ’69.

GG:

Yeah.

JJ:

But you weren’t there?

GG:

In ’69, I wasn’t paying a lot of attention. I heard about it through the news, but I
wasn’t payin’ a lot of attention. My attention span in ’69 and ’70 was survival, just

36

�survival. I think I read an article in a newspaper called Rising Up Angry
[01:17:00] ’cause I used to read that newspaper a lot. I think there’s where it was
one of my first places where I read about the Young Lords and about you and the
arrests and all of that stuff, but I was still not there yet. My thing is, “I’m on the
South Side. Who gives a shit about the North Side? We’re surviving over there.”
But by mid-’70s -- actually, by ’78, that’s when we were already fully committed to
political activism. We’re meeting people from all over the place. I mentioned that
I met Reies López Tijerina here in the South Side at Governor’s State -- which is
now Governor’s State University.
JJ:

And who is he, Reyes Lopez Tijerina?

GG:

Reyes Lopez Tijerina is from New Mexico. His claim to fame was the lands. He
had deeds [01:18:00] that he, either through his own family and/or through
families that he knew, you know, in Mexico that said that they had the original
deeds to these lands, and so he was fighting for them. There was a point in time
where he was arrested and thrown in jail. There were rumors that he was
tortured, that they used electroshock on him ’cause when he was in jail and when
he came out, he was two different people. When I met him, he was a little
slower. His fiery speeches were not as -- ’cause he used to be a very prolific and
vibrant speaker. And a lot of things were already in his head, all these things.
He knew about the land grants really well. [01:19:00] I had learned and read
about him when he took a group of revolucionarios, as he called them, to take
over -- no, to release a prisoner from one of the police stations. They got
arrested without cause. They wanted to go to this police station. So that got my

37

�-- when he came to speak at Governor State, I wanted to go and check it out. So
I went and checked it out and I met him. We talked. I used to have photographs,
but they got destroyed in a fire, unfortunately. I had a lot of photographs from the
’70s and early ’80s with all kinds of people and it just like, (mimics flames) fire
can really destroy shit. But another turn in 1979 -- [01:20:00] by 1979, I was the
last director of the Chicano Studies Department that we created in Whitewater.
And by 1979, I was getting disillusioned with Whitewater.
JJ:

Now how did you do that? I mean, how did you get that?

GG:

The Chicano Studies Department?

JJ:

Yeah.

GG:

Well first of all, we hooked up with activists in the local community. A lot of them
were ex-migrant workers. A lot of them were people working in the local farms,
but their kids were going to high school, they were going to school, and they
wanna get ’em out of there. So in Whitewater, we started pushing for Chicano
studies and Chicano studies that we demanded our own, and so we brought in
Rudy Acuña from California to deal with the chancellor, and we brought in
[01:21:00] documentation. And before you know it the -- and we marched. We
used to call them the silent marches and we would march silently, in single file,
five feet from one another so we could make the line look long. But it also was
very powerful in that silently, with our placards -- No, you know, it was no
Chicago power -- Chicano power, there was no down with the state. There was
no -- all of it was said in our signs, and we marched silently. And we marched
silently around the school. And the newspaper, Royal Purple started writing

38

�stories. The African organizations started joining us, you know, started
supporting, because we got Chicano studies. They’d been wanting Black studies
for years, and they were not getting anything. [01:22:00] We were getting the socalled minority studies by white teachers who learned about minorities in their
sociology class. That was their extent, and so we said, “No, we want--” We
demanded our own teachers, we demanded our own... So finally, the
Chancellor, Chancellor [Connor?] acquiesced. And he sent a report to Madison,
Wisconsin, which was the mothership, the big university. They said, “Yeah, do
what you want. We gotta --” And we had our Chicano studies department. Our
first director, our first chair was José de Paz from California, who was a student
at the time. (inaudible) he was just graduating, just getting his master’s degree.
And then we brought in two more [01:23:00] professors. They left, and I was left
behind. And I said, “Okay, I’m gonna take it for one year, from ’70 -- or a year
and a half.” Middle of ’78 through ’79. But I was also getting ready, I’d been
there for six years already. It’s time for me to get the heck out of there. And so I
did. I started applying for jobs. I applied at a place called The Bridge Youth
Services, as a community organizer. And I met two people. One of them is
named [Oved Lopez?], and the other one, [Elva Vazquez?]. I met -- and I
remember them, there were also (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)
JJ:

What year was this?

