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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veteran’s History Project
Gregory Gilmore
Length of Interview (00:08:11)
Background/Training
Served from 1962 until 1968
Volunteered for the draft
Basic Training in Fort Knox, Kentucky


Quite stressful, rigorous training physically and mentally



Get through with determination and survival

Service (00:00:55)
Went down to Fort Lee, Virginia after training
Cuban Missile Crisis, deployed to Miami, Florida
Quartermaster Corps
 Supplied troops and acted as back-up combat unit


Didn’t see combat

Food was good
Entertainment through writing letters, playing pool and cards, going out to clubs, drinking
One of the guys in his unit once tried to make home-made wine, ended up bursting in his locker
and spilling into the rooms
All Officers were well trained and good men
Was happy when his service time ended
Hopes no one has to go to war, but sometimes it’s necessary
Doesn’t attend reunions
All of his training helped prepare him for life; it’s a good experience
Stayed in touch with his family via letter and phone calls, family also visited a few times
Did some relaxing after being let out of the service

�Went back to school only for medical training for the Fire Department
Made some good friends in the service but didn’t stay in touch with them for long
Worked in a Sport’s goods store for a few years with his father, then worked for the B. F.
Goodrich Avionics and Aeronautics Division; retired after 23 years
Military is a good base for young men
Learn to function under stress

�</text>
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                    <text>William James College Interviews
GV016-16
Interviewer: Barbara Roos
Interviewee: Ginny Gordon
Date: 1984
Part: 1 of 2

[Barbara]

First question being: you were here at the very beginning.

[Gordon]

Uh huh.

[Barbara]

I just want you to talk about what it was like at the very beginning in terms of
starting from scratch.

[Gordon]

Okay. Well, did you want me to talk about how there was the founding
committee. They wanted to add another college. They were into the cluster
college concept and they were going to be five cluster colleges. There was
College of Arts and Sciences, which they were going to get a name, but they
never did. And then Thomas Jefferson, which was well established. And then
college three, which became William James College…

[Barbara]

How did you get faculty for William James College?

[Gordon]

Well, there was the original committee that was Tom Cunningham, Bruce
Loessin [?]… there were about seven people on that and some faculty members
from CAS that were on that committee. And they advertised and the first person
that they hired was Ken Hunter. They hired Robert Mayberry that year, Richard
Joanisse, Dick Paschke, John Mactavish from CAS, Dan Clock who was in TJC
(he was halftime CA, halftime William James). So, there was John, Richard, Dick,
Dan Clock, Ken Hunter, who else? There were five and a half people that first…
Robert Mayberry! Okay, and they came in early August. They all came here.
They started quite early. And then they met and got the groundwork… the
schedule all made out that was published. Of course, then we were on terms, so
classes didn't start till the end of September. Our first two students were Theresa
Paul and Tyree Anderson, and they also worked on the committee. So, then
there was me, five and half faculty, Bruce Loessin [?] and Tyree and Terry Paul.
And the schedule was made up of about probably, I don't know, fifteen or
seventeen classes and admissions office recruited a hundred-and-fifty-two
students that first year.

[Barbara]

What were you promising them that they would come to a new school?

[Gordon]

They were looking for an alternative education. They all had the real pioneer

�spirit. Those first-year students, by the way, have been quite successful in the
world. Most of them have gone to graduate school. Dick Wilson, do you
remember him? Well, he was in that original hundred-and-fifty-two. So, we
started out with a very small, selective, close knit, and we had all the first floor of
Lake Superior Hall. So, we had our own turf. And we met often between classes;
we had like a coffee room and everybody would sit around and quite often after
classes.
[Gordon]

Formally, we had one or two council meetings a week and informally there was
always a lot going on.

[Barbara]

Who went to council meetings?

[Gordon]

Everybody went to council meetings. We had to have them in thirty-four-thirty-six
with the door open; they were usually packed, and they were always open to
everybody.

[Barbara]

What did you talk about?

[Gordon]

We talked about adding new classes, what we were going to add, what the
needs were; the purchases usually were made on a sort of, more or less, a
communal basis. Governance document was written then. So, there was nothing
when anybody came and we had no government, no structure, nothing. And
everybody… they all had a hand in creating their own institution or organization
from scratch. They didn't inherit any rules.

[Barbara]

Well, did the faculty have more say than the students in creating this?

[Gordon]

Well, in a sense in that they certainly couldn't teach something that the faculty
there weren't capable of teaching. I mean within the capability of the faculty, yes.
But the original programs where the administrative and management, arts and
media, social relations, pretty much environmental studies, and then of course
the synaptic program. Those were all that was established prior to the hiring of
the faculty.

[Barbara]

But you say that this whole…

[Gordon]

The way that the college was going to move… was established, I mean, that was
that they can decide they were going to go into economics or something.

[Barbara]

But the alternative nature of the college was set up by the entire community, is
that what you're saying?

[Gordon]

No, that was… No, the grading/no grading…the grading system was set up by

�the administration. By the original committee they were not going to have grades.
They were going to have honors credit or no credit. They did drop the honors the
second year in or second or third – it must have been the third year. And that
was a communal decision we did.
[Barbara]

When did representation come in? Because by the time I got to James not
everybody was on a council. You had…

[Gordon]

Well, that was all how the governance document was written during the first and
second year. So, that was where representation came in. It was a whole
community, and then they decided how they wanted to rule themselves or govern
themselves. So, the governance document was hacked out, changed a million
times over during the course of the first, I would say, two years. What year did
you come in?

[Barbara]

Oh, seventy-five, something like that. Seventy-five, seventy-six.

[Gordon]

Oh, okay. And it was pretty much established when you came in?

[Barbara]

Okay, how did…

[Unknown]

Hollywood!

[Gordon]

Yeah.

[Barbara]

How did the James philosophy get imbrued in all this? How did this happen?
Was it… did Mayberry lecture or something or how did the community get built
here? What were the ethics of the community? How did everybody learn to work
together?

[Gordon]

Well, let’s see. Well, I don't know.

[Barbara]

Okay, that one's going to go. Do you need Ginny right now? Is that why you
came in? Do you need me to stop?

[Unknown]

Oh, I'm just waiting…

[Gordon]

No, it's okay. I was just… I didn't really understand your question. I really don't
know what you're driving at, it seems sort of a…

[Barbara]

Why don't you talk about what you were saying before we started about the hiring
thing. Where you were getting so many applications. As you could be very
selective.

�[Gordon]

Okay. There were… the first year, there were 2,500 applications. They had
advertised in, you know, I would imagine several academic magazines.
Whatever. They advertise in New York Times, places like that. And there were
2,500 applications. So, the faculty could be very selective on who they wanted to
pick.

[Barbara]

What kind of criteria were they using?

[Barbara]

You were in on a lot of it because it was kind of your decision.

[Gordon]

Well, I think they were looking for people that were, first of all, interested in
alternative education. Secondly, who fit into the categories of the programs that
William James was offering. And then also, they were looking for people with a
very strong background in academia. People who are activists. People who
weren't from the traditional background, you know. Like Lafleur. And they were
looking for women. They definitely had a dedication to hiring women. So that's
kind of, you know.

[Barbara]

This is getting at the community thing again.

[Gordon]

Okay.

[Barbara]

You've been a secretary here. When you were at James, you participated in
decision making.

[Barbara]

In what ways did you participate in decision making?

[Gordon]

Well, I was on the council as an elected member for about two years. And also, I
had the voting privileges of hiring. We voted at the end on who we were going to
hire. They would bring two or three people here per position and then hack it all
out for better or for worse. And I had… all the secretaries had voting rights on
faculty hiring. And the council members, of course, where the ones that had
voting rights on other things.

[Barbara]

Okay. In the years that you've been here, you've seen a lot go on. I wonder if you
think we've made certain mistakes at James. What mistakes did we make at the
college? What should we have done better?

[Gordon]

Well, I think the only thing that I think could've been a little… I think it could've
been a little more disciplined. Not structured in a sense, like exams, or grades, or
anything. But I think that some of the faculty were a little too lenient about
student’s participation in the class and work that was required. I got my degree
from William James. Totally – I took all my courses in William James. So, I was a
student here, as well as working here, so I can speak from a classroom as a

�student as well as a worker. I think that some of the students fell into the cracks
because they had a view that this sort of cavalier attitude, "It really doesn't matter
if we don't go to class. It doesn't matter if we don't get the work in on time. We
still love each other, and I'm a real good friend of professor, you know, so and so,
and so therefore I don't have a problem."
[Gordon]

And I think that some of them are still not being able to cope and are still trying to
get a degree that started before I did.

[Barbara]

And you would be the one to know that because…

[Gordon]

I found as a student that was serious… class I found it very disruptive to
students. I had a real hard time with those that would show up occasionally in
class and then try to participate as if they've always been there and they didn't
even know what the textbooks were. So, that was a problem I had as student. I
think that could've been a little loss… sort of, chummy with the students where it
wasn't important. Because it was important.

[Barbara]

What did we do right Ginny? What was the…

[Gordon]

Well, I think that the level of education was just incredible. think the wide range of
classes was phenomenal. I think that the faculty were absolutely superior. I mean
they came from the very best schools in the country themselves. They were all
very brilliant. The ones that have left, have gone and have been hired by first-rate
schools. They weren't ordinary faculty; they were extraordinary. And they brought
with them a wealth of culture, education, knowledge. They were all so
interdisciplinary. They didn't have one discipline where nothing they taught was
nothing but history, they taught nothing but English or they could teach numerous
amounts of subjects – each faculty. That was another thing that they looked for.
Interdisciplinary! That’s the keyword. And that's something that I missed, in the
beginning, when we were talking… is that they were, first of all, hired on how
much they could teach. And they could… most of them, like Engie, could teach
five or six different disciplines. It was incredible. And they brought all that
knowledge to each class. That was the main thing. You don't find that at all
anymore. So, I don't think I could have gotten a better education anyplace. I feel
real fortunate, you know. And if there were a few flakes that fell by the wayside –
so what, you know? I mean the ones that came out of it… the opportunity for a
superior education was there if you chose to get it. Yeah.

[Barbara]

Good answer. You wanted to talk about why you think some of the faculty
wanted to come here. Because of the area?

[Gordon]

Oh, I think first of all, they came here because it gave them the opportunity to
create something where they could use all their talents. You know, where they

�weren't hired as a quote like Engie hired as a history professor. Period. Where
she taught nothing but history. I think they were all looking for that. They all had
the pioneer spirit; starting something totally on the ground floor. And it seems like
they came from areas where, being close to the lake, having the choice of living
in the city or in the country, on the lake, was real important to them, you know.
It's kind of like going out to the Colorado mountains or something. I mean it was a
pioneer spirit here to come here where things weren't established either. And
they lived in Grand Rapids, they lived in Allendale, and they lived in Grand Haven
– which are worlds apart as far as the environment goes, you know. I always feel
like I've driven 500 miles from the difference between Grand Rapids and in
Grand Haven, you know.
[Barbara]

I was talking to somebody who moved…

[Gordon]

Yeah! So, you had that choice that I would find very attractive coming here from,
say, New York city or you know.

[Barbara]

Ginny, here's a question I ask people, and I never ask it in advance. I want an
answer in a sentence or two: if you had to sum up the core of William James,
what was distinctive about William James? Very briefly. One thing. What was it?

[Gordon]

Mainly doing, in your profession, what you enjoy doing. You know, mixing your
avocation and your vocation into one, or getting it as close to it. Developing your
avocation. Not getting an education for the sake of a job, per se. We all have to
earn a living but not just, you know, engulfing your entire life.

[Barbara]

Great.

[Gordon]

You know I was sorry. I really got nervous when Alex was in here. It just shut me
right off.

[Barbara]

I know, me too. It draws all the… he just comes in…

[Gordon]

Well he was standing there and listening and all of a sudden…

[Barbara]

I was mad at him because he knows what's going on and he knows it's
distracting, so he walks in, does this, went over there. He didn't have to do that.

[Gordon]

I know it. So, I'm sorry that…

[Barbara]

No…

[Gordon]

I don't even remember what the question was now, but I…

�[Barbara]

What you did was you said: "I can't answer it." Which was the honest response,
and we went on.

[Gordon]

Yeah, okay.

[Barbara]

You gave some very good answers. One thing that is so neat is that I ask
everyone that question about what was the core of William James, say it in a
sentence, at the end of an interview. No two people have said the same thing. I
just love it.

[Gordon]

Oh, yeah, yeah.

[Barbara]

And it’s so William James-y. See. We weren't programmed, there wasn't one
thing to hold on to. I've recognized every answer and none of it seemed off the
wall.

[Gordon]

Um-hum, uh-huh.

[Barbara]

You know, but it's all been different. I just love it. I'm going to run this sequence…

[Gordon]

Oh, that's neat.

[Barbara]

Of people answering it. Isn't that nice?

[Gordon]

Oh! That's… yeah! That's the way to do it! Yes! Yeah, yeah.

[Barbara]

It really works. I just love your answer, you know?

[Gordon]

Good! Good! Good.

[Barbara]

I think you did real well. Please think for minute what else you would want to say.
You know what I mean?

[Gordon]

Um-hum.

[Barbara]

Sometimes I walk away and then we go: "What we really should have said
was...."

[Gordon]

Yeah, I know it.

[Barbara]

So just take a second. I think it's a great interview okay.

[Gordon]

Well, let me just mull a couple things around.

�[Barbara]

Keep talking.

[Gordon]

I think that's one of the biggest things that is missed now, but it's also because of
the times – it’s not just Grand Valley, it's not just because William James isn't
here – is that there's no feeling of community anymore. There might be within
small little… like your little film group or you know, your little… but as far as your
feeling community with the historians, you could never. I mean, what do you say
to those people? Or that… I mean, you know it's nothing but…

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                    <text>William James College Interviews
GV016-16
Interviewer: Barbara Roos
Interviewee: Ginny Gordon
Date: 1984
Part: 2 of 2

[Barbara]

Anyways, so you were talking about community and how… what the quality of
community, I guess, you were talking about. Talk about it some more.

[Gordon]

Well, it was really unusual to have a large group of people to sit together and
discuss things intellectually, respect each other, and make things move. I mean
and they were very reasonable about things. You go in there with an opinion and
you'd listen to, you know, three or four people talk and you come out and you'd
get a much broader idea, a broader sense of the way a college should go there.
The decisions weren't made by one person in an office. They were made by a
group of people and nobody had more control than anybody else. I suppose
legally the Dean could throw out a decision, but I don't think that ever happened.
I think that they voted on it and usually there was a large majority at the end of
maybe an hour or two-hour communal discussion of a problem or situation most
of the time people came out being more dedicated to the decision and how it
affected the whole community, rather than how it would affect themselves
personally. And I think that was one of the real successes of the college.

[Barbara]

It seems as though a very important decision made early on was to hire Adrian.
Do you remember anything about her hiring? I mean we didn't talk about this; I
just wonder if you did.

[Gordon]

Yes, she had been considered the year before and I can't remember whether she
turned the decision down or not. But then the next year she was reconsidered
and asked to be hired and was hired. She did come here, I believe, for an
interview in the beginning, but had another commitment that she needed to
finish. And then the second year she was reconsidered, came back for an
interview, and was hired. And that was the second year, too, of the college, I
believe, when she was hired. Dick Paschke was the chairperson of the Dean
search committee. I remember that and there were hundreds of applications for
that position. Yeah, Robert Toft I think was one of those two… uh-huh. Yeah.
And he was subsequently hired for college four, which became Kirkoff College.

[Barbara]

You brought community up several times and so have I. How did community
contribute to the quality of education? Community’s nice but what does it have to
do with education?

�[Gordon]

Well for one thing, one of the things that the community talked about was the
courses that we're going to be taught. You know, so that affected their education:
number one. Number two: it kept people here. They didn't just come and take a
class and leave. They stayed here. This was like a second home to many people.
They would come in the morning and they had their discussions that were
informal, as well as formal. They talked about your classes; I mean, education
was the main topic of conversation. Another thing that I think that should be
mentioned is the political awareness that William James instilled on the students.
It wasn't just a question of coming in and getting an education, it was how they
could affect the outside world. They were also very much aware of the Woman's
Movement, of the Vietnam War, of all the political things that were happening
around the world.

[Barbara]

Okay, I hear what you're saying. Then when these people went out to get jobs or
– you yourself, because you were a James student – go to a place where there
wasn't community or there's less community where it's very hard to be politically
active. Isn't it sort of like the education was aiming us one way and the society
another and therefore the wrong kind of education?

[Gordon]

Well, no because we have to have… it would make it even more strong. It would
be even more important to have a political awareness so that you could try to
keep other people politically aware who didn't have a political awareness. I can't
see that an education does anybody much good other than just earning a living,
period, you know. It doesn't help humanity any, that's for sure. So…

[Barbara]

Anything else? Great answers!

[Gordon]

Oh well, I don't know, I guess that kind of covers it in a nutshell. Yeah.

[Barbara]

Good answers, too.

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Veterans History Project Interview
Troy Girke
(1:01:22)
(01:25) Background Information
• Troy was born in Allegan, MI
• He has one brother and a very close family
• He had a fun childhood in the country where he was able to spend a lot of time hunting
and fishing
(2:15) The Service
• Troy joined the Navy in 1983 and spent 20 years in the service
• He had thought about joining only shortly when he was very young
• He tried to get his brother to join with him, but it was during hunting season, so he joined
shortly after Troy
• He chose the Navy because he thought that he would be more safe on a boat
(4:40) Training
• Troy went from Detroit to Great Lakes Naval Base in Illinois for boot camp
• He was very busy every day and time went by quickly
(7:00) 9/11
• His most memorable moments were during his time spent in Afghanistan and Desert
Storm
• He was on a flight deck working on a turnover when he heard the news of 9/11
• He had previously been deployed in Singapore and near India
(9:40) Getting Ready for Afghanistan
• The ship was full of many weapons; more than he had seen anywhere in his entire life
• He was working on the flight deck of an air craft carrier and saw many missiles launched
• He never experienced any combat, but did visit many combat zones
(13:05) A World Cruise on the Kitty Hawk
• His brother was in the same battle group so they went to the Philippines and Africa
together
• They were allowed some time on leave and went on a four day safari in Africa
(14:50) Showing of pictures
• He never lost anyone close, but has many friends that are on their fourth or fifth tour of
Iraq
• The USS Midway was the first ship that he was on
• He traveled to Africa, Australia, Spain, France, Bahrain, the UAE, Korea, Japan,
Singapore, Hong Kong, and the Philippines

�•
•

Most of his medals were earned by “being in the right place at the right time”
Others are for doing above and beyond what is expected of you

(20:30) Aboard the Ships
• The food was not very good; there was not much seasoning because it would be hard to
please 5,000 different people
• Sometimes he would eat roast beef for three weeks in a row
• He was able to email his family and friends often
• The ships had phones on them and everyone was given a phone card
• Everyone had to start work every day at 6:30am
(25:35) Entertainment
• The watched movies and TV, listened to the radio, played cards and dominos
• There were some USO shows and they were visited by the Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders
(34:20) Showing of Pictures
• He last time was spent on Operation Enduring Freedom
• He had been stationed in Japan, Alaska, and California
• His highest rank reached was E-6
(35:45) Time After the Service
• He still has many dreams about the Navy and believes that they will continue, since it
took up 20 years of his life
• He now is more safety conscious
(51:00) Reading of Retirement Speech
(53:35) Showing of Foreign Currency

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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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                  <text>Division of Student Services provides programs, services, and environments that enhance the personal, social, and intellectual growth of undergraduate and graduate students at the University. Events including concerts were managed by the office of Student Life. Posters for music, speakers, poetry readings and other campuswide events are included. </text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/106"&gt;Student Services concerts, events, and posters files, (GV028-06)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>1963 – 1981</text>
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                <text>Girls Summer Volleyball School, 1978</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Brochure for 1978 Grand Valley Girls Summer Volleyball School, July 16-21, 1978. Directed by Joan Boand.</text>
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          <element elementId="47">
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                <text>1978</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/106"&gt;Student Services concerts, events, and posters files, (GV028-06)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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                  <text>Douglas R. Gilbert Photographs</text>
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                  <text>Photographs scanned from negatives and transparencies from the Douglas R. Gilbert papers (RHC-183).&#13;
&#13;
Douglas R. Gilbert (b. 1942) is an American photographer from Michigan. He was born in Holland, Michigan and is the son of Russell W. and Carmen (Andree) Gilbert. Gilbert earned a B.A. in social sciences and art at Michigan State University in 1964, an M.S. in photography from the Institute of Design at Illinois Institute of Technology in 1972, and a M.S.W. from Salem State College in 1993. He is married to Barbara (McDonald) Gilbert, and has three daughters, Robyn, Rachel, and Anne. Gilbert took a serious interest in photography at the age of fourteen. In 1963 he joined the staff of Look magazine in New York as the second youngest photojournalist in the magazine's history. As a Look photographer from 1964 to 1966, he photographed folk musician Bob Dylan, the Newport Folk Festival, Simon and Garfunkel, the New York City Financial District, the children and facilities at the Manhattan School for Seriously Disturbed Children. From 1967 to 1969, Gilbert did several shoots, including that of folk singer Janis Ian for Life magazine. After moving to Chicago, Illinois in 1969 to attend the Illinois Institute of Technology, Gilbert conducted notable photo shoots of business and political figure Lenore Romney, and pursued more personal and artistic photography, focusing on urban and rural landscapes in Illinois and Michigan. He then joined the faculty of Wheaton College, where he taught from 1972 to 1982. In 1993, Gilbert graduated from Salem State College, Massachusetts, with a Masters in Social Work, and later pursued a second career as a psychotherapist. Douglas Gilbert died in June 2023. &#13;
&#13;
Throughout his photography career, he pursued both freelance commercial work as well as artistic work. His art photography is characterized by its classic black-and-white format, and features people, places and objects shot great attention and sensitivity. Gilbert's works are held in the permanent collections of the Art Institute of Chicago, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta, The Norton Simon Museum in Pasadena, and the Grand Valley State University Art Galleries, as well as in numerous private and institutional collections.&#13;
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                  <text>&lt;a href="%E2%80%9Dhttps%3A//gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/783%E2%80%9D"&gt;Douglas R. Gilbert Papers (RHC-183)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>In Copyright</text>
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                  <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections and University Archives.</text>
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                    <text>Head Dancers
George &amp; Sidney Martin

Host Drum

Head Vet Dancer

2nd Drum

Star Singers

Frank Bush

Two Hawk Singers

Master of Ceremonies

Open Drum

John Bailey

Blessing of Grounds
at Sunrise

Arena Director
Frank Shipman

GRAND ENTRY
SUNDAY
1 P.M.
7 P.M.

