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                  <text>Text and sound recordings of the sermons, prayers, services, and articles of Richard Rhem, pastor emeritus of Christ Community Church in Spring Lake, Michigan, where he served for 37 years.  Starting in the mid 1980's, Rhem began to question some of the traditional Christian dogma that he had been espousing from the pulpit. That questioning was a first step in a long and interesting spiritual journey, one that he openly shared with his congregation. His journey is important, in part because it is reflective of the questioning, the yearnings, and the gradual revision of beliefs that many persons in this part of the century have experienced and continue to experience. It is important also because of the affirming and inclusive way his questioning was done and his thinking evolved. His sermons and other written and spoken materials together document the steps in his journey as it took a turn in 1985, yet continued to revolve around the framework and liturgies of the Christian calendar.&#13;
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                <text>A sermon given by Richard A. Rhem (Dick) on February 9, 1995 entitled "Epiphany Eyes", on the occasion of Epiphany V, at Christ Community Church, Spring Lake, MI. Scripture references: Ephesians 1:17-19.</text>
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nl &#13;
de</text>
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                <text>Epistolae [folium 8]</text>
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            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                <text>Ferrara: Laurentius de Rubeis, de Valentia</text>
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            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>Hieronymus</text>
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            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                <text>it</text>
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          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="762369">
                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/?language=en"&gt;No Copyright - United States&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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            <name>Format</name>
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                <text>Text</text>
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              <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
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              <name>Rights</name>
              <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="765553">
                  <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/?language=en"&gt;No Copyright - United &lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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              <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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la&#13;
nl &#13;
de</text>
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      <name>Still Image</name>
      <description>A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.</description>
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    <elementSetContainer>
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        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Epistolae [folium 90]</text>
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            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                <text>DC-03_090Hieronymus1497</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Hieronymous</text>
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          <element elementId="41">
            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="763499">
                <text>One leaf of Epistolae by Hieronymus and edited by Theodorus Laelius. Printed in Basel by Nicolaus Kesler on February 28, 1497. [GW 12436; ISTC ih00176000]</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Basel: Nicolaus Kesler</text>
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          <element elementId="49">
            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Incunabula</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="763502">
                <text>Printing 1450-1500</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="763503">
                <text>la</text>
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          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="763504">
                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/?language=en"&gt;No Copyright - United States&lt;/a&gt;</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="42">
            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>application/pdf</text>
              </elementText>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>1497</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="48">
            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="763508">
                <text>Seidman Rare Books Collection</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="37">
            <name>Contributor</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Laelius, Theodorus (editor)</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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                <name>Text</name>
                <description/>
                <elementTextContainer>
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                    <text>�</text>
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    </fileContainer>
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      <elementSetContainer>
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          <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
          <elementContainer>
            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Incunabula</text>
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            <element elementId="41">
              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="765550">
                  <text>The term incunabula refers to books printed between 1450 and 1500, approximately the first fifty years following the invention, by Johann Gutenberg of Mainz, of printing from moveable type. Our collection includes over 200 volumes and numerous unbound leaves from books printed during this period.</text>
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              </elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="38">
              <name>Coverage</name>
              <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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                </elementText>
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              <name>Source</name>
              <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="47">
              <name>Rights</name>
              <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="765553">
                  <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/NoC-US/1.0/?language=en"&gt;No Copyright - United &lt;/a&gt;</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
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              <name>Subject</name>
              <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                </elementText>
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                </elementText>
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              <name>Publisher</name>
              <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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                  <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections &amp; University Archives</text>
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              <name>Identifier</name>
              <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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                  <text>DC-03</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="42">
              <name>Format</name>
              <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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                  <text>application/pdf</text>
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            <element elementId="51">
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              <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="44">
              <name>Language</name>
              <description>A language of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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                </elementText>
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    <itemType itemTypeId="6">
      <name>Still Image</name>
      <description>A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.</description>
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    <elementSetContainer>
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        <elementContainer>
          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Epitomata, seu Reparationes totius philosophiae naturalis Aristotelis [folium 169]</text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>DC-03_169Gerardus1496</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Gerardus, de Hardewyck</text>
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          <element elementId="41">
            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="764580">
                <text>One leaf from Epitomata, seu Reparationes totius philosophiae naturalis Aristotelis, by Gerardus de Harderwyck. Printed in Cologne by Heinrich Quentell on February 29, 1496. [GW 10674; ISTC ig00168000]</text>
              </elementText>
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          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Cologne: Heinrich Quentell</text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="49">
            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Incunabula</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="764583">
                <text>Printing 1450-1500</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="764585">
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          </element>
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            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>1496</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans' History Project
Stuart Eppinga
World War II
39 minutes 20 seconds
(00:00:18) Early Life
-Parents were immigrants from the Netherlands
-Fell in love in the Netherlands
-Father wanted to move to the U.S., mother did not
-Made a compromise: he would go and get established, she would follow
-Father came to Detroit, found work as a carpenter, and made a lot of
money
-Stuart had a brother that was eight years older
-Mother died giving birth to Stuart
-He weighed less than three pounds
-Small enough to fit in a cigar box
-Father found a nurse that spoke Dutch
-They eventually married and she became Stuart's stepmother
-Older brother, Jacob, was born in the United States
-Became a pastor and worked at a Christian Reformed Church in Grand Rapids
-Did that for thirty years
-Step mother was excellent
-Born on June 17, 1925
-Grew up in Detroit
-Went to a Christian school for the first eight grades
-Went to Southeastern High School in Detroit
-Taught there after the war
-Graduated in 1943
-Shortly after graduating got drafted
(00:03:54) Life after the War Pt. 1
-Used the GI Bill after the war to go to college
-Attended Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan
-Wanted to stay close to his family and close to his wife-to-be
(00:04:39) Getting Drafted
-Got drafted into the Navy in 1943
-Reported for a physical during the draft process
-After being deemed fit for service men were assigned to a branch of the service
-The soldier giving out assignments would ask them what they wanted
-Then he gave them whatever he felt like giving them
-When Stuart got up to the soldier he said to give him whatever
-Happy being assigned to the Navy
-Loved being in the water, so it felt like a good fit
(00:06:03) Basic Training
-Sent to Camp Peary, Virginia for basic training

�-Got trained by a Marine, and the Marines hated the Navy personnel
-He will never forget his arrival at Camp Peary
-Got off the train and saw hundreds of men from all over the country going to the
camp
-Enjoyed basic training
-Liked being outside and doing exercise
-Enjoyed the marches, the discipline, and getting up early
-Had no trouble adjusting to the military
-Remembers two men being discharged
-One man was young, recently married, and was basically having a nervous
breakdown
-The other man got discharged due to having a bad back
-Trained with rifles
-Received gas training
-Went into a building filled with mustard gas, wearing a gas mask
-Ordered to remove their gas masks then the doors were opened to go
outside
-Crawled on an infiltration course
-Crawling under barbed wire while a machie gun was fired over his head
-Understood why they were forced to do what they were forced to do
-It was the best physical shape he was ever in
-There were accidents in basic training and men died
-Remembers men panicking on the infiltration course, standing up, and getting
shot
(00:10:44) Stationed in Bermuda
-Given a ten day leave after basic training to visit home
-Reported to Norfolk, Virginia
-Sent down to Bermuda
-Most likely assigned to Naval Air Station Bermuda Annex
-Leased to the United States by the United Kingdom
-His duty in Bermuda was to help with the maintenance of the base
-Base was home to PBY-3 seaplanes
-Went on a few anti-submarine patrols with them
-Got to see convoys sailing for Europe and Africa
-Saw troopships surrounded by destroyers and destroyer-escorts
-Could see the beautiful coral reef around Bermuda
-Looking for U-Boats in the Gulf of Mexico and near the U.S.
-Present for the capture of U-505 in June 1944
-U-Boat now at Museum of Science &amp; Industry in Chicago
-Remembers six Italian submarines coming into their port to surrender
-Talked with some of the Italian sailors
-Learned that they had been attacking German U-Boats
-They were disillusioned with Mussolini's incompetent leadership
-The submarines were from World War I
-About thirty sailors per submarine
-He got along well with the Italian prisoners of war

�-For a while he ran a boiler that turned salt water into fresh water
-Worked for the Welfare and Recreation Department
-Enjoyed that duty because he enjoyed sports
-Ran the sports program
-Organizing basketball, baseball, and pool games
-Wanted to go where the action was
-Applied for the Underwater Demolition Teams (precursor to the Navy SEALs)
-Never got accepted, and in retrospect is happy he didn't
-Stationed on Bermuda for eighteen months
(00:15:47) Stationed in Guam
-Requested a transfer after eighteen months on Bermuda
-Sent to Davisville, Rhode Island then sent to Norfolk, Virginia
-Assigned to a ship in Norfolk that would take him to Guam
-Sailed from Virginia to the Panama Canal to Hawaii to Guam
-Lived in a tent on Guam as opposed to a barracks like he had on Bermuda
-There were still Japanese troops on Guam when he was there
-On Guam when Japan surrendered
-On Guam he was assigned to guard a work detail of Japanese prisoners of war
-Assigned them work and guarded them
-Had them digging ditches and removing rocks to keep them busy
-Never turned his back on them for fear they would rebel and kill him
-The Japanese believed they should have died fighting
-Food wasn't great on Guam, but it wasn't that good anywhere
-Ate a lot of chipped beef (nicknamed "shit on a shingle")
-It wasn't very substantial food
-Didn't lose any weight, but didn't gain any weight either
(00:18:42) End of the War &amp; Coming Home Pt. 1
-At the end of the war he had enough points to go home
-Needed eighty five points to go home
-Points assigned based on length of service, rank, combat, and dependents
-He was urged to volunteer for occupation duty in Japan, but he declined
-Aircraft carrier USS Enterprise stopped in Guam
-He boarded it and took it back to the U.S.
-Attended a Bible study on the ship
-Got involved in a singing quartet that sang every night on the deck of the
ship
-They wanted him to stay on the ship as a singer, but he declined
-Sailed through the Panama Canal and through the Caribbean Sea up to Virginia
-Took thirty five days to sail from Guam to Virginia
(00:20:47) Reassignment to Guam-Train Ride
-When he went from Davisville to Norfolk he took a train
-He was assigned to the last car, but got called first for dinner
-It was great food
-So after he ate he moved up to the fifth car, and so on, so he could get six
meals
(00:21:50) Visiting New York and Hawaii

�-When he left Bermuda he sailed up to New York and disembarked at Pier 92 in New
York City
-Navy lost his paperwork, so he was given a day pass every day until they found it
-Went into New York every day
-Became the de facto tour guide for servicemen on leave
-Returned to New York City in 1947 for his honeymoon
-The shoe shiner at the Statue of Liberty remembered him
-Got to see a lot of Hawaii when he stopped there
-A lot of men went into Honolulu to get tattoos
-He got to see an old friend from Detroit
-Went sightseeing in an ambulance
(00:24:52) Dangerous Situations
-Most dangerous situation he was in was on Guam
-Had to be aware of their surroundings at all times
-There were still Japanese troops holding out on the island
-Never knew if they would take a shot at you
-There were a few incidents where a Japanese soldier fired a few shots at
them
-En route to Bermuda they had to zig-zag to avoid getting attacked by a U-Boat
-Went swimming in shark infested waters
(00:26:30) End of the War &amp; Coming Home Pt. 2
-Stationed on Guam for six months before going home
-Usually had the same audience every night when he sang on the Enterprise
(00:26:59) Visiting Richmond, Davisville, and New York City
-Got to see parts of Richmond, Virginia
-In Davisville he met some Dutch marines
-Talked with them
-Learned they had fought the Germans as part of the Dutch Resistance
-Receiving training in the U.S. to go fight the Japanese in the Dutch East
Indies
-Became friends with one of the Dutch Marines
-Took him to see New York City
-They got free tickets to everything and free transportation back to
base
-He survived the war and they are still friends
-Write to each other at Christmas
-Stuart and his wife visited the man in the Netherlands
-The man came to visit Stuart and his wife in Detroit
(00:29:49) Downtime &amp; Contact with Home
-Saw a few USO Shows
-Had a few outdoor theatres to watch movies
-Swam and snorkelled in Bermuda
-Wrote a lot of letters home
-Wrote to his parents and to his girlfriend
-Took a while to receive mail
(00:31:42) Officers &amp; Other Branches of the Service

�-Noticed that officers in the Navy were arrogant
-Didn't see that as much in the Army
-Definitely didn't see that in the Army Air Force
-Army Air Force also had the best facilities because it was still so new at
the time
-Marines got into the fighting first
-Glad he didn't wind up in the Marines
-Had friends and relatives in the Marines who got killed in action
(00:33:03) Reflections on Service Pt. 1
-Feels that his time in the Navy was a very good thing
-Had no idea what he wanted to do with his life
-Navy gave him the direction and discipline he needed
(00:33:26) Life after the War Pt. 2
-Taught at Southeastern High School in Detroit
-Taught music there for twenty years
-Worked as a counselor for thirteen years
-Encouraged a lot of boys and girls to enlist in the military
-They had no future in Detroit and no direction in life
-Had a lot of them come back and thank him for that advice
-Travelled a lot after the war
-Navy provided them with quarters when he and his wife visited Bermuda
-Wife really enjoyed that trip
-Visited in the late 1970s
(00:35:22) Reflections on Service Pt. 2
-Helped him mature
-Believes that there should still be a draft
-At least one year of service
-Feels that it would provide discipline and direction
-Especially beneficial for people coming from poverty or broken homes
-Still corresponds with a good friend that he met in Bermuda
(00:37:37) Life after the War Pt. 3
-No reunions
-Is not part of any veterans' group
-Got married in 1947
-Had four children
-One lives in California
-One lives in Holland, Michigan
-One lives in Alto, Michigan
-One is deceased
-Died after three months
INTERVIEW ENDS @ 38:23

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                    <text>Equalitea
Wednesday March 21, 2012
Women and Gender Studies
Women's Center
Welcome
Kathleen Underwood

Tea Toast
Provost Gayle Davis

In Our Own Words: A Journal About Women
Jo Ann Wassenaar
"Aeromancy" - Patricia Clark
"Beautiful Ruin" - Ulandra Reynolds
"All I Ask" - Shawnkeisha Stoudamire
"Mommy" - Maureen Wolverton
"Voices Erased" - Sara Chittenden

Performance
Karen Libman
Scenes from Tirso De Molina's
''Antona Garcia"
Student actors:
Taylor Barton Genesis Loza, Alyssa Barton,
Caleb Simmert, Erick Duckworth, Nick
and Nicola Czyprinkski

Video
Marlene Kowalski-Braun
Women's Center 10 year anniversary

Crumpets for Conversation
Co-sponsor
The American Association of University Women
(AAUW) Grand Rapids Chapter

�</text>
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                    <text>EqualiTEA
Tuesday, March 26, 2013
Welcome
Kathleen Underwood
"That Takes Ovaries"
Student Performances
Brittany Dernberger
"LOUDMOUTHS:
a slice of the UN-Silenced Pie"
Performance /Lecture, Written
and adapted by Sherri Slater
Anna Sanderlin as Elizabeth Gilbert
Victoria Grant as Claudia Jones
Beth Adkins as Azar Nafisi

Crumpets for Conversation
Marlene Kowalski-Braun
Co-Sponsor
The American Association of
University Women (AAUW)
Grand Rapids Chapter

�</text>
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                  <text>World War II</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/482"&gt;James W. Ochs World War II collection (RHC-55)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>RHC-55</text>
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                <text>Ochs, James W.</text>
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                <text> United States. Army</text>
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          <element elementId="40">
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            <name>Language</name>
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                <text>eng</text>
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                <text>image/jpeg</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="1029631">
                <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Lemmen Library and Archives</text>
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                  <text>Faces of Grand Valley</text>
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              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="887513">
                  <text>Grand Valley State University</text>
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              <name>Contributor</name>
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              <elementTextContainer>
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                  <text>A non-comprehensive collection of photographs of Grand Valley faculty, staff, administrators, board members, friends, and alumni. Photos collected by University Communications for use in promotion and information sharing about Grand Valley with the wider community.</text>
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              <description>A language of the resource</description>
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      <name>Still Image</name>
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                <text>ErardGlen</text>
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                <text>Glen Erard, Social Work</text>
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          <element elementId="49">
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                <text>Grand Valley State University – History</text>
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                <text>In Copyright</text>
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                    <text>MINISTERIE VAN BUITENLANDSE ZAK EN

Den Heer Pieter Terma.at.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is honoured

to present a sroo:U momento in the form of an
Erasmus medallion to the Allied War Veterans
who are visiting the NetluJrlands in 1984 to
commemorate the allied invasion of Europe and
the fighting in the Netherlands forty years
ago.
Erasmus is believed to have been born in
Rotterdam in 1466. The fanr:Jus phiwsopher
ws renoi.med as tluJ most scholarly humanist
of his time. The Erasmus University of
Rotterdam is named after him. He was the
author of many works and regularly wielded
his pen in the service of peace.
The Latin te:r:t on the reverse of tluJ medallion
translates as follows:
"Constancy is not aways to say the same thing,
but always to persist in tluJ same thing".