GG:

It was already ’80. January, February of ’80, or maybe fall of ’79. But it was in
that -- ’cause I got the job in ’80. [01:24:00] And I saw Elva and I saw Oved.
They were both applying for the job. And when I -- and we’d say hello, that was

39

�it. And then they both said, “Hey, if you get the job, give us a call. Give us a
call.” I got the job. Couple of months later, I called Elva ’cause Oved had talked
about having this little -- he talked about LADO and he talked about what they did
and he talked about there was a free clinic and education and all of this, and Elva
used to teach there, and all these little programs that they were doing to serve
the community around Oakley and North Avenue. So I came and met Elva. We
talked a little bit. [01:25:00] She agreed to help me out to bring services to Rand
Grove Village, which is where I was now going to be working as a community
organizer with a Section 8 community in the -- it’s called Unincorporated Palatine.
And so, there was nothing there. Run by, you know, Appalachian white couple
who were a bit on the racist side, mostly black and Puerto Rican, some Mexican.
Some of them were out of Humboldt Park, unfortunately, ’cause -- or Lincoln
Park. ’Cause by this time, I already knew the whole history of the Puerto Rican
community being moved out from that area. The whole -JJ:

How did you find out?

GG:

Well, through the news, through reading. I mean, by this time, I was pretty
[01:26:00] much aware. I was keeping aware of what was happening in Lincoln
Park. The whole -- what they used to call the urban pioneers, you know, that
then became the yuppies, and how the Puerto Rican community was being
displaced and being moved towards Humboldt Park and further west and
wherever they could go. And then, when I met Elva and Oved, and I started
coming down to their storefront, is when your name really popped. When he
started talking about all of that history, Omar, I met Omar, and how he was a

40

�member of the Young Lords, being one of the non-Puerto Ricans. “I’m Mexican,
a member of the Young Lords.” [01:27:00] He was like your secretary of
communication or something.
JJ:

Minister of information.

GG:

Minister of information. And so, I saw photographs of your protests. I saw
photographs of Oved [head?], at his disposal. And it just seemed quite easily
that we just blended in. Me coming from Whitewater, looking for a place to get
involved again. I got more involved in the North Side as a Mexican, as a
Chicano, than I did in Pilsen. You know, in Pilsen there was Rudy Lozano and
[Juan Velasquez?] and, you know, Chuy García and all these [01:28:00] other
characters. There was really no place for me. And my brother Guillermo was
making inroads into that community. But it was not really -- I really didn’t fit in for
some reason. Or I didn’t, it was not that -- I just -- it was just not my time. I
ended up marrying Elva, as you know. But it was really interesting ’cause then,
the more they talked about what was happening on the North Side, the more I felt
like I thought I had a place for me to bring the skills and the experiences that I
had learned out of the university setting, and out of a --

JJ:

How long did you do the Latino studies? I mean the Chi-- (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible)

GG:

The Chicano studies? [01:29:00] Yeah, yeah. No, no the --

JJ:

Chicano Studies.

GG:

Well, I went through the program. I took Chicano studies myself. And then in
’79, when we --

41

�JJ:

That’s a couple of years, then. Chicano (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

GG:

Oh, yeah. A couple of years, definitely.

JJ:

Of taking the program.