GRAND ENTRY
SATURDAY
1 P.M.
7 P.M.

MEMORIAL WEEK-END 1991
- - - - - - - -PUBLIC W E L C O M E - - - - - - -

•TRADERS WELCOME
•NO CARNIVAL WAGONS
•NO IMPORTS
•NO IMITATION INDIAN JEWELRY
(ENFORCED)

•NO ALCOHOL OR DRUGS

DINNER SATURDAY
NIGHT FOR DANCERS
AND TRADERS.
LIMITED ELECT $10.00
WEEKEND.
FREE CAMPING FOR
DANCERS.
RAFFLE-SEVERAL ITEMS

Sponsored by End of the Trail
For Information, Call:

Bruce or Rose
616-281-3640
After 5 P.M. 616-878-9443
Ike Peters 616-791-4014

ADMISSION
Camping $10.00 For Week-End
Adults $2.00 ea.
Motels &amp; Cabins in Area
Children under 12 yrs. $1.00 ·
Advance Reservations
MAP ON BACK

�How to find us...
N

r

Cadillac

Mario~

_:14 Mile Rd.

r
Q.

&gt;&lt;
w

~

~ h

M-10 ,

0

4Way
Stop

M-10

Reed City

Clair

Q Big Rapids
Lansing

'V

�</text>
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                    <text>TIIlRD ANNUAL

GISSIWAS CREEK
INDIAN POW WOW
Host Drum
Skintone
Open Drum
50.00 Ea. + Blanket
Dance To Additional
1st 6 Reg. Drums

Head Vet Dancer
Frank Bush
Master Of Ceremonies
Tick Bush
Arena Director
Sam Bush

Bl.eHing Of Ground
Sat. At Sunrise
2GrundEntria
Saturday &amp; Sunday
1PMand7pm

We will hold an
informal-dance Friday
night if we have a drum
&amp;daneen

MEMORIAL WEEK-END 1993
MAY 28, 29, 30

PUBLIC WELCOME
ALL TRADERS MUST PRE-REGISTER

DINNER SAT. &amp; SUN. 5PM FOR
DANCERS AND TRADERS
CONTINENTAL BREAKFAST SUN 8AM
FREE CAMPING FOR DANCERS
ALL ELEC. HOOKUPS $500 WEEKEND

NO CARNNAL WAGONS
NOIMPORTS
NO IMITATION INDIAN JEWELRY
NO ALCOHOL OR DRUGS
ALL ABOVE ENFORCED

SPONSORED BY

f.t\JD Of THE TRAIL
For Information Call: Bruce Or Rose
(616) 281-3640
after 5pm (616)878-9443
Admission
Adults $2.00 ea.
Children tinder 12 years
$1.00
Seniors $1.00
Handicapped - free

Camping $15.00 for weekend
Motels &amp; cabins in area
Advance reservations

Map on back

�How to find us...
N

im

Cadillac

Marlon

I :

&gt;
IQ
3:
en
en

_14 Mlle Rd.

!Q.
,c

-...
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�</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
World War II
Rita Glanz
Length of Interview: 41:30
(02:03)
JS: We’re talking today with Mrs. Rita Glanz of Kentwood, Michigan. The interviewer is James
Smither of Grand Valley State University. Mrs. Glanz, can you start by telling us just a little bit
about yourself. To begin, where were you born?
RG: I was born in Vienna, Austria.
JS: In what year?
RG: 1938.
JS: 1938 or 1933? What year were you born?
RG: Oh, 1933. Sorry. I was born in 1933, but my first memory is 1938. November 19th,
actually, when they took my father away.
JS: Explain a little bit about the background. Your family is Jewish.
RG: Yeah. My family is Jewish. My father was in the feather business. Which back in those
days was apparently very profitable.
JS: What do people do with pillows? Was it stuff pillows or other things?
(02:55)
RG: (laughs) We used to have mattresses that were made of feathers. Comforters used feathers.
He had two places. One for the comforters and mattresses and pillows. And another one,
women used to wear boas. Hat feathers. Various things. So that was another place. And he
owned an apartment building. And, back in those days, my mother was very sick. I didn’t know
why. She was in bed a lot. We, I had a nanny and we had a maid and a washer-woman. And
my father was pretty well-off.
(03:48)
RG: But then November 10th, 1938, they came and they took him away. I remember my
mother screaming. And…back in those days, apparently, you could still bribe your way out.
JS: The Germans had only taken over Austria in April that year, so the Nazi’s hadn’t really been
there that long yet. And you still would have had Austrian police officials and things like that.

�RG: Yeah, but they were all Nazis. Because I remember looking out the window, and (makes
face). Well, this was after they took him away, actually. And they were beating up people in the
street. And, uh, anyway, he bribed his way out. Three days later he came home.
(04:41)
RG: One thing that really sticks in my mind. His sister came over and they had taken her
husband away too. He had a hardware business. And she was sitting on the bench in the
hallway…well, as a young child this sticks in my mind…all of a sudden, she was talking to him
and she must have fainted, and my father ran and got a bucket of water and threw it at her. This
really impressed me. But they had taken him, my uncle, to Dachau. They loaded them all on the
truck. But my father got out with the proviso that he leave the country immediately. So he went
and left for Switzerland, but he left illegally. So they put him into a labor camp, digging roads.
And, uh…
(05:50)
JS: Now, were there…did he tell you much about that? I mean, were there a lot of Jews who
wound up doing that kind of thing?
RG: Yeah. Yeah. It was a big, big community. In fact, well, that’s skipping a lot but I met
several people after I came to New York, but they were in that camp. And, as a result of him
going to Switzerland, and writing letters, he got to put me on this Kindertransport.
(06:24)
JS: Can you explain what that was?
RG: This is a system whereby the English people let in ten thousand Jewish children. Between
the end of 1938 and July of 1939. I got out on the next to the last train. July 11, 1939. And, I
remember my nurse took me to the station, cause as I said, my mother was really sick. And I had
two cousins that came along, a girl and a boy, who later ended up in what was later Palestine.
They escaped. And, it was a horrendous trip, because I remember, I guess crossing the English
Channel…I have motion sickness. Which I found out then. I was very very sick.
(07:27)
RG: I got put…we all got put into this orphanage in London. Rows and rows of beds. And a
few times, people came and took us out for walks. I guess, like I said, this was July of ’39, and
England hadn’t declared war yet.
JS: Right. The war hadn’t started yet.
RG: And I remember, someone took about six of us for a walk and a lady came out and bought
us a box of Black Magic chocolates. It was such a nice surprise. Cause I’m a chocoholic
anyway. And then, around in September, people used to come around, looking at us, and this
wonderful couple came, Harry and Frieda Morgan, and they adopted…well, they took me with
the proviso that it was for the duration of the war. And they lived in Coventry, which it turned
out was very very badly bombed.

�(08:41)
RG: So when they first took me, I didn’t speak a word of English and they didn’t speak a word
of German. It was terrible, but they sent me to school. And the kids used to throw rocks at me
and call me “Nazi.” So, I learned English very fast, because I explained to them that I was
running from the Nazis too. So, I think in two or three weeks, I was really making myself
understood. And we lived, like I said in Coventry, and each time the bombing was really bad.
Like at night, they would drop the bombs and you could go outside and read a newspaper, that’s
how bright…it was as bright as this studio.
(09:33)
JS: So this happened on a lot of different nights?
RG: Every night. They were bombing. Because Coventry was practically wiped off the face of
the map, if you’ve ever heard of it.
JS: Yeah, yeah.
RG: And we lived at 36..3 Altamont Green. No, 37 Altamont Green Road, I remember. The
first place, but then it got so so bad, we moved further down the road. To 363 Altamont Green
Road. And it just kept getting worse. Like…
JS: Now was this just kind of still in a kind of built up area, like a suburb?
RG: Yeah. Coventry is, yeah, we were like on the outskirts of Coventry, but it didn’t matter. It
was a very industrialized city. I think they supplied rubber, or made airplanes, or whatever.
JS: Yeah. A whole lot of factories were there and that’s why it was targeted.
(10:27)
RG: So, then my adopted family, I called them “Aunt” and “Uncle,” they were conscientious
objectors. Christians, called Christadelphian religion, they…he was a stretcher bearer in the
hospital, and she was an air raid warden, so most of my time, I spent under the stairs. We had
what was called an Anderson table. It was steel, with netting. And I slept in the closet, under the
table. With my cat, Tubbins.
JS: Now did they have children?
RG: No.
JS: About how old were they at the time, do you think?
RG: Oh, they must have been in their early forties. And the reason they took me is because my
name was Rita, and they had always wanted a child to name Rita.
(11:23)

�RG: So, anyway, the bombing just got worse and worse. Like I said, they bombed the
waterworks. And we didn’t have water for several days and then they put pipes above ground.
And, you had to boil the water all the time. And, also, this is funny to tell about it now, but they
told you to take a bath only once a week. And first I…it was only like six inches of water. First
I took a bath, then my Aunt Frieda took a bath, then my uncle, in the same water. Which now
seems like inconceivable, but we managed. And we didn’t have that much food either. But my
uncle used to grow vegetables, so sometimes for supper, that’s all we had. We roasted an onion
in the fireplace. That’s what we had for supper. It was good though. And every day, she made
rice pudding, which now, I won’t touch rice pudding. For seven years, rice pudding was a bit
much.
(12:42)
RG: And then it just got worse and worse. So we moved to another little suburb of Coventry. It
was called Nuneaton. Which was much better. There wasn’t as much bombing. And suddenly
the war was over. But I didn’t want to leave them, because I didn’t hardly even remember my
mother. Or my father, you know. But in the interim, I had gotten a letter from my father that my
mother had died. But I don’t really know if she died, or was put to death. Because back then
they used to put sick people to death.
JS: Yes, they did.
(13:33)
RG: But, years and years later, a cousin of mine, um, went to Vienna and he put her name on my
grandmother’s tombstone, so…I don’t know what happened to her. And, anyway, I didn’t want
to leave England, because to me, these people were my only family. But my father, he wrote a
letter to the Prime Minister, Churchill, the king at the time, that he wanted to get me out of there,
I don’t know why. And in the meantime, his brother-in-law, my uncle who had been in Dachau,
he had a sister in Brooklyn, and as a result, she was able to get him out of Dachau. Early ’39.
He was in there like six months. And get him to a place called Kitchener Camp, in England,
which was like a rehabilitation camp.
(14:48)
RG: But he was never rehabilitated. He was like a nervous mental wreck. And because of this
sister of his in Brooklyn, he was able, with my aunt, to come to America. But they couldn’t
stand New York, cause like I said, he was such a mess, so they went to relatives that had escaped
in the First World War, and gone to Birmingham, Alabama. And so that’s where they lived.
And my father threw all of his letter-writing…see, I would have legally been belonging to my
aunt and uncle by September of…from Setember of ’39 through September of ’46. The seven
years would have been up, but he wanted me out of there. So he got me out of there in May, of
1946. To Birmingham, Alabama.
(16:05)
JS: Let’s back up a little bit. I’d like you to fill in a little bit more of the story. You lived there
in England, in the Coventry area for seven years. Now, once you had begun to make yourself
understood there, in school, how did you get along with the kids in school?

�RG: Oh, great. I was really happy there, you know. I felt at home. And I made lots of friends.
I felt like, well, my aunt and uncle, I felt like they were my parents, because, as I said, I hadn’t
seen my father since I was five. My mother since I was six. And then, I knew she was dead.
My father taught himself English in Switzerland, and he used to write letters.
(17:01)
JS: Now did you remember any of your German then, at that point? Or did you lose track of
that?
RG: Not really. No, I like blocked it out of my memory. However, well, to skip back then, if
you want me to, I lived in Birmingham, Alabama, which I thought I’d died and gone to hell.
Cause back in those days, the worst thing was being black and the next worst thing was being
Jewish.
JS: Right.
RG: This was in 1946. God, I hated it. Plus it was so hot, coming from a European climate.
And in fact, when I got to the railroad station…back in those days, trains, everything was
segregated, and I, myself, had never seen an Afro-American person. And the terrific, intense
heat when I got off the train…I was still wearing winter clothes. This was May 13, 1946. Uh, I
thought when I saw these black people, I thought that was a deep suntan, because it was so…you
have no conception the heat, from…coming from Europe to that.
(18:27)
RG: So, I really hated it there. Back those days, America had a quota system, I don’t know if
they do now. And I was on the Austrian quota, that’s why I was able to come here in ’46. But
my father had been…back in those days, sometimes it was Poland, sometimes it was Russia, in
1914. When his family escaped and went to Austria. So he was on the Polish quota, which the
United States had on a lower quota system. So he didn’t get here until 1947. And when he got
off the train, my aunt said “That’s your father.” And I really really didn’t know him. Because he
had been a business man prior to my…
JS: Right. Right.
RG: And then for seven years he’d been digging roads. He was real thin and he didn’t look like
the same person…I didn’t have that overwhelming feeling, like wow. That’s my father. You
know. But anyway, he hated Birmingham, too. So he stayed like two weeks. And he went to
New York. And people that he had done business with prior to the war, and started with the
feather business. Because he was working for someone. It wasn’t his own business.
(20:02)
JS: Right.
RG: So I stayed in Birmingham until 1949, and he used to write letters…you know, how lonely
he is, blah blah blah. So I thought I would go to New York, because I had heard better things
about New York. And I went there and he put me up with some friends of his, from Switzerland.

�So I only saw him on weekends anyway. And then on my seventeenth birthday, I made a lot of
friends in Brooklyn, and they made me a surprise birthday party. It was a Saturday night. I
called him up to tell him and he wasn’t home. And the next morning he came to the house where
I was staying and said, “c’mon get up. I got married last night.” So he had married this woman
that he had also met in Switzerland. From Stuttgart, and her husband had been killed.
(21:10)
RG: And, back in those days, it was hard to get apartments and everything.
JS: Right.
RG: So they had gotten a furnished apartment in Queens, New York. And that was also a funny
story. The people that lived in the other floor, they were also, had lived in England, and the
mother-in-law, she came over one day and she was talking and she said, “Yes, I came over on
the ship called the Drottningholm.” Which was the ship I came on. And she said, “Oh my
goodness, you’re the little girl they carried on board screaming.” She remembered me. And I
was seasick the whole ten days. It took ten days.
(22:00)
RG: And then finally, they were able…my father was able to get an apartment in Brooklyn. We
moved to Brooklyn. We moved to…back in those days, it was the biggest high school in the
United States, Erasmus Hall. And I graduated from Erasmus Hall and went into Brooklyn
College for two years. And I quit to get married. And said I would go back within a year. Oh,
well, yes. It’s fifty four years later and I never did. Unfortunately. And, I met my husband in
Brooklyn and, he had escaped, I think I mentioned, from Germany. And was in Ireland. So we
were always in next door countries. When I came to Alabama, he came to Connecticut.
JS: Not quite so next door.
RG: Well, (laughs). He came to Brooklyn and I came to Brooklyn and that’s how we met.
JS: And how much older was he than you?
RG: A lot. Eleven years actually.
JS: Did he say much about what it was like to be in Ireland during the war?
(23:17)
RG: Yeah, well, what happened was the Jewish community in Ireland donated land. And a lot
of these kids…well, some of them were older, in their twenties, or fifteen, sixteen, seventeen.
But they built it up, made it like a farm. And they grew vegetables and stuff, for the soldiers.
And it was in Drogheda, and he went back in 1980, no I think 1990, went and looked at it. They
didn’t have hardly any bombing.
JS: Was he in Northern Ireland, the British part, or… okay. Because if he was in the Irish
Republic, that was a neutral country at that point.