�MINISTERIE VAN BUITENLANDSE ZAKEN

Mevrouw A.B.Termaat..Schuurman.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is honoured
to present a small memento in the fo11m of an
Erasmus medallion to the Allied War Veterans
who are visiting the Netherlands in 1984 to
aommemorate the allied invasion of Europe and
the fighting in the Netherlands forty years
ago.
Erasmus is believed to have been born in
Rotterdam in 1466. The famous philosopher
was renozim.ed as the most saholarly hwnanist
of his time. The Erasmus University of
Rotterdam is named after him. He was the
author of many works and regularly wielded
his pen in the serviae of peaae.
The Latin text on the reverse of the medallion
translates as follows:
"Constanay is not always to say the same thing 3
but always to persist in the same thing".

�N3&gt;t'&lt;/Z 3SONV1N3.lln8 NVJ\ 311:J31SINlll'J

Aan den Heer en Mevrouw P. f ermaat

�</text>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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                  <text>Adriana B. and Peter N. Termaat collection</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
            </element>
            <element elementId="39">
              <name>Creator</name>
              <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                  <text>Termaat, Adriana B. (Schuurman) </text>
                </elementText>
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                  <text>Termaat, Peter N.</text>
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            <element elementId="41">
              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="810177">
                  <text>Collection contains genealogical, personal, and family papers and photographs documenting the lives and interests of Adriana and Peter Termaat. The bulk of the materials are related to family history and genealogical research carried out by the Termaats, including research notes and materials about places in the Netherlands that were significant to the Termaat and Schuurman families, such as the city of Alkmaar.&#13;
&#13;
Other materials in the collection are related to the Termaats' experiences on the eve of and during the Second World War, especially the German occupation of the Netherlands and the Termaats' participation in organized resistance to the Nazis. Also included are materials that document the family's post-war life in the United States, including their public efforts to recognize, commemorate, and honor people and events significant to World War II.</text>
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              <name>Date</name>
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                  <text>1869 - 2012</text>
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            <element elementId="48">
              <name>Source</name>
              <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="810179">
                  <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/719"&gt;Adriana B. and Peter N. Termaat collection, RHC-144&lt;/a&gt;</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
            </element>
            <element elementId="49">
              <name>Subject</name>
              <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                  <text>Netherlands</text>
                </elementText>
                <elementText elementTextId="810181">
                  <text>Netherlands--History--German occupation, 1940-1945 </text>
                </elementText>
                <elementText elementTextId="810182">
                  <text>World War, 1939-1945</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="810183">
                  <text>World War, 1939-1945 -- Underground movements -- Netherlands</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="811643">
                  <text>Dutch</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="811644">
                  <text>Dutch Americans</text>
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              <name>Publisher</name>
              <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
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                  <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections &amp; University Archives</text>
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              </elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="43">
              <name>Identifier</name>
              <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                  <text>RHC-144</text>
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              </elementTextContainer>
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              <name>Format</name>
              <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="810186">
                  <text>Text</text>
                </elementText>
                <elementText elementTextId="810187">
                  <text>Image</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
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            <element elementId="51">
              <name>Type</name>
              <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="810188">
                  <text>application/pdf</text>
                </elementText>
                <elementText elementTextId="810189">
                  <text>image/jpeg</text>
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                    <text>Young Lords
In Lincoln Park
Interviewee: Erica Huggins
Interviewer: Jose Jimenez
Location: Grand Valley State University Special Collections
Date: 3/13/2013
Runtime: 01:24:45

Biography and Description
Oral history of Erica Huggins, interviewed by Jose “Cha-Cha” Jimenez on March 13, 2013 about the
Young Lords in Lincoln Park.
"The Young Lords in Lincoln Park" collection grows out of decades of work to more fully document the
history of Chicago's Puerto Rican community which gave birth to the Young Lords Organization and later,
the Young Lords Party. Founded by Mr. José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez, the Young Lords became one of the
premier struggles for international human rights. Where thriving church congregations, social and

�political clubs, restaurants, groceries, and family residences once flourished, successive waves of urban
renewal and gentrification forcibly displaced most of those Puerto Ricans, Mejicanos, other Latinos,
working-class and impoverished families, and their children in the 1950s and 1960s. Today these same
families and activists also risk losing their history.

�Transcript

JOSE JIMINEZ:

Okay, Ericka, if you could give me your name and where you were

born and that?
ERICKA HUGGINS: I’m Ericka Huggins. I was born Ericka Cozette Jenkins. I was born
in Washington D.C. on January 5, 1948.
JJ:

(inaudible) Now it’s taping. It wasn’t taping. Okay, so go ahead.

EH:

I have three children. My oldest is my daughter, who is also the daughter of John
Huggins, who was assassinated on January 17, 1969 by the FBI COINTELPRO.
My older son is also the son of James Mott, one of the Lumpen, the Black
Panther Party’s revolutionary singing group. And my younger son is too young to
have been [00:01:00] anywhere near anybody connected with the Black Panther
Party, he’s twenty-five, and he is a poet and a teacher, and very much a
revolutionary from his heart outward. So, I really dedicate this interview to them.

JJ:

Thank you, that’s good. Now you mentioned John Huggins. Can you describe -I know he was in Los Angeles; can you describe who he is?

EH:

Well John Huggins was born in New Haven, Connecticut and we met at -- John
and I met at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania, about an hour outside of Philly.
He had left the Navy and was coming back to college and I was in college
[00:02:00] thinking about why I was there. Long story short, we both read about
the Black Panther Party for Self Defense, that was its original name, and we
decided to leave that college campus and drive across country to become a part
of the Huey Newton Defense Committee and to join the Black Panther Party.

1

�And so we did. So at the end of 1968 -- no, at the end of 1967 we joined the
Party, and we spent a year working with the Los Angeles chapter of the party.
We visited the Oakland headquarters a few times. Our daughter was born on
December 27 [00:03:00] and she was three weeks old when he was killed. He
was a very compassionate man. And I think I want to say that the Black Panther
Party drew lots of compassionate and kind people to it. Of course, though, we
were median age nineteen or twenty, so there was a way in which we knew
exactly what we were doing, and there was a way in which we didn’t know the
consequences of what we were doing. We were just brave and ignorant at the
same time. But John taught me a lot about serving people because his courage
preceded him wherever he went. He wasn’t just courageous when it came to
[00:04:00] standing up to and telling truth to power, he was also courageous in
his relationships with people, and cared about people in a really deep way. So
that’s who he was. He came from a family of people who worked at Yale. They
were not faculty or professors, but they worked at Yale, and they were a part of a
long-standing New Haven Black community.
JJ:

Okay, now, you say he was strong with people and courageous, but what was
the conversation? Why all of the sudden you decided to go to the Black Panther
Party?

EH:

Yes. I read Ramparts magazine and saw the picture of Huey Newton strapped to
a hospital gurney with a bullet wound in his belly. And I decided that I was going
to leave Lincoln University and join the Black Panther Party. And I asked John if
he was coming, we were friends, and he said, “Yes.” You’re going to pause it? I

2

�think this is -- (break in recording) So my parents were similar in a way to John
Huggins parents, and completely different. By that I mean that my mother was
raised on a farm one of the two oldest of eleven children. They were very poor.
And she finished [00:06:00] part of high school before she left the farm to come
to Washington D.C. to kind of make it. She wanted a different life for herself.
She met my father as she was continuing high school to get a GED -- she met
my father who was just finished the eighth grade. He refused to complete high
school. And she says that she fell in love with him because he was so
handsome and she knew that they would make beautiful children. I was like,
“Mama, that’s not a good reason to be with anybody,” because my father -- I’ll tell
you in a minute more about my father. [00:07:00] My father was born and raised
in Washington D.C. in a very -- not wealthy or prominent Black family, but a wellknown Black family in Washington D.C. in Northwest, near Howard University.
But all of them worked government jobs. And I was telling you earlier that the
Huggins’s worked at Yale all of their career, but it wasn’t at a faculty level or in
education, it was serving the faculty and serving the students, both in the Yale
Men’s Club, Mr. Huggins worked there, and Mrs. Huggins in the Yale library. The
similarity between both our [00:08:00] parents is that both of our parents were
very interested in their children having education. And the other similarity is that
both sets of parents had very rebellious children. So John and I were drawn to
each other because we had a similar outlook on the world. We both really cared
about people and we knew that there was something wrong, there were
inequities, there was an imbalance. Actually, John left the Navy before his time

3

�was up, and one of the things that was prompting him to leave is that while he
was on the ship, the four little girls who were killed in the church in Birmingham,
and he was in the Philippines at the time, and felt, “What the hell am I doing
here? [00:09:00] I should be at home; there’s a war at home.” So by the time we
met at Lincoln University, we were both thinking about freedom for Black people
and other people of color in a very strong way. And I think that that’s important to
know about John and I because in both instances we could see the history of
Black people in the United States was the most horrific and long-standing, that so
many groups of people were suffering abuse at the hands of the United States
government. So, my parents encouraged me to look out for my people. My
mother told me that almost every day. And as a result of that, I went to the
March on Washington when I was fifteen [00:10:00] years old. By myself. And it
transformed my young life. It was there at the March on Washington that I
decided to serve people for the rest of my life.
JJ:

What did you see?

EH:

What I saw was thousands and thousands of Black people. I’d never seen that
except when people gathered for a concert or a church conference or because
something had happened. This was the best gathering of people I’d ever witness
and the most diverse. People of all classes, all ages. I would say every kind of
person gathered that day. And there were Latinos and Latinas there, but not
very many. [00:11:00] This was 1963. There were White students there. I
assumed them to be students because they were older than me but not
functioning in any leadership capacity in the movement that I could tell. They

4

�seemed to be college students who came together to be there. And there were
older White movement people. But it was very Black and White. I remember
that distinctly because when I look back on it, where I live in California it’s not
Black and White at all. Nothing is Black and White in our world actually. But it
was that way then. And I think it needed to be because of the history of enslaved
Africans in this country. [00:12:00] So I’m standing there with my fifteen-year-old
self, by myself, looking out at the sea of people, and I found this mound of dirt
kind of like the mound of dirt out there in the construction area, out of our
beautiful window. And I stood on the top of that mound of dirt so that I could see
all the people gathered. And I could also see their transportation. People came
in pick-up trucks that looked like my grandfather’s truck that he took tobacco to
sell. They came in church buses. They came in vans. They came in rickety
station wagons and hoopty cars. They came on foot because many people
marched to get there from parts of the metropolitan area of D.C. [00:13:00]
There were people on bicycles. There were people on motorcycles, groups of
people on motorcycles. There were just all kinds of people. And then there were
the speakers.
JJ:

How did you find out about it?

EH:

It was the talk of the city. I don’t remember watching the news, I don’t remember
hearing it on the radio, but I know that it was the talk of the city, and my mother
was talking about it. And I don’t remember friends at school talking about it. I
was very singular in that way. My peers did not seem interested. I’ve reflected a
lot on why I went by myself that day. I’m glad I did because I was meant to

5

�experience this inner commitment that I experienced that day. [00:14:00] My
mother talked -- when I asked her about the March on Washington and what it
was for, after she explained that it was happening, she told me that Black people
were gathering together to put -- to make everyone aware that, as she called us,
Negros couldn’t be treated in the awful way that they’d been treated for hundreds
of years, and that it had to stop. No more Jim Crow. And I knew what she
meant. Although I wasn’t learning much about history in school, I learned a lot
from my mother. Not details, not dates, not names, but the flow of history.
Because she grew up in a very violently segregated South with the Ku Klux Klan
absolutely active. So she was my [00:15:00] go-to about the Negro people.
JJ:

What do you mean, she saw them, the Ku Klux Klan?

EH:

Oh yeah. They burned crosses on peoples’ lawns, they shot up peoples’ houses,
they were crazy. You know, my mother’s 94 and there are times -- there have
been times in her life when she was in her 80s. She has no short-term memory
anymore, so she’s absolutely happy, doesn’t remember the horrible things, but
she was afraid to look a White person in the eye because of her training. She
was so proud that I could hang out with everybody and that I wasn’t afraid of
anyone. She taught me not to be afraid and to stand up. But I didn’t realize until
I talked to her later in [00:16:00] my life that her let’s say socialization, her social
training was such that you whispered around White people. You didn’t have to
ask their permission anymore, but there was a subtle way in which she always
did. But she really wanted life different for her children and her grandchildren,
and I think that life is different. So when I had questions, and I always had lots of

6

�them, “Why did the people on Capitol Hill live with such wealth, and why did the
people in South East live in such conditions of poverty? Why are there housing
projects? Why is it that people have to sleep in their cars? Why is that the White
House is so big and beautiful?” I remember asking her one day, “Can’t some of
the people from the housing projects [00:17:00] live in the White House?
They’ve got lots of space.” But I didn’t understand how it all worked, and she
helped me to understand that no, Ericka, Negros can’t live in the White House.
And so, of course, when Barack Obama became president, she was absolutely
convinced that 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue would never be the same again.
There was nothing in her history or in her present experience that would lead her
to believe that an African American man could become President of the United
States. She did her best with her limited knowledge to let me know that there
was a way that I could help to change things. She said, “You’re smart. You ask
a lot of questions. You keep [00:18:00] asking those questions, maybe we’ll get
some answers.” And so when I went to her to say, “Okay, I’m going to the March
on Washington.” And she said, “No, you’re not.” I said, “Yes, I am. I’m getting
right on the bus. I’m going to go. It’s just two buses away.” She said, “No,
something could happen to you.” I said, “Something could happen to me
anywhere.” I said, “You’re the one who told me I should help the Negro people.”
Maybe she said colored people. (laughs) I can’t remember. Both of those terms
were annoying to me. She said, “Yes, I asked you help them, but I didn’t ask you
to put yourself out there in front. Not you. Not my daughter. Go ask your
father.” And I told him I was going, I didn’t ask him, and that was really different

7

�because I had to always ask my father’s [00:19:00] permission for any and
everything. I just told him I was going. I had such conviction about it. I know
now why I did. It was where I was meant to be on that day in that time in my life.
And so against my parents’ wishes -- my father didn’t want me to go either -- I
went. I got on the bus, I asked if I could take my brother and sister, who were
younger than me, and they said no, and I said, “I’ll be back. I’ll be fine. I know
the bus route.” And what I didn’t say is how many police were out there that day.
And because of where I grew up, I was used to the police, sort of like, it was
occupied territory where I lived in Southeast Washington. So I was used to
seeing the police around, but this was a new way of seeing them. I knew that
they were there not to protect the people who were gathered, but in case
[00:20:00] the people who had gathered were going to do something to harm
property, D.C., I don’t know, I couldn’t figure it out. I didn’t have any systemic
understanding at that time, although I had some ideas. So I listened to all of the
speeches, and there were many of them, and I can’t really remember the
speeches. But there is one thing that I do remember and it kind of locked -- it
gelled for me the sense that I must serve people. Two of my favorite people,
because they were always on TV, and I also knew from my mother that they
always spoke up on behalf of Black people and people of color in general, Harry
Belafonte, and Lena Horne were there, and they both spoke. I don’t remember
except that they were -- [00:21:00] I just loved them. I loved seeing them there. I
loved seeing “stars,” as my mother called them, standing up for Black people.
That just did something for me. More than all of the movement leaders, these

8

�two stood out to me. And the most poignant moment for me was Lena Horne
said some words, I don’t remember what they were, but then she sung the word,
“Freedom.” She just sung it. And the word took so long to exit her being and into
the air and people became really quiet as it landed on their ears, and of course it
entered my heart. Just that word: “Freedom.” And it was right at that moment of
the word ringing out like that, that I said, “This is it. This is [00:22:00] what I have
to do. I have to fight for freedom.” And little did I know what form it would take
and what challenges I would face.
JJ:

What about your dad?