GG:

Yeah, yeah. Yeah, yeah. And then when I took over -- so I continued, you know.
I mean, we’re teaching history, we’re teaching politics, we’re teaching sociology,
we’re teaching literature. Of course, one of the biggest, in literature we’re using,
of course, Jorge González, José Joaquin. We’re using No Se Lo Tragó La
Tierra, Tomás Rivera. We’re using Bless Mi, Ultima by -- (snaps) No, no. No Se
Lo Tragó La Tierra. Bless Mi, Ultima is the one I can’t remember the -- Rodolfo
Anaya [01:30:00] is the author of tremendous books which are now banned, by
the way, in Arizona and New Mexico because of the anti-Chicano movement,
anti-Mexicanism that Arizona and the southwest is carrying, which is
tremendously messed up that in the year 2012 we have such blatant racism that
people see it as patriotism, as Americanism, which continues to add fuel to my
fire in regards to the United States and its non-democratic -- or its democratic
hypocrisy. A connection that I have with you is that when you got out of jail, and I
think it was 1981.

JJ:

That was for the --

GG:

After the FALN --

JJ:

-- FALN case.

GG:

-- thing. [01:31:00] You were getting out, I think it was ’81, and we were going to
meet you at a bar on North Avenue, which is now a Pizza Hut, I think. We were
gonna meet you there and I walked in there. I had a brown beret, and I walked in

42

�first. I was gonna meet Elva and Oved and Omar, and you were late. (laughter)
You were late. And I came in first because Elva and those guys -- so I
(inaudible) is there were some Kings in there, and they were going, “That’s Chacha Jiménez.” Said, “Nah, that’s not Cha-cha.” Finally, one of the bartenders
comes up and says, “Hey man, are you Cha-cha Jiménez?” I go, “No, but I’m
waiting for him.” And he says, “Well, you know, those are Kings over there. Be
careful, ’cause they think--” (knocking)
(break in audio)
GG:

Actually, so, I mean, that was my first --

JJ:

So go back. So the first time was about right after the FALN case?

GG:

Yeah. [01:32:00] That, I mean --

JJ:

And the thing was late and you said the Kings.

GG:

There was a couple of Kings in there, and for some reason, they did not like the
fact that you were gonna be there. What that reason is, to tell you the truth, I had
-- to this day, I don’t know. The good thing is that Oved showed up with Elva,
finally. He knew those guys. He went and talked to them. They relaxed. He
didn’t say you were coming. Then you show up a little while later. We met, and I
don’t know where the hell we went from there, to be honest with you. All we did
was meet there, and then we left there little while afterwards. But that was the
first time that we were face to face, and we looked at each other. And either Elva
or Oved, because I had told ’em the story, said how similar we actually did look
because we were both, you know, kind of [01:33:00] white and just similarities in
features and stuff like that. And of course, you walk in and you got a beret on,

43

�too. And I took mine off, but I had longer hair. You know, I used to have long
hair. From then on, little by little, we began to cross paths. When Harold
Washington started to run, we were very -- Elva and I -- well, and off course, the
whole Latino side of the progressive movement, you know, the independent
politics, went right after Washington. We fell behind them. We had just done
some really strong things in Pilsen with the election of [01:34:00] Juan Soliz at
the time, not only from state representative, definitely to alderman. There was
push from this side. You know, Luis Gutiérrez was beginning to develop. And
then you came out -JJ:

We had that coalition, you know.

GG:

The co-- right.

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) those agreements.

GG:

And then you decided that you were going to launch a --

JJ:

That was before that. That was alderman campaign?

GG:

Yeah. What was that --

JJ:

1975. That was 1975.

GG:

Yeah, but in 19--

JJ:

The timeline, I think, we got it a little mixed (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

GG:

No, no, no. It was another time. Then it had to be the Harold Washington thing.
’Cause we met at our house. I was living now in Washington and Fullerton on
the second floor. You came, it was you, definitely Oved, maybe even [Carlos
Pérez?], maybe, you know, [Marla?] for sure, that were talking about an election.
And part of that election, of course, [01:35:00] was Harold Washington. But the

44

�other one, for some reason, I always thought that you wanted to run for alderman
as well.
JJ:

I ran in 1975.

GG:

I know that, but I don’t know why I thought you wanted to run again at that time. I
don’t know why I have that bird in my -- (inaudible) about birds.

JJ:

(laughs) Well, during the Harold Washington campaign we had a coalition --

GG:

Yeah.

JJ:

-- with Soliz --

GG:

Yeah.