�(24:12) Note: sound quality shifts at this point. Difficult to hear RG.
RG: So then, he had family that also escaped in 1914, and ended up in Connecticut. And that’s
how he…put an ad in the paper, and anybody related to Nathan [unclear] Glanz, back then, you
used to have two last names. And he immediately got an answer from a great aunt of his. And
so she sponsored him and within three weeks, he was there to see her. Cause the German quota
was larger.
JS: Right.
RG: So, that’s my story. That’s how I, uh…
(25:12)
JS: Okay. If we may, I’d like to go back a little bit here, to what was going on in England.
During that period when you were living in Coventry and so forth, how much were you aware of
what was going in in Europe and the world? Were you paying attention to that kind of thing?
RG: Oh, yeah. We used to…
(Brief interruption to change microphone.)
(26:03)
JS: I was asking you about following news of the war and so forth. So how did you learned
about things?
RG: Well, we read the newspaper. And we had broadcasts every night, on the radio. There was
no such thing as tv. And they used to play, every night, the national anthems of each allied
country. On the radio. We always stayed up to listen to that. And, you know, you knew what
was going on, somewhat. Not everything.
JS: How worried did people seem to be, in the first couple of years in the war?
RG: Very. Very worried. England, when I first got adopted, seemed to think, from what I
understood, that Hitler was going to be there any day. This was in September of ’39. Well, that
was when the war started. And, yeah. We had so many air raids.
(27:18)
RG: And it was…two specific times I remember… as I said, my uncle was a stretcher bearer.
And he was gone for five days. I think it was in 1940 or ’41, I don’t know. We had straight
bombing. It just never ever stopped.
JS: Yeah. It was late in 1940, was a major attack.
RG: And we didn’t see him for five days. You know, my aunt was frantic. And then he finally
came home. And of course, they bombed the hospital, too. And then Coventry was very famous
for its cathedral. And the shell of the cathedral is still standing. I mean, I’ve been back, many
many times. And it was just like an empty hole. And the only thing that was left, which was

�amazing to most people, was a little plaque that said “In God We Trust.” Which is still there.
And now next to it, they’ve built this beautiful ultra-modern cathedral, which is very
controversial because people think it’s a little too modern. But basically, Coventry was like
wiped off the map. They bombed everything.
JS: And was there a lot of damage in the neighborhoods that you were living in, at least at first?
(28:47)
RG: Yeah. I remember walking to school and the houses were like piles of rubble. Once I saw
a hand, an arm. Another time, this was terrible, I saw a head sticking out. And we had our
classes, mostly, in the air raid shelter, because…and we would have a little board, a little
blackboard like this (motions a square with her hands), each, with a little piece of chalk. Cause
we had no paper.
JS: Right.
RG: In fact, this is ridiculous, but we didn’t even have toilet paper. We used to have to use
newspaper. I mean people here can’t comprehend what it was like. It’s hard for me, even, to
comprehend what it was like at that time. But, like I say, certain things, I’ll never forget.
(29:47)
RG: Like in Vienna, they used to walk along and women, men, kids, they used to say “Sieg
Heil.” It was unbelievable. That’s why it’s really hard to comprehend how people can be that
way.
JS: Did your father tell you much about what life was like in Vienna before the Nazis got there?
RG: Oh, it was wonderful. That’s why I said to him, how come you kept staying there? So he
said, well, what do you think, that I would ever believe that this crazy person would make
something of himself. We never thought it would happen. And I had two businesses. I had an
apartment building. We had everything. And I wasn’t going to leave because I thought nothing
would ever happen. And, now, he had nothing.
(30:54)
RG: I mean, he tried to get like retribution, or whatever it’s called, but he never did. But he
died, he was 89 years old. Here, he died in Brooklyn, so at least he had some peace. But, ah, he
kept…I used to say to him, why didn’t you leave before? Because I’ve spoken to several people
that did leave, and he said, why would you leave your business, your property and everything.
Because this was a crazy person.
(31:42)
JS: Yeah. And it was a little bit different being in Austria, rather than being in Germany, too.
RG: Well, from what I understand, the Austrians were worse than the Germans, as far as being
anti-semitic. Then I had an aunt and uncle, they were both physicians, and they were head of
what was called the Krankenkase, which was like socialized medicine. And they were able to

�get out with their two sons to the Dominican Republic. And then…that was my mother’s brother
and his wife. Then my father had a sister, another sister, that was able with her husband to get to
Mexico. Because people, if you had a visa, you got on a boat, if you had enough money and you
didn’t even know where you were going.
(32:39)
RG: So, like I said, my father was one of eight. But they all got killed. And my mother, her
brother and sister and her husband and child, they were all killed. But one story, which I will
never forget, this was right, the day after they took my father away. November. We had an egg
man, which we used to call the schwendler, which meant “the swindler.” He came all the time,
delivered eggs and the cook would always give him coffee and everything. It was like, friendly
person. Well, the day after they took my father away, he came to the house, and we had this big
china closet, like, which I didn’t realize, but there was a bunch of gold dishes in there. Which I
certainly didn’t care about. And he came and he took my doll carriage and he went like this
(motions with her hands), and swept these gold dishes into the doll carriage. And was pushing it
away and I was screaming and grabbing his leg. And my nurse came over and she’s pulling me
away.
(34:00)
RG: I mean, later, when I came to Birmingham, my aunt told me “those dishes were real gold,”
because my mother’s brother had owned a goldmine. And, I mean, I didn’t really care about the
dishes. But my doll carriage, that was a very upsetting, traumatizing thing for me. Which seems
silly now, but…
JS: It doesn’t sound silly at all.
RG: I can’t forget…I can still see his face. And like I say, he must have been aware of what was
going on because why else did he come the day after they took my father away.
JS: That’s also right at the time when they had Kristallnacht.
RG: It was Kristallnacht. November 10th. But, anyway, I told you I forgot my German. So
when my father married my step-mother, she was illiterate in all languages. So I was trying to
teach her English to become a citizen. And my German all came back to me. She never did
learn English. Because I was teaching her, well, back then, there’s forty eight states in the
United States, you know. And five boroughs in New York. And I took her for her citizenship
papers and they asked her how many states in the United States, and she said, “funf,”which is
five. But then they passed her anyway. But that’s how my German came back to me. But I
don’t like to speak German because it brings back too many bad memories.
(35:56)
JS: Sure. Now in England, you had there’s a period early in the war where the Germans do a lot
of bombing, and this is a phase after that, where a lot of that lightened up. Did life get somewhat
more normal or were there continually raids at night?

�RG: Oh, in Coventry, it was like every night. We had…they did two hours daylight savings
time. Which was ridiculous. Because they thought they wouldn’t come if it was daylight. Well,
like I told you that one instance, they bombed five days and nights straight.
JS: Right.
RG: And it was terrible…I can’t really remember. It was a nightly thing it seemed like, every
night.
JS: Throughout 1940 and ’41, they did a lot. After that, they were running lower on bombers
and needed them other places.
RG: Yeah.
JS: But they still did conduct raids.
(36:58)
RG: A lot. And then I told you we moved to Nuneaton. It was like Kentwood to Grand Rapids,
maybe. So it wasn’t as bad, but you could hear. And when the war was over, it was June 6, I
remember we had this big block party. And my aunt made me a costume out of the blackout
curtain. I mean, that was her job. She used to go around as an air raid warden, looking for little
specks of light coming through the window. But Nuneaton never did get bombed that much, but
Coventry was unbelievable.
(37:55)
JS: Now did you see anything of American or foreign soldiers during the war? Were they based
anywhere around there?
RG: I saw a baseball game. Yep. American soldiers. A bunch of us went and we were sitting
in the stands. And they were playing baseball. And this one friend, her name was Marie, and the
baseball came and hit her right here. (points to forehead) And she was, like, unconscious for
quite a while. That was my first impression of baseball. Ugh…and then also there was this, let’s
see, a distant distant relative. He must have been in the American Navy. And he came over. My
aunt in Birmingham had told him where we were living and everything. And he was stationed
not far from Coventry. And he came (laughs) and he brought Planter’s peanuts, two one pound
cans, and as I said, we had hardly any food and certainly hardly any candy, everything was
rationed. So I pigged out on these Planter’s peanuts.
(39:19)
RG: And it was around Christmas time, and one day I just passed out, and I had a ruptured
appendix. And apparently, what the doctor had said back then, it was from eating all these
peanuts. Aggravated my appendix and caused it to rupture. But that was my, ah, being a pig,
actually. And another time my aunt had sent me from America, some chewing gum. And I was
caught in class, chewing gum. Which you weren’t allowed to chew. We didn’t have any gum.
So I got kept after school, I was walking home by myself. It was about 4 o’clock and sirens
went, and it was the rule that you had to get into an air raid shelter. Cause we had them along the

�road. But most people had their own. In the house. So I went in and it was empty. I stayed
there a while and it was dark. And I was scared of the dark. I must have been about eight, I
think. So I started to run away from the shelter. And there was a direct hit on the air raid shelter.
(40:38)
JS: Oh, wow.
RG: So I guess I had a guardian angel someplace cause I had a couple of narrow escapes. But,
other than that, I guess I’m lucky to be alive. Because most of my family didn’t make it. So…
(41:04)
JS: As families go, you had a pretty good record. You had relatives who got out.
RG: Yeah. Two aunts. And my mother’s brother. They later got to New York. Of course,
they’re all dead now. But, yeah, they managed to get out.
JS: It’s a remarkable story and thank you for telling it to us today.
RG: You’re welcome. I’m glad I survived to tell it. (Laughs)
(41:30)

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                <text>Rita Glanz was one of the 10,000 Jewish children saved before WWII started as a result of the Kinder Transport.  Her father, a successful businessman, was driven out of Austria and into Switzerland by the Nazis.  Mrs. Glanz was taken in by a couple from Coventry, in Great Britain, and remained with them for the duration of the war.  Afterwards, her father wrote letters to Winston Churchill and George VI, and managed to get his daughter out of there.  She spent three years with relatives in Birmingham, Alabama.  She grew up in New York, graduated from high schoo, and  spent two years in college before getting married. Her husband had escaped from Germany to Ireland, eventually coming to the United States.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
World War II
Alida Glas
Length of Interview: 42:35
(00:08)
JS: We’re talking today with Alida Glas of Kentwood, Michigan. The interviewer is James
Smither of Grand Valley State University. Mrs. Glas, can you start by telling us a little bit about
your personal background? For instance, where were you born?
AG: I was born in Broek op Langedijk, North Holland.
JS: And is that near a city?
AG: It’s north of, about twenty miles north of Amsterdam.
JS: Okay. And what year were you born?
AG: I was born in 1930.
JS: Okay. Right. Now what did your family do?
AG: My dad worked for a marketplace. We had mostly truck farming in the area. He worked at
the place where they would bring it to market.
JS: Okay. And where did you go to school?
AG: I went to school, a Christian school in Broek op Landedijk. And I went to high school in
Noord-Scharwoude, it was the village over.
JS: Okay. Now, as the war in Europe was starting, the German attacked Poland in 1939 and so
forth, were you aware at all of what was going on? Or did your father talk about that sort of
thing?
AG: My dad was called up. He was in the Army, in Den Helder, which was a coastal town
north of us.
(01:16)
JS: So he would have been a reservist. About how old do you think he was then?
AG: He must have been about mid-thirties.
JS: What was his reaction to being called up?

�AG: Well, he knew it was necessary. He didn’t like it.
JS: Now did he, or the people in your community, did they hope the Germans would just leave
the Netherlands alone? Cause in World War I, the Germans, they invaded Belgium, but they left
the Netherlands neutral. What were people thinking then?
AG: Well, I think they realized they weren’t going to escape this time. And we couldn’t stay
neutral. They had hoped to.
(01:57)
JS: All right. So there’s a period there of a few months where not much is happening. And then
in May of 1940, the Germans attack the Netherlands. What do you remember about those
events? Or what did you see or hear about them?
AG: Well, I remember waking up real early in the morning, by what I thought was the neighbor
lady’s beating the rug. Cause it was Friday morning and it was usually house-cleaning days for
the Dutch ladies. And they would hang their rugs on the clothesline and be beating them. And I
thought, what? My neighbor is awful early, and waking me up like that. Then we heard the
noise of the airplanes and they were bombing the airfield, close by.
(02:40)
JS: All right. And what happened to your father? Was your father away from the action, or…
AG: Well, he was north of there. And there actually wasn’t any fighting there, because they
dropped parachuters in the center of the country, close to Amsterdam and Utrecht. And Haag,
and that’s where most of the fighting was.
JS: And did you hear much about it, what actually happened, when the Germans landed?
AG: Well, we listened to the radio all day, of course. It was…the whole thing was very scary.
And hard to imagine what was going on.
JS: Now, did you see any Germans before the surrender?
AG: No.
(03:30)
JS: And do you remember hearing about any events or things that happened, while the fighting
was gong on?
AG: Well, we knew that a lot of our soldiers were being killed. And, I was kind of glad that my
dad was where he was. But the fighting only lasted about five days, and that’s when they
bombed Rotterdam. And they bombed Rotterdam, not just the harbor but the whole city. And
that’s when the Queen gave up, the government…

�JS: All right. Was there an announcement over the radio, that the country was surrendering,
or…
AG: (nods head) Yeah. They had no choice.
(04:15)
JS: All right. Now, then what happened in your community after the surrender? Did Germans
come in? Did government change?
AG: Not at first. We were just a small town. So we didn’t notice it that much. My dad came
home and he was very angry. He said, "I didn’t even fire a shot." And, he was really…very
angry about the whole thing.
JS: What political preferences, or affiliations did your father have?
AG: Well, it was a Christian party. Yeah, he was involved in that.
JS: Now was it a Christian democratic party that didn’t like the Nazis?
AG: (laughs) That’s for sure. He…I don’t know how to say this, but they were involved, he
was very much involved in it. And it was mainly through the Christian Reformed Church, that
this party was from, and the Reformed Church. I think they were about eleven parties in
Holland. Instead of joining together…they should have done that, but…
(05:32)
JS: There were some conservative parties in some countries that affiliated with the Nazis or
made friends with them. And others didn’t. So it was sort of clear that he did not like them?
AG: Oh, no. Oh, no. He was very anti-Nazi.
JS: Now did he continue working in the same job that he had before?
AG: Yes. Yes.
JS: Now, you said at first you didn’t notice much change, or difference in things. Now what
kinds of things started to change as the war went on? Or in what ways did you rally start to feel
the effect of the situation?
AG: Well, we…everything was being rationed, you know. And the products of the vegetables,
all that was sent to Germany by the trainload. And we stood in line for everything. I mean, I
remember standing in line for a bunch of carrots. To this day, I hate to stand in line.
JS: Now did you have a garden or anything at your own house? Were you able to grow
anything?

�AG: Not much. There were people who were the farmers themselves, you know, the truck
farmers. They had some gardens. But my dad worked at the place where they brought the stuff
for sale, so quite often they would give him some, of their products.
(06:55)
JS: Now was there less and less stuff for sale, as the war went on?
AG: Oh, yeah. We had rationing for everything. Even for textile products, I mean, so many
points is what they called them, for clothing, towels, sheets. I mean, we had nothing any more. I
mean, it wore out and you couldn’t replace it.
JS: Did your family do better, do you think, than some other people that were in the village, or
was everyone kind of sharing what they had?
AG: I don’t think we did better. I think the ones that had their own farm did much better. We
ate pretty poorly there, for quite a while.
JS: In what other ways did the war affect the community or the people within it?
(07:43)
AG: Well, we did get occupation in our village after a while, and they took over the bigger
homes. Our home was not bigger, fortunately. But right next door, they were in the home. And
the home across the street. So you were surrounded by those people.
JS: Okay. So the German soldiers there, what impression did you have of them? What did they
look like? How did they behave?
AG: They didn’t behave very well. I mean, the homes that they were in, some were better than
others, but some they would just deliberately destroy, I think. And the people who had to give
up their homes, they could have a room in the back. And fend for themselves. They took over
the best part of the house.
(08:39)
JS: And did they just take things from the house or wreck things?
AG: (nods head) Yeah. And later on in the war, after the invasion began they would dig up to
the front yard, to put gun emplacements in the front yard. If it was in the bend of the road, then
they would be able to take care of that whole street. With the gun.
JS: Now, did you have much contact or communication with the German soldiers? Did you talk
to any of them?
AG: No. My dad, the place where he worked, they had most of their stuff stored. Cause it was
a big storage place, also, for the fruits and vegetables that were sold there. And they had all their
hay there, cause they were still horse cavalry.

�JS: Well, the Germans had horse drawn transportation for everything but the motorized
divisions, so…
AG: That’s right.
JS: Most of the regular units, or certainly the ones that would be in occupation in the
Netherlands, yeah, they would get around with horses and horse carts.
(09:33)
AG: Right. And they had their hay and their straw, all that was stored in that building there. So
my dad, he talked to one of the soldiers, and he was an Austrian and he was compelled to occupy
the country, so he got along okay with him.
JS: Now did your father ever speak any German?
AG: Somewhat. He always read a lot. He was self-taught.
JS: You mentioned before the interview that your father was also interested in writing, and
writing for newspapers. Did he…
AG: Yeah, he was writing editorials. Pieces for the paper.
JS: Now, what was…so there were still independent newspapers being published in the
Netherlands then?
AG: (nods yes) They just had to be careful what they said.
(10:04)
JS: How careful was your father in what he wrote?
AG: Not too careful.
JS: What kinds of things could he write about?
AG: Well, he would tell them the things that weren’t right with the country, you know. And I
was a child. I didn’t read so much of that.
JS: Right. Right. But he found ways to do it that didn’t get him arrested.
AG: That’s right.
(10:45)
JS: Now describe a bit about the German soldiers, themselves. How old do you think they
were? Were these older men? Were they boys?

�AG: They were older men, but not the commanders. They were in their twenties, I think. But a
lot of them were older me, especially later on in the war, they were really…well, you know, you
would call them older men, in their late forties.
JS: Now were their people in your village or community who were friendly with the Germans,
or got along with them?
AG: (nods yes) Yes. Absolutely. And they were…they were shunned in the village. People
did not want to go around with them.
(11:30)
JS: Did most people in the village just try to stay away from the Germans?
AG: Yeah.
JS: Now what happened to the population of the village? Were there people who had to leave
and go work in Germany, or anything like that?
AG: Well, they disappeared, you know, as soon as they had a calling up. They wouldn’t go.
JS: Explain that. A calling up? What do you mean by that?
AG: Well, being called up for the service. For working in Germany. As soon as you were
eighteen, you were eligible to work in Germany, in the munitions factories. And you
were…people just didn’t want to do that, so those boys disappeared.
JS: And where did they go?
AG: They would hide in other towns. They just wouldn’t have the papers.
(12:21)
JS: Right.
AG: And so we had an underground working. They would go out on raids and steal papers.
From…
JS: Right. Steal identification papers.
AG: Yes. And they would make out their own papers. They had forgeries. So in order to get
food, you had to have your papers.
JS: Now were the Germans sort of trying to catch these people, or did they have Dutch police
helping them?
AG: Oh, yes. We had raids. There was quite a bit of that.

�JS: Now did any of the raids ever come in your house?
AG: They did, yeah.
JS: Can you describe a little bit what happened when…
(13:01)
AG: Well, they’d just go through the whole house, you know. And they were rough with
everything. And sometimes you could tell that they had been told to go. There were betrayers in
the village. And they were running an illegal press in the neighboring village, that my dad was
also involved with. Cause we were listening to a radio illegally. We were supposed to turn in
the radios.
JS: Now were you able…did you listen to the BBC?
AG: Right. In fact, we had our neighbor’s radio. He had a beautiful radio. And he was afraid
to keep it. So my dad told him, I’ll take care of it for ya.
JS: Now did he have a place to hide the radio?
AG: Well, our house was built, the bottom part was brick, the top was wood. And no insulation.
There was a bedroom upstairs and in the top of the bedroom, in the attic where he could barely
bend over, that’s where the radio was. But it was on the street side. And I think anybody being
on the street would be able to hear it. (Laughs) So one night, I remember that real well, he was
up there and some of the neighbors came in. And they would trust people, to hear the latest
news. Especially towards the end of the war, we were really getting desperate. So he was
listening to it, and it was after curfew, and we hear the steps in front of the house. Well, we
knew, we had the Germans right next door. We knew their steps. They had the heavy boots.
And they stopped right in front of our house while my dad is listening to the radio upstairs.
(14:54)
AG: So, we managed to tell him to turn it off right away, because he hadn’t noticed. And we all
kind of panicked.
JS: That would be pretty scary at that point.
AG: So a couple of the guys said we’ll go outside and see what’s going on, because, we were
afraid. Cause if we were caught, we would have been sent to a concentration camp, the whole
bunch of us.
JS: Now did that happen to some people in your village? Were there families that got arrested
and taken away?
AG: Well, yeah. Not very many though, because they usually got warning in time. Those fellas
went outside in the pitch dark. One went one way and the other went the other way and they

�meet each other in the middle and the each thought the other was a German. So they grabbed
each other by the throat and started fighting and they realized…
JS: Oh, that they had found each other. (Laughter)
(15:47)
AG: So I mean some strange things happened, you know.
JS: Now you could learn things that were happening in the war by listening to the BBC. Also,
could you observe anything…for instance, a lot of Allied bombers flew back and forth over the
Netherlands. Could you see those as they flew over?
AG: Oh, yeah. We were right in the flight path. And hundreds of them would go over at once,
you know. It was unbelievable. The windows would be rattling. It was very scary. Not so
much on the way over, but coming back. You could hear if the engines weren’t going right.
You knew that some of them were crippled.
JS: So damaged planes were flying over. Did any planes crash? Or parachute…
(16:33)
AG: One did. Right, oh, I’d say, a couple of hundred yards right behind our house. And the
pilot ejected. And he was never caught. So I think somebody in the village helped him, we
never knew who, but he must have taken care of him. They would send them through Belgium
to Spain, and back to England.
JS: Right. Through the underground network. And, now, did you have anti-aircraft defenses in
your area? Did the Germans have those kinds of defenses someplace else?
AG: Oh, no. They were there. In the airfield close by.
(17:16)
JS: Now, about what time of the day or night did the aircraft go by, normally?
AG: Well, they went during the day and they went at night.
JS: That’s right. Because the Americans went during the day and the British went at night.
So…
AG: And they’d come back in the night. And, I didn’t sleep very good after that plane crash.
Cause I’d be listening. You’d wake up and you’d be shivering in your bed. And you’d
wonder…you’d listen if the engines would go all right. You could hear it on the engine if
something was wrong.
JS: Now were there places near where you lived that actually got attacked by aircraft? Positions
that got bombed, or were you in a quiet enough place that that didn’t happen?