EH:

Oh yeah, I said I was going to tell you more. So my father was a Washingtonian.
Very handsome, just like my mother said. Very brilliant. But he’d given up on life
after World War -- during World War II when he was in the Army he started to
drink and came back from the war an alcoholic. He was an abusive alcoholic.
So when I say that I had to ask his permission for everything, I really meant it,
because I never knew which way was up. [00:23:00] He wasn’t the kind of
alcoholic who would drink and then fall asleep. He beat me, he beat my mother,
we broke up fights. My sister, my brother, and I broke up fights between the two
of them. That’s how it was. We didn’t think it was normal for families to live like
that, but we didn’t feel like we had any ability to change it. And that was another
thing that prompted me -- there were two prompts that come out of living with my
father. One was I don’t want to be like my father. I don’t want to be an alcoholic
is what I mean. I wanted to be an artist like him. I wanted to be able to open my
mouth and sing like he could. I found out after he died that he was a poet also,

9

�and I’m a poet. [00:24:00] I didn’t want to abuse my children or whoever I loved.
And I think I already knew by that time that I loved both -- that I could fall in love
with both men and women. That wasn’t something that I could share with my
Christian mother and my unpredictable father. But I also knew that I didn’t want
to give up on life. That I wanted to -- if I was challenged, I wanted to meet the
challenge, face it head-on, and then move through it. So, this is important to
know because later, after John was killed -- he never got to meet John. My
mother didn’t meet John either, which is sad. There wasn’t time. But after John
was killed, [00:25:00] three months later, I was arrested in New Haven,
Connecticut for conspiracy charges. A bunch of charges, but conspiracy to
commit murder was the charge that stuck.
JJ:

Can you explain what that was about?

EH:

I will. But my father never came to visit me in prison. Not because he was
mean, he couldn’t face it. He lived in a lot of denial. He just couldn’t face it. So,
why was I in prison in New Haven, Connecticut?

JJ:

And that was your first arrest, that was --

EH:

Oh, that was the second -- that was the third time I was arrested. The first-time:
arbitrary arrest. And there were other instances where we were routinely -- Party
members were routinely [00:26:00] stopped and searched, and that happened
lots of times. The second time that I was arrested was the day that John and
Alprentice “Bunchy” Carter were killed. The police just picked us up, charged us
with malicious mischief, and put us all in jail. And that was because they didn’t
want the plan that they’d hatched with the FBI to get exposed because we

10

�already knew. I don’t want to say that we had definite knowledge, but we knew
that the FBI was involved, just like we knew that our phones were bugged, we
knew that we were followed at night, and we knew that the people following us
were not the police. The police followed us and stopped us.
JJ:

How did you know? I mean --

EH:

It’s like sixth sense. However, [00:27:00] we knew that -- at first, I thought these
are detectives working with the Los Angeles Police Department. And then
Bunchy educated us to --

JJ:

You talking about the US Organization?

EH:

No, I’m not talking about the US Organization, I’m talking about the FBI. I’ll talk
about the US Organization in a minute. Long before we had anything much to do
with our communications with the US Organization, we realized that the
government wanted to kill us. The US Organization couldn’t have wiretapped our
phones, they didn’t leave notes on our cars, they didn’t follow us at night, they
didn’t shine spotlights on us when we were getting ready to leave the Party
office. That was the FBI. And LAPD [00:28:00] was such a wonderful tool for the
FBI because they were so backward, ignorant, and overtly racist. I have friends
from Texas who said that there were billboards in Los Angeles -- pardon me, in
Texas saying, “Join the LAPD.” And the billboards would say all kinds of things.
Who paid for this kind of advertisement, I don’t know. At any rate though, by the
time John and Bunchy were killed, we knew that the government was set on
killing all of us, and we knew that people wearing dashikis and bald heads, which
was the [00:29:00] signature of the US Organization member’s, men and women,

11

�that they were not entirely at fault. We knew this. We knew that Black men
pulled the trigger on the gun that killed John and Bunchy, but something more
was happening. And I think we also had an inkling of it because we knew that
one man with a gun didn’t kill Martin Luther King. We knew that one man with a
gun didn’t kill Malcolm X, or John Kennedy, or Robert Kennedy. But we didn’t
know what we didn’t know about until after John and Bunchy were killed or
maybe even almost half a year later was the Counterintelligence Program. We
didn’t have a name for it. But Bunchy made it clear to us -- [00:30:00] I will tell
you this story. Bunchy was -- have you talked to anybody who ever met
Alprentice “Bunchy” Carter?
JJ:

No, not yet.

EH:

Well, there’s a lot I could say. We don’t have time, but I could tell you this: That
when you met him, that if you had the good fortune of meeting him, you knew
immediately that you were in the presence of royalty. That was the distinct
feeling I had. And I didn’t know it, but other people had the same sense. He
carried himself like a king. He taught himself about African American and African
history in prison. He was the head of a gang called the Slauson’s. And from
prison, he politicized them. Sounds familiar, doesn’t it? Because the Young
Lords came out of a similar [00:31:00] base. He just got the word out, “Quit
killing each other. It’s time for us to uplift our people.” And so when John and I
joined the Black Panther Party, Bunchy was still in prison or back in prison for a
while, I don’t remember, we didn’t meet him right away. But as soon as we did,
he sort of took us under his wing. He wasn’t that much older than John or me.

12

�It’s just that he had a great leadership power. I’m not saying that I didn’t, I’m not
saying that John didn’t, but he was charismatic and powerful, and hundreds of
young men and women, all over Los Angeles, if Bunchy said it, it was true. If
Bunchy said we don’t need to be killing each other, we’re not going to kill each
other. They didn’t even understand why. Bunchy said it. And that was a good
beginning, wasn’t it? I’m talking like I’m having a [00:32:00] conversation with
you, but I’m really not. I’m talking to the camera. So one day Bunchy came to
the office that we worked out of, a building called the Black Congress. And the
Black Congress was an office building that had small offices down a long
hallway. And the US Organization had an office three doors from the Black
Panther Party office. They were always there; we were always there. And
though we teased one another, there was no animosity. What was the teasing
about? They believed that culture would uplift people, we believed that the whole
system of capitalism needed to be overthrown. And not just for the benefit of
Black people, but all oppressed people. [00:33:00] So there wasn’t any changing
the Black Panther Party’s view, there wasn’t any changing the US Organization’s
view, so we teased one another. Well one day Bunchy came to the office, and
the office had those little sort of cubicle spaces that had a desk and a phone, but
it also had a community meeting room, and he called ahead of his arrival and
said, “Tell the comrades to meet me in the community room.” And we were like
“Uh-oh.” So we got there, Bunchy walked in, and we knew that something was
up because he walked in with his coat slung over his shoulders and his house
slippers on. In other words, he left immediately because he was always

13

�impeccably dressed, not a hair out of place, his clothes were always put together,
and he would not show up [00:34:00] anywhere in slippers. He walked into that
meeting room and he had papers in his hand. He often led -- by the way -- he
often led our political education classes. It was with Bunchy that I first really -- I
didn’t understand African and African American history in college. It was through
Bunchy that I came to understand colonization and imperialism and the economy
of the slave trade. So he walked in and we were all sitting there waiting for him.
He said, “Comrades, see this?” And he held up those papers. And we looked
and those of us sitting in the front row, I believe I was sitting with Elaine Brown
and Joan Kelly, and what we saw were cartoons drawn supposedly of Ron
Karenga, the head of the US Organization. And we all [00:35:00] wanted to
laugh! This was not the time to laugh. But we wanted to laugh because the
cartoons could not have been drawn by anybody Black. You could tell that they
were made up, they were fake. And there were letters in slang trying to replicate
Black street dialect, it was hilarious. But we bit our lips, we didn’t laugh, and
Bunchy said, “We didn’t draw these cartoons, and we didn’t write these letters to
the US Organization. Here’s what I want to say. You may not tease any
members of the US Organization about their bald heads, about what African
clothes they wear, or their ideology. You will not do anything but say “hello,”
“good morning,” “good evening,” and keep going. We are all Black people
together. We don’t have any beef [00:36:00] with the US Organization. I am on
my way now to apologize for these letters and to let Ron Karenga and his
organization know that not only did we not write these letters, that the FBI is

14

�writing them.” We found out later that, of course, in Oakland the Black Panther
Party was receiving the same kind of letters from organizations. So there was an
interest, the FBI had an interest in marketing both organizations and many others
to be like enemies, and in creating conflict, and that’s what they did. I’ll never
forget that day because when people say, “Oh, what happened on January
[00:37:00] 17th was just a fight between the US Organization and the Black
Panther Party, two rival groups.” Or some people say two rival gangs. No, it
wasn’t. It was the FBI. And it was later that I found out through an FBI informant
who met with me that we were right because he told me what was happening on
the UCLA campus and in the local office at the FBI to set up situations that would
leave the leadership of the Black Panther Party and, I would imagine, the US
Organization, diminished. It’s unfortunate that people had to die and that the
setup included people [00:38:00] firing at each other. But it was orchestrated by
J. Edgar Hoover’s Counterintelligence Program.
JJ:

Has there been any information later (inaudible)?

EH:

Yes. About a year later The Los Angeles Times printed an article saying that
there was proof that the US Organization wasn’t entirely to blame, nor was the
Black Panther Party for what happened on the UCLA campus. Utilizing the
student desire to find a director for the High Potential Program (it was an EOP
program), the FBI just orchestrated a conflict, and used operatives [00:39:00] to
carry out the conflict. So the LA Times wrote this. I don’t have the article
anymore, but I used to keep it. Also this informant who met with me said that the
director of the field office there in Los Angeles, near Westwood, kept saying

15

�aloud when he went back to the office that day on January 17th there was chaos.
And he said that the director there kept saying over and over again, “We fucked
up, we fucked up. Nobody was supposed to die.” Why would I believe an FBI
informant? An operative? Because he sought me out, and with great sincerity,
and a lot of guilt and sadness, he told me this story. [00:40:00] I try as much as I
can to pay attention to human beings when they’re talking to me, and I believed
him. I didn’t have any reason not to believe him because it really affirmed a
belief I already had, that the US Organization did not do this alone. And I think
that Black people are so used to fighting with one another that that’s easier to
believe, that so and so pulled the trigger, and then so and so pulled his trigger,
and then some people died. But, you know, the person who pulled the trigger,
and my husband John Huggins, and Bunchy Carter were all pawns in some
bigger game. The sad thing, and the almost idiotic thing about all of this, is that
the FBI [00:41:00] and the United States government actually thought that they
would kill the movement by killing leaders. That never really happened. It didn’t
happen. If that were true, then movements wouldn’t continue to pop up
everywhere ever so often. But it certainly didn’t stop the Los Angeles chapter of
the Black Panther Party and it definitely did not stop me.
JJ:

Why -- I know the [US?] Organization was involved with Kwanzaa--

EH:

Kwanzaa?

JJ:

Why did they target the Black Panther Party in Los Angeles? What were they
afraid about? What were the Panthers doing that they were afraid?

EH:

US Organization?

16

�JJ:

No, the government. The government.

EH:

Oh, okay. You know it’s fine if you [00:42:00] wear your cultural outfit and talk
about Puerto Rican independence, right? That’s fine. You dress up and dance
and sing. They’re not going to come after you. You start talking about creating
an equal balance in the imbalance of wealth, that wealth needs to be
redistributed, and that people shouldn’t be pushed out, shoved out, otherwise left
out in the cold without food, shelter, clothing, healthcare, education? Then the
government, at that time the government was really upset with that, and
considered us communists -- whatever that meant to them. And [00:43:00] their
narrative, their story, was that we were a threat to internal security. We were the
greatest threat to internal security. Wait a minute, the Breakfast for Children
Program that the Black Panther Party started was a great threat to national
security. It’s because we were talking about wealth, and power, and privilege,
and we were wise enough -- because of Huey Newton and Bobby Seale -- we
were wise enough to know that skin color was utilized as an excuse for making it
okay in the American mainstream story. “Look, they’re not intelligent, look,
they’re less than human, look, they’re the descendants of slaves, it’s okay, we
know what we’re doing here.” And we said “No, it’s not okay. No, [00:44:00]
wealth needs to be redistributed.” And we also talked about overthrowing the
government. We really didn’t, except in rhetoric, talk about killing anybody, and
that was mostly, I’m sorry to say, the men of the Black Panther Party talked like
that. But we continually talked about overhauling the whole system. And I
remember many, many times when we spoke about changing the conditions

17

�(coughs) that create poverty. So, hope that answers that question.
JJ:

Were you working with some of the other groups there in Los Angeles?

EH:

We worked with everybody. We worked with the Socialist Workers Party, the
Communist Party, we would have worked with US Organization if they -- they
were a little bit sequestered. We worked with the Brown Berets when they
began, [00:45:00] the labor unions, student movements. That’s why John and
Bunchy were on the UCLA campus. They had both become students and had
become a part of the Black Student Union, so to speak, so that they could help
the students to feel empowered to have their needs met. This was at a time
when Black and Brown students were just being allowed to be on UC campuses
with financial aid. We worked with the Women’s Movement, the Gay Liberation
Movement, the Vietnam vets, the Anti-War Movement, we worked with the Black
Police Officers Association. There wasn’t any organization I can think of we did
not work with, [00:46:00] unless we knew that their leadership was infiltrated by
the FBI, and that was often the case. You know, organizations where they came
to create chaos where there was none. And we didn’t all like each other, we
didn’t agree with each other’s ideologies, but we knew that united, “a united front”
as we used to say, was better than one organization working in a singular
fashion.

JJ:

What about the case in Connecticut? What was that about?

EH:

Wow, that case in Connecticut was about a lot. That’s exactly what I’m talking
about. There was an FBI informant, [00:47:00] George Sams -- now, the
leadership of Black Panther Party didn’t know that he was an FBI informant, nor

18

�did I when I first met him. So, by this time I am twenty years old, I have a three
week -- well, almost three months, give or take a few weeks, baby, and I’m a
widow. And I was living in a traumatized state. I do remember that. I was sad,
and when I wasn’t sad, I was withdrawn, and when I wasn’t withdrawn, I was just
making it through the days. John was my best friend. He wasn’t just my
husband, he was my best friend, and he’s my baby’s father. And I [00:48:00]
kept doing Party work because I knew it would make me feel like I was of use.
You know, when John -- when we buried John, I wanted to -- I tried actually,
literally, to crawl into his grave. And I remember somebody just sort of pulling me
from behind from my jacket and I kind of woke up. I couldn’t bear that he wasn’t
around anymore. And so, when I met this FBI informant, George Sams, he came
-- it was the first time I’d ever seen him in my life -- he came into the New Haven
office of the Black Panther Party, which was, by the way, in the home of a man,
Warren Kimbro, it was in his apartment. And the chapter of the Black Panther
Party was started because when I went to bury John [00:49:00] and to be with his
family, the members of the Yale student community and faculty, as well as
members of the New Haven Black community asked me to stay and start a
chapter of the Party. And so I contacted the Party’s chief of staff, David Hilliard,
and I said, “Should I do this?” And he said, “Yes.” And so I did, with the help of
so many people. And again, I’m in this state that’s almost -- it’s an altered state.
Breastfeeding widow, right? That’s a doubly altered state. New widow, twenty
years old. And in walks this strange -- [00:50:00] he was one of the strangest
people I think I’d ever met to that point in my life. He walks into the Party office.