JJ:

-- and Rudy Lozano, you know, Reverend Jorge Morales, and...

GG:

Right. Right, right, right, right.

JJ:

You know, (inaudible) that coalition of like five people at that time.

GG:

At the time.

JJ:

And then we had the rally at North West Fall and that --

GG:

Right.

JJ:

I don’t know if you went --

GG:

Yeah, the second floor.

JJ:

Did you go to that?

GG:

Yeah, yeah, the second floor.

JJ:

And what was that like? Can you describe that?

GG:

Well, I think at that rally, I began to see what appeared to me was the beginning
divisions of our communities. [01:36:00] In that, Reverend Morales was a very
strong character with a very passionate Puerto Rican ideology. And he seemed,

45

�to me, to skew the issue of being a coalition of progressives, Latinos, Puerto
Ricans, Mexicans, with a progressive black community. But I think -- I began to
talk with a couple of people about that, that Reverend Morales definitely wanted
a controlling factor. As he being a leader, as he wanted to do things. And he
began to [01:37:00] push people out. And I always thought that you were one of
those people that he wanted out. I thought he didn’t want y-- and he also
definitely didn’t want the Mexicans in there. He felt that the Puerto Ricans being
citizens, being a voting Black, being this and that, that that would be his way of
growing in stature and in status. That’s what I remember out of it. We all came
out shaking hands, we all came out hugging and kissing, but I don’t think there
was another rally like that after that. I don’t think there was. There was a lot of
little groupings, I think, a lot of meetings in different places, meetings in Pilsen,
meetings in Little Village, and meetings up here. [01:38:00] But the West Town
coalition, I, you know, wanted to take control, I thought. And the West Town
Coalition was not really a coalition that I -- and I think [Peter Earl?] was part of
that at one time. And you always talk to Young Lords. You always said the
Young Lords. You always said, you know, “The Young Lords can do this.” You
always tried to rally the community to be a Young Lord affiliate, where the
Reverend Morales was more of a West Town coalition organization. And to me,
even though in the end Washington was elected, people were elected to city
council, there were people who were left out. And yeah, I thought you were one
of those that was left out. And I thought that was one of the biggest shames.
That’s why I thought you were running [01:39:00] for alderman. I think that that’s

46

�why I thought, I thought you should have been one of the people that should
have been in that city council at that time when everybody -- when all the Latinos
were coming in that -- and maybe we talked about it, or maybe somewhere along
the line, but I believe that you were iced out from that time on. And we’re all, I
think the Mexicans got iced out. It just seemed -- and then when Harold
Washington was in office, it just seemed that some people elbowed their way into
being part of the inside clique that really didn’t belong. And the ones -- a lot of
the workhorses like the Cha-cha Jiménez was not there. Or if you were there,
you were on the [01:40:00] outskirts of it. You know ’cause you were not even
invited to that, what was that, the Latino committee, Hispanic committee or
something that was formed?
JJ:

No, we actually helped form that.

GG:

Yeah, but you were not in it.

JJ:

No, no. We were not in it because my record became an issue, so we kind of
quieted down. But it was an issue during the campaign.

GG:

Right, right. No.

JJ:

When we got the votes, it wasn’t an issue. But it was an issue later, but the
media was after a few people. So, I mean, we understood that. But you know,
we were being -- we were new. We were novices. And, you know, our passion
was to get Harold elected.

GG:

No, I -- absolutely.

JJ:

He did -- we were able to introduce him at Humboldt Park.

GG:

Yes, yes.

47

�JJ:

Were you there at that event or...?

GG:

Yes. I was. [01:41:00] Well, you know, I --

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible) Can you describe (overlapping dialogue;
inaudible)

GG:

Well, you know what I --

JJ:

When they first came to the neighborhood festivals. Do you remember that?

GG:

Well, I think when he came the Puerto Rican--

JJ:

After he won. After he won.

GG:

Yeah, when he came to the Puerto Rican fe-- the Humboldt Park festival I think
that he came in --

JJ:

’Cause I was the only one on stage in terms of --

GG:

He’d be a -- like, yeah.

JJ:

-- members of the community.