�(17:57)
AG: Well, towards the last winter, in fact the last year of the war, they told us not to go into
anything that was moving, cause they’d come and they shoot…they shot at everything that
moved. Boats or buses or cars. So everything came to a standstill.
JS: Right, because they were…how far were you from the areas that the Allies occupied in the
fall of ’44? Cause they went into the Netherlands, they attacked at Arnhem, but that would have
been some way east and south of where you were.
AG: Right.
(18:28)
JS: Now when that invasion is going on, were you hoping and learning about that and hoping
they would keep going?
AG: Oh, yeah. We heard it over the BBC. That’s all we heard, because according to the
Germans, everything was going fine for them. Their news, you just couldn’t listen to it.
JS: So the German news continued to act like basically everything was okay?
AG: Oh, yeah. They had strategic withdrawals. (laughs) You know, that’s how they used to
tell us. So…
(19:00)
JS: So they did to some extent concede that this was actually happening. What the outcome was
there on the continent and that they were moving forward.
AG: Oh course, they were winning that battle, at Arnhem. And that was terrible. My dad
thought, now we’re never going to get out from under. And he was always listening to the BBC
and he knew what was going on.
JS: Now did you know any people who wound up being involved in the Resistance, or…
AG: Oh, yeah.
JS: How old… were they all different ages, or…
AG: Well, most of them were young fellas. The ones, as soon as they were fifteen, you had
what you call your personal papers. And by the time they were eighteen, they were sent to
Germany. And those fellas all disappeared. We had one at our house. I didn’t see much of him,
but he slept in our barn, in the attic. But in the day time, he was gone and worked on the illegal
press.
(20:04)
JS: So you people really were right in the middle of things.

�AG: Oh, yes. We were.
JS: And you could have gotten into a while lot of trouble, if the wrong ones found out. But I
would guess that…if the Germans never came in and found anything, and they didn’t arrest your
father…
AG: No. The press was not at our house. But he would have the papers. In fact, I personally
delivered some of those papers to people that we trusted.
(20:31)
JS: So you had your list.
AG: Yeah.
JS: I have the impression that most of the people in the village were pretty much on the same
side you were.
AG: They were. But there were some that were more afraid than others.
JS: Now in what other ways did the war sort of affect life in your village? For instance, did you
have… were there refugees who came through?
AG: Yes. We had refugees mostly from Den Helder, which was the city where my dad was. On
the coast. And that was bombed. And those people all came walking down. And there was
really no organization. They were just taken in by people as they went along.
(21:14)
JS: And did your family take any people in?
AG: We had one man there for a while. But our house was small. It was really a two bedroom
home. There was not, you know, very well suited to have too many people in there.
JS: Right. And I think with what you had written about your experience before, you mentioned
that there was a young girl who stayed with you at some point?
AG: Yeah.
JS: Can you tell us a little bit about her?
AG: Well, she came with her sister, walking. They came for food, you know. They lived in
Haarlem and they came with a handcart. And they came to get food. And they stopped at our
house. It was towards evening and I think they were just dead tired. So my mom took them in
and we shared what food we had with them. And the older sister went back home, and she
stayed with us. She was my age. And she stayed with us for the rest of the war.
(22:09)

�JS: About how long was that then?
AG: A couple years.
JS: All right. Did you get to know her very well? Did she keep to herself?
AG: Well, I knew her very well. We slept in the same bedroom, I mean. But she was very
closed mouth and I always wondered about her. And I think her name was, it was a German
name, I wondered if something was wrong, because she never talked about her folks.
(22:34)
JS: Is it possible she was Jewish, or just…
AG: No. She wasn’t Jewish. But I wonder if they were collaborators. On her folks side.
Because we never heard from her folks and she never talked about them.
JS: Of course, if they had been collaborators, they might have been better taken care of and
wouldn’t have had to go looking for food.
AG: That’s true, yeah.
JS: It was very hard to tell. And she wasn’t telling you anything…
AG: She wasn’t telling us a thing. But, I got along okay with her. And we were, we went to
school. She was in high school, the same as I was.
JS: Now how many children were in your family?
AG: I had a sister that was four years younger and then a brother was twelve years younger. We
were spread out. And my fourth…my other brother wasn’t born until after the war.
(23:26)
JS: Okay. And let’s see, you were talking about different kinds of rationing and shortages and
so forth. So food, clothing. Did it affect fuel, heating?
AG: Yeah. We used to have just a round stove in the living room. And we used to burn coal in
there, you know. But coal was very hard to get, so we ended up having to burn wood. But it was
hard to get wood, because in the first place there aren’t as many trees, like there are in Michigan.
So, there weren’t any trees left in the village.
JS: Was your father able to get scrap wood from where he worked, or anything like that?
AG: Oh, whatever he could find, yep. And like I said, they were so desperate, they were
stealing the railroad ties from between the tracks. So, a lot of stuff went on at night after curfew
that shouldn’t have been.

�(24:25)
JS: Now did the Germans over the course of time get increasingly harsh or angry? Did their
behavior get worse as the war went on, or did they stay about the same?
AG: Yeah. Well, you know, these were older guys, and I think a lot of them were Austrians that
didn’t really want to be there in the first place. But there were some that were pretty nasty. Yep.
JS: By the end of the war, what kind of food did you have? The stories go that the civilian
populations in the Netherlands gather less and less food and the Germans took more and more
away from them, because the Dutch didn’t help them enough.
AG: Well, we, ah, my dad managed to get sugar beets. And I remember standing there over a
big tub, grating them. And then we cooked the pulp and used the syrup for bread. And the bread
that they had was terrible. And I remember they said it was made from beans instead of from
flour. It was just…it would stick to your mouth and you could hardly chew it. A terrible taste.
It filled your stomach, but that was it. Then we had that syrup over it. And then, somebody had
a poppy field. And they got oil from that. You know, they tried to get a bottle of this…And I
remember there wasn’t anything to make clothes from and we did our knitting, of course. And I
remember going to the back country on the bike and getting a sheep skin from a farm. This was
illegal too.
(26:11)
AG: And, but my mom had gotten a hold of a spinning wheel and we cleaned it, the sheep skin,
ourselves and she spun yarn. It wasn’t the best. There were a lot of knobs in it, but at least I
could knit myself a sweater.
JS: But there was enough yarn there to make something you could actually use?
AG: Yeah.
JS: Yeah. A lot of this kind of thing is very difficult for a lot of Americans to imagine, because
we did not go through that kind of thing here and did not have those kinds of things for a very
long time. Are there other things like that that you remember? Things that characterize what it
was like to live there at that time?
AG: Well, the bikes. You know, it was all traffic by bike. And the tires wore out and there was
no replacement for it. So, then they came with wooden tires. And that was terrible. (laughter)
So, we tried it once and we said we’d rather walk. So I went to high school, so I had to walk to
our village and then the next village and then the third village, I was in the high school. So I
walked quite a ways every day.
JS: About how long did it take you to walk to school?
(27:25)
AG: Oh, about forty minutes. And then we’d stay for lunch, such as it was. But there were
times when there was no bread. We could always get some potatoes because we lived in an area

�where a lot of potatoes were grown. So I’d walk home at noon and then back to school again.
Got my exercise.
JS: Right. Were the farmers able to kind of hide away some of what they grew?
AG: I think they probably did, yeah. They couldn’t possibly control everything, you know. But
for people who did not grow their own, it was very hard.
(28:02)
JS: Now you were probably still a little better off than people in the cities…
AG: Oh, yeah.
JS: At least there were farmers around and you were…
AG: People in the cities, they were starving, absolutely. Living in the country, we didn’t do so
well either. We did get a lot of disease. And my dad had to work out in the cold, with not really
enough warm clothing. He developed lung problems. And then the whole family had dysentery.
Cause of the food we had, which was pretty awful.
JS: What kind of medical care did you have?
AG: Well, there wasn’t anything. There were no medications. So, they said beets was good for
dysentery, so we ate beets. (laughs)
JS: Were there any doctors around?
AG: We had a doctor in the village, but like I said, everything was in short supply. And, it was
just pretty awful.
(29:03)
JS: Now, were you aware of the kinds of things the Germans were doing, and that the Jews were
being deported?
AG: Oh, yeah. Well, at first we didn’t want to believe it, until they started going through the
village too, you know. And even if you were Aryan, as they called it, and you were married to a
Jew, they considered you a Jew. And the same with the children. It was unbelievable. And they
stole everything they had. A lot of the Jews, especially in the Amsterdam area, were better off.
they had nice possessions and that was all stolen from them. You read the book from Anne
Frank, and you know.
(29:47)
JS: Now during the war, did you know that the Germans were actually taking people off and
killing them, or did you just think they were going into prison camps somewhere?

�AG: We thought they were going into concentration camps. Later on we heard through the BBC
what was happening to them, too, you know.
JS: Okay. Now, do you remember what it was like as the war was coming to an end? In the
spring of 1945, the Allies actually get into Germany. Your area was still being controlled by the
Germans. What was it like to be listening to that?
AG: Oh, we lived for the radio news. We really did.
JS: As it got close to the end, did the Germans begin to change their behavior at all, to begin to
think that maybe these people know?
(30:33)
AG: Well, yeah. They did allow us, in April, they did allow us to have bread sent from Sweden,
who was neutral. And it was white bread from Sweden, and like I said, it tasted like cake.
(laughs) We hadn’t had bread like that for years.
JS: But did they continue to search for resisters, and radios and all that?
AG: Oh, yeah. Yeah, yeah. Some were pretty mean, too. But we couldn’t wait for it to end.
JS: Now, did our father ever get into trouble, get questioned or interrogated, things like that?
AG: Well, one time when there was a raid, he just happened to run into them. And then the
fella, the soldier that was walking ahead of the wagon that had the prisoners in it, he told him,
Dableiben. Stay right there. And he walked on and Dad didn’t stay right there. So, he ran, into
the marketplace where there were a lot of different buildings and he managed to find a hiding
place. But that…where we lived, it was mostly canals. And farmers would go to work by boat.
And they’d have maybe one acre lot here, and one there, and it was all surrounded by water. So,
the minute we had warnings about the raids, they all took to the fields. And since there weren’t
any helicopters, they could get away with that. Hide out in the boats in the canals.
(32:19)
JS: The boats in the canals is where you could get out of sight relatively easily. Now did the
Germans let them keep the boats?
AG: Well, it was their livelihood. It was the only way they could get their produce off the field.
So they had to leave them the boats. And, uh, it just was a good thing that we had that.
JS: All right. Now, how did you learned that the war was over, that the Germans actually
surrendered?
AG: Well, we heard news the day before that they surrendered, but we, so we all, I think I was
in bed already, and the news went through. Of course, we couldn’t stay in bed then. (laughs)
And we all ran outside and everybody was in the street, making a lot of noise, and happy.

�JS: What did the Germans in the town do?
(33:10)
AG: And then the Germans started shooting in the air, because it wasn’t official yet. And I
thought, we’re going to get killed now, the day before? You know. So we all ran back home
again. It was just so frightening. They were just flexing their muscles yet, again, I guess.
JS: And then what happened the next day?
AG: The next day, the Germans walked out.
JS: So they just left? They just left everything behind.
AG: Yep. They didn’t look quite so brave then. And we were dancing in the street.
(33:43)
JS: Now how long was it before any Allied forces or any Dutch people working with them came
into your village?
AG: Well, most of them were in the southern part of the Netherlands. And we had Canadians
troops, mostly. And we would see them come by on motorcycles and they would go to the
official buildings. In fact, one of them kind of stopped, I was kind of mad about that…I was
standing there with a couple of girls and a Canadian on a big bike stopped and asked for the
distribution center, and I was the only one that understood him, and I was trying to explain it and
one of the girls hops on the bike and off she went. (Laughter) I wasn’t happy about that, I know
that. But, anyway, that’s what happened.
(34:33)
JS: How long was it before you started to get in some food and things like that?
AG: Oh, that still took a while. We did get a lot of stuff already in April, because they were
dropping it. They dropped it from the planes.
JS: Oh, okay. And then the Germans didn’t manage to take all of that?
AG: No. They didn’t. They let us have it. I think they realized by then that it was the end for
them. And we used to get Spam, which was wonderful stuff. And corned beef hash and stuff
we’d never had before. And I think a lot of people get sick, because there, all of a sudden, we
had rich food. And I remember, my mom and I both had hepatitis. We were sick when the war
was over, and it was kind of hard, because then we weren’t allowed to eat all of that.
JS: Right. It took a while to get your system to be able to handle those things.
AG: That’s right.
(35:32)

�JS: Now what did your father do after the war then?
AG: He went back to his job in the village. But he was very unhappy with it.
JS: What did he want to do?
AG: Well, he had wanted to be a teacher, but he was the only son with ten sisters and he had to
be on the farm. His dad wouldn’t allow him to go study. And he had taught himself some
German. Because they had had an exchange student from Hungary, in World War I, I guess. So
from him, he learned to speak German.
(36:09)
JS: And then he also, I guess, learned to write well enough to be writing for that newspaper.
AG: Oh, yeah. He was a very smart man. He just didn’t have the education. And so he was
just really disgusted that things went right back to the people who had collaborated and had been
hiding all this time, while they let the underground do all the work. So he said, I want to go to
America.
JS: So he wasn’t able to continue writing for the regular newspaper, then?
AG: No. The man came right back, the one who was so afraid before.
(36:45)
JS: So he decides to go to America. So when do you move to America?
AG: In ’48.
JS: And where did your family go? Did they come out here to Michigan?
AG: We came here with an empty liberty ship, cause there weren’t any liners at that time. So
we were the only passengers on board. And they had hauled coal to Europe. It was a pretty dirty
ship, because of the coal dust.
JS: Do you remember what time of year it was?
AG: Yeah. September.
JS: And what was the weather like on the ocean?
AG: Well, we were on the ship for thirteen days because we had to go around because of
hurricane season.
JS: Okay.
(37:23)

�AG: We weren’t in a hurricane ourselves but the sea was pretty rough. And we slept in sick
bay, in the back. And that was right above the screw, you know. And the ship would be going
up, and that screw would (motions a spin). They were afraid it would fly off. In fact, we were
all assigned to different life boats already. The whole things was kind of scary.
JS: Well, sure. Because, well, had you ever been in a bigger boat than the ones on the canals?
AG: No. I was brought up on the water. It didn’t scare me as far to be on a boat, but that storm
got my attention.
JS: All right. Once you got to America, where did you go?
AG: Our sponsor lived in Maryland, on the eastern shore. So that’s where we…we landed in
Newport News. Of course, he was waiting for us a couple of days already and we were late
because of the hurricane. So he was not a very happy man when we came. And he had a big
three hundred and fifty acre estate, he used to work for the government. But at that time, I guess,
Truman got in too, and he was a Republican, so he was out of favor, and…
(38:47)
JS: Well, the Republicans hadn’t been in favor for quite some time, but…
AG: Well, we didn’t know that much about it. Well, we knew Roosevelt, of course. We loved
Roosevelt. So my dad was a gardener there. And I worked as an upstairs maid, because it was a
big estate. And I didn’t trust my English enough to look for other work. And besides, they were
our sponsor, they wanted us to work for them. And we did. And then their grandma came into
town and Grandma was not the easiest person to live with. So they had got a little bungalow for
her in town and they wanted me to take care of her. Well, I lasted three months and that’s was it.
Because that lady belonged in a home. She wasn’t really normal anymore, you know. So then I
ended up in New Jersey. Cause people in New Jersey had a farm in Maryland and they loaned
me to them. And they were Dutch, originally. And they wanted to have a Dutch maid, so I
ended up in New Jersey. In Upper Montclair. Lived there for a year and a half and then my
folks moved to Michigan because my dad had a sister in Michigan.
(40:03)
JS: And what did your father do when he got to Michigan?
AG: He worked for a factory. And then he worked for the city of Kalamazoo. And then…but
his health was bad then, by that time. He died of a heart attack at 55. And, uh, so I was in New
Jersey for a year and a half, and then came to Kalamazoo and that’s where I met my husband.
(40:32)
JS: All right. Well, it’s a pretty remarkable story. Are there other things about that time that
you remember that we haven’t talked about yet? You’ve done a pretty good job of covering the
things that you’ve written about before.
AG: Um hmmm…

�JS: How do you think the whole experience affected you as a person?
AG: Well, I tell you, when I first came here, and I would hear sirens, I’d start crying. I don’t
know why but I just couldn’t control myself. But it was just those raids, they were so scary.
And it took a couple of years, to get over that.
JS: Do you think you had to grow up a little bit faster, just because of all of the stuff that went
on around you?
AG: Yes. And then also because I was the oldest in the family, and we had a small store for a
while. And I used to have to deliver the groceries. My dad used to do that. My mom ran the
grocery store while he worked at the marketplace. And then I had to deliver the groceries
because he was in a sanitarium for half a year because his lungs were bad. So I think, yeah, I had
to grow up a lot faster than…
JS: Now did they have the store during the war or after it?
(41:51)
AG: We had it during the war. But we ate the inventory. So after a couple of years, we had to
close the store. My dad had caught a bad cold and it was, he went to the eastern part of Holland,
which was higher ground. Not as damp as where we lived. And it was better for his lungs and
that’s where he was for half a year. So, I had to help my mom quite a bit.
JS: All right. Well, we’re glad you came out this well and that you’re here to tell us your story
today. So thank you very much for coming in.
AG: You’re welcome.
(42:35)

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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Greg Glazier
(41:12)
(00:10) Background Information
• Greg was born on April 8, 1967
• He enlisted in the Army in 1985 when he was 18 years old
• Greg went to high school in Lansing and has 2 sisters and a brother
• He enlisted because he was bored and wanted to do something different
• He wanted to travel and to make some money
• Greg felt that the Marines were too hard core and he does not like to fly, so he chose the
Army
(2:30) Training
• There were lots of people yelling and screaming at him; they shaved all his hair off
• He worked from 4:30 am till 10pm and only received 3 meals a day
• Training was scary and he did not know anyone
• He was trained in Fort Knox, Kentucky and had one instructor from Michigan
(6:35) In Germany for 5 Years
• Greg was stationed in Germany and had been called upon to go to Iraq, but it fell through
• He had to guard American houses and keep watch for terrorists
• Often he checked school busses for bombs
• For his MOS job, he was a tank crew member
(13:50) M-1 Abrams Tank
• These weighed 55 tons and Greg started out as a driver
• He then helped loading shells for the main gun, which were 120 mm shells
• He ended up as a gunner and tank commander
(16:15) Germany
• They ate very starchy foods with lots of carbs; he gained 30 pounds
• It was very stressful because he never got enough sleep
• The men drank a lot on the weekends
• He was often able to call his friends and family
• He had time on leave to visit Paris and Amsterdam
• Most of his time on leave was for a month in which he went back to the US
• His family once visited him in Switzerland
(24:50) The End of His Service
• His time ended on February 1, 1995 and it was weird because he had been gone for so
long
• Greg went back to Fort Knox and then back to Michigan where he was married

�•
•
•
•

He went back to school and received his Bachelors Degree in 2003 from the University
of Phoenix
He works with computers doing research in Grand Rapids
The GI bill helped pay for college, up to $25,000 plus an extra $1,000 a month
Greg now likes to spend his time camping, golfing, and playing softball

(32:35) Overall Experience
• Greg believes that it is good for anyone to spend time in the service; it helps them to
mature and meet all kinds of different people
• It provides discipline and good working ethics

�</text>
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Grand Valley State University
Allendale, Michigan 4940 I
(6J6) 331-3585

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Grand Valley State University is an affirmative action/equal
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COMMUNITY RESOURCES

www gvsu.edu/glbt

Faculty Liaison for GLBT Resources:
Dr. Milt Ford, Professor of Liberal Studies and
English, serves as faculty liaison to the Dean of
Students Office for GLBT resources. His office is
located in 233 Lake Ontario Hall with office hours
Monday through Friday, 1 p.m. to 4 p.m. He can be
reached by phone at (616) 331-2530 or by email at
fordm@gvsu.edu.