19

�He’s pushing in front of him a young man, who seemed to be maybe a year
younger or older than me, I don’t know. I had never met the man before. And
he’s pushing him, and I see that he, George Sams, has a gun, and he’s got it
focused on the back of this young man. And he says to all of us gathered there - and I don’t remember exactly who was in the room, I distinctly remember that I
was there -- he said, “This man’s name is Alex and he’s an FBI informant. And
we’re going to hold him because we can’t turn him over to the police, we’re in a
state of war.” This is how we talked then. All of that rhetoric. [00:51:00] I can’t
say that I believed George Sams right in that moment because with the state that
I was in was a certain level of cynicism and bitterness. “Well, if he’s an
informant, then maybe we should hold him. Well, then the government just killed
John…” Those were the kinds of thoughts I was having. The ones that I can
remember. And then he sat Alex down somewhere and all of us kind of just were
quiet, waiting to see what was going to happen. And George Sams, from that
moment forward, kind of took over the Party office. He bossed Warren Kimbro
around, he bossed me around, he treated the young -- there was -- very young
women joined the Party and I want to say right here and now [00:52:00] that men
in the Party didn’t always treat women in the Party as fully capable, as equal. At
that time. And people were afraid of George Sams because he wielded a gun.
He didn’t have any reservations about hitting someone in the head with the gun
butt. He was sadistic. He enjoyed inflicting pain. How do I know that? I saw it.
And that was the environment we were in and so eventually Alex Rackley was
held under house arrest. He wasn’t allowed to go. He wasn’t treated like a

20

�human being. And I was there. And one night, George Sams and two other
people took [00:53:00] Alex Rackley out for the first time I guess in days. It
seemed like years to me. It just seemed like it was so -- such a long period of
time. And I felt like I couldn’t tell anybody what was going on. I certainly wasn’t
going to ring up the police and say guess what. And I didn’t tell my family, I didn’t
tell John’s family. I was living in a state of fear and confusion. And you know
what? There isn’t a day that goes by all these decades later that I don’t wish that
I had stopped this chain of events that occurred in some way. I look back at it
and I say, “Well, what could you have done?” [00:54:00] And I think of lots of
things I could have done, but would it have been helpful? Would I have died in
the process? Probably. But it wasn’t like a had a fear for my life actually. I didn’t
feel that my life was worth that much, the state that I was in. But I held myself
responsible for Alex’s death because there must have been something I could
do.
JJ:

Even though George had the gun and all that.

EH:

And took him out and we know now that he had someone else -- this is the thing
about George Sams, he didn’t even do it, he had someone else kill him and
dump his body in the swamp. The night after Alex Rackley was taken away from
that little house in New Haven, that little apartment, I was having trouble sleeping
[00:55:00] so I was up. It was a warm summer night, it was May, mid-May, a
very warm night. I’m sitting there holding my baby and just waiting. There was a
-- I want to say I had an intuitive feeling and there was an energy in the air like
something was about to happen. That’s the best way I can explain it to you. And

21

�Party members slept some of everywhere. When we came together people had
little pallets on the floor, people were sleeping on the couch, I was sitting on the
couch holding my baby, there were three other moms there with their children,
there were people upstairs in the bedroom sleeping. We were going to just wake
up, brush our teeth, and do Party work. Right? That’s how it was. The windows
were all open. The door is locked, but the windows are open to let in fresh air,
and all of a [00:56:00] sudden I hear rapid footsteps coming and I knew without a
doubt it was the police. Not the FBI, the police. And I could see them coming up
the -- there was a little walkway before you got to the apartment door and I could
see them running to come, and they knocked the door in, and they came in with
their guns pointed. It felt like there were a thousand of them, but there probably
were in reality ten or fifteen, and they woke up -- they ran over the women
sleeping on the floor, and startled and awakened them, so we have women
screaming, you have babies crying, and I’m sitting there just waiting… It's funny
how an incident so long ago can be absolutely gone from memory [00:57:00] and
in the same time frame an incident so long ago could be absolutely indelible,
every second of it, in your brain, and I can remember that night so distinctly.
They began overturning -- there were cannisters in the kitchen because Warren
had lived in that apartment with his wife before she left him. And so there were
flour cannisters, and sugar cannisters, and it was a real little kitchen. And they
were throwing flour and sugar everywhere looking for drugs, they said. They
were turning over everything they could. It was chaos. And then within about -it seemed like a really long time, but I know it wasn’t, these two suited men came

22

�in, and I knew they were FBI. And they looked directly at me and they said,
“Good [00:58:00] evening, Huggins. Come with us.” And I didn’t move. And
they said, “Come upstairs with us.” So one of the women who wasn’t so afraid
took my daughter and held her for me and I walked up the -- it was a two-floor
apartment and I walked upstairs with these men. And, you know, good guy, bad
guy. That was the good cop, bad cop thing. To get -- I think they thought they
were going to get some information from me, and they asked me what had
happened, and I didn’t respond, and they asked me again, and I didn’t respond,
and they asked me again and I didn’t respond. And the bad guy leaned forward
to me and he said, “We’re going to see burn in the chair, Huggins!” And I said,
“Are you done now?” [00:59:00] And he said, “Yes,” and I went downstairs and
got my daughter. I held her and I waited. I was so sad… There was a very kind
police officer who came to where I was sitting. And he’s an African American
police officer and he said, “Miss Huggins?” And I said, “Yes?” He said, “I just
want to say that I’m so sorry for your loss. I knew the Huggins family, New
Haven’s not a big Black community, but I knew them. I am so sorry and I’m so
sorry for tonight.” [01:00:00] And he indicated without words that he was doing
what he was told to do, come in and tear up the office, and ransack, and scare
people. We were all taken off to jail. There were fourteen of us. Then Bobby
Seale, who was not staying in that apartment at all, but who was in town to speak
at Yale, was also arrested. So the next morning I was in prison with four other
women, and Bobby Seale, and a few other men were arrested and put in prison.
Long story short, the people who stayed on trial were myself and Bobby, the

23

�minor [01:01:00] women, meaning they were under eighteen years old were
released, and the two people who were accused of actually firing the gun were
tried separately. George Sams’ the state’s witness.
JJ:

So you never got out on bond or anything like that?

EH:

No, there was no -- there was no bail for that. It was a capital offense. First we
were arrested for kidnapping, murder in the first degree, conspiracy with the
intent to commit murder, and binding, meaning tying someone up, restraining
them, with the intent to commit a crime. It was an ancient law that had been on
the Connecticut law books since the 1800s. They dropped that one immediately.
They dropped murder one for Bobby and I. [01:02:00] Because they knew full
well we didn’t murder anybody. They said that we conspired to have Alex
murdered and that Bobby ordered that he be murdered. Bobby did not do any
such thing and neither did I. But the charge that stuck, all the other charges were
dropped against us, conspiracy with the intent to commit murder. And once
again there was no bail. And not only was there no bail, Bobby was sequestered
from the rest of the men in the inmate population, and when I was arrested with
four other women, we were sequestered from the main inmate population as
well. And then when those women were released, I was by myself. There was a
period of time when I was in solitary confinement as well. And then the two men
who were accused of killing Alex Rackley, and Warren Kimbro was one of them,
Lonnie [01:03:00] McLucas, the other, I don’t remember the name of the prison
they were in. It was a men’s prison in Connecticut, but they were not anywhere
near Bobby Seale. And so we were fourteen months awaiting trial with motions

24

�from time to time, no bail, and six months on trial.
JJ:

And what came in the trial, what -- ?

EH:

What came out was that --

JJ:

Fourteen months is a long time to be --

EH:

I know. New Haven -- well, New England is a very sort of -- at the time was very
rigid. What is the word I’m searching -- I’m searching for a word -- it was a very
conservative [01:04:00] culture, New England. And so, this was the first trial of
any kind in New Haven like this that wasn’t just a hit and run or an outright
murder. This was the Black Panther Party. And Yale got very involved. As a
matter of fact you might know that President Kingman Brewster came out on
behalf of Bobby and I and got shit for it. He almost got fired because he
supported us. People marched on the New Haven green in the thousands to free
Bobby, free Ericka. And you know, the whole time I never really felt like I
deserved any of that attention because I felt responsible for Alex’s death. I don’t
think [01:05:00] Bobby Seale ever felt responsible for Alex’s death. Why should
he have? He didn’t do a thing. But I was there in that house and though I didn’t
harm him directly, I did not stop it, and I didn’t say to George Sams, “You are the
craziest butthole I have ever met in my life, and no, you shouldn’t pour boiling
water on this man.” I acquiesced, so therefore I felt I was a part of it. So in the
trial all of this was brought up to make me seem like -- not even Bobby -- but I
was demonized. Now that I’m talking to you about it I can see something that
hadn’t really dawned on me before, that it was easier to demonize, to make the
jury believe [01:06:00] that it was so wrong for a woman to be doing anything of

25

�this kind. Actually I took the stand on my behalf because it was important that I
do so because if New England and New Haven were very conservative, imagine
their views about women in leadership of a revolutionary organization. Which in
New Haven, one of the reasons why it took so long to pick the jury, trial was six
months, it took three months to pick the jury, and the reason why was there was
so much bias. We were called a militant hate group, we were called a gang of
thugs, all of this. So here I am this woman who supposedly orchestrated the
murder of this young man, so the DA was bent on demonizing me. That was the
easiest way to get me [01:07:00] and Bobby because they couldn’t say that
Bobby was there. They could say that I was there and I was at fault. And I
believed it. I didn’t believe I had killed anybody, but I believed the demonization.
So what came out is that this man -JJ:

What do you mean that you believed the --

EH:

I believed what was being said about me. I believed it. Just like we believe in
slavery -- I’m talking about internalized oppression. In slavery we believed that
we were after a while, after maybe the first fifty or so years, we believed that we
weren’t worthy as human beings. So I began to believe it because it’s what I
heard all the time. My lawyers didn’t tell me that. My friends [01:08:00] didn’t tell
me that. But there was something in me that believed it. Because I so believed
that I should have been able to know better, to not co-sign George Sams.

JJ:

So did you feel you were going to lose the case?

EH:

M-mm. [No.]

JJ:

You never felt --

26

�EH:

I didn’t think about it like that. I thought I was going to spend the rest of my life in
prison.

JJ:

That’s what I mean.

EH:

But I didn’t feel like we were losing. I wasn’t in that kind of state, lose or win.

JJ:

You thought you were going to be (inaudible).

EH:

I felt like they’re going to find a way to keep me here. And so what I did was I
taught myself to meditate. That’s how I got through it and began to feel a sense
of myself again. Eventually the jury hung when it came time [01:09:00] for a jury
deliberation. The judge sent them back, “No, we need a verdict.” They hung
again. He declared a mistrial and set us free. And he said when he did it, I wish
I had it in writing, he said something like, “The Connecticut taxpayers have paid
enough for this trial. There’s no evidence against these defendants, they’re free
to go.” And there really wasn’t any evidence. There was a tape admitted. I don’t
know if it got heard in the courtroom or was admitted as a transcript, I can’t
remember. But it was of George Sams trying to get Alex Rackley to admit that
he was [01:10:00] an informant. And my voice is on the tape. So that was why -that was one reason why they thought that there was a case against me and it
was also another reason why I believed that I was responsible for this young
man’s death. So every day I think of him. Every day I send blessings to his
family because I know that I was not then in the state where I could have been
helpful to anybody, not even to myself.

JJ:

Could you mention the Party work? What do you mean -- what was the chapter
doing there [01:11:00] at the time?

27

�EH:

We started a breakfast program, a clinic, we were helping people with cases of
police brutality. It was only a short time that I had been there. I got there in
January, right after John’s death.

JJ:

So you had a breakfast program and a --

EH:

And a clinic.

JJ:

But how many kids were attending at that time?

EH:

I don’t remember. A lot of them though. And the clinic was named after John
Huggins. So it was January to May, so that’s a relatively short time. I guess I --

JJ:

What section of town that you were -- ?

EH:

The Hill area.

JJ:

It was called the Hill?

EH:

Yeah, and the Hill is just like any other barrio or ghetto in any other city.

JJ:

So you were picking barrios or ghettos?

EH:

Oh yeah, we wanted to go where the people were in most need. That’s where
the Black Panther Party always went. [01:12:00] The Party office in Oakland, the
first office in Oakland, was in West Oakland, which is really poor. Well the
people are living in conditions of poverty. The schools, the health, the housing,
the food is substandard.

JJ:

So you just wanted to give away food or?

EH:

Well, the breakfast program did give away food, they gave breakfast, and
sometimes lunch. But what were also doing is awakening people to their own
power. That yes, there’s a breakfast program, yes, there’s a clinic, but you have
the power to change your destiny. You don’t have to live in these conditions.

28

�You can speak up; you can ask for more. And New Haven is a very rich
immigrant community as well. I didn’t know that until I was there [01:13:00] then.
And it’s even more so now but it was like African Americans, immigrant Italians,
immigrant Irish, Haitian, Dominican, Puerto Rican, and African. And wherever
these groups of people were, there was poverty! But instead of working together
they were pitted against each other for whatever little poverty program crumbs
fell off the cake plate. And so we tried to help people the same thing we did
wherever we were -- the Black Panther Party did the same thing everywhere
because the Ten Point Program was about clothing, food, shelter, education, the
end to police brutality, justice, peace. Are we out of time? [01:14:00]
JJ:

I think we were just when we’re getting into the program. (break in recording)

EH:

(cellphone ringing) There’s another whole room right there that’s back -- you can
close the door in the bathroom. I’m just directing her all around your apartment.
(laughs) I did come to terms with this feeling of unworthiness. I did recognize
through my practice of meditation in prison and since then -- I meditate every day
-- that it’s important for us to recognize our mistakes and keep moving.
[01:15:00] It’s important to have love for ourselves, not just for “the people.”
We’re part of the people! And I was thinking back to that period of time when I
meditated in prison and I would do so every day. I would just sit -- I didn’t know
what I was doing, nobody taught me. I just read a little book that said if you sit
quietly and notice your breath, your mind will become calm. I’m glad I thought
that that was possible for me, because that’s what happened. It isn’t that my
thoughts stop, and like magic I was immediately in a thought-free state or quiet,

29

�it’s just that the thoughts had less power over me. Those emotions of sadness,
[01:16:00] and the feeling of unworthiness, and “I-shoulda-woulda-coulda,” kind
of dissipated, and I was able to just be right in the present moment. As a result
of my practice of meditation, I started an in-prison organization called Sister
Love. It was just a way for women in the prison to connect with one another and
support one another rather than waiting on the pimp who was supposed to bail
them out or the husband that had beat them or to be so terribly sad because they
were separated from their children, just like me. I could only see my daughter for
an hour once a week on Saturday. The way Sister Love worked, because it
couldn’t be an overt political organization, that’s why it had that sweet-sounding
little name, is that the [17:00:00] prison allowed us to do each other’s hair. Well,
I’m glad they did. Because what they didn’t know that we knew, it was primarily
Black and Puerto Rican women, is that around the doing of hair, a lot of
conversation can happen, and a lot of transformative education occurs. So every
-- once a week we would get together and we would do each other’s hair and we
would end up talking about our communities. And it was quiet, and it was under
the -- it was beneath the radar of the guards, the prison guards, and the prison
authorities. But we actually started an organization in the prison that one of the
things we did was to help women who had been brought in addicted to heroin,
we would smuggle things to them so they wouldn’t have to kick cold, which is
horrific. It’s just horrific to [01:18:00] kick that kind of habit without any
medication and no support, which is what the prison did. We watched women
die in there. And so we did that. What I’m saying to you is, and what I would like

30

�anyone who uses this interview to help them in their studies, or in their life, or in
their activism, it is important to merge spiritual practice and social justice. One
without the other doesn’t work. I’m not talking about religion. I’m talking about
some kind of practice that uplifts your spirit because activism will burn you out for
sure if you don’t have something that holds you from the inside out.
JJ:

And a final thing, you did some other programs, too right, the liberation school
later? [01:19:00]

EH:

Oh yeah, my life is a series of… doing! (laughs) The Oakland Community School
was by far one of the most outstanding things I’ve ever participated in in my life.
And someday I’ll write a book about it. When I first was released from prison and
after a month collected my daughter and moved back to Oakland, I became one
of the teachers, a writing teacher, and then a creative writing teacher, at the
Oakland Community School. It was called the Intercommunal Youth Institute at
the time because of Huey’s theory of a boundaryless, community-based world.
And it was named after Sam Napier, who was the Party newspaper’s distribution
manager, who was killed [01:20:00] once again in one of those set-ups that was
based in this effort of the COINTELPRO. I’m not talking about who actually
pulled the trigger, I’m talking about what was at the foundation of it. Anyway, so
then one of the grandmothers of one of the students said why don’t we have -rather than having this big wonderful house, it’s wonderful, to educate the
children, why don’t we have a dedicated school building. She said this to Huey.
And he formed the Educational Opportunities Corporation to buy a school
building, and we opened in the school year 1973-1974 as the Oakland

31

�Community School. And I became the director because the prior director left the
Party. And it was student-centered, community-based, tuition-free, [01:21:00]
and really taught children how to think. Not what to think, how to think. There
were a hundred -- there were ninety children when we first opened our doors and
almost immediately a hundred and fifty, which was our capacity. And we always
had children on the waiting list, including unborn children. This is how much the
community loved it. And we all loved it because our children were not just
surviving, they were thriving. We served three meals a day, we had martial arts,
we taught them -- after a while we taught them to meditate. Every day,
everybody from age four and a half to twelve would sit in the multipurpose room
and just sit quietly. I was the most amazing wonderful thing. We didn’t discipline
children by demeaning them, yelling at them, [01:22:00] putting them in a
detention room, and making them feel terrible. We taught them Hatha yoga
postures that they would have to leave and do. Because in doing the posture
they had to focus and maintain balance, and so it brought them back to center so
that they could come back to the classroom feeling okay, I’ll all right now, I’m a
human being again. And those young people are now in their forties. I
interviewed them for my master’s thesis, you might want to read it at some point.
And they all say, every single one of them, that the Oakland Community School
was the high point of their lives. And they’ve gone every which way in their lives,
some of them went to jail -- how would they not? They grew up in our
communities -- some of them became doctors, some of them became CEOs of
organizations, [01:23:00] some of them became actors or actresses, some of

32

�them became lawyers, one became a museum docent, a number of them
became teachers. All of them say the same thing, that “The reason why Oakland
Community School worked is because you loved us enough.” We took care of
them, we loved them. They were individual human beings. And there was
nothing they could do that would make us stop loving them. They could make a
mistake, but we would still love them. They could get in a fight, but we would still
love them. They could not love themselves and we would still love them. And
that made an imprint on their hearts. So it was really wonderful to work on that
thesis because of them. Being in the academy wasn’t that fun, but interviewing
them was really wonderful.
JJ:

Final thoughts, and then we’ll stop. [01:24:00]

EH:

One day I was talking to a young poet and he asked me about love. And for
some reason I responded with this, that’s now become a quote attributed to me,
“Love is a great expression of power. Use it to transform your world.”

JJ:

That’s great. Thank you very much.

EH:

Thank you very much!

END OF VIDEO FILE

33

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                    <text>Erickson, Floyd
Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Name of War: World War II
Interviewee’s Name: Floyd Erickson
Length of Interview: (1:15:24)
Interviewed by: James Smither
Transcribed by: Lyndsay Curatolo
Interviewer: “We’re talking today with Floyd Erickson of Lansing, Michigan. The
interviewer is James Smither of the Grand Valley State University Veterans History
Project. Mr. Erickson, start us off with some background on yourself and to begin with,
where and when were you born?”
I was born in Gwinn, Michigan–– that’s in the U.P. It’s a little town 18-miles south of
Marquette. It’s a mining town.
Interviewer: “Now, what year were you born?”
I was born in 1922.
Interviewer: “Now did you grow up in Gwinn or did you move around?”
I grew up in Gwinn and I went to Detroit after I graduated from high school in Gwinn and made
airplane parts in Detroit.
Interviewer: “To back up a little bit, what did your father do for a living?”
Well, he was a lumbering man. He had a lumber camp with six/seven lumberjacks and after that
he became a fire warden and game warden. He helped a game warden.
Interviewer: “Did he have trouble making a living during the depression?”
In the early thirties it was really rough. I remember dad as being–– I’m the oldest of 12, so I
remember that very vividly. It was really rough back in those years. ‘33/’34, a lot in there.
(2:00).

�Interviewer: “So what would he do? I mean, was he able to keep his lumber camp or did he
have to sell it?”
Well, he kept it till a point [where] it wasn’t enough profit for him. So, he got a good job with the
state of Michigan. He had a break, it was in World War I. And they sent–– back in those days,
about 1935. My dad became a fire warden there and he got $500 from the state department for
being in World War I. He made 25 trips across the Atlantic in the Navy, hauling troops over to
England in World War I.
Interviewer: “Was this sort of the war ‘bonus’ or––”
It was a bonus. And he bought a car [for] $495. I guess he had five dollars left. Anyway, he had
to have that car for his job.
Interviewer: “Now, when did you finish high school?”
I finished high school in ‘41. They held me back one year because the teacher said I was too
bashful–– withdrawn, you know? That convinced my mother so they held me back for one year.
Interviewer: “So you finish in ‘41, and is it at that point you go, right away, down to Detroit
to work?”
Pretty much, yes. In fact, it was a matter of a couple months and I was down there. I had a good
job and my uncle and aunt helped me out, get started. (4:15).
Interviewer: “Now where were you working? Or what company were you working for?”
I was with [the] Excel company making airplane parts.
Interviewer: “Were you doing that when Pearl Harbor happened?”
I was coming out of Fox Theater [in] downtown Detroit and they were selling extras: “Japanese
bombed Pearl Harbor.” So that was–– I knew I would eventually be on. By the way, I was very
proud to serve my country–– very proud.
Interviewer: “Before Pearl Harbor happened, had you been paying attention to the news?
Were you aware of the war in Europe and that kind of thing?”
Oh, yes. I kept up with things pretty well. I knew that time was running out for me as far as––
well I wanted to serve, so. Anyway, the government kind of helped my folks out there for a
while, so I got off to a good start.

�Interviewer: “The job that you had–– some defense jobs came with deferments, where you
could have stayed if you wanted to.”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “Now, did your job have a deferment?”
They tried to make you think that and I said no. I [was] going back home and I [knew] I was
going to be drafted. So, I didn’t know if they could stop me or not, but they didn’t hold me back.
Interviewer: “So you basically chose to leave the job?”
Yes.
Interviewer: “And go back home. Now, were you helping your family at that point?”
At that period, I worked for my dad because he was the foreman on what they called outside of
the mine–– on the ground. He wasn’t underground, he was a foreman on the surface. And the
[something] came up and it was crushed and it was hauled out on trestles and dropped 30-feet
below and loaded up from there into big trucks. Well, trucks were down below–– they were
being filled up, actually. They hauled that stuff to Marquette and shipped out to Detroit,
Pittsburgh, places like that. (6:56).
Interviewer: “So this was iron-ore?”
Iron-ore.
Interviewer: “And what was your job there?”
I was an oiler. I oiled all the spindles that the cable ran on, you know, to pull the cars out onto
the trestles. So, I had to see that that was done.
Interviewer: “And how long did you spend doing that?”
A very short time length, maybe three months.
Interviewer: “At what point did you get a draft notice?”
I got a draft notice in December of ‘42.

�Interviewer: “So basically, it’s a year after Pearl Harbor essentially. So you were in Detroit
for a while and then you were back home for a while.”
Almost exactly a year.
Interviewer: “And then when did you actually report for duty?”
Then I reported for duty–– it was like the first of February, somewhere around there.
Interviewer: “Now where did you report to first?”
Fort Sheridan in Illinois.
Interviewer: “Was that just processing?”
That’s all, yes.
Interviewer: “So where did they send you for basic training?”
Camp Roberts in California.
Interviewer: “And how did they get you to Camp Roberts?”
Train. Trains kept things running.
Interviewer: “Do you remember anything about that train ride?”
Oh, yes. I remember I had never seen any part of the country like that at that point. But yes, it
was very, very good. (8:54)
Interviewer: “How long did it take to get out there?”
I’d say about three-to-four days.
Interviewer: “And did you spend much time sort-of sitting around on sidings, getting out of
the way of other trains?”
Yeah. We had to get out of the way. The process of feeding all these countries was–– and we
were the ones feeding all these countries that were our Allies.

�Interviewer: “Especially the British, at that point.”
Oh my gosh–– and Russia. We furnished practically all of our stuff, almost–– it seemed like.
Interviewer: “They made certain things and then we made a lot of other things for them.
But yeah, we gave a huge amount of stuff.”
Oh my gosh. We made tanks–– well they were making [them] in Detroit [in] two minutes on the
line, a tank was coming out.
Interviewer: “So you go to Camp Roberts, and where in California is that or what city/town
is it close to?”
Camp Roberts is practically on the coast. It’s north of L.A., between San Francisco and L.A.
Interviewer: “What did the basic training consist of?”
Well, it consisted of crawling on your body and on your knees and stuff like that–– and rifle
training. We went under the place where they shot machine guns over the top of your body and
you had to make your way through this barbed-wire thing, and all that kind of stuff. (10:55).
Interviewer: “And did you also get taught to obey orders and that kind of thing?”
Oh, yes. Yeah. We were told what we were to do by a big Sergent up from Oregon. He was very
good. Tough–– but he was tough for your good.
Interviewer: “Now, how easy or hard was it for you to adjust to being in the Army?”
I had had a taste of the Army back in 1938. [I] went for one month of training for us young guys
in high school. Citizens Military Training–– that’s what they called it.
Interviewer: “So you knew a little bit about marching––”
I knew something about the service before I got in it.
Interviewer: “Now, how long did the basic training last? Or, how long were you at Camp
Roberts?”
That was only about three months.

�Interviewer: “And what happened to you after that?”
They took us–– we were all [northern guys]–– out of Montana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota,
Washington, Dakotas. We were all left–– kind of a bunch. They wanted guys to work in the cold
weather.
Interviewer: “So you had a group that was all training together and then as a group, you all
went together. Where do they send you to?”
A lot of us got into the 87th part of the Infantry Regiment. That was ⅓ of the 10th Mountain
Division. (12:59).
Interviewer: “And it was sort of the original mountain regiment that the government
formed, and then they added two more to make it a division. Now, where did you train with
them? What base were you at?”
We ended up at Kiska.
Interviewer: “Did you stop anywhere between Camp Roberts and Kiska?”
Not very much. No.
Interviewer: “So you didn’t go to Fort Lewis first?”
So they took us there and we had to climb the volcano on Kiska. You know, like two steps
forward and one back. It was horrible climbing. Climbing right–– no beach. Boy, that was a
hairy landing on that volcano. (14:17).
Interviewer: “So you’re going in a landing craft and you’re right there, and you’re going up
a rock face.”
Right. The volcanoes were right, straight into the water. No beach at all.
Interviewer: “Had you had any mountain climbing training before you got there?”
Very, very little up to that point.
Interviewer: “So you joined the regiment after it was formed––”

�We were five-months on Kiska, training all the time, climbing and shooting across the bay at
targets at the ships, and held before we landed there.
Interviewer: “Now, just to backup a little bit–– you talked about landing at Kiska in the
Aleutian Island and the Japanese, in the middle of 1942, had occupied two islands. They
occupied Attu and Kiska. Attu, some American units landed on and had to fight to capture
and then they were planning on landing on Kiska. Now, were you with the group that was
slated to land on Kiska initially?”
Yes.
Interviewer: “What were you expecting to find when you landed?”
Well, we were supposed to meet something like 6,000 Japanese, but for whatever reason they
pulled out about ten-days before we got there.
Interviewer: “So you land and all of a sudden there’s nobody shooting at you.”
Right. We found out after three-days. You couldn’t see your hand in front of your face because
of the fog, you know, up there. It was just terrible the amount of fog in the summertime. That
cleared up before we left. (16:13).
Interviewer: “So by the time you left Kiska, you now had a lot of practice with mountain
climbing.”
Oh, yes. We developed a lot there for the five-months we were on that island.
Interviewer: “Now, what were the temperatures like? How warm or cold––”
The temperatures there were–– very on the warm-side. [When] we left there, it was snowing a
little bit, December 1. December 25, I was on my folks front porch for four-days. It seemed like
it was going all the time. The last 50-miles I bummed a man that brought me from Escanaba to
Gwinn. Boy, I will never forget that. I told the man to let me out right [there], my dad’s car [was]
in front of the drugstore. I got out, I loaded my duffel bag in the backseat, and my brother–– he
was about 16 at that time–– and he came out and he said, “What the hell is going on?” So, he
took me home and put me on the front porch and said, “I’ll go around and tell mom.” I was like,
“What’s going on here?” That was Christmas Day 1943. And she almost fainted when–– she
didn’t know I was even in the country. I saw and said I would never do that to my mother again.
(18:15).

�Interviewer: “So you get just a few days at home, and then where do you go back to then?”
Back to Camp Hale, Colorado. Camp Carson first, but Camp Hale–– they were building it. They
had enough room for some of us, so we were taken in a little bit. Before I left there, there were
over 13,000 of us–– 10th Mountain. We had blended in with the 85th, 86th, and we were the
87th.
Interviewer: “So you got all 3 regiments for the division now together.”
So we worked together there at Camp Hale for a few months.
Interviewer: “Now, did they take any of the guys out of the 87th and put them in the other
regiments?”
Yes. There were a lot of terrific skiers in my outfit–– the best in the world. Some of our
Norwegian Suites and Finland. And I knew some of them from [somewhere]. [Somewhere] is
where there were a lot of good skiers. There were all jumpers for the most part because that’s
what we did up there. There’s three big ski jumps up there: Iron Mountain and there’s one over
by Ironwood on the Wisconsin border, and the one in [somewhere]. They were all capable of 300
feet or more. (20:09).
Interviewer: “As a kid then, had you done a lot of skiing?”
Well, my dad made my first skis when I was four years old. I got a picture someplace around
[here].
Interviewer: “And did you do mostly cross-country or were you doing downhill?”
Cross-country. Cross-country to the places where we made jumps.
Interviewer: “So you were used to that kind of stuff already.”
Oh, yeah. I think about that now because we got snow–– somewhat mules, now. If we’d had a
broken leg or something, it was a mile/mile-and-a-half to the main road. That would have been
tough for three young kids. Boy, I’ll tell you––
Interviewer: “So you did all of that stuff when you were a kid and didn’t really think about
it.”
You don’t think about that then, but I think about it now. We would have been [in] real trouble.

�Interviewer: “Now, what kind of job or assignment do you have with the 87th?”
Towards the end of the war, I had moved into a Staff Sergeant job because the guy got hit and
you’d just replace––
Interviewer: “But before that–– I guess, when you were back there at Camp Hale. What was
your job? Were you just a rifleman or something else?”
Yeah. I was a machine gunner there.
Interviewer: “And what company were you serving in?”
That was Company 87.
Interviewer: “Was that a weapons company? So they had machine guns and mortars?’
Machine guns and rifles. We had some rifles–– two small rifles and a Carbine, the small one.
Recently, I had a chance to handle these guns–– had a picture taken with ‘em. I can’t get over
how heavy they are. They feel twice as heavy as back then. (22:32).
Interviewer: “Well, you are 96 years old.”
Well, of course I was around 170 pounds. Now I’m lucky if I’m 150.
Interviewer: “An M1, I think, is about eight-pounds.”
Oh my gosh. I’m telling you–– the difference. Of course, the machine guns, but that was a twoman job. [It] broke down into two pieces.
Interviewer: “Now, was that a 30-caliber machine gun?”
We’re talking about 100 pounds a piece, you know? That there was a lot of load.
Interviewer: “Was this an air-cooled machine gun or a water-cooled machine gun?”
Water-cooled.
Interviewer: “So that’s got the big tube. That would be why you had that weight. So, you are
training now for–– so you spend a fair amount of 1944 then training. Do you remember
where you were when the D-Day landing took place? In June of ‘44, where were you?”