GG:

’Cause you know he was -- that’s right. (inaudible)

JJ:

(overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

GG:

You were the only one up there. You were the one they --

JJ:

That his way of saying thank you.

GG:

Yeah. Yeah.

JJ:

I was the only on stage and there was a crowd of 100,000 people. I mean that
we had buttons, 30,000 people wearin’ buttons.

GG:

(laughs)

JJ:

I mean what --

GG:

Yeah, don’t --

48

�JJ:

I mean, what --

GG:

What --

JJ:

What do you remember?

GG:

No, when I think of that -- what I think, that was his payback to the Humboldt
Park community, to the Puerto Rican community it was his payback. And I think
that he, [01:42:00] to me, he was one of the most genuine political figures who
really tried to bring into an agenda a whole bunch of ideas. The unfortunate
thing, and I don’t say that negatively it’s only the unfortunate thing, is that we
were all too headstrong. We demanded too many things and we refuse to be
nonpartisan at things. You know, the Mexicans demanded things, the Puerto
Ricans demanded things, the Blacks demanded things, and he was trying to
appease us all. And we, you know, we kinda, as you said we’re new and all of
those things that would be. I think we kinda tripped over each other a little bit
and we stepped on some toes and we broke some eggs. And instead of walking
on eggshells, we were just [01:43:00] crushin’ them. And so I think that that’s
where the evil cabal realized that Harold was not that strong.

JJ:

And who were the evil cabal?

GG:

Well that was Vrdolyak, that Alderman Mell, Alderman Burke. But to me, those
were the three main characters and everybody else was -- think there was like
seven of them, you know (inaudible) But those were the th--

JJ:

And what did they do? I mean what...?

GG:

Well they did, as a matter of fact, they did to Harold Washington blocking
everything, halting, filibustering, embarrassing him. They did everything they

49

�could to keep him from developing any kind of positive programming, which is
what the Republican Party’s doing to President Obama today. The same kind of
thing. You know, the evil cabal of [01:44:00] Mitt Romney and now Paul Ryan
and all those other idiots. I’m not even gonna deal with that. But I think that the
white political aristocracy of the daily regime that Jane Byrne tried to deal with,
but they left her pretty much -- you know, she was a woman “Eh.” You know,
they let her slide because she was a woman and, you know, Irish. They did not
do that with Harold Washington. They saw him as being too anti-machine and so
they just stopped it. You know, they just put a stop to everything. [01:45:00]
Standing on tables yelling, it’s Alderman Mell standing on a table yelling at top of
his lungs as to... You know what? That was a circus. Mike Royko had a great
time with it, another columnist of the time (pause) saying, you know, pointing out
the obvious that they would not have done it to anybody else but Harold. When
you don’t let a leader propose programming and council acting upon those
proposals and being, of course, dealing and talking about it, you know, trying to
negotiate, whatever, there was none of that with Harold. And that also became
our own [01:46:00] falling because then we begin to bicker, I think. I think that
we as a community will begin to bicker and that’s unfortunate. Even our own
leadership began to bicker once Juan Soliz fucked up. I mean, I was a strong
supporter.
JJ:

What do you mean he messed up?

GG:

When he became alderman -- he was really good when he was when he was a
state rep. When he came back, when we brought him back and to put him, you

50

�know, and have him be our political leader. The murder of Rudy Lozano.
JJ:

Which was actually two days after the event in Humboldt Park.

GG:

Oh sh-- yes. Yeah.

JJ:

Is that n-- (laughs)

GG:

That is ironic, isn’t it?

JJ:

It’s ironic and I remember that well.

GG:

Yeah.

JJ:

So we have a rally in Humboldt Park with 100,000 Puerto Ricans --

GG:

Right, right.

JJ:

And now Rudy Lozano’s planning the same thing in the [01:47:00] Mexican
community --

GG:

In Little Village.

JJ:

--and exactly two days after Humboldt Park he’s killed.

GG:

He’s murdered. Yep.

JJ:

And how was -- how did -- they said it was local gang.