GLBT Scholarship:
A scholarship has been established and will be
awarded to a GLBT or ally student based in part on
the student's support of GLBT students and
concerns.
Applications are available in the
Financial Aid Office. For more information, contact
Gary Van Ham at vanharng@gvsu.edu.
1

Dean of Students Office:
The staff of the Dean of Students Office, located
in 202 Student Services Building, serve as resources
to students concerned about gay, lesbian, bisexual
or transgender issues. (616) 331-3585

.I

The Lesbian and Gay Community Network of
Western Michigan:
The Network's goal is to enhance and celebrate
the lives of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people and to
enlighten and enrich the lives of all people through
the visible participation in the larger community.
Largest lending library in West Michigan, speaker's
bureau, support groups, monthly newsletter,
educational and social events. Drop-in Center is
open Monday-Thursday, 12:30 p.m. - 5:30 p.m. and
Friday, 12:30 p.m. - 9 p.m. Located at 343 Atlas
Ave. S.E., Grand Rapids.
(616) 458-3511
www.the-lgbt-network.org.

Women's Center:
The Women's Center strives to educate both the
university community and the larger community
about gender-related issues; addressing matters of
concern to women, and promoting a campus climate
that is safe and respectful of all people. Located in
161 Kirkhof Center. (616) 331-2748

PFLAG (Parents, Families and Friends of
Lesbians and Gays):
PFLAG promotes the health and well-being of
gay, lesbian, and bisexual persons, their families,
and friends through support and education.
Monthly meetings are held in Grand Rapids.
Contact PFLAG at (616) 336-1382, via email:
info@pflaggrandrapids.org or visit their website at
www.pflaggrandrapids.org.

Out -n- About:
Support group for gay, lesbian, bisexual and
transgender students and their supporters. Resource
for GVSU students and community. Call the Office
of Student Life at (616) 331-2345 for meeting times
and location.
Allies and Advocates:
Comprised of GVSU faculty and staff who offer
support and resources in a safe environment for the
members of the University community concerned
with issues of sexual orientation. When you see the
Allies and Advocates logo displayed, you can be
assured you will be treated with respect and dignity.

Reconciliation Metropolitan Community Church:
Gay-friendly and welcoming church open to all
of God's children. Sunday worship is at 10 a.m.
3864 Benjamin NE, Grand Rapids. (616) 364-7633

Counseling and Career Development Center:
Provides students counseling on personal issues in
a confidential and safe setting. Also offers seminars
and on-going support groups. Located in 204
Student Services Building. (616) 331-3266

GIFT (Gays in Faith Together):
GIFT is a faith-based support group for the
GLBT community of Grand Rapids. Support
groups are specifically available GLBT youth.
Contact GIFT at (616) 774-0446, via email:
info@gaysinfaithtogether.org or visit their website
at www.gaysinfaithtogether.org.

Affirmative Action:
Complaints regarding discrimination or harassment
of any kind should be filed with the Office of
Affirmative Action, 14 Zumberge. (616) 331-2242
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                    <text>ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW
MARTIN GLENNON
Tape # 1&amp; # 2
Born: December 26, 1949 in Hammond, Indiana
Resides: Valparaiso, Indiana
Interviewed by: Mike Mc Gregor GVSU Veterans History Project, and James Smither
PhD GVSU Veterans History Project
Transcribed by: Joan Raymer, December 19, 2012
Interviewer: To get started Martin, where and when were you born?
Hammond, Indiana, 1949, on December 26th
Interviewer: Did you grow up in Hammond?
I grew up in, actually Whiting. Whiting, Indiana, which is right next door to Hammond,
but I only stayed there five years. I didn’t really grow up there. We moved to Gary,
Indiana.
Interviewer: To Gary
Gary, Indiana, and I was there until sixteen, and at sixteen we moved to Highland,
Indiana, and that’s where I got drafted, from Highland.
Interviewer: What did you parents do?
My father was an insurance agent and my mother was just a homemaker. 1:03
Interviewer: Did you have any brothers or sisters?
I had two sisters and no brothers, and I was the oldest.
Interviewer: Where did you graduate from high school from?
I graduated from Bishop Noll, Hammond Bishop Noll. My parents sent me to
Bishop Noll.
Interviewer: What did you do after high school?

1

�After high school I was going to college when I got drafted. I dropped a class and then
they got me.
Interviewer: So, how long were you in college?
I was only in college for a year, less than a year, actually, and it was during the time
when I came out of high school and went into college that I dropped a class, and that was
1969.
Interviewer: 1969, what class did you drop?
It was an English class, yeah.
Interviewer: Did you at that point, when you dropped the class, realize that you
would lose the student deferment?
Well, I went to—some of my friends were in Vietnam and I went to the office and they
told me, they informed me about that. 2:07 There was a picture of Uncle Sam, ―I Want
You‖, behind them and they said, ―That guy wants you‖. If you drop this class, he may
get you, and they were right.
Interviewer: So, you dropped the class, and then you’re up for grabs in the draft.
What did you know about Vietnam at that time?
All I knew was that I had some friends over there and I got a letter from them and they
told me what was going on and to be honest with you, I wanted to do my duty as a citizen
of the United States. I was willing to go, I was willing to be—I didn’t go out and enlist,
but I was willing, if I got drafted, not to go to Canada, but to do what I had to do. My
father was in WWII and he was also a medic, so when I went in to basic training, and
they had that one question toward the end, ―What do you want to do?‖ I said, ―Ok, I
wouldn’t mind being a medic, my father was a medic‖. 3:13

2

�Interviewer: So, you got your draft notice and where did you go then?
I went to Fort Leonard Wood.
Interviewer: Before Leonard Wood, did you go to the induction center in Chicago?
Oh yeah, I went to Chicago to the induction center, right.
Interviewer: How long were you there?
I don’t know maybe a day. They took us through really quick. If your blood pressure
was too high they kicked you out, if you had flat feet they kicked you out. Fortunately, I
guess, for me, I was in good health, but they sent me over there, but my whole
experience, I will say, even though it was painful, it had a silver lining.
Interviewer: When you were at the induction center in Chicago, were there guys
trying to get out, faking symptoms or different things? 4:07
I did not see any doing that.
Interviewer: So, you finished your tour in Chicago there, you took your one step
forward when they swore you in, and they put you on a bus to Fort Leonard Wood?
Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri, yeah
Interviewer: How long was that bus ride?
I don’t know, maybe—I don’t know how many hours, ten hours maybe.
Interviewer: Tell me about arriving at Fort Leonard Wood. What happened in
that part?
Fort Leonard Wood had a—there was a—I had a tall black guy, Sergeant Saunders, I still
remember him. I can still see him in my sleep; actually, he was really kind of rough. He
was in, he was a Vietnam veteran, and he was there to train us, so if we went there we
could survive, and he was rough on us, but that’s okay. 5:03 We probably needed it, I

3

�know I needed to get in shape and everything, and so at the end of the basic training he
even mentioned, ―Now, look at Martin, he’s only five feet seven and he did good on his
training and stuff, you know‖, so I got sort of an accommodation from him, sort of like
a—he kind of favored me a little bit and I appreciated that, but I did my best to do what
he said.
Interviewer: What all did you do in basic training?
Well, we just did the PT and got in shape. Then we went through some classes for things
that we needed to know, and physical training exercises. We did a lot running.
Interviewer: Rifle training, bayonet training? 6:00
Rifle training, yeah rifle training to, M16’s, not M16’s, for some treason they had M14’s.
They had a few M16’s, but not very many in 1969 and I don’t know why.
Interviewer: What was the hardest part of basic training for you?
It wasn’t hard. It was not hard at all because I was in track in high school and I was in
fairly good shape, so I got through everything okay.
Interviewer: A good runner.
That’s right
Interviewer: Now, when you got to Fort Leonard Wood, you went through the
reception center and is that where they asked you about your MOS, and what job
you would like to do, or was that later in basic?
Well, it was at the end of the class, of the basic training class. 7:01 What would you like
to do? What do you have a favor for? I said, ―Ok, I wouldn’t mind being a medic like
my father‖.
Interviewer: So, you expressed a preference for being a medic.

4

�They looked at my scores and everything and they said, ―You could be a medic‖. I
preferred a hospital, but they sent me as a combat infantry.
Interviewer: So, now you graduate from basic and you have orders for AIT?
Yes, right, AIT at Fort Sam Houston, Texas.
Interviewer: Did you have a leave before you went down to Fort Sam?
Yes, we had a two week leave.
Interviewer: I should backtrack, when were you drafted?
I was drafted in August of 1969.
Interviewer: August of 1969
Yes, August 5th
Interviewer: So, then you got to fort Sam around November sometime?
Yes
Interviewer: How long was the AIT at Fort Sam? 8:00
At Fort Sam, I believe that it was—I mean we’re talking forty years ago, it was about, it
was supposed to be about eleven or twelve weeks. They told us, ―We’re shortening you a
week or two because they need you. They need medics in Vietnam, you know‖, and I
said, ―Oh my goodness‖ to my friend, which actually, my friend Frank, he ended up
coming to the same unit I did. Frank Gonzales, he was also a medic and he was a recon
medic and I was a regular platoon medic, and I was making a joke with him, ―Man, they
need medics because they’re getting wounded so fast, or what’s going on there?‖ I said,
―Well, we gotta do what we gotta do‖.
Interviewer: Describe the medic training that you got in the AIT. What did that
involve? 9:03

5

�They gave us all kinds of training to be able to keep the guys alive until the helicopter
gets there, and then they take over from there and get them to the right place, you know,
to get their healing.
Interviewer: So, to do that, what did they have to train you to do? How to prevent
shock?
Right, how to prevent shock, mainly stop the bleeding, you have to give them morphine,
make sure that you’re giving them the right—that you’re giving them morphine if you’re
not supposed to, certain wounds, maybe, a head wound or something that you’re not
supposed to. So, that’s what they mainly taught us, and so I learned it and when I went
there I did exactly what they said. And it worked. 10:02
Interviewer: During the AIT would you have some hands on practice, experience
dressing wounds?
Oh yeah
Interviewer: Practice in dressing wounds, how was that conducted?
Well, I thought that it was conducted—I don’t have any problems with it, they showed us
how to put on the Band-Aids, put on the wraps for whatever type of wound it is. They
showed us videos, well, I think they were 8MM or 16MM, but they showed us the
pictures and what to do and how to treat it. It was great and I enjoyed it.
Interviewer: So, you had visual training and the presentation. Then did you have
hands on training?
Yes we did, we wrapped each other’s arms and legs and we also did shots, we gave shots
to one another. First we did it in an orange and then we said, ―Okay now, the guy next to
you, you get a shot from him‖. 11:07 I’ll tell you thought, a few of them broke off that

6

�needle and that was terrible. By accident the needle broke off in there and they had to
send them and get that out, you know, medically.
Interviewer: All during your training were they specifically gearing you for
Vietnam?
They were gearing us for Vietnam, very much, without a doubt.
Interviewer: Was it your expectation that everybody was going to go to Vietnam
then?
Well, they said some would go to Germany, but probably a lot of you, I mean even the
basic training DI, Sergeant Saunders, said, ―A lot of you will go to Vietnam‖. Actually,
Sergeant Saunders was a little bit sad. It seemed like he was almost crying when we left
because he knew what we were going to go through, and I’m sure that some of those guys
didn’t make it. 12:00
Interviewer: Was Sergeant Saunders a Vietnam veteran?
Yes he was
Interviewer: Now, your training at Fort Sam is winding down, what orders did you
get then?
The orders I got were Vietnam, and I called my family, parents and stuff, and they said,
―Oh no‖, and I said, ―Don’t worry about it mom, I know Paul Walla is over there and
he’s okay‖. Paul Walla was a friend of mine, he was a couple years older than me, and
he went over there too, and so I said, ―Ok, I’m not worried about it, you know‖. I had a
good mental attitude towards it, you know.
Interviewer: So, you got your orders, you know you’re going to Vietnam, and then
did you have a leave?

7

�Yes, a two week leave, my friends had a little party for me and all that stuff you know,
and I ended up going to, I shouldn’t have, but my friend took me to downtown Gary
where the girls were, and everything. 13:06 And then he said, ―Hey, this guy’s going
to Vietnam‖, so the thing is that we went up—this is really a funny story too, we went up
the two stories and my friend, fortunately, was like a body builder, he was a tall guy and
he was strong. I wasn’t as big as him and he took me up there and when we got up there
and we paid our money, all of a sudden we found out, ―Hey this is a scam and something
is going to happen, something is going to come down on the second story‖, so then these
two big black guys came up, you know, but fortunately for me Peter was bigger than
Africa. 14:00 We got ripped off and I actually went down stairs. Peter said, ―Go down
stairs real quick, Martin and I’ll take care of them, don’t worry about it‖, and I got hit on
the back of the head with brass knuckles and started bleeding, going down stairs, but
these two guys went up after him and he took care of them. He knocked them out. I
don’t know what he did, but they didn’t come back down when he did. He ran back
down and then he got in the car. I was dazed, but the hooker down on the street was
going through my pockets, but because I was dazed and I was bleeding I didn’t do too
much, but he got in the car, honked the horn, and said, ―Please, please, come on Martin
hurry up, so I ran across and fortunately made it. I went into the—I had a little knot
there. 15:02
Interviewer: So, even before going to Vietnam you got your first combat
experience?
That’s for sure, yeah

8

�Interviewer: Ok, so you had your party and then then you had to leave. Where did
you go, the region area?
Well, we went to, let’s see, that one base where everybody goes to in Vietnam when they
come in, Cam Ranh Bay.
Interviewer: Cam Ranh Bay, where did you go in the states to ship out?
To ship out I went to Chicago.
Interviewer: Chicago, and then you went to Fort Lewis or Oakland?
I went to Oakland, yeah
Interviewer: And then you shipped out of Oakland?
Yeah, and the funny thing about Oakland is that when we’re coming in, those guys are
coming in a line back, you know, and these guys are looking pretty disheveled. We’re
going in and saying, ―How was it?‖ They’re just shaking their heads, that’s all. 16:04
Interviewer: When you saw them there, that’s your first view of, kind of the reality
of the situation, and looking at those guys did you have some second thoughts?
Well, you couldn’t bail then. It was impossible; you just had to go through it.
Interviewer: Okay, so you flew out of the San Francisco area, and you ended up in
Cam Ranh Bay.
That’s right
Interviewer: As you’re getting off the plane, what is your first impression or
thought of Vietnam?
Actually, we came in at night and couldn’t see it until a couple of days later, because we
had to stay there at Cam Ranh Bay until we got our unit that we went to. My friend,
Frank Gonzales, which was another medic which I was with, he was there too, and then

9

�we both were on the same floor and they said, after about three days or five days, I think
it was five days, finally our call came up. 17:13 ―101st Airborne, you’re going in the
101st, Frank Gonzales, Martin Glennon‖, and a couple other guys.
Interviewer: So, you arrived at about January, the end of January or February?
The beginning of January
Interviewer: So, now you got orders for the 101st. What was your thought?
My thought was, ―Wasn’t that the ones that fought in WWII at Bastogne or something?‖
I thought, ―Man that must be a tough unit. Were they going?‖ Going up north, you know
where the Marines were or something like that. I said, ―Well, okay‖.
Interviewer: Did you ever question, “Why me?” Because never went to jump
school or anything. 18:04
Exactly, I said, ―I didn’t even go to jump school‖, and they said, ―Don’t worry about it,
nobody's jumping in Vietnam anyway‖.
Interviewer: Okay, so you leave Cam Ranh Bay, and then where do you go?
After I left Cam Ranh Bay we go to—we went up to Camp Eagle. From Camp Eagle,
after a couple days, we went to Camp Evans. They said, ―You’re going to be with the 2nd
of the 506 and you have to go through SERT School, which is jungle initiation school. In
SERT School we were taught what to do, how to take care of the troops and we went out
on different excursions around the base and were shown things like, what to look out for,
punji sticks and all that kind of stuff.
Interviewer: What was your search training as a medic any different than say
somebody coming in as a grunt, or was everybody the same? 19:10
It was different

10

�Interviewer: So, they had specialized search training for medics?
Yes they did, and Gerald Cafferty, he was another one who was a Silver Star winner. He
went to Charlie Company; Frank Gonzales went to Echo Company. Gonzales, he’s
deceased now, but I mean, in his honor I’d tell his story, he was a fine medic, a good
man. Echo Company was recon, a five man [five squad] unit, and then Gerald Cafferty
was Charlie Company and he actually got a silver star, and he’s not here at this.
Interviewer: You guys went for SERTS together?
Yes, we went to SERTS together and I had a bronze star and the guy that was a
conscientious objector, Delta Company, he’s not here right now, but he went—was with
Delta Company. 20:05 When we were surrounded by enemy soldiers, Delta Company,
actually, was the company that came and got us, so I saw him when I was leaving. He
was a conscientious objector and he took care of us. Those guys—there were fifty-one
wounded and twelve killed on July 22nd, and that was my last day in the field too. I went
to Charlie Company after that.
Interviewer: I just want to back track to your training now. When I was in, a lot of
the conscientious objectors went through the medic training. When you were going
through your AIT, were there many CO’s there?
Yeah, there were a few of them, but I can’t say there were many, but there were some.
Interviewer: Mostly for religious reasons?
Yes
Interviewer: So, you go through SERTS, and now—when you got assigned to the
101st, were you assigned to a medical company and they assigned you out to the rifle
companies, how did that assignment work? 21:07

11

�Headquarters Company, Headquarters Company will divvy you out where you want to
go.
Interviewer: So, now you were assigned to A- 2nd of 506?
2nd platoon, yes
Interviewer: So, when you—okay, you finish SERTS, tell me about the process of
joining your unit, joining Alpha Company.
Okay, when we went to join our unit, I went to my unit and I went with Lieutenant Kelly,
not the same one that had that problem in Vietnam and had eliminated that whole village.
Not the same Lieutenant Kelly [William Calley], a different one. I make that distinction
because a lot of people think I was in that unit. But, Lieutenant Kelly was the Lieutenant
that for two or three months I had him before Lieutenant Lee, which you didn’t talk to
yet. 22:05 Lieutenant Lee was a very good Lieutenant. Unfortunately Lieutenant Kelly,
he was different, he was—to try to keep us alive, sometimes he would call up the
Lieutenant Commander [company commander?] and say, ―Hey, how about putting us in
this AO, or something, so we got in very little contact for two months, very little. So, it
wasn’t until the Ripcord came in, that operation, that we really started having contact
then.
Interviewer: When you joined the company, what was your basic load as a medic?
What equipment would you carry?
I would carry this big back pack on my back. It was probably about thirty pounds at
least, thirty pounds and it had the Dextran, all of the bandages, morphine, and it had all of
the stuff in it. A couple big things of Dextran, blood filler, because when the guys would

12

�lose blood you would have to get the fluid back in them or they would go into shock , so
that’s what they taught us, to keep them out of shock and keep them alive.
Interviewer: So, your medic kit was about thirty pounds?
Right
Interviewer: How about your personal gear?
My personal gear, also, was about fifteen to twenty pounds, so we’re talking about a
double pack on my back.
Interviewer: Did you carry a weapon?
Yeah, I chose the M16, I could have had a 45, but I took the M16.
Interviewer: How much ammunition did you carry?
I just had a bandolier or two that just went around the front. 24:03
Interviewer: Okay, in joining Alpha, we talked about the basic load that you
carried and everything. In joining the company, did you feel physically challenged
because of the demands of humping the hills?
I did not; it wasn’t too much for me because, like I was telling you, I was in track and in
fairly good shape, so it wasn’t that bad. The only time that I said something to the
commander, who was a Captain [Burkhart], the Captain before Captain Hawkins, and
there was a commander and he wanted—I don’t understand this, but for some reason this
Captain came into our—took our whole four platoons and he wanted to sweep the whole
area, which was, maybe, my goodness, it must have been at least five miles and he didn’t
want to stop. 25:07 Some of the guys were really getting tired so, I went up to them
and I said, ―Look these guys are really, really tired. We’ve been walking for a couple
miles, three miles, four miles, let’s stop and take a break‖, and he said, ―If we stop and

13

�take a break they’ll get a bead on us‖, which is understandable. I understand that, but I
think even a three or a five minute break, it wouldn’t have been that bad, but he said,
―No, we have to keep going‖, so I think he was a little bit afraid that we were going to get
hit, you know. He took us all, real quick, as a sweep, and usually when that happens the
NVA doesn’t do anything, anyway you know, they kind of back off and say, ―We’ll just
see what they’re doing‖,
Interviewer: The reason I asked that is because it sounds like you’re It was more
classroom related kind of lab related as opposed to the extension of the physical
training from basic as dud some of the other IT’s. 26:12 When you first joined
them, what kinds of calls for your talent would you get? You didn’t have much
significant contact at that point.
Well, there were booby traps. The one Kit Carson scout, his name—I believe his name
was Tong or Tau, they got strange names, you know. Tong, Tau, something like that, and
he actually was seventeen years old , he already had a couple children, at seventeen, and
he was married and he walked on point for us with a transistor radio listening to
Vietnamese music and alerts. 27:12 He was listening to alerts from South Vietnamese
radio, he would listen to that too, and I didn’t really think that he was watching the road,
the path very much and, of course, it became true, he didn’t watch the path and he did trip
a booby trap and I did try to save his life. He was my first causality. I tried to save him
for forty-five minutes, and he didn’t come in. He was alive when he left me, but I heard
that he died on the way to Camp Evans to Charlie 326 Med.
Interviewer: That was your first casualty—I guess I should back track. You were a
medic with the 2nd platoon. Were you the only medic with the platoon?