�We didn’t go to Italy until December of ‘44. We were training very, very hard. Rock climbing,
cross-country, downhill––
Interviewer: “So you really spent what wasn’t just a few months then at Camp Hale. You
were there for the better part of a year.”
Yeah. Camp Hale was a good place for training, but in the mountains 20 below, 30 below, was
nothing. And then sleeping out in the open. I remember Easter morning 1944, six-inches of snow
on my sleeping bag. My boots were on my chest to keep them from freezing down below. Two
pairs of socks on down below. I’m telling you, boy, that was–– that there separated the men from
the boys. We lost a couple hundred guys–– they went south. [It] was not for them. (25:03).
Interviewer: “Did you have a lot of frostbite cases and things like that?”
Yes.
Interviewer: “Did you also have people with broken bones and things like that? Did you
have accidents in training where people would get hurt?”
Well, we didn’t have too many like that in training. There were a few, yes, but not–– when you
realize there were thousands of men, you know? And we all had to go through those clubs
bouncing off–– 10,000 feet training in that area on the mountain side.
Interviewer: “Were there people who had trouble with the altitude? If you got too high?”
Yeah. You had to adapt to that too.
Interviewer: “Now, what kind of accommodations did you have at Camp Hale? Did they
build barracks for you?”
They built fine barracks–– warm, you know–– but it took a while to get them fully completed.
We were in them before they were even completed. That there made some pretty good laughs
along the way. (26:27).
Interviewer: “So were you sleeping in barracks that didn’t have roofs on them or didn’t
have walls on them?”
Yeah. Stuff like that–– didn’t have doors. Mountain side doors were on, of course.

�Interviewer: “When you were at Camp Hale, what did you do when you were off duty––
when you weren’t training. Did they have entertainment or could you go into town?”
Yes. We had places to go–– by train–– to Denver, Colorado Springs, Grand Junction. And then
the highest town in the U.S.A. I can’t spit it out right now, but I think it starts with an M.
Interviewer: “So you’ve gone to different places in Colorado.”
[It] was only 12-miles from Camp.
Interviewer: “Did you go to the ski resorts and places like that?”
Yeah. Some guys skied all of the time–– they were just nuts about skiing. We still had watering
holes, you know. One right there in the [something]. That bar was the Silver Dollar Bar in that
town. Twelve miles out at 12,000 feet. We were at 9,600 feet at Camp Hale. And that was
something I’ll just never forget–– that watering hole there. What a bar. I was there last summer.
(28:23).
Interviewer: “Okay–– it’s still there.”
My nephew–– he schemed with some of my buddies, 10th Mountain Guys, on Cooper Hill.
That’s where we trained, right at the National Divide. That’s where the water runs west––
Interviewer: “Yeah. Continental divide.”
That’s where our big present with 999 names on it. My best buddy is on there–– [he’s] number
eleven.
Interviewer: “So those were the men that were killed in action.”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “Now, as 1944 went on, did you start to wonder if you were ever going to get
into the war?”
We did. And we were about ready to lose our mountain part of our logo and finally, Marshall got
with Clark and Clark wanted us right now.
Interviewer: “And Clark was Mark Clark, so that’s the Commander of the Fifth Army in
Italy.”

�Italy, right.
Interviewer: “So this is now late 1944 and we’re still kind of bogged down in the Apennines
north of Rome.”
Some of us were out and were already moving in December. They were in foxholes in January.
Interviewer: “Now, tell us about your trip to Europe. You go from Camp Hale and then
where do you go?”
We got on the train and I remember going through–– [I] forgot. [We] went down to Camp Swift
and that’s where we almost lost our mountain logo.
Interviewer: “And where is Camp Swift?”
It’s close to Austin, Texas. (30:27).
Interviewer: “So you go to Texas–– and maybe they were going to convert you into a regular
division.”
Right. And boy, we didn’t want that. We had all of the best skiers in the country sitting there,
sweating it out. Clark says, “Come on. I need you right now.”
Interviewer: “So from Camp Swift, where do you go?”
[From] Camp Swift we went to Newport.
Interviewer: “So Virginia?”
Yep. Red Skelton was there, “Give ‘em hell boys. Give ‘em hell.” We were up on this big ship.
Interviewer: “So you got a send-off from a celebrity. Now, what kind of ship were you on?”
We were on the biggest ship that America had. America was the name of the ship.
Interviewer: “So it’s a big ocean liner?”
Big ocean liner converted into a troop ship.
Interviewer: “And did the ship sail by itself or were you in a convoy?”

�Nope. It was all by itself. It was able to go fast enough, so they figured we stood a good chance
of getting there with it.
Interviewer: “So the U-Boats couldn’t catch you.”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “So, where do you land then in Europe?”
We landed at the bottom of the boot–– Naples.
Interviewer: “I guess you had to go through the Straits of Gibraltar to get there. Did you see
that?”
Yeah. We had one guy that got off to get into Naples. He lost control, so we had to fish him out
of the water. So, he got off to a rough start. (32:31).
Interviewer: “Did you stay in Naples or did you just move right out?”
No, we moved right out–– north. We were side-railed quite a few times because of traffic [going]
south. Yeah. There were a lot of troops there. Troops that had migrated north from Africa.
Interviewer: “So you’ve got wounded men coming back and you’ve got supplies going back–
– but they were using the Italian railroads by then.”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “So, you get to go by train part of the way?”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “Now, you were arriving there in January or early February?”
We were arriving there in January and some of our men were in foxholes already [to] relieve
Brazilian troops. So, we had to have communications with them and had to have special people
to bring us together, you know. We didn’t know what they were doing and in a way, that
transition took a while. (34:11).
Interviewer: “What impression did you have of the Brazilians?”

�Well, I guess they were doing a good job. They didn’t have any combat. But, the 92nd Division–
– which was all black, except for officers. There were a lot of white officers in the 92nd. They
had been replaced on [Mount Belvedere.]. So we were up front–– the 10th Mountain Division––
to take Mount Belvedere the first day. It wasn’t easy–– our whites were floating around out in
the ocean and the Atlantic ocean never got to us–– our whites.
Interviewer: “Oh, your white uniform. So, your snow uniforms?”
Yeah. This first mountain had a foot of snow on top. We were there like sore-thumbs the next
day. But [the] place was full of bodies all over the place. And the eastside got the worst of it––
we were on the westside, the 87th. So, we got by a lot better than the two other regiments. They
were on the other side.
Interviewer: “How long have you been in that area on the front lines before you went
forward?”
Maybe a week–– we had to recover. The Germans had been on the mountain off to the left [and]
they could see down where we were assembling and stuff with spy glasses. And we knew that
they were there, so we had been–– the night before–– came up and climbed that mountain from
the opposite side. All night long it took them to get to the top, but they had experts putting in
Tetons and rope in the rocks. Then the soldiers had it a lot easier going up that [mountain] by
pulling themselves. (36:46).
Interviewer: “They had things they could connect their ropes to so they could climb up.”
So, they took care of the mountains–– the guys on top of that mountain. The Germans had maybe
50 men up there–– I don’t know exactly, but they took care of it.
Interviewer: “So, they would have been artillery spotters?”
Yeah. Anyway, that there really worked out good. Then we had a line that came down out there,
so our wounded were shoved down on that line. That worked out beautifully.
Interviewer: “Do you remember going into combat for the first time?”
Oh, yes. We had one Lieutenant that couldn’t make it, and he was our leader. So we were cut-off
for a little bit , but we hooked up with the breville/rental company–– like we always did, you
know. And we hooked up with them and took off.

�Interviewer: “You said your Lieutenant couldn’t make it, did he just not go with you or did
he get hit?”
He came back with us about a week later. [He] said he was fine. He was part Indian, his name
was Richardson. Anyway, he turned out to be a good Lieutenant. (38:22).
Interviewer: “Why was he not with you on that first day?”
He just couldn’t stand it. Too much fire–– machine gun fire, especially.
Interviewer: “So, he did lose his nerve that first time.”
Lots of guys killed–– a lot of guys. We figured we lost somewhere around 200 men.
Interviewer: “So out of the whole regiment?”
Yeah, the whole regiment. And that was about a fifth of what–– because we ended up losing 999.
Interviewer: “And that was out of the whole division in the course of the war. So, a fifth of
the men on that one day?”
Yeah. So out of about 13,000 men we lost 1,000. We had Norwegians with us too–– they were a
part of our hookup there. But, they were very good. They’ve got their own plaque up there right
alongside ours at the National Divide–– a big, grand thing. They lost quite a few men too. But,
they were terrific skiers.
Interviewer: “How long did it take to actually capture Mount Belvedere? Was it one day or
four days?”
We had it in one day, but we were a long way from it–– recovered, you know. To be able to say,
“Well, we took that mountain.” We were about beat-up there. But, we got straightened away and
sailed right on through. Mountains after that were a lot less dependent. (40:27).
Interviewer: “Now, as you’re moving north in Italy, you’re getting closer to the Po Valley I
mean, do the mountains get any lower or smaller?”
Smaller. Yep, definitely smaller.
Interviewer: “Now, how much are you seeing of the Germans themselves? Are they just
firing at you from a distance?”

�They are coming through our lines by the thousands. Just pouring through our lines.
Interviewer: “When did that start happening?”
That started happening, actually, very shortly after Belvedere. [The] Germans could see the
lights.
Interviewer: “Now, these German soldiers who were coming forward, how would they do
that when they’re approaching? How do you know they’re not attacking you?”
Like that.
Interviewer: “And what impression–– what did they look like to you, these German
soldiers?”
They had good clothing. They had no more ammunition–– I thought it was all taken from them.
They’ve been fighting a long time. I mean, three years before World War II they were fighting
already.
Interviewer: “They were fighting since 1939 anyway.”
Yeah. Four years–– yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay. They’ve been fighting. They fought in Poland, they fought in France,
Scandinavia and stuff, and then in Russia and so forth.”
They had already been bombing the heck out of Russia. (42:11).
Interviewer: “Now, the ones that you saw–– did they look to be about your age or were they
younger or older?”
For the most part they were older. Because I was only like 22 or 23 at that time. [When] I got out
I was 24.
Interviewer: “Right. But a lot of the American soldiers would have been 19, 20, 21, that kind
of thing. That’s very standard military age. So, these guys are looking a little older than
that. Then, yeah they probably are all veterans. As far as you could tell, were these all
regular Army troops that were surrendering to you?”
Yes. Regular Army troops.

�Interviewer: “You’re not seeing the SS or anything like that?”
There was some SS later that we’d run into, but they were pretty well-beat too.
Interviewer: “So fairly early still in ‘45 the Germans–– even before you get into the Po
Valley–– some of the Germans are already coming over and surrendering to you. Now, as
you go forward and you head into the Po Valley, was that dangerous to do once you can
leave the mountains and go out into the open?”
Yes. There’s a little difference there. You have to be ready to dig a foxhole very quickly. In fact,
this is any time you stop for a while. It was a wise thing to get yourself into [the] ground.
Interviewer: “Because they could see you and then they could start shooting artillery at
you.”
They could put a mortar round like in my buddy's foxhole. He was the first gunner and he had
just cleaned up while 10 or 12 Germans got on a hedgerow. He had gotten to all of them–– him
and his second gunner. It wasn’t two-minutes later they put a mortar shell right in his foxhole
and it gave him a lot of internal injury–– which he died [from]. But, he took care of my buddy.
His leg was almost off–– left leg–– and they said to take care of him first, but he died in the
meantime. (44:48).
Interviewer: “Now, was that a foxhole that was already there?”
That was a foxhole that had dug.
Interviewer: “Now, you got hit at about the same time, didn’t you? I mean, there was a shell
blaster.”
Well, at the time I was a Sergeant. I was probably looking ahead for where we wanted to go.
Being informed by riflemen and rifle officers–– rifle company.
Interviewer: “So, what happened to you when you got hit?”
To me, coming into the Po Valley I was the Sergeant then. And, boy, that was some kind of a
shell that came in right at my feet, you know. And Maddox said that I just lucked out because I
was thoroughly checked and I had no blood on me.
Interviewer: “How close did the shell land to you?”

�They said it was a couple feet from my right foot.
Interviewer: “Did they think the shell went into the dirt a little before it blew up?”
Well, it made a hole. That’s for sure. Obviously, this shrapnel went underneath me because–– I
was blown high enough up so that could happen. But five guys, you know, they got it and they
were all further away than I was by far–– 25 feet away. (46:41).
Interviewer: “So, you’re blown up in the air–– were you knocked unconscious?”
I was 25-minutes out. I couldn’t hear nothing. So I [something], best way I could for a while and
got by. Three hours later, I was able to hear.
Interviewer: “So, you did have some effects from the shock of the blast, but on the whole
you were very lucky.”
Oh, I hope to tell you.
Interviewer: “Now, as you got down into the valley, did the Germans oppose you when you
tried to cross the river or did they just get out of the way?”
Oh, very much so. They had some bursts above our heads, like [says something].
Interviewer: “Like the 88s or?”
Shooting at airplanes and stuff and some of that. But, we were crossing that river–– it’s about
300 feet across there, a big river. We had to get out a couple of times because we were hitting
sandbars. And these sandbars, lasted maybe three/four steps and then 25-feet down. Two of our
men, in my section, [there] were two of them that went down. They walked a little bit too far.
My [minnick]–– I was in charge, if he was hooked up with us. He was a very strong swimmer
and he went down that water. Two of our guys–– packs off their backs, like next thing to a
hundred pounds–– they were saved. He got two Silver Stars for that. (48:44).
Interviewer: “Now, what kind of boats did you have to cross the river with?”
We had [sound] boats. They were rubber and they came up with a couple of those things. But far
to the west, the Germans were still crossing the river. They were having a worse time than we
were, but we didn’t know that, of course.