GG:

Well, like, supposedly a local gangbanger came in that he knew, let him into his
kitchen to use the bathroom, got glass of water, the stories go all over the place.
And as he came out, he put a couple of bullets into Rudy’s body. I’ve always
thought it was a hit for hire. I think if anybody says different, you know, it’s so
what.

JJ:

And who was Rudy Lozano?

GG:

Well, Rudy Lozano actually had been an organizer in the textile area and then
coming out of there developing a very strong voice for the for [01:48:00] the

51

�Mexican community of Little Village. He began to emerge as a bigger voice than
Juan Soliz who actually was a natural leader. But he began to -- this is what I
also think, when he became alderman, he started finagling other things later.
And so I think they even tried to blame it on Juan that that you know, Juan that
but that’s so far-fetched. He was actually bringing a strong union presence in the
Mexican community, in the Mexican political movement that -- he was a person
to reckon with, who was also on certain circles in -- not yet even an alderman,
[01:49:00] was him possibly talking about running for the mayorship of the city.
You know, after Harold, which was quite interesting. A lot of people would say,
“You know what after Harold, when he’s done with this, you know, we can groom
Rudy Lozano to that.” And I think somebody, whether it was, you know -- yeah,
I’m going into trouble on this one. It could mean that, you know, some of the
some of the entrenched, longtime Mexican Mafia that was within the within the
daily regime could have had a handle on this, as well. It could have been just the
Irish Mafia itself, you know, dealing with it. Instead of killing the mayor, well they
do something different. It is an issue that can be [01:50:00] analyzed and studied
from 380 [sic] degrees, and you happen to be part of all of that. I think that’s
quite interesting. And the only thing -JJ:

We helped lead the funeral procession. Remember? We had [lunch?].

GG:

Yes, we did.

JJ:

And it was a Young Lords (inaudible) --

GG:

Yeah.

JJ:

that helped lead that.

52

�GG:

Yep.

JJ:

With, you know, of course with Chuy Garcia in the leadership --

GG:

Uh-huh

JJ:

-- role, but it was --

GG:

Yes. Yeah.

JJ:

-- Young Lords and Slim Coleman and Marion (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

GG:

Not one of my favorite characters, to tell the truth.

JJ:

And Marion Stamps.

GG:

Yeah.

JJ:

Marion Stamps and --

GG:

Yeah or [Mary?] Stamps. Yeah, I was a (overlapping dialogue; inaudible)

JJ:

-- his name was [Al Sampson?], I think, from the South Side.

GG:

Yeah, yeah.

JJ:

From...

GG:

From South Chicago.

JJ:

But that group, we put that together the first memorial march.

GG:

You know what, I think that that was one of the largest processions for a Mexican
leader who was still [01:51:00] flourishing, you know, he was not an old guy who
had done all these things. He was, you know, he was just an activist who --

JJ:

But you recall that march. Were you there or...?

GG:

Yeah, of course. But, like I said, I was (laughter)

JJ:

The South Side.

GG:

Yeah, I was in the far back. No, but I think that Rudy was --

53

�JJ:

But you were aware that we were part --

GG:

We were, like --

JJ: -- of our gang.
GG:

Yes, of course, of course. I mean, I was good friends with Rudy, you know, I was
-- as a matter of fact when our IPO which was Rudy, Chuy, Juan Soliz, split, we
stayed with Soliz ’cause, you know, we had been working with it for a long time
and... But at the same time we didn’t want to break ties with either Chuy or Rudy
and so where some people broke ties, I kept friendships with. And I would go to
the rallies and things like that. I would go to the fundraisers, you know.
[01:52:00] So I didn’t want to break it. And, ironically, when Juan Soliz pissed me
off was when he gave a bigger role to one of his lower helpers than my brother
Guillermo who was his campaign manager and the one who (overlapping
dialogue; inaudible)--

JJ:

So your brother was his campaign manager?

GG:

Yeah, for both of those wins, you know, for state rep and then for alderman, he
was his campaign manager.