14

�Every medic had a platoon. I was the medic 2nd platoon, 1st platoon was Danny Freest,
and 3rd platoon was a medic named Doc Draper. 28:14 Doc Draper was from Indiana,
so I had a good relationship with him. I talked with him a lot when we got together.
Sometime they would just take platoons out one way, and another platoon that way, but
when you got together then I would talk to him, you know.
Interviewer: So, each platoon had a medic. Was there also a medic with the
company's CP? Was that the senior medic?
That was sort of the senior medic. He usually had a rank higher and he was in there a
little while and that medic was Doc Kalestone.
Interviewer: So the injury to the Kit Carson, which was fairly extensive, was that
your first?
All over his body and his mouth 29:02
Interviewer: What other complaints did you deal with in terms of soldiers?
Okay, fortunately when you went out in the field, there wasn’t any messing around and
they didn’t usually smoke marijuana. They did in the rear, but not when it’s fairly
dangerous out there. They were—everybody watched everybody’s back and made sure
they were alert.
Interviewer: What kinds of ailments did you see? Did you see a lot of jungle rot?
Did you see a lot of boils?
Jungle rot, yeah, and I sent a couple guys back because they’d get a scratch one day and
the next day their whole arm was all double size. One guy got a scratch in his neck and
I’m not kidding you, his neck looked like a bull’s neck, and he went to the rear. 30:03

15

�Later I worked at Charlie med and I was putting in penicillin and giving penicillin shorts.
You had to clean that thing out, and that was nasty.
Interviewer: So, that was the most prevalent kinds of things that you dealt with?
Yeah
Interviewer: Did normal little cuts get septic?
Yes they did if you didn’t treat them right, right away.
Interviewer: Did you have a lot of APC capsules too? That was always our
complaint.
Well, I gave out those pink capsules every day, you know, for Dapsone, and then the big
orange one once a week for malaria.
Interviewer: Once a week for malaria.
Yeah
Interviewer: That was your responsibility as the platoon medic to do that?
Yes, that was once a day we gave out the little ones, and the other one once every four
days or something like that, but I made sure that I gave it out because that was my
responsibility and I didn’t want anybody on my watch to get what the mosquitoes bring.
31:16
Interviewer: Did you have to keep any records of the malaria medication?
No records, no records at all. Even the morphine, they knew back in the rear that I had
two morphines, but later when we went down to Eagle Beach for stand down, I had two
of the morphines stolen from my backpack when I went to eat. I came back and
somebody had rummaged through it. They thought it was me, but it wasn’t me, it was
not me. I told them I would take a lie detector test because it wasn’t me.

16

�Interviewer: Obviously morphine, we consider that a controlled substance was
there any kind of accounting of it for you? Did you have to sign for it when you got
some and turn it back? 32:05
I didn’t have to sign for anything. The only thing is they had there record that they gave
it to me, and then if I used it, and I had to get more, I had to tell them how I used it. But,
those two were stolen at the Eagle Beach stand down and there was nothing I could do
about it, but they said, ―Are you sure you didn’t use it yourself?‖ I said, ―It wasn’t me‖.
Interviewer: How did you discover they were gone? Was your pack just open?
Yeah, my pack was open when I came back from lunch.
Interviewer: So, now in Alpha Company the first two months were kind of
uneventful. Were you patrolling in what we call the flatland area around Camp
Evans, or were you out in the hills?
No, we were in the mountains. 33:02 I remember one time when Lieutenant Kelly said,
―I’m getting a case of grenades, guys, and we’re going to have a little grenade practice‖.
We were in an area where it didn’t really matter too much, so they kind of had us in a
more safe area. Like I said, Lieutenant Kelly would get us in a safe area, sort of, and that
was good. That was good, so he got this case of grenades and we all got some grenades,
two or three grenades. And he said, ―Get on line, get on line‖.
Interviewer: So, Lieutenant Kelly brought a case of grenades out and said you were
going to have some practice, so what happened?
Okay, then a whole bunch of guys, ten or twelve guys on line, thirteen, fifteen, had two
grenades each and we threw them down the side of the hill and they got caught up in the
trees. There were a few trees and somehow they got caught in the trees and the shrapnel

17

�came back on us. 34:16 And five guys got wounded, and I turned around to go into the
foxhole and then I got a piece of shrapnel and it’s still there in the back of my neck, so
five guys got Purple Hearts for that. That was my first Purple Heart.
Interviewer: So, you got a Purple Heart for grenade practice and not enemy
attack?
Yeah, and I had to take shrapnel out of guys for the whole next month, little pieces of
shrapnel would come up and I knew that they would come up, so I said, ―Don’t worry
about it, it will come up after a couple of days or a week, or something and we’ll pull it
out with tweezers‖. One guy had a little piece right in his nose and after two weeks I
pulled it out. 35:07 I couldn’t really get it out and he said, ―let me work on it doc‖, and
he got my mirror and he got it out finally.
Interviewer: Would you use tweezers or forceps?
Like tweezers or forceps type of things, yeah
Interviewer: Was anybody injured seriously enough to be medevaced?
No, just small little shrapnel things
Interviewer: What did the Lieutenant say after that?
He said nothing. He said, ―Sorry guys‖, and that’s about it, you know. I should have
said something about the trees, ―Make sure you don’t get in the trees‖.
Interviewer: When you would be operating with the platoon, would you basically
stay with the command section of the platoon?
Yes, I would 36:00

18

�Second interview section with James Smither PhD GVSU Veterans History Project
Interviewer: In your initial interview session that we did back at the Ripcord
reunion in Indianapolis last fall, one of the things you talked about a little bit was
your time in basic training. You mentioned, in particular, that you had decided for
yourself that you were kind of going to go ahead and do the best job you could and
that the sergeant, the drill sergeant, very much appreciated that. What were the
other guys in basic like? What attitudes did they bring with them when they came
into camp?
Most of the guys that came in, many of them were drafted. Some were actually NG’s,
National Guard, some were, they believed wanted to go lifers, so those people that
believed that they were going to stay there a while seemed to have more perspective that
they wanted to be there, but many of the people that were drafted, like myself, we just
said, ―Ok, we’ll go through these two years‖. 1:10 ―We’ll go through it and that will be
it. Because we were drafted we’ll do the best job we can‖.
Interviewer: Was that a fairly common attitude among you guys?
I think so, yeah
Interviewer: Were their people who were trying to push against it, or didn’t want to
adjust to being in the army?
Maybe a few, maybe a few, and usually they did something wrong and they would send
them back or—but not very many.

19

�Interviewer: So, even at this stage in the war now, the anti-war movement has to
some extent picked up and there’s more publicity, once you got drafted an awful lot
of guys are still going to say, “Ok, I’m going to do my job”.
There are more of them that said that than went to Canada.
Interviewer: By quite a bit, yeah
Yeah
Interviewer: Something we tend to lose track of. 2:00 Now, you’ve gone through
basic, you’ve signed up to be a medic, you’ve done Medical Corps training down at
Fort Sam Houston, now you mentioned that in your medical training that you got a
lot of things designed to prepare you for Vietnam, in terms of combat wounds and
things like that. Did they try to teach you anything about what Vietnam its self was
like, the culture, the people, or what you were going to have to do?
Yes they did. They had a mock Vietnamese village even that they set up, and they
showed us maybe a few things, words like mamasan, papasan, and, you know, what these
things are and they actually tried to help us to be able to understand them a little bit. The
only way you could really understand them is to live there with them and so, that’s the
way that they did it. 3:06
Interviewer: So, they did try to prepare you as much as they could for the general
environment you were going to get in?
Yes
Interviewer: Once you finish your training, you go home on leave, they get you to
Vietnam, and you arrive in Vietnam, was it January of 1969?
January, 1970

20

�Interviewer: 1970 rather, you were drafted in 1969. You arrive there in January
and then you’re assigned to the 101st Airborne, and you go out---now, did you join
your company and platoon, was that at Camp Evans or Camp Eagle?
At Camp Evans we were sent to SERTS training in the RTS and there they told us which
actual company we would be in and I was assigned to Alpha Company 2nd in 506
Infantry.
Interviewer: Right, you are going to be a medic then for the 2nd platoon, so we’ve
done that. Then, was the platoon at Camp Evans or was it out in the field
somewhere? 4:05
The home for Alpha, 2nd of the 506 was at Camp Evans, but at that time they were in the
field.
Interviewer: So, did you chopper out to join them?
Yes, I choppered out to join them.
Interviewer: When you joined the platoon, what kind of reception did you get?
Well, I got a handshake from the outgoing medic and he said, ―Once you get out, stay
out, out of the jungle as much as possible‖, and I said, ―Ok, I will‖, and he said, ―Just
keep your head down and do your job, and these guys will love you and they will protect
you‖, and they did.
Interviewer: But they didn’t do anything else in helping you get oriented? Was he
taking the chopper out?
He was taking the chopper out, and I was taking the chopper in.
Interviewer: What kind of reception did you get from the men in the platoon?

21

�I got a good reception, some of them came up to me and introduced themselves and said,
―Doc, if I get wounded I want you to just do your best job on me‖, and I said, ―I will, I
promise I will‖. 5:07 One thing that, after a while that I noticed that they liked, is every
day I went to each one of them and gave them their tablet for malaria, anti- malaria, and
once every four days the big orange one, which is for a different type of malaria. They
actually felt confident in that, and the only day that I didn’t do it, that I didn’t give it out,
they said later, was the day we got surrounded by NVA soldiers.
Interviewer: There was other stuff going on. All right, so when you start going out
in the field then, are they trying to coach you at all, or tell you what to do, or just
staying behind the Lieutenant?
Not really, they didn’t really coach me too much. I just—we knew to stay in line, you
know, when we’re going down a path or something, and the point man would always
check out. 6:06

We had a Kit Carson Scout, we always had a Kit Carson Scout, which

was a Vietnamese.
Interviewer: You mentioned in your first interview session that you had a Kit
Carson Scout with you early on and he was your first casualty
Yes, he was my first casualty after two weeks. He was going down—he was only
seventeen and a half years old. I still remember it, he had a transistor radio in his ear and
he actually tripped a booby trap. He was probably just not watching where that little wire
was that he tripped.
Interviewer: Now, was it normal for you to use the trails as opposed to trying to go
through the jungle?
Yes, it was more normal to use the trails.

22

�Interviewer: But, you were aware that’s what got booby trapped?
We were aware, and the point man and the slack man were supposed to check that out,
you know. But, at that time, for some reason, they actually missed it. 7:00 The point
man missed it, but the Kit Carson Scout, I think, was the second there, or third there, and
he tripped it, so I don’t know what happened there.
Interviewer: All right, now do you remember who your original company
commander was when you got there?
Yes, my original company Captain was Burkhart, and then my Lieutenant was Lieutenant
Kelly.
Interviewer: And you talked a little bit about Kelly in the first interview session
that you did. You pointed out that he was someone who kind of liked keep the
platoon out of trouble if he could.
Yes, that’s true, he did.
Interviewer: All right, now, how long did you have those two commanders, or when
did they go out?
The first commander, Lieutenant Kelly, I only had for probably two months, two months,
because he was short and his time was up. 8:00 But, however, through him at that one
location, we did bring in some grenades, in which I did get friendly fire, and five guys got
wounded. Friendly fire, through grenade practice, in which we were on top of a hill and
we threw them down the side of the hill, the two or three grenades that each one had, and
then some of them got stuck in the trees, and they came back on us, and five guys got
friendly fire, and I was one.
Interviewer: Right, and did Lieutenant Kelly last long after that?

23

�Lieutenant Kelly, he was on his last months and he didn’t last long after that, not at all.
He was pretty well replaced after that.
Interviewer: That was kind of a silly thing to do.
Yes it was
Interviewer: And then your company commander, how long did he stick around?
Captain Burkhart stayed a little bit longer, maybe a month longer or so, but he was pretty
much on the end also, of his time there, out in the field. 9:12
Interviewer: Did you have time to build any particular impression of him as a
leader, or commander, compared to what you saw later?
Captain Burkhart, I would say, was not one that would stay in the jungle very much. In
actuality he was pretty aloof. Pretty aloof, and I didn’t actually see him that much. The
one time I do remember is that we were going down a—he said, ―We want to go to
these—we want to check out these three or four clicks‖, and he came in and he led our
three or four platoon, at the time, and this was early, before April, and we went down
humping through the jungle and I remember it was the longest hump we ever made in one
particular time. 10:07 Usually it’s, maybe, a couple clicks, but this was like four or five
clicks, four clicks at least, and everybody was getting tired and saying, ―Let’s stop‖, and
he kept saying, ―No, no, we can’t stop, we have to keep going ―. Possibly because he
knew that if we stopped they would get a bead on us and their mortar, their NVA mortar
men would start shooting, and the VC would start shooting, so we just kept going, but we
were exhausted. I remember going to him and saying, ―Sir, we need to take a break,
come on, please, these guys are really complaining and these are my men, you know, in
my platoon‖, and he said, ―Well, Martin, we have to keep going‖.

24

�Interviewer: Did he have you all going on a single trail or was he trying to have the
company fan out into a larger area? 11:01
It was a single trail.
Interviewer: The whole company just down one trail?
There were three or four companies [platoons] right in a row, just right through it, yeah,
fast, quickly.
Interviewer: Now, did anybody trip any booby traps that time?
No booby traps and we didn’t see any NVA. They probably saw us and they were
probably watching, and they were waiting for us to stop, probably.
Interviewer: Now, at what point did you—now at a certain point things start to
change in terms of what the unit does. The Lieutenant rotates out, you get a new
one in and after that Burkhart gets replaced etc., and then they start moving the
platoon to different places?
Yes
Interviewer: We’re going to pick up your story there, at that point.
Okay, when Lieutenant Widjeskog came in, he was new from West Point and everything,
and some of us wondered if he was going to make it or not. 12:00 However, he actually
proved to be a very good Lieutenant, a very good Lieutenant, and he helped out us guys
and I would say that he was top notch, but in the beginning we weren’t sure until about a
month or so later when we had more confidence in him. This was right before Ripcord
started on April 1st. Then on April 1st we went in and then we knew that we could trust
him. He took care of the men, but he also obeyed his commands that he got from the
higher up and by that time then, our Captain was changed to Captain Hawkins.

25

�Interviewer: All right, and what did you know about Hawkins or what his
background was?
All I knew was that he was a Captain that actually wasn’t a Captain when he first came
in, but he got a higher rank because of his skills in the jungle and they put him up as
Captain. 13:04
Interviewer: What kind of style of command did he have as opposed to Burkhart?
He was more commanding. He was more hands on, we saw him more and so, I would
say that he had a little bit greater understanding skill of the terrain and he probably knew
the forest better than Burkhart too.
Interviewer: About how large do you think your company was when the ripcord
Campaign started?
When the Ripcord Campaign started, I think we ended up having about a hundred and
twenty or twenty –five.
Interviewer: So, for that period in the Vietnam era, that’s a pretty strong unit.
A fairly strong company, a hundred, a hundred and twenty-five, and that’s including,
actually, four platoons. By the time we did get hit, later on, we were down to seventy and
only three platoons. 14:03
Interviewer: Now, talk a little bit about the Ripcord Campaign its self. Where was
it relative to Camp Evans or places you had been before that and what were you
doing there?
Well, we were on firebase O’Reilly, and firebase O’Reilly was closer to the coast. The
firebase Ripcord, they say, was a firebase earlier by the Marines a couple two or three
years earlier, so it was re—and I do not know the name of it. However, I do know that it

26

�was about seven miles from Hamburger Hill, seven miles inland from Hamburger Hill.
Hamburger Hill was closer to the A Shau Valley and on the edge of the A Shau Valley,
but we still—here are some different things here. 15:01 I don’t know if you can see
this, but Ripcord here, Hamburger Hill seven miles, right there.
Interviewer: Very close to each other, sort of mountainous terrain with jungles and
valleys and so forth.
Mountainous terrain, jungles and valleys, yes
Interviewer: Firebases tended to be built on cleared off hilltops.
Yes
Interviewer: So, you could mount artillery there and so forth?
Yes
Interviewer: Okay, What did your unit start doing then in April?
In April we were on different missions and actually what we did was we were given
order, of course, from higher up and they said to go this this area, go to that area, so we
just did what they said. We went to different areas and I was the medic and I was to keep
them alive. So, for the most part we checked out places where we thought the enemy
might be and sometimes they weren’t really there. 16:00 Maybe they passed through,
but maybe a few times we did see contact, but the enemy continually wanted to dominate
the hills surrounding Ripcord. There were various hills, Hill 1000, Hill 805, all these
hills—Hill 1000 had many, many of the enemy on it and that is one time I know we lost
Wieland Norris.