�Interviewer: “Now, when you were fighting did you get much air support or artillery
support or things like that?”
Oh, yes. We got the cavalry and air power anytime we wanted, and they kept as close to us as
possible. The Air Corps–- that was easy. We would say, “We got a half of a hay-stack out there,
it looks like there’s a machine that is in it–– we should take care of that.” 15 minutes later they
were right there blowing the thing off the map. So, we had full support with the Air Corps and
artillery.
Interviewer: “Now at some point, you got a Bronze Star.”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “How did that happen?”
You know, I don’t fully know to this day exactly what they had written up, but evidently I helped
with–– which came natural–– to help with the guy that was in bad shape. I helped to take him
back. They always say it’s “over and above,” you know? I was going to say something about
that. (50:44).
Interviewer: “You were talking about the Po Valley––”
It had to do with the crossing.
Interviewer: “What we were talking about [was] the artillery, the aircraft, and all of that.”
At night now we were traveling a lot because of the flash-ground. And the fact that the Germans
were giving up, so we didn’t have much opposition. So, we were traveling pretty good. We got
into Bologna and then some of the little towns–– Verona–– that’s the big cities. Lots of little
towns, the Italians had all kinds of vino along the way.
Interviewer: “So the Italian people were acting happy to see you.”
Oh, they hated Mussolini something fierce. They hated the Germans because the Germans were
doing horrible things. I gotta tell you. Once, I was sitting in about one of these mountaintops––
maybe the fourth mountaintop, small mountain–– looking down into the valley, out of a foxhole.
And I could see a mile away, an Italian farmer came back to his farm home–– [something] his
farm home–– and he was singing up a storm. An opera song, you know, they love opera music.
He was just as happy as you could get. 24-hours later he had his wife and his two kids with him.
I could see this as if I’m looking at a television screen–– plain as day. The kids got into the house

�before the parents did and all of a sudden, booby traps were going off. Smoke was coming out of
the window. That’s all I know from that point.
Interviewer: “So the Germans blew them up or––”
Before they left that mountain–– across that valley–– they had booby-trapped that house. I don’t
know if the kids were killed or what, because that was, you know, none of our business–– we
were on the move. I’m sure we had medics there after, but the Germans were still on that next
mountain and they had artillery and that was going all of the time. So that was quite a thing to
see, you know. The happiness [and] the sadness the next day. That was hard to take. (54:18).
Interviewer: “Now, once you got across the Po and things got easier at that point. Now,
getting to the very spring and to the very end of the war in April and May.”
Yes. We’re beyond that where I had my close call–– I forgot that story. Anyway, that’s the way
it went to the Po Valley and things change differently there. We finally got to Lake Garda––
which is about 25-miles long, mile-and-a-half wide.
Interviewer: “It’s a big lake up in the mountains.”
Yep. Mussolini had a house on the southeast end of the lake. That was a–– well, when I was
there in 2000 all of the stuff was put back together. The Italians did a fantastic job. Everything
was hardly a brick on top of another brick–– this place was a mess.
Interviewer: “So you saw a lot of war damage in the places that you were going through.”
Horrible, horrible, horrible. We tried to get Mussolini ourselves, but Parson got a hold of him.
They hung him by his heels at a gas station–– his mistress.
Interviewer: “Now for your unit, you’re heading up and you kind of go up and you pass
Lake Garda. You get to Lake Garda, the next thing on your itinerary is a place called
Revo–– was that just a stop along the way?”
There’s a stop on the north end–– Revo, yes. Just beyond that, up and close to Austria and them,
we had captured a German liquor dental. 16 truckloads of booze, I understand. And the General
said the men were going to have it. It’s a tough couple of bottles of booze to each–– I don’t
know. It amounted to a lot of blonde-and-a-half men, I guess. It didn’t take long. He said, “We
still got loaded rifles and you guys are getting drunk. No more of that booze.” So we had 2,000
[something]. And I never drank the booze, I was a beer-drinker. I had [92/10 beers] at the
Leaning Tower of Pisa–– that there was after it all.

�Interviewer: “Now, as the war ends you’re getting close to the Austrian border?”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “Now, did you encounter–– was there more organized German forces
surrendering at that point?”
Yes. Lots of ‘em. We really pulled the border right there at Lake Garda–– south end. We were
trying to take care of the guys that were escaping on the west side of Lake Garda. Anyway, we
had loaded up by Higgins boat–– way too many men, way too much recruitment. When they
started that boat up, it went down like a piece of lead. [We] lost 25 men right there, just like that.
I think the story is right because that’s the way I got it. And a couple of years ago, they had been
looking at that boat, but they’d left it there with all the dead bodies that are all bones. 25 men we
lost–– a real boulder. (58:49).
Interviewer: “And of course, a mountain lake like that is very deep and very cold. So, once
they go under with their packs, you’re not getting them out. Now, at the end of the war
there are German armies that are trying to retreat south and Americans are chasing from
the north and you’re coming from the south and they’re in between you.”
Yeah. We were taking prisoners by the thousands, all that while. Lots of them would come
through our line of sight. Some of them were making it out on the east side–– north. They were
making it to Austria and I’m sure a few got there, but we had to have a General that was the head
of the crack regiment. I can’t remember his name right now–– very familiar name. He died in a
hole in the mountain–– the road was right through that mountain on up to Revo. He was standing
in one of the openings–– they had to have an opening every every mile maybe. But there’s a lot
of traffic on there–– trucks and stuff, no trains. But, this General’s name just has to come to me.
He was a head with the crack regiment. (1:00:31).
Interviewer: “An American General?”
Yep. An American General. He got killed right there in that opening. Him and his Master
Sergeant. And there’s a plaque right there at Revo in his honor. I can’t spit his name out. He
wanted to get into the 10th Mountain Division for his last month. They had taken his division––
his division had taken quite a pounding, I guess. So, they busted it up and he said [he’ll] go with
the 10th Mountain Division. He wanted to stay in the war.
Interviewer: “Now, did you meet up with the American Seventh Army eventually or did you
not see them?”

�No. Actually, the 10th Mountain got up there into the Alps–– [something] which are a part of the
Alps. Anyway, we had to go back down where Tito was screwing up. He wanted to get a piece of
Italy and so we sat there for three weeks while he was making up his mind about what he was
going to try to do. But, the Italians had taken that away from him in World War I.
Interviewer: “Or at least they had taken it from the Austrians at that point.”
So, we were sitting there waiting.
Interviewer: “So was that at Trieste or thata area? Yeah it was. Now, we’ve gotten into your
story, basically to the end of the war in Europe in the middle of 1945 and your unit wound
up on the end of the Italian/Yugoslavian frontier–– kind of keeping an eye on things for
several months. How did you spend your time while you were in that area?” (1:02:40).
When we were on our way back–– first, going up, we stopped at the Leaning Tower of Pisa. We
could see it from where we were bivouacked. Oddly enough, coming back we did the same
thing. [We] stopped there overnight–– maybe two nights–– before we could get on the rails and
go south.
Interviewer: “But before that though, you were up along the Yugoslavian border.”
Right.
Interviewer: “And you say you stayed there for a while. So, what were you doing while you
were up there?”
Oh, we were just biting time. We had loaded rifles, loaded machine guns all set up and Tito
wanted to make a move while we were there to stop. Anyway, that was about three weeks that
we sat there.
Interviewer: “And then after that they moved you out of there?”
Yes. They moved us out of there–– south. We went to a ski resort–– beautiful. North of the big
city on the west side of Italy–– on the west side of the boot. What’s the name of that city? [The]
biggest city in Italy. (1:04:25).
Interviewer: “Milan?”
Milan–– north of Milan, in the country of Switzerland. We slept between sheets, the foxholes,
mud, you name it. Boy, I’m not kidding you, I couldn’t believe it. A mountain resort, a ski resort.

�We had guys up there at six o’clock in the morning ready to make their run. That’s the kind of
skiers they were. They were nuts–– it’s cold, you know? Which, they were saving between
sheets they got out on. We sat there for about a week, and we could see the girls taking care of
the sheep and cattle in the mountains. It was beautiful, beautiful. And this–– I forget the name of
the resort–– but it was Catholic, you know. They had these little boxes, you know.
Interviewer: “Those shrines.”
Yeah. That was there. Had plenty of vino and beer.
Interviewer: “Did you get to do any more tourism in Italy at that point? I mean, did you get
to go to Venice or Rome or anything like that?”
I’m just trying to think.
Interviewer: “I guess you went to Pisa and Florence is in that area.”
Well, of course in 2000 I went and I was amazed. I couldn’t get over what they had done. They
had just put everything back together just beautifully. (1:06:32).
Interviewer: “So, when did you get orders to go home?”
When we eventually got on the boat down there at the lower end.
Interviewer: “Back in Naples again?”
Naples again. And, we headed west.
Interviewer: “So when was that?”
That was in–– the war was over May 2nd.
Interviewer: “Yeah. In Europe. It’s still going on with Japan until August. Well–– did they
talk about using you in Japan?”
We went back home–– we were supposed to go to New York, but New York was too busy. So,
we went back to the same place.
Interviewer: “So you go back to Newport News and that area.”

�Newport News and [a] train from there on, and back to Camp Carson, Colorado. One furlough
after another. I was told by my first Sergeant, he said, “Erickson, you could stay with us for a
few more months.” He said, “You could kick-up a Tech Sergeant.” I said, “Not worth it. I’m
going home and getting married.” (1:08:10).
Interviewer: “So, when had you gotten engaged?”
We never did get engaged.
Interviewer: “Oh, so you just went home and––”
Went home and got married. I got the picture. And that was a big day, boy.
Interviewer: “Well, did you know her before you went to Europe?”
Yeah. She was my–– we were down here together. I was only one year ahead of her in school
with her brother. That was 1945. She waited three years.
Interviewer: “Did you write to her regularly?”
I wrote to her as much as I could, but she wrote to me about 20 times as much. One time, up by
Kiska, I got over 20 letters at one time. They couldn't catch up to us, I guess, I don’t know. But I
am telling you, it was a great day–– a great feeling. I was so proud of the fact that I was with the
10th Mountain Division. Very proud.
Interviewer: “Now, after you got out of the Army, what did you do? What kind of job did
you get?”
I went into construction. I had done a lot of roofing work with my dad as a kid, when we were
really poor. So, I went through their course–– three-and-a-half years of, one day of school, four
days of on the job training. And benefited very much so. I was in housing, and building big
buildings out at Michigan State–– science building. I remember in the cold winter, hanging
outside doors–– all winter long. Stupid. Anyway, here we were, cold weather outfit, born in the
U.P.. It seemed like everything I did was with the cold weather. After the war I was with this
company and we’re putting up a screw factory here in Lansing–– it was right after the war and I
got a job right, quick like [that], you know. And it was putting these pans up that hooked
together to pour concrete foundations. Just going to clap two of them together like that. [It] sent
me red, straight out on my face in the mud. I was still shell-shocked, you know. I got up and I
was embarrassed and I felt like a mess. But, they understood after a while and there was no

�laughing. It was no laughing matter. That just shows you that what you had to do, you had to do
the best you could. That was to get as low as you can, as quick as you can. (1:12:24).
Interviewer: “Just remember your Army training there.”
Absolutely.
Interviewer: “Did you stay in the construction business then?”
Yes. I was in that for 60-years. I had a supervisory job, but I didn’t like it very much because I
loved to work with my hands. Especially firming houses–– I love that. I built this thing. [I] was
with my wife and my foot came through the ceiling one day when she was standing right here. I
didn’t have my sub-floor on yet–– it was still overheads and hangers–– and my one foot came
through there. She said, “Floyd, are you alright?” I said, “I guess I am.” I checked out and boy,
we had a laugh. I’m not kidding you, I came downstairs and I swear on my life we had a laugh
for half-an-hour.
Interviewer: “Now, to look back at the time that you spent in the service, what do you think
you took out of that, or what did you learn from it?”
Oh my gosh. What an experience. World War II–– the war was all over, you know. You name it,
war was there. And to be in something that gigantic, it moved me for the rest of my life. I was a
different person when I realized what really took place. When you realize–– since Russia has lost
something like––
Interviewer: “It was at least 20 million and it might’ve been more than that.”
13 million killed.
Interviewer: “Soldiers–– just soldiers.”
And 30 million civilians. They bombed Russia something fierce. I don’t like to say it, but they’re
not good right now, today, you know.
Interviewer: “Not particularly, no.”
Can’t depend on ‘em.
Interviewer: “Well, I tell you, you’ve got a good story. You still tell it well, so thank you very
much for taking the time to share it today.”

�You’re very welcome. I was very happy to be able to do this, as I have done it several times, you
know. (1:15:24).

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Boring, Frank</text>
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                <text>Floyd Erickson was born in 1922 in Gwinn, Michigan, a small town in Michigan’s Upper Peninsula, 18-miles south of Marquette. Erickson grew up in Gwinn and eventually after graduating high school in 1941, went to Detroit to work in a factory making airplane parts. A year after Pearl Harbor, Erickson moved home to Gwinn because he knew he would be drafted soon. Nearly a year after Pearl Harbor, Erickson reported for duty in February in Fort Sheridan, Illinois. He was then sent to Camp Roberts in California for basic training. It was from here that Erickson was assigned to the 87th Infantry Regiment, part of the 10th Mountain Division. Erickson’s first assignment was to Kiska in Japan. However, after a month he was sent to Camp Hale, Colorado. As 1944 approached, Erickson and his regiment were sent to Italy, where his regiment spent most of their time. Eventually, due to his service and helping when his fellow soldiers were injured, Erickson was awarded a Bronze Star. Quickly after, Erickson received orders to go home as the war was over in Europe in May 1945. Despite offers to move up as a Technical Sergeant, Erickson decided to leave the Army and get married to his wife. Erickson then went into construction where he worked in the industry for over 60 years.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Name of War: Korean War
Interviewee Name: John Erickson
Length of Interview: 1hr.19mins
Pre-Enlistment (00:38)
•

Childhood (00:40)
o Erickson was born on November 26, 1929 in Hastings, Michigan. (00:46)
o Growing up he lived in Alto, Michigan, working on his father’s farm. Describes
growing up here and the various duties he was responsible for. (01:10)

•

Education (01:17)
o Was in school until the 5th Grade when he left since he decided to stay home.
Finished his schooling in the Army. Otherwise, he taught himself how to read and
write by reading the newspaper and the Bible. (01:22)
o Some of his brothers had already joined the Navy. (03:00)

Enlistment/Basic training (03:26)
•

Why he joined (04:12)
o After discussing the possibility with his dad who was a WWI veteran he agreed to
it. Upon firmly deciding that he wanted to join the Army Erickson promptly went
to the recruiting office in Grand Rapids, Michigan, and signed up in November,
1949. (04:12)
o From there he went to Fort Knox, Kentucky where he was selected as a
replacement to someone else who did not qualify for that particular Army post.
(04:46)

•

Where he went (04:51)
o Fort Knox training (05:10)


Was then sent here for 13 weeks of tank battalion and infantry training.
(05:21)

�

Describes his training at Fort Knox in some detail. Among other things he
dug fox holes, learned how to pitch a tent, to march and eat K-rations.
(05:33)



Mentions his impressions and thoughts on the Army’s discipline and
focused lifestyle. (07:21) Went through the standard infantry training.
(09:16)



Went home by train for about a week. Afterwards he took a bus to Fort
Lewis, Washington. He describes the journey there in some detail. (10:08)

o Fort Lewis, WA (10:55)


Started training there in March, 1950. He mentions that he was assigned to
the 4th RCT combat team and remained with them during his stationing in
the states. (11:03)



Among the training he received here was training with snow shoes and
skies while trudging up Mt. Rainier and later in his time in Alaska. (12:07)



Briefly mentions living conditions here. (13:07)

o Alaska (13:45)


Geographically, the place he was stationed was 26 miles north of
Fairbanks in a place in which he could not remember but somewhere
where he could see the Russians [presumably not near Fairbanks—maybe
Nome?]. (13:53)



Stayed here for 3-4 months and then returned to the states. (15:43)

o Back in the states (15:45)

•



Mentions how his service time was extended by a year because of
Truman. (16:45)



Was at Fort Lewis, Washington with the 4th RCT combat team when the
Korean War started. Soon afterwards he was transferred to the 23rd
Regiment and 9th Regiment both regiments in the 2nd Division. While in
Korea he was with the 23rd Regiment. (17:25)

Active Duty (18:15)
o Background (18:20)

�

While en-route to Korea aboard a boat he couldn’t name he mentions
receiving further training exercises. He furthermore, describes the journey
over there. (18:50)

o Korea (21:25)


Landed at Pusan where a few months earlier the 2nd division had forced
the North Koreans to retreat northward off the line of the Pusan Perimeter.
(21:31)



Coming in as a replacement he relates how his first days were of
encountering snipers. (22:20)



Briefly describes what sort of weaponry and guns they used. (22:35)



On the march north in pursuit of the North Koreans he mentions going up
many different hills all the way up to the Yalu River. Briefly describes the
Korean landscape. (23:18)
•



As a machine gunner, Erickson describes what a typical shift
looked like. (24:45) Typically, when marching northward their
flamethrowers went first clearing the way of North Koreans who
were well hidden in their underground bunkers. They rounded up
large amounts of ammunition on their way north. (25:53)

Conditions on the battlefield (26:50)
•

To move forward, American soldiers would have to pile the bodies
of their dead comrades to avoid being hit by N. Korean bullets.
(27:24)

•

Erickson briefly describes several encounters where South Korean
soldiers worked with American units on their way north. (28:05)

•

While taking his turn at the machine gun on one encounter,
Erickson called his superiors informing them that the Chinese Red
Army were crossing the Yalu River of which his superiors couldn’t
believe because the very thought of that possibility was impossible.
Four hours later American soldiers were fleeing back towards the
South Korean border from Chinese forces. It was during this time
that he was captured. (28:25)