JJ:

Oh, okay. Your brother Guillermo was the campaign manager. Yeah. And so
when and when Juan began to isolate him because other people with money and
that kind of thing were st-- you know, he began to develop his own little
leadership over here of people with cash, and being twice old as my brother, I
told Juan Soliz to go fuck himself, you know. And I told him I would never work
with him. And I told my brother, says, “Sooner or later, man. He’s [01:53:00]
gonna screw you. You better get ready to get the hell out of there.” And he did.

54

�And after all that those little things, Juan Soliz became a clown. You know,
getting drunk at bars, his wife [Lete?], walking around in the summer with a fur
coat on. You know, they thought they were the royalty of Pilsen unfortunately
and she was beautiful, wonderful person and I don’t know what happened to her.
And, you know, Juan Soliz, today, is an ambulance chaser. I have very little
respect for that guy, where I continue a good friendship with Chuy, I continue a
good friendship with, you know, Rudy’s wife, I have a good friendship with Rudy
Junior. You know what I mean? That’s the irony of things. When Rudy Junior
was running and I supported. Not necessarily a lot in being there physically but
definitely -(break in audio)
GG:

--port him financially and by [01:54:00] going to events and things like that. You
know, who knew kind of thing. You know, who knew that all of these things came
to pass and they’re going around in a circle. I think that what you’re doing with
this documentary, these oral histories and how we are tied into you it’s very
interesting and very important ’cause it shows that all the people that, through
one way or another, you know, cross your paths and how we participated, little or
a lot, in the struggles that you have gone through in regards to the Young Lords.
And it’s also quite interesting and beautiful, I think, how the Young Lords
transformed themselves back then, but how you kept it the Young Lords and now
[01:55:00] transformed them to such a point where the respect that is being
received because of your work and the works that you’ve done from those days
[of the ’80s?] this way. Still an activist, is still a person with a voice in regards to

55

�justice, in regards to not just a Puerto Rican community, but now, you know,
you’re -- we cannot just say Puerto Rican community in 2012. You know what I
mean? We have to -- sometimes I get pissed off Luis Gutiérrez ’cause, you
know, he’s more Mexican than Puerto Rican nowadays. (laughs) Let us be, you
know. But I respect that. I think that we have to cross those -- I think those
boundaries between our communities have to be -- or, you know, the bridge has
to be built in such a way that there’s gonna be a 2044. You know what I mean?
[01:56:00] (pause) The United States as it is, or as it was in the ’50s, it will no
longer exist 25,30 years from now. Our communities are growing and the more
anti-Mexicanism, the more anti-Latino, the more anti- this, you know, the more
that we get together, the more that we’re going to create a hell of a -(break in audio)
GG:

Anyway, so tying all of these things up in regards to the coalition between the
Puerto Rican and all of the Latinos that are coming to United States would
change in the United States. Myself, I believe that I’ve helped participate. By
participate, I’ve held those changes as well, through education. I used to be a
youth worker back in the back in the ’80s. [01:57:00] I’ve always been an activist
in one way or another. And I was the executive director of one of Chicago’s
prominent theater companies called Latino Chicago Theatre Company. We used
to own a beautiful theater called The Firehouse on North Avenue and Damen,
which was a firehouse. And within that time, I was also getting involved in
poetry. I found my calling as an artist, which is -- I’m a poet. I today I can say
I’m a poet without feeling like I’m lying or that I’m -- I practice what I do and

56

�there’s a place in the Near North Side called Weeds. It’s a little bar called Weeds
where I’ve been hosting a poetry venue for the past 27 years, and Cha-cha has
been graceful enough to come down and see [01:58:00] us on Monday nights.
Through the theater and through the poetry venue we have had people like
Guillermo Gómez-Peña who have come through. Bacha, another excellent,
excellent poet. Patricia Smith, who is a wonderful African-American poet. Luis
Rodriguez, who is the founder of Tia Chucha Press and he was a great activist
right now throughout the Southwest in regards to the people’s struggles. So
Weeds, it has been a portal for many poets to do their work and move on. I like
to think of myself as the doorkeeper, you know, (laughter) as a host [01:59:00]
and so...
JJ:

Talking about hosts, you also hosted our 40th anniversary.