27

�Interviewer: Now, as you’re say into April here and into May kind of before
ripcord heats up. Were you working out of O’Reilly and doing patrols out of there
initially, or were you being put on hills in the Ripcord area?
Initially we went in with the April 1st, Alpha Company went in with the rest of the
companies, and then we were pulled back, actually. 17:00

I do remember that when we

first went on the hill one of the senior medics, from the rear, was there with the Captain
and he actually went out there and there was a guy wounded out there on Ripcord, and
Ripcord had no barbed wire, had nothing, and they just got onto it and he went out and he
heroically went out and took care of that guy. I was very impressed on his heroism as a
medic and I liked the guy, but later on he had a lot of emotional problems and stuff and
he was not—he went back to the rear and actually, before the end of my time there, he
actually shot himself, but he lived by the grace of God the bullet did not kill him, but he
lost an eye, 18:06 One of the Captains, Burnside I think, Burnside or something,
Captain, Dr. Burnside, a Charlie med saved his life.
Interviewer: Now, do you remember the first real firefight you got caught up in?
One of the first firefights that I did get caught up in was the one with Whalen Norris. We
were around there and Norris was with another platoon and because we stood down, the
platoon stood down, that we actually—the battalion commander said, Lieutenant Colonel
Lucas, "We need somebody to walk point. Is there anybody in the company that will
walk point?‖ 19:01 Wieland Norris did raise his hand and his slack man was another
guy from his other platoon and they started going up the hill and, of course, there was an
actual ambush up there and he was shot. There wasn’t anything that anybody could do,
he needed an immediate operation and I was the medic, supposed to be the medic, but

28

�because he came from the other platoon, the other platoon medic said, ―I will take care of
him, he was my man‖, and the other medic went over there.
Interviewer: Now, off camera you had filled in a little bit of context to the story.
How was it that the battalion commander had to go and ask for somebody to go and
take the lead? Where was he operating? Where were they going?
The battalion commander, he had a—he was in a Loach going back and forth watching
and looking at the hill and he was a pilot and he did that every once and a while. 20:03
He would do things like that, drop off grenades for us and things like that. He was very
hand on, a hand on--Lieutenant Colonel Lucas was very hands on, he had his pilot’s
license and he could go out there and search things out.
Interviewer: Where was he sending these men and what kind of problem was there
with that?
He was sending them up to the top of the hill, which I believe was Hill 1000 and there
was a lot of cover so he couldn’t see anything, you know, but he wanted to send the men
up there and so then that’s what happened. The squad went up there and they got
wounded. The second guy got wounded in his chest, another guy got wounded just
through his chin and I still remember him just showing me his little wound on his chin
because the bullet just grazed his chin, the third guy. 21:02 But, the second guy got it
on the side, but it wasn’t life threatening, but Wieland Norris’s was life threatening and
within five minutes he was gone.
Interviewer: Was your platoon following them in, or were you back around
Ripcord?

29

�My platoon was set back—I remember we were behind a log and somewhere just waiting
to go up. Had they went to the very top, we had of went up there right behind them all.
Interviewer: Did people expect that there was going to be an ambush set up, up
there?
Yes, many of the guys that had been out there six months or more they did. They thought
for sure, without a shadow of a doubt, and that’s why they stood down and they didn’t go.
Interviewer: So, basically they were—normally, I guess, when you talk about a
stand down, it’s when a unit is brought back from the field and are resting, but now
did Colonel Lucas try to send them right back out again? 22:02

That, or was it

that he was just looking around for volunteers at that point?
He was looking for volunteers when the first group wouldn’t go.
Interviewer: Okay, but you have a group that’s saying, “We don’t want to go”.
Yes, because we know that there’s an ambush out there. That’s what was happening.
Interviewer: At this point you do have ordinary soldiers, at some point, kind of
challenging the orders they are getting from higher levels on the ground because
they can get them killed?
Yes
Interviewer: It was a little bit different situation than what you would have had a
few years earlier in Vietnam, and they were aware of some change going on?
Yes, but there were still some men in the company that did go up, so even though these
guys---sometimes when a soldier gets short time and they know they only have a month
left, they don’t want to go and do things like this, and some of these guys were like that.
23:00

30

�Interviewer: Then, basically Ripcord goes on and it’s May, June, July. What is
your—before things get really ugly in July, what kind of a pattern was there to your
activity or what things stand out in your mind about what went on in that middle
phase?
Well, I remember one time, I think it was Hill 805 that we were security for one of the
other companies, I believe Delta Company, and they were going up and they were
continually getting hit. We were on the other side, another hill over watching it and the
enemy didn’t know we were there. So we were the ones that helped them out a lot that
night, in that ambush, you know. And the enemy was shocked that we were over there,
shooting at the enemy, so they backed down. I remember that and that was probably in
May. In June is when, I believer, when Whalen Norris was killed, in June. 24:07
Interviewer: Now, in that period there, in May and June, what kinds of loses was
your platoon or your company taking?
My particular platoon was not taking as many as the other companies. Charlie company
took a whole lot, Bravo Company, they had their time, Alpha Company, Delta had their
time. Alpha company was the last one to have a major contact, which was July 22nd, the
day before they pulled out. We were surrounded by four hundred NVA soldiers.
Interviewer: While you were out there were you spending a lot of nights just out in
the field, or were you normally on a hilltop or in the firebase? Where were would
you be? 25:00
We would be—we would find a night defensive position and then the battalion
commander and the CP, I mean the actual Captain, would be conversing with the
battalion commander which way he wanted us to go and he would say it’s okay to go this

31

�way and so, the Captain would say, ―Okay, this company go forth, you go first‖, this
platoon, I mean, go first and, that’s the way it was. Then I believe it was on July 20th or
21st, is when we found the commo wire, and then the commo wire was linked into, from
the transistor radio and we had an interpreter, a Vietnamese interpreter, that was, I
believe, his last name was Hoang and he actually had a lot of intel that he actually gave to
the battalion commander, which caused him, the battalion commander, feel, I believe,
that it’s time to back off. 26:08 We knew it was time to back off after, I believe, the
Chinook took the big round into the motor and it knocked it down on top of the ammo
dump on the 18th of July, and they knew, and they think---and they couldn’t get ammo
back in there, so they were probably thinking that it’s time to leave. When they heard the
communications they tapped into it, and the enemy did send somebody back to check the
commo wire because they heard the scratching noise and one of the men in our company,
and was in my platoon even, it was either Sparkie Jornell or it was Schultz. They had
gotten the one guy, the one NVA, and then the other one was sent with a blood trail,
which they tried to follow, but they never found the guy. 27:06 The NVA, he probably
made it back and everything was fine, but the first one was killed, the NVA, and I
remember that.
Interviewer: The North Vietnamese are running communication wire through the
jungle between the different units, all right, and so you got an unusual piece of
intelligence there now, did anything happen when you were out at night camped out
in the jungle someplace around Ripcord? Did the enemy try to probe your
positions?

32

�The NVA was probing our positions, especially when the commo wire was in, and during
this time I was really praying a lot. 28:07 My friend, Bill Molvey, he prayed and read
the bible out there, and I started reading the bible and I read it all through. I made a
commitment to god, to Jesus, you know, and so I believe that helped me through this
because it helped me focus on-- and gave me some strength. That night, before the big
battle, they were probing our positions and I actually said to the sergeant that got shot
through the jaw the next day, I said to him, ―I smell the enemy out there‖, and he said,
―Doc, you’ve been out here too long, you’ve been out here too long‖, and I said, ―No, I
really do small them‖, because they had a specific small. They smelled like rice and also,
chicken and they had shrimp and they mixed things in and you could smell it. 29:09 He
didn’t believe me, but the next day we did get surrounded by NVA soldiers and I knew
they were probing us that night and I was on night guard for an hour and a half or so, or
two hours and I knew that they were, but they didn’t come.
Interviewer: Did you ever actually get attacked during the night?
We, particularly, did not get attacked during that night.
Interviewer: Or earlier nights?
A couple of the platoons got a few NVA coming in, but not really, not really. We had the
special mines out, which were with the thousand BB’s.
Interviewer: Were they claymores?
Claymore mines and the enemy, they were very, very afraid of that because they
definitely put some men wounded and killed on their side, that they didn’t want to get
near those things. 30:06 We put them out all around our night defense positions.

33

�Interviewer: Now, were these set up so that the American soldiers would trigger
them?
Yes, they would just click it and it would go off.
Interviewer: Did you ever have anybody kind of get jumpy and blow off a claymore
when he didn’t need to?
I think that happened once or twice, yeah.
Interviewer: What was the experience level of the soldiers in your platoon, do you
think?
Many of them were draftees, some of them were like Lieutenant Lee, he was a West
Pointer. A few of them were sergeants, they came in E3’s, and there were a few ―shake
and bakes‖ too. ―Shake and bake’, they put them through real quick and brought them
over to Vietnam real quick and actually, I think that Sergeant Brown was a ―shake and
bake‖, the one that said that to me. 31:07
Interviewer: Now, were these mostly men who hadn’t seen combat yet?
Yes, they were mostly men who didn’t see combat, that is correct.
Interviewer: Now, as you’re kind of—did you get to spend much of ant time,
actually, on the base at Ripcord itself?
We spent about two or three weeks on Ripcord, yes we did.
Interviewer: And what were you doing while you were up there?
We were just being night defensive, and we would be around the bunker and around the
circle, and just kind of keeping it safe for the night. Checking the jungle for movement
and things like that.
Interviewer: Would you send patrols out during the day or listening posts?

34

�Sometimes they would, they would, yes. At that time, though, they had a new thing
where they would actually put a sensor out and they started putting sensors out all the
way around them, so they knew when somebody was walking near it or something like
that. 32:08 And then they would give the intel to the chief commander and things like
that.
Interviewer: Now, while you were on Ripcord, were you taking much incoming
fire?
The incoming fire at Ripcord while we were there was minimal to starting July 1st, 1970
to July 23rd. Every night, every day, they got fire. 51 Cal fire, they got AK-47 fire, they
got mortars every single day, and it was constant for twenty three days, and the twenty
third day is when they left.
Interviewer: Now, did you prefer to be down there in the jungle or up on the base?
After July 1st I would rather have been in the jungle to be honest with you. The jungle
had more cover and they just didn’t—if we moved around they didn’t—usually it was a
little safer, actually. 33:08 But the firebase was being watched and they were going to
overrun it, you know, it was just a matter of time.
Interviewer: Did you have that feeling at the time that things were getting worse, or
were you just focusing on your job and staying alive?
I was focusing on my job as a medic, mainly, and trying to stay alive of course, that’s
what everybody tried to do. On the 22nd, when we got attacked, that’s when fifty one
were wounded and twelve were killed in a five hour battle.
Interviewer: Before that did you have a sense that the battle was not going the right
way, or were you not thinking about it?

35

�Well, we were thinking when the Chinook fell on the ammo dump that was it, you know.
It was probably not going the right way. Fortunately the enemy didn’t know that. 34:03
They didn’t realize that it fell on the ammo dump, and we found this out from General
Harrison, who went to talk to the opposing general, and they said that they did not know
that it fell on the ammo dump. Had they known, he told General Harrison, they probably
would have attacked that night, but they did not know that it was the ammo dump. They
thought that particular Chinook, it was just an explosion from the Chinook and that the
Chinook might have been bringing in something that they didn’t realize it was on the
ammo dump.
Interviewer: I suppose they were used to having the American having mountains of
ammo anyway, so what’s one big explosion and that sort of thing.
Right, right
Interviewer: They didn’t actually attack the perimeter of the base either. They
didn’t try to get up into it.
No, there was—a few times they tried to get up, but they never got very far, never got
very far in the wire. They never got through the wires. 35:01
Interviewer: The defensive position its self, was well laid out.
Right
Interviewer: Were there other incidents, or things, that kind of stand out in your
memory before your big attack? Things that happened that set that up?
Well, I remember one thing that stood out. I remember when we left O’Reilly and we
were going to—toward the place where we found the combo wire. One night—this is
how it was, we knew that we were going to get attacked. Everybody knew that we were

36

�going to get attacked and honestly, I even stopped eating a little bit. I ate one meal a day.
I remember it was almost like I was fasting, and I was hyper vigilant, and I kid you not,
this one day, between the time we left O’Reilly and we were at the commo spot, or it was
the day after the commo spot, that I heard a voice say, ―Your company is going to be
wiped out‖. 36:13 I don’t know if it was an imaginary voice or the devil telling me that,
or whatever, you know, but I heard it and I still remember it and it’s been forty years, and
I still remember that. So, I said, ―Okay‖, and I even turned around because I thought
somebody was saying something, but it was a voice, you know, so everybody knew that
we were going to get it. And that one, I remember this one guy, he—we were setting the
night defensive position and he actually shot himself in the foot to get out of the jungle.
We had to pull in a medevac to get him. It was about three days before we got
surrounded, so the enemy knew we were there when that medivac came in. 37:03 They
knew we were out there in the jungle someplace. They were watching us, but we moved
around every night.
Interviewer: Tell me about, kind of, the climax of the battle, what led to that and
what happened that day.
Well, I remember the morning of July 22nd and that we were supposed to leave at eleven
AM or so, eleven in the morning, ten thirty or eleven, and go to the one hill that Captain
Hawkins felt was the best extraction point for us to get out. So, what happened was the
Lieutenant Commander [Lieutenant Colonel] on Ripcord, which was Lucas, said, ―No,
we want you to go a different direction‖, and I remember, I don’t know if it was—
somebody was talking and saying, ―Well, the commander is trying to get us to go a
different direction and Captain Hawkins wants us to go to a night defensive position, the

37

�place going a different way from the night defensive position‖. 38:11 There was some
bickering going on the morning we were supposed to leave. Early in the morning
Captain Hawkins sent a squad out to go and check out that night defensive position.
Nothing happened, so they thought it was going to be secure and good, but actually the
enemy probably saw them and it probably would have been even worse than what
happened. When he got back and Captain, I mean Lieutenant Lucas, no Lieutenant
Colonel Lucas told him to go a different direction, he finally said, ―Yes, we’ll go the
other direction‖, and so, my company, my platoon, 2nd platoon, was chosen to go first as
point. Always the point element gets hit the worst. 39:00 So, we were sort of walking a
different direction and actually, we started walking out of it and when we actually saw an
NVA soldier. We hunkered down and he told the Lieutenant and the Lieutenant said,
―Well, why didn’t you shoot?‖ I don’t know who that was that did that, but probably
Lieutenant Widjeskog will be able to tell you more information about that one.
Interviewer: Basically it was probably a new guy, or , who hadn’t had that happen
before.
Yeah, and that morning I remember, of July 22nd, right before we went out that other
direction, I know that I made—I opened up my Gideon New Testament and I wrote my
name down and I said, ―I’ll do whatever you want God. I’ll do whatever you want. I just
want to get out of here alive. Get me out of here, Lord‖, so it was kind like a deal I did
with God and I accepted Jesus’s plan for my life. 40:04 I became a Chaplain later and
that’s what I’m doing now, I’m a Chaplain for veterans. But, actually after the battle
started, the other two platoons were swamped with the enemy and they were just creeping
up on us and we didn’t know it.

38

�Interviewer: So, they sort of let your platoon pass through the ambush and so they
went after the rest of the company?
Yes, they went through and they actually got between my platoon, the 2nd platoon and the
two other platoons and they were working on those other two platoons, but my platoon
was up a little knoll, a little bit higher ground, so every time they tried to come up on us,
we just threw a grenade down the side when we heard anything. 41:00 I remember that
one time during that five hours where they tried to swamp my platoon over there and
Lieutenant Lee said, ―Everybody get in a circle‖, and everybody got in a circle and then,
―Get your M16 in front of you. If you see anything or hear anything then we’re going to
shoot‖, and then we all got in a circle and then the sappers, the sappers came up. They
had these satchel charges, and we had, I don’t know, ten satchel charges thrown in our
group, so it was pandemonium, but when that happened everybody opened up in a circle
around us. It was like a protective shield and they all backed out. No NVA got up, no
sappers got in our little circle. 42:00 They didn’t get-- but I remember one was fighting
with Sparky Jornell, who was killed, Sparky Jornell was killed by shrapnel or a bullet
during that time, and he was behind a big stump and every time he’d come out Sparky
would shoot and then he’d go back behind the stump and the other guy would come out
and it was going back and forth, back and forth for a half an hour or forty minutes. So, I
actually lost it a little in the beginning of the battle and I kind of like started saying ―Jesus
help me, Jesus help, help‖, and Tom Schultz was on the corner, maybe about twenty feet
away from me, or twenty-five, and he came back to me and he said, ―Martin, I think
we’re going to make it, we’re going to make it, I think we’re going to make it through
this, don’t worry about it, you’ll be okay, we’ll be okay‖. 43:04 I said, ―Okay Tom,

39

�you’re right‖, and I calmed down. Then he went to the edge of the perimeter and we
never saw him until the next day and he was shot and killed later on, Tom Schultz, I’ll
never forget that, he calmed me down and it was probably one of the last things he did
before he died, and God bless him. He helped me to refocus, you know, ―We’re going to
make it, yes‖, and then my other friend, who was a radio man was Bill Molvey, Bill
Molvey’s from Pennsylvania, I just met him at the forty year reunion just now, and he
actually—I’ve been trying to find him for forty years and I finally found him, and he
came to the reunion and he remembered that. 44:01 His radio went out, they were
trying to bring in jets with 250 pound bombs, and everybody’s radio went out in my
platoon, so we couldn’t do it. We couldn’t even communicate with the other two
platoons for at least forty minutes, forty-five, or fifty minutes. But, they were trying to
work with these radios and one of them was shot up and his wasn’t working well and
finally he got it working, and I’ll tell you we were praying hard. He was right next to me,
and I still get calls from him every week, and I talked to him yesterday, you know, Bill
Molvey, he’s really a good guy, and he was the other radio man. The Lieutenant
Widjeskog had one and Bill Molvey was one for I believe it was Brown, Sergeant
Brown, he had one, and maybe there were two or three in it, but one of the radios was
down and the others got messed up. 45:02
Interviewer: Now, did you ever find out what happened to the sapper that Sparky
was having the shootout with?
I believe that he was killed and they pulled back his body because we never found his
body. To be honest with you, the only bodies that we found the next day, of the NVA,
were those that were so close that the NVA night people that were supposed to pull back

40

�the bodies, they couldn’t go that close because they were in our wire, but that one time I
wasn’t there at the other two platoons, some of the other men will probably tell you this,
at one time the enemy came so close on the other two platoons, that they came up and
were starting to shoot our guys, and one guy was on top of another guy, and the guy, I
remember, had a sapper throw a satchel charge and it blinded him and the other two
platoons, what I understand. 46:03 And he actually had a body on top of him. The
body on top of him was the guy that was dead and then the NVA shot that body.
But, he was underneath, but he kicked him, he was underneath and he kicked him, but he
didn’t move, and they probably thought, ―Okay, that guy's dead too‖, but he wasn’t, he
was alive, but he was blinded by a satchel charge and he made it through that and he
told—I remember him telling me that and it was really something.
Interviewer: Now, what ended the fight? You said it was going on something like
five hours, did you get to call in any air strikes, or what was it that broke it?
What broke it, I believe, was the F4’s started dropping 250 pound bombs, and the F4
actually came in and that’s when the radio started working, and we started saying, ―Okay,
pop smoke‖, and we popped the smoke to show them our position. 47:05 We said, ―Get
in as close as possible‖, and Captain Hawkins was saying the same thing. His was
working and ours finally started working, our radio started working and then they popped
the smoke and then they brought in 250 pound bombs that actually shattered—I
remember this one guy, I forgot his name right now, but I know what his face looks like
and everything, but he actually came to me and he said, ―Doc, I’m bleeding‖, and it was
on his ear because his eardrum was perforated because of the 250 pound bombs. But,
they taught us always to open our mouth when we knew that bombs were coming.

41

�Everybody said, ―Open your mouth‖, it’s some kind of thing, ―open your mouth because
they’re going to drop 250 pound bombs‖, so I did that myself and I didn’t have that, but
this other guy on the edge of the perimeter did have that and came down to see me.
48:01 I remember this guy named Swain, he was somewhat wounded and he was on the
edge of the perimeter, and this other guy, and I can’t remember his name, but he’s the
one, the other guy with the bleeding in the ear.
Interviewer: Now, were you treating them during the firefight or did you--?
As much as I could, I was treating men during the firefight, and then Captain, I mean
Sergeant Brown stood up and he got a bullet through his cheek. It went in one side and
out the other and took out some teeth, but it missed his jugular vein and he was very
fortunate. I gave him dextran and he wrote me a full letter on the 28th of July that he
thanked me for being like an angel that helped him, so he made it through that.
Interviewer: Now, did you get hit yourself in that action?
Yeah, when they threw in the satchel charges I got a piece of shrapnel that just grazed my
temple. 49:05 It hit me and it’s still there today, and it never—nothing ever happened,
but I do set off at the airports, these things. ―You got something on you don’t you, you
got something on you?‖ I said, ―No, it’s shrapnel‖.
Interviewer: So, the enemy eventually pulls back after the bombing strike. Did you
then go down and try to help the other platoons or what did you do then?
Yes, after that we were all hurting and we went back to rejoin the other two platoons, and
the first time we tried there was one NVA in between us. They got in between us and we
couldn’t get back two hours late before that, three hours before that. They wanted to
separate us. 50:03 So, what happened was, the one guy was between us and we had

42

�tried and then we tried a half hour later and he was gone, he pulled back. All the NVA
pulled back after the five hours. So, we were able to get back with them and I was
walking around putting patches on everybody. I still remember this one guy named Rick,
he had been shot through the lung, and I had this Vaseline thing that they taught us in San
Antonio, ―Put the Vaseline thing on, hold it and don’t let the air come through on both
sides‖, so that’s what I did and then I had to have another trooper—I said, ―Look, you
hold this because I have to go and take care of the other men‖, and he lived, that guy, and
I remember it.
Interviewer: How did they get you out of there?
Well, the next morning we were—if they would have attacked us that night it would have
been terrible because everybody—51:06 But I think the enemy, the NVA, were also
very, very wounded themselves and many killed. So, they backed off totally and they
gave us a night. We gave them a night and they gave us a night. I remember during the
night they were constantly shooting the flares over us to show light and one of the, one
guy that wasn’t wounded, ironically, when they shoot these flares, this little metal thing
comes down and it hit this guy on the skull and he said, ―I can’t believe this, I was
wounded by one of these things and I wasn’t wounded during the battle‖. So, he got hit
and got a little wound because of this thing that fell on top of him. 52:00
Interviewer: Do you have a sense of how many men were medevaced out while you
were still there?
Nobody was medevaced until the next morning. We all had to stay and one man was so
wounded that he was bleeding in his abdomen and all I could do was tell him, ―Look, we
just got to keep pressure on it, and in the morning we’ll get you out‖. Nobody could be

43

�moved out that night, nobody, the night of July 22nd to the 23rd. But, the next morning,
the 23rd, Delta Company walked in towards us and the Captain from the Delta Company,
and I forgot his name right now [Captain Rollison], he was very, very, a good friend of
the Captain Hawkins, and since then has passed away of liver problems and he was a
really good Captain, Delta Company Captain, and he came in with a sawed off shotgun, I
still remember that. 53:00 He came in with his men with a sawed off shotgun. About
two platoons came with him, or something like that, maybe one and a half platoons, but
these guys walked in from probably a mile away and they said they couldn’t find us, so
we had to take our M16’s and shoot. One guy took a M16 and shot. The Captain said,
―Shoot the M16 one time‖, and then they heard us, from the hearing of it they came to us
and they cut a LZ. They had—they were able to cut a LZ, they had those lumberjack
things and they cut the LZ and got it ready for---and there was twenty or twenty one
Hueys that came in and got us all out.
Interviewer: How many men in the company were still able to function and stay in
the field at that point?
Everybody was—fifty one were wounded and twelve killed and the next day another guy
died of wounds, I remember. 54:03 the guy that had the wound on the intestines, he
died, I remember. Actually the—some of the platoons that was wounded, some of them
weren’t wounded bad enough to be sent back, so they stayed in the base camp and got
fixed up for a month or so, or a month and a half and then some of them went out again.
Interviewer: What happened to you at the end of this?
At that end I was in the jungle six and a half months. The medics were told, ―You’re
going to be in the jungle six months and then we’re going to pull you back and you’ll be

44

�in the base camp‖. I said, ―I’ve been in there six and a half months‖, I told the guy at the
medical thing and he said, ―Martin, we don’t have any replacements, you might have to
go back‖, and I said, ―I can’t go back, I can’t go back anymore, this is too much for me to
handle‖, and they said, ―Okay Martin, we’ll see what we can do‖. 55:05 So, actually I
got transferred to Charlie Company, 2nd of 326 Charlie, which actually was on Camp
Evans and then I worked at the base camp in a little dispensary hospital where they
brought guys in that had cellulitis and stuff, and took care of them, and had minor
wounds. Some of those guys that were wounded went on that camp 326 hospital and
some of them went to Da Nang too.
Interviewer: So, did you stay there then for the rest of your tour?
I stayed there for the rest of my tour until December of 1970. So, I was out of the jungle
the end of July.
Interviewer: What was daily life like now that you’re back at Camp Evans with
sort of a regular job?
At Camp Evans my rotation was, I had—I was like an orderly at the hospital, at the camp
hospital at Camp Evans 326. 56:09 And Charlie 326 and that’s where the medevacs
came in at. Anything that was minor stayed at Camp Evans and anything more major
went to someplace else. We had at least thirty beds and during that time they were
almost always filled or at least half filled or three quarters filled, and that’s what my job
was every day.
Interviewer: Would you meet the medevacs where they landed or did you stay back
at the ward?

45

�No, we stayed back at the ward. There were other medics that would take care of that
portion and bring them over to the ward if they went to us, otherwise they took them on
to Da Nang, or even to Japan. Japan had a big hospital, or if they had to be shipped out,
to Japan or to Germany or the U.S. 57:03
Interviewer: All right, did you get to work a regular schedule now?
Yes, I started working a regular schedule just like an orderly, or like a nurse. We did
IV’s and all that, which the nurses would do in the states, we did. We filled the—we
took the cellulitis, we gave them Penicillin for it, and we had to clean those things out
every day and put in this special medication in those holes. I remember one guy came in,
he cellulitis, and honestly, his neck, the next day, was like a bulls neck. That’s how big it
got and we had to give him double Penicillin. We had to take that all out and clean that
out and put this special gauze in there and sometimes it got in there and we had to clean it
twice a day and it was a dirty job, but this was our job and we did it.
Interviewer: What did you do when you were off duty? 58:04
Before I go there I want to make a tribute to one soldier and his name is Eric DeVille,
Eric DeVille was from the other company. He was one of the other company men and
2nd of the 501st, or whatever. He came in and I found out that he was from my home
town in Indiana, and I didn’t even know him before that and I didn’t know he was in the
101st Airborne, and in actuality he was a grunt, he was a point man, God bless him, and
he went through a heck of a rough time. He came in for cellulitis and then later when we
got back in the states we got back together, had a meal, and talked and stuff. But he had
an addiction problem and unfortunately and he actually robbed the Highland Bank.
59:02 The Highland Bank and they brought—he said, ―Put in money‖, and he had a big

46

�sack with fifty thousand dollars, and when he went out the police were all around and
they said, ―Drop it, Eric DeVille, drop it, we know you had some problems, but you can’t
do this‖, and unfortunately he picked his pistol up like that and they shot him through the
heart and he died. God bless him, he had PTSD and he could have been helped had the
VA at that time known how to help people, but they’re a lot better at it now and they’re
doing a wonderful job now, but at that time—I, myself, had PTSD.
Interviewer: Now, in the base camp area were there problems with people using
drugs or other issues that you were aware of? 60:00
Okay, I’m going to tell you a story. When I was in the base camp, I was on the ward, and
one of the men that was in the platoon, or he was in another platoon, came to me and
said, ―Hey Doc, I got something for you‖, and I said, ―What?‖ I said, ―What are you
talking about?‖ He said, ―I got this special Marijuana, it’s laced with Opium, and you’ll
never have anything like it‖, and he said, ―Try it Doc, here‖, and I did try it and that’s the
first time I ever tried anything like that, and to be honest with you, that night I did not
sleep well. I woke up in a sweat. I was sweating from the top of my head to the bottom
of my feet and I had a dream that the devil came through the back of the hooch and was
wanting to knock me out, and that was the last day I ever took anything like that. 1:02 I
just threw it away and said--I ran to the ward and I said, ―Please watch me over this
night‖, so I slept on the ward that night. Then in the morning I had a headache and I
never did anything like that again, that was terrible.
Interviewer: Was there a lot of it kind of going on around?
Yeah, it was going on around base camp a little bit, but actually there was a lot of
drinking to because we had a little—we started like a little club and it was a dugout down

47

�under there. It was like hooch that was underneath the ground, so it was our special place
we would go to and we had people who would shift work, working down there at night.
2:03
Interviewer: When you’re out there in the field with a line company like that—now
when you’re out with a line company like that, you mentioned briefly in the first
interview, if you’re out there nobody’s going to light up or something like that.
Right, on the front line, because it’s detrimental to the security of the company and of the
platoons. Sergeants, you know, all of the guys backed off, you know, when we really
were in an area that was very, very volatile, they all backed off. There’s no doubt about
it, I never saw any of them do anything, and they would always say, ―You got to be
alert‖.
Interviewer: Now, when you’re living on the base camp, would you have
Vietnamese civilians there with you or what were they doing?
On the base camp there were Vietnamese civilians like you saw in that picture. 3:02
The would come and they would clean and they would do thing, and the only thing is,
that some of the time those were VC too, so you didn’t know, you really didn’t know for
sure.
Interviewer: Did you have a curfew system or something on the base?
Yeah, a curfew system, they left at a certain time. Six or seven o’clock was there time to
go and they went back to their village and came back the next day. They had their own
security, little badge or whatever, the next day.
Interviewer: Did men from the base go into the village too or did they stay?

48

�Men have told me they went into the villages, and I went to the village a couple times
with the battalion nurse and four or five other people to do what they call the
Vietnamization. They said, ―Okay look‖, they would have an interpreter say, ―We’re
here to help. Does anybody have some physical problems? We have Penicillin, we have
different stuff that can help you‖, so they would get village people coming all the time to
have us look at this, and look at that. 4:13 So, we would bandage it up and we would
give them a shot, or whatever they needed. We did that as Vietnamization, and I did that
between—when I came out of the Ripcord situation to when I left, for those three
months. It was for about three or three and a half months. I got a thirty day drop, so I
left thirty days short.
Interviewer: As far as you can tell, what kind of attitude did the Vietnamese people
have toward you or how did they act?
The Vietnamese people were—I would say that they were a little bit—it was to us, it’s
like you can’t trust them. 5:07 They could be NVA, they could be Viet Cong at night,
we don’t know, so to be honest with you, but I remember there were some girls,
Vietnamese girls that came in, and they sold things in the camp. Now, those girls—all
the guys were in line to get to their village, to get to their house, you know. I know I
struck out every time I tried. I wasn’t no Don Juan or I wasn’t John Wayne or nothing.
Interviewer: It was probably healthier that way.
Yeah, right, exactly so, but I remember my friend, which my friend Jake Jacobs, he’s a
Marine from Hammond. Jake Jacobs, he told me a story. He was going into a village
and he was actually having a relationship with this one girl, a Vietnamese girl. 6:05
And he told me that he was in bed with her, or something and then all of a sudden the

49

�NVA or the VC in the village came in and started knocking on the door and said, ―You
have someone there, or something?‖ So, he had to get in the closet and put stuff on him
and hope that this guy didn’t find him, or that he might have been shot, you know, and
the girl covered for him, fortunately, but he said he still remembers it and he was scared
to death that he was going to be shot, or something, and so he told me that story.
Interviewer: The time comes and you get to leave. What’s the physical process for
getting you back to the U.S.?
Well, they would tell us, ―Okay, you guys are going to ship out this certain day‖, so we
would go to the air, you know where the planes come in on Camp Evans, or the
helicopters take us. 7:14 Then we went from there to Da Nang, and in Da Nang they
had a big jet that took us, all one hundred or so, a hundred, a hundred and fifty or so, that
day.
Interviewer: Now was this a chartered commercial jet or was this a military one?
I think it was a military, yeah, it was military one.
Interviewer: There were no stewardesses?
There might have been a few, but we all were holding our breath until we got off, and
then everybody started saying, ―Yeah, you’re out‖, you know, and yeah, when we got up
in the air, everybody cheered, everybody cheered.
Interviewer: When you were at the airport waiting to get out, did you see anybody
coming in? Were there new guys coming in when you were leaving, or did you not
see them? 8:04
Yeah, well over there, there were new guys coming in, not in Da Nang, we didn’t see it,
but when we got into the United States we saw them. We were coming off, going out and

50

�they were coming in, and they were all saying, ―How was it, how was it?‖ Some of were
looking down like that. ―Don’t worry about it‖, or ―Watch your back‖.
Interviewer: Where did you land in the states?
Oakland, Oakland, California
Interviewer: Did you land on the airbase, or did you come right to the airport?
Right to the airport, right to the airport
Interviewer: Now, when you got there did you see any war protestors or things like
that there?
In 1970 there were not as many, but when I was going out then there were some there.
9:02
Interviewer: So there were actually more, and you saw more in 1969 than in 1970?
Late 1969 and early 1970
Interviewer: By the time you were coming back they weren’t sending as many over.
They weren’t sending as many over, they stopped.
Interviewer: At this point did you still have time left in the service, or were you just
about done?
At this time I had six and a half months left. When I got back I got my orders to go to
Fort Knox in two weeks after that. So, what I actually did was I went to Fort Knox after
that and for six and a half months I was at Fort Knox.
Interviewer: What did you do at Fort Knox?
At Fort Knox I worked in a ward. I was like an orderly, taking people's name down, and
then giving them shots for whatever they needed. Giving some Penicillin and things like
that. 10:01

51

�Interviewer: Did you have any sense of what the mood or morale was like at Fort
Knox while you were there?
At Fort Knox it was great, it was just like a regular job, to be honest with you. After we
were done with our shift we had free time, and at that time I got a car, so I drove there, to
fort Knox, and back, so it was pretty good. I actually got a car when I was on my leave,
because I had saved up money and they put it in the bank for me and everything.
Interviewer: Now, who were you—were you just dealing with, sort of, the hospital
personnel on your own little part of the base, or did you work with just a lot of
recruits in training they were going through during that time?
At Fort Knox they didn’t do recruiting or training. The only thing they did at Fort Knox
was train people for tank warfare, so there was an artillery unit there and there might
have been some other things. Now, recently I heard they are training in Fort Knox, even
for basic training, which I didn’t know. 11:04
Interviewer: Fort Knox was a big basic training camp all through the Vietnam era,
it was also a very big base with different parts to the base.
Yeah, I was on a different part of the base and I didn’t have any basic training people,
none. All these guys, most of them were the tank people and mechanized unit people.
Interviewer: Were there a lot of guys there who had already been to Vietnam?
There were a lot of guys that were Vietnam people, yeah. I remember the first time I saw
real conflict between black and white was on Fort Knox. At Fort Knox there were black
guys, black soldiers there and white soldiers and some of these guys were from the Deep
South and they did not get along. 12:00 It was like oil and water, and I remember this
one guy , this one black guy was smarting off to the one white guy from the south and the

52

�white guy from the south took, you know, one of these things, these scrub thing with
things this long and he just hit the guy. The other guy started hitting him back and they
both had bad wounds and they both were bleeding, and it was just terrible. We had to go
in and I think the campus police came, you know.
Interviewer: The MP’s come in.
Yeah, they took care of it, but I remember also, that was the first time I realized, ―I really
got to watch my wallet‖, because I had, at Fort Knox, I took a shower and in the middle
of my shower I said, ―Did I shut my shower door, shut my locker? Did I lock it?‖ 13:05
I said, ―No‖, so I ran back there in my skivvies, and sure enough my wallet was missing.
There was this one black guy, short, kind of thin, black guy, walking down the stairs and
I went up to him and I said, ―You took my wallet didn’t you?‖ I said, ―You took my
wallet, I know you did‖, and he said, ―I don’t know what you’re talking about. I don’t
know what you’re talking about‖, but I said, ―I really don’t care about the money. All I
care about is my driver’s license and my important other things in there‖, because I only
had two hundred dollars, or something, in there. So, a couple days later, in the shower,
somebody told me, I was in the barracks, and they said, ―Martin, when we cleaned the
bathroom, behind the show, I mean on the window sill, was your wallet‖, and it had my
driver’s license and my important stuff, but my money was gone. 14:14 I knew it was
that guy, I knew it was him, but I couldn’t prove it.
Interviewer: Did anybody, at any point, try to get you to re-up, to stay in?
At the end of my tour at Fort Knox, two E6 sergeants, one of them working there and
there was an E8 guy, he was in there like eighteen or sixteen years, he said to me,
―Martin, do you know what, it’s really not that bad staying in. I’ve been in here for‖, I

53

�don’t know, ten or fifteen years, I can’t remember exactly what he said, ―It’s not that bad
if you’re not on the front lines‖. 15:04 ―It’s just like a regular job, you get time off‖,
and I said, ―I know that it’s like that, but I do not want to go back to Vietnam. The only
way‖— see, I tried to re-up in Vietnam and that’s something I forgot to tell you about. I
tried to re-up when we were in O’Reilly. I went back to Camp Evans and I talked to
them and I said, ―I’m willing to re-up for some more years if I can get the next step up‖,
which was 91 Charlie. 91 Charlie is like a glorified registered nurse, right below a
registered nurse, and you would do almost everything that a registered nurse would do,
but you’re not a registered nurse. They said, ―Martin, there is this 91 Charlie, you can go
into it if you want to, but I’ll be honest with you, you’re going to have to go back to the
states and train and there’s no guarantee that you’re not going to come back here‖, and I
said, ―I’m not going to do it then‖. 16:11 They had all the papers set up and I remember
this sergeant the next day I came in he started cussing at me and he said, ―I did these
papers and are you saying no?‖ I said, ―No, I’m sorry you can’t guarantee me that I’m
not going to come back here‖, and I said, ―I can’t sign then‖, and he cussed me out and he
said, ―Get back to the blankity, blank field then‖, but I never really went back in the field,
I just stayed in the base camp with the 326 Charlie.
Interviewer: So, when do you finally get discharged?
I got discharged in August of 1971.
Interviewer: What did you do then once you were out?
Once I was out, my father was in insurance and he said I could work with him as long as
I wanted to, and I did a little bit. 17:11 I got a job at the steel mill being a laborer, I got
that job. It was good money, but it was real hot. They gave me the base job, and I

54

�remember going and cleaning underneath the gas furnace. It was so hot and I said, ―Man,
what am I doing this for? Do I really want to do this?‖ So, then I made a decision soon
after that, that I would go back into insurance with my father. So, I went and finished in
insurance, and stuff, and I started going to this church, a deliverance church, where they
prayed for you and cast out evil spirits on stuff off of you, and I went to that church for
ten years, and that’s where I met my wife too. 18:01 Actually that church helped me
out a lot. Even the VA said, ―Well, you’re not taking tranquilizers and stuff, you’re
doing okay there, I guess, just keep going‖. Then I redid my vow. I made my
commitment and me and my wife went to Bible College. I wasn’t married when I went
to Bible College, but we married within a year of me going to Bible College.
Interviewer: Since then you became a Chaplain?
Yes
Interviewer: How did that happen?
Well, I got my license; I got my license for ministry, being ordination from the bible
college I went to. I went three years and I did the GI Bill, the GI Bill paid for that. So,
after that—the first year I asked my wife to marry me and she okayed it and I said,
―Unless I have the pastor okay it, your parents say okay, and my parents say okay, then it
will happen, otherwise it’s not going to happen‖. 19:06 So, all of them said, ―Okay,
Martin, you should get married‖, so I did. Then the rest is history. Me and my wife
finished school down there and then my first two children were born in Pensacola,
Florida. So then, after college, I decided that I was going to start a church, or something
in Gary, Indiana, which was one of the roughest parts of Indiana, Gary. So, I did, I
started it and it was just a flop. It was a terrible flop. I was sent people that threw me

55

�pennies from—while I was preaching and things like that happened. One guy actually
committed a rape, you know, and it was just a big mess. 20:00 It was like, ―Lord, do
you really want me doing this? Do you really want me doing this?‖ It was a depression
and it seemed like the economy was down. I lived in a small section of Gary that did not
have an insurance agency, in Black Oak, Gary, which is like ten thousand people, but
no—it was like a small town, but no insurance agency. Nobody wanted to be there
because it was too rough. So, I opened up an insurance agency. I felt like the lord said,
―Okay, go ahead and open up an insurance agency, you have your license‖. After the
first year it was really a rough year to a year and a half, but after that it went off like a
rocket. So, I’ve been doing insurance to provide for my family. I continued the ministry
with doing things and being Chaplin for, and now I’m the Chaplin for the Vietnam
Veterans of America, VVA, all of the veterans, so that’s what I do. 21:06
Interviewer: All right, and thanks for a good story and taking the time to tell it to
me.
Sure

56

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Boring, Frank</text>
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