GG:

Oh yeah, I was gonna mention that. Just to kind of conclude with this, actually,
Cha-cha asked me to be the host and master of ceremonies for the 40th
anniversary of the Young Lords. And that was one beautiful and hectic, you
know, six-and-a-half-hour day, I think it was. Black Panther leadership, Young
Lords leadership from New York, from Chicago, from Miami, from -- it was one of
the most wonderful experiences, and I’m still waiting for a for a tape. (laughter)
And I thank Cha-cha for asking me to do to be that host. It was a tremendous,
tremendous day in which music, words, leaders from all over the place [02:00:00]
congregated and celebrated the Young Lords and Cha-cha Jiménez. (Spanish)
[02:00:09]

JJ:

(Spanish) [02:00:11] I appreciate --

57

�END OF VIDEO FILE

58

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                <text>Gregorio Gómez is known as the “G Man” at one of Chicago’s longest running underground poetry venues, “Weeds,” at 1515 North Dayton Street. Opened in 1964, “Weeds” still serves the Lincoln Park neighborhood; the building has existed there since 1928. Today “Weeds” is known as “the neighborhood bar without a neighborhood.” In the 1980s, prior to the Harold Washington campaign, José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez organized a reorganizing event at “Weeds.” It was a small party reunion and the place was packed. The purpose was to remember the Young Lords’ work and the Puerto Ricans who were displaced from Lincoln Park. Mr. Jiménez was assisted by Iris (Martha) Ramos, who, before the Young Lords were political, was one of three different presidents of the Young Lordettes. Ms. Ramos had previously been married to Benny Pérez, one of the original Young Lords club founders, who also turned political when the Young Lords became a human rights movement on September 23, 1968. She was also the sister of Manuel Ramos who was a Young Lord killed by off duty policeman James Lamb on May 3, 1969. Mr. Gómez emigrated from Vera Cruz, Mexico to Chicago in 1963. And he has been in the poetry community for nearly three decades. He has been the Managing Director of the Latino Chicago Theatre Company, which has been in the forefront of theatre and arts in Wicker Park. Mr. Gómez’s work has been published and recorded in numerous venues, including Stray Bullets: A Celebration of Chicago Saloon Poetry (1991) and Poetry for Peace Anthology, published by the Peace Museum of Chicago. In 1986, White Panther Party Minister of Information, Bob “Righteous” Rudnick, now deceased, approached the owner of “Weeds,” Sergio Mayora, about staging “Poetry Slams.”. Soon after that Mr. Gómez started to MC. Some of the patrons are a mix of newcomers and old timers, a few white pacifists and anarchists, some revolutionaries, primarily Blacks and Latinos. Early poets who presented their work at “Weeds” includes Chris “Man Defender” Chandler, “Sultry” Sue McDonald, and Susie “Mellow” Greenspan. Poet and Young Lord Alfredo Matias is a regular at “Weeds,” along with Sergio Mayora who always recites his two poems, and Mr. Gómez himself. As Mr. Gómez reiterates, “I stand for hundreds of Poets who will never be famous.”</text>
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Veterans History Project Interview
Theodore Grevers
Cold War
Total Time: 19:23
Pre-Enlistment and Service (00:09)

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
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
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Born in Chicago, IL in 1929.
He was raised in The Netherlands before World War II, and his family was on the
last ship out before Hitler invaded.
(01:20) They moved to the United States, and a farm near Battle Creek.
(02:08) He served in the Merchant Marine on an oil tanker between World War II
and the Korean War.
(02:40) The ship was sent to Colombia.
(03:10) They had many different jobs on the ship. His main job was to either be in
the engine room or be on watch.
(04:30) They were warned not to get off of the ship in Colombia, as the conditions
were very dangerous.
(05:00) He returned to Michigan after his service, and opened a detective agency.
He worked as a private investigator for his life.
(08:30) The ship’s home port was Philadelphia, PA, where they dropped off the
crude oil.
(12:35) As a private investigator, he worked in Laos, Cambodia, and Thailand to
try to get the POWs out of camps in Vietnam.

�</text>
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