•

Erickson mentions that despite continuing to fire and picking
Chinese soldiers off they just kept coming. At about 3pm that day

�his unit began to retreat. Around 10pm while still waiting to
receive orders to fall back he and a few others were captured.
(31:10)
o In the minutes before being captured, American units in the
area had been warned by the Koreans that the Chinese were
coming. While trying to contact HQ for orders Erickson
was trying to jam his radio so that when captured it would
be useless to the Chinese. (32:57)
o Just as they received orders to retreat the Chinese Red
Army overran them and began firing into the line of
American soldiers nearby and eventually into the building
that Erickson and a few other Americans had retreated into.
In that encounter three Americans including himself
surrendered. (33:30)
•



After his unit had been lined up, Erickson saw the devastation of
the Chinese advance with burning tanks and dead men in the
background. (35:58)

POW days (36:30)
•

Erickson with a few of his comrades was then hauled into a pig
pen where they stayed the night and then given millet the next
morning. (36:36)

•

American POWs were treated like pigs by the Chinese who threw
their food into pig troughs for the men to use chop sticks to grab
their food. (37:08)

•

Following this, the Chinese divided the POWs into groups. While
this was occurring Erickson describes how Chinese commanders
treated their own soldiers. What happened next was that a Chinese
soldier opened up an American soldier from the 24th Inf. Division
so the rest of them could see his heart. (38:58)

•

Erickson describes his thoughts on this experience. (45:07)

•

Following this encounter, Erickson mentions that the Chinese
marched the POWs unto trucks which took them to a school.
Ended up walking the POWs to a cave with lots of lights. (49:17)

�•

During another experience, he relates how a few Chinese soldiers
dropped sake down a man’s throat while digging shrapnel out of
his body. Afterwards they sent the man back to the American lines
with a white flag. (50:19)

•

Stayed in a cave enclosure for a month and then took a 23-day
death march north to the Yellow River. (52:01) To scare the
American POWs they would shoot their guns into the air. (52:12)

•

After the POWs made it to Camp 5 the Chinese began to
interrogate them. (52:42)
o During his interrogation, the Chinese asked him if he would
write something against his country in exchange in for
cigarettes and sake. He told them he couldn’t write and so
his friend volunteered to write for him. As things got better,
Chinese soldiers would read to them. (53:12)



23-Day Death March (55:46)
•



Erickson backs up and mentions how American POWs were not
given winter attire until they were in the camps. (56:10)

Camp living conditions (57:00)
•

Many American soldiers died in the camps and often when the
Chinese soldiers came around they asked who was dead and if not
the POWs were sent to collect brush. (57:17)

•

Erickson briefly mentions how they buried the bodies. (58:47)

•

While in camp, Erickson came down with worms in his stomach
and was given garlic as a treatment. Describes this experience in
some detail. (1:00:37)

•

During one encounter, he was sent to get bamboo strips. Describes
how it was his job while out on brush detail to load brush onto to
boats. He did this for a brief time. (1:03:07)

•

While in the camp POWs lived 20 to 30 men per mud house. They
slept on the ground. He mentions where the sick were taken.
(1:06:41)

�

•

One day, he was loaded onto a truck headed back to Liberty
Village. (1:07:15)

•

When the Chinese moved Erickson to Camp 3 he was thrown into
a mud hut with b/w 50 and 70 other guys. (1:08:11)

•

Erickson goes on to mentions that the biggest killers of POWs
were malnutrition and sickness. (1:08:51)

•

From Erickson’s POV his opinion of the Chinese was higher than
that of the Japanese. Briefly compares the Japanese and Chinese’s
treatment of POWs. (1:11:03)

•

Once all the POWs were gathered up, the Chinese took them back
to the American lines to be reintroduced. The Americans separated
the sick from the healthy after they were repatriated. (1:12:10)

Going home (1:12:37)
•

Erickson was sent home aboard a helicopter to the states from
Korea. Stopped briefly in Hawaii and then went onto California.
(1:13:10)

After the Service (1:13:46)
•

Readjusting to Home (1:13:55)
o Upon being discharged, he had the choice of staying in the Army but decided to
go home instead because he had had enough. (1:14:05)
o Describes the different career paths that he took. (1:14:35)

•

Reflection (1:15:10)
o Wraps up by discussing how his service changed him and impacted his life
afterwards. (1:15:23)
o Gives some brief details of how his service helped him to be a good soldier and
survive. (1:15:55)
o End (1:18:45)

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                    <text>Erickson, Stanley
Grand Valley State University
Veterans History Project Interview
Name of War: World War II
Interviewee’s Name: Stanley Erickson
Length of Interview: (37:52)
Interviewed by: James Smither
Transcribed by: Maluhia Buhlman
Interviewer: “We’re talking today with Stanley Erickson of Richmond, Michigan. The
interviewer is James Smither of the Grand Valley State University Veterans History
Project. Okay Mr.Erickson start us off with some background on yourself and to begin
with, where and when were you born?”
I was born in Harris, Minnesota, farm kid.
Interviewer: “What year?” (00:25)
19– What was it?
Interviewer: “1919 wasn’t it?”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “Yeah, that’s what you told me. Okay 1919 alright and so did you grow up on
a farm?”
Right.
Interviewer: “Okay, and how much education did you have?”
At what point?

�Erickson, Stanley

Interviewer: “Well before going in the service.”
Before going in the service? I had gone to–
Interviewer: “Had you finished high school?”
Oh yeah, yeah finished high school,
Interviewer: “Okay, when did you graduate from high school?”
1936.
Interviewer: “Okay, now was your family able to keep their farm during the depression?”
Barely, barely.
Interviewer: “Alright and what were you growing on the farm?” (1:20)
Mostly corn.
Interviewer: “Okay, alright and where did you go to high school?”
Little town called Braham.
Interviewer: “Okay, still in Minnesota?”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay, alright and then after you finished high school what did you do?”

�Erickson, Stanley
After I finished high school? Oh I had a brilliant career, a couple of characters in Minneapolis
decided they needed a house boy, they run that in the paper and I answered it, well I’m sure they
were a couple of queers but they were nice guys. Staff consisted of a housekeeper, an Irish guy
and myself, and they loved to entertain. So I would wait there with my sleeve– Towel on my
sleeve and that but a very educational experience I thought because they were– As I remember
they had a polar exploration going on at the time and they had a lot of people Perrier, amongst
others, as dinner guests, of course [unintelligible] interesting.
Interviewer: “Alright now how long did you do that?”
About a year and, let’s see it’s a three mile walk through the [unintelligible] for a teenager that’s
not too good a life, I also had a contract and my Aunt Elizabeth in Chicago said “If you ever
decide to come to Chicago just call me up, I’ll be there.” So one day I decided I’m going to
improve myself from my $7 a week job to an $11 a week and I fry cook for White Castle. So I
go down to downtown Minneapolis, get out of your street car and there’s about, oh 30 guys in
front of White Castle and head back to the alley said “Oh that’s not too bad, I’ll get in line.”
There was 200 back there, real honest guys, working people looking for the $11 job. I got right
back in my streetcar, I went home, said “I guess I’ll go.”(3:35) So I came to Chicago then, spent
most of my work life living there.
Interviewer: “Okay, now when you got to Chicago did you find a job?”
Oh there yeah, well I went to [unintelligible] the Swedish Covenant Hospital, oh by the way
business is so bad, you wouldn’t think it possible, the first floor of the hospital was employee
housing. We didn’t have real customers to fill it.
Interviewer: “Mkay.”
People couldn’t afford to go to the hospital.

�Erickson, Stanley
Interviewer: “Okay, and then how long did you stay at the hospital? Were you still there
when the war started?”
No. I roomed with some people down in the North Park neighborhood, put in high school down
there and, uh… it was a painter. [He asked] Would I work for him? Well I had twice the wages if
I was workin’ for over there, so I said fine. And why… why he offered me a union card I never
knowed—a union card without knowing how to paint. I imagine I worked my way through
college that way.
Interviewer: “Okay. So did you start going to college then?”
Well, I started in North Park and after a few years in high school I graduated and went to
Northwestern. (5:09)
Interviewer: “Okay. I guess I thought you said you had gone to high school in Minnesota?”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay, but now you went to high school again in Chicago, or you went to
college in Chicago?”
I went to college, yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay it’s college, okay. All right and what were you doing when Pearl
Harbor happened? Were you in school, or?”
No, I was working those days as a painter. And I remember at a little restaurant—whatever
breakfast, lunch, or whatever it was that day when Pearl Harbor was lost and I thought “Well,
here we go.” Because it was inevitable, you could see anybody that age was gonna be in service.
Interviewer: “Now, did you enlist or did you wait for them to come after you?”

�Erickson, Stanley

Well, no, they didn’t have to come after me. I registered the first draft of October 1940. I never
saw active duty until 1943, if you can believe that. And still I’m just—well they had a list and I
happened to be 3 from the bottom of the list, so the next 6 months they enrolled 100 new guys
and they put them at the top of the list. And after 3 years they discovered “Hey, nobody at the
end of that list is ever gonna come up!” so they turned it around.
Interviewer: “Oh, so you got up there.”
“We’ll take off the bottom of the list next!”
Interviewer: “So what year did you get drafted?”
That was about 1938, I think.
Interviewer: “Well, to be drafted…” (7:15)
Yeah?
Interviewer: “The draft doesn’t start until 1940. So you got drafted in ‘43? Cause that was
the day you gave me before. So when does Uncle Sam call you? Cause the war is already
started, and you weren’t being drafted there for awhile.
That’s right.
Interviewer: “And so it’s after Pearl Harbor that you get drafted.”
That’s right. Well… That’s kinda… I kinda flew to report for Florida. Country Club—been away
to the Country Club for basic training.
Interviewer: “Okay. Did you say in Florida?”

�Erickson, Stanley

Yeah.
Interviewer: “Was that in Miami beach?”
Boca Raton.
Interviewer: “Boca Raton, yeah, okay. And the Army air forces were trading people down
there.”
Right.
Interviewer: “So basically you were drafted into the Army Air Force and, okay—how did
you get from Chicago to Florida?” (8:14)
In Florida?
Interviewer: “How did you get from Chicago to Florida?”
I got orders to report down there, got a train and went down there.
Interviewer: “Okay. Now did you just go as a private citizen or were you on a trip train?”
A private citizen.
Interviewer: “Okay. You just got on a train and went there.”
Oh yeah, I got a little goodie bag with my stuff. Uncle Sam, here I am, how are ya doin?
Interviewer: “Okay. And then when you got down to Florida, what did they do with you?”

�Erickson, Stanley
Did a lot of marching. A lot of marching. Physical training is what it was.
Interviewer: “Okay. And what kind of accommodations did you have? Where were you
staying?”
Well we stayed right in a hotel. I remember my daughter coming down there later after when I’d
been out of service, and visited the Boca Raton club, and she said “This is where you’ve been
staying!” Yeah? “And this is where you ate?” And our dining room was looking out over the bay
on three sides. Beautiful. But they had one embarrassment. And the military always comes and
they always get themselves in trouble. They got the paid rations for seniors…and the guy they
got, they charged for those rations. Ended up with more money than they know what to do with.
Crazy! They had a table at the exit of the dining room: cigarettes, cigars, candy. Any kind, any
time you wanted, help yourself; they had to get rid of their money. (10:02)
Interviewer: “Okay.”
Then from there to New Haven, Connecticut.
Interviewer: “Okay, and what did you do there?”
While I was there it was a Tech school. Had one of these things, we’re picking the wires apart
and putting ‘em back together, why not.
Interviewer: “Okay. So, were they training you to be like an aircraft mechanic, or?”
I… assume that.
Interviewer: “Okay.”
I assume that.

�Erickson, Stanley
Interviewer: “And how long did you stay? Did you finish that program or did they move
you to something else?
No no no, that was a terminal program you may have got, you were assigned duty from there. I
got my evaluation, see here’s how stupid the military can be. They’ve got several other guys
graduating, they’re going somewhere but they won’t tell ‘em where they’re going. So where am I
supposed to go? Then I go ahead, get suitcase packed, and I'm ready to go. Well, I find out then
that I’m assigned to the Boeing School in Seattle—what base it is I don’t know.
Interviewer: “Okay. So the Boeing School in Seattle, was that being run by Boeing
aircraft?”
Oh yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay. And—”
Right on their property.
Interviewer: “Okay. So now when you go there what job do you have? Or do you go to
school some more?
I’m going to school there at Boeing.
Interviewer: “And what were they teaching you?”
Well there they were more concerned about the mechanics of the airplane, and the engine
particularly.
Interviewer: “And which aircraft were they training you for?”
B-29.

�Erickson, Stanley

Interviewer: “Okay. And that’s a new bomber that’s coming in with a lot of new
technology in it so it’s different from everything else.”
It’s completely developed.
Interviewer: “Not completely developed! They’re still working on it.”
Oh yeah? (12:18)
Interviewer: “Alright.”
You would've been enjoying the assembly project. They were built in sections and you could see
on the aircraft where the seams are. So one comes from Boeing, one comes from somewhere in
California, and they all assemble that. And they’re put up pretty good there. There’s a big metal
ring at the end of each compartment but somebody’s gotta be holding it. To assemble this thing,
you gotta get four big black guys with sledgehammers and drop it. And it lines up, and they start
hammering it until they could line it up and bolt it together. It was a scary process.
Interviewer: “Okay, now once you—and what were they training you to do? Was that to
work on the engines or?”
Before I was an air crewmate.
Interviewer: “Okay.”
Cause that’s what they did with me.
Interviewer: “Okay, so you were going to be air crew?
What?

�Erickson, Stanley

Interviewer: “You were going to be air crew? You would work inside the aircraft.”
Right, right.
Interviewer: “Okay. And were you going to be there—what would your job inside the
plane be? Because you’re not a pilot, so what—”
No no no. I was set to be a flight engineer, so the training is best, you went along with that.
Didn’t always fit.
Interviewer: “Now the training to be a flight engineer while you’re in Seattle, did you go
and fly in the B-29s there?”
Actually I don’t know. That’s about when I’m twenty…four years old, and I report to Denver.
First time I’ve ever been in an airplane. (14:06)
Interviewer: “So were you testing the B-29s in Denver?”
They were testing us. They had a [unintelligible] 14 consoles. Engineers control the station,
these ships, and nobody knew which of the 14 guys was operating the ship. It was interesting.
And you didn’t know yourself whether you were—It was simulating controls but you might
actually be controlling.
Interviewer: “So you’re working with simulators, you weren’t flying.”
Oh we’re flying. The simulator’s in flight.
Interviewer: “Okay. Now at what point did you finish all of your training? Did it take until
1945 or were you done in ‘44?”

�Erickson, Stanley
Our training, I figured, turned in abruptly one day. I failed and crashed. I was in one of the
regular crews for that group… you are that crew, and we’re supposed to be meeting again in
Kansas, before the end of that year.
Interviewer: “Now once you get to Kansas now does your air crew now train together and
do you?”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay. And now you’re flying regularly, or?”
Regularly, oh yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay. Now did they have the whole crew together: the air officers and the
enlisted men?”
Yeah, oh yeah, they hold a whole crew there.
Interviewer: “Alright. Now at that point what rank did you have? And were you still
enlisted?” (15:57)
No no, I got my commission in New Haven when I graduated from the airline.
Interviewer: “Alright. So you’re a flight engineering officer, in effect.”
Right.
Interviewer: “Alright. And did you have your whole crew together or just the officer?
Oh no, whole crew stayed.

�Erickson, Stanley
Interviewer: “Okay. Alright. Now what made a B-29 different from a B-24 or a B-17?”
Much more automatic. Much more remote control. You didn’t—in a B-24 the gunner had to sit
in the turret, the guns are right here. A B-29? You sat in an easy chair and [the placement of the
guns] might be above his head, might be 60 feet away.
Interviewer: “Okay. And so was there only one gunner?” (17:02)
Oh no no no. The bomber was a gunner… the top gunner, and two side gunners, tail gunner.
Interviewer: “Okay. Alright so you had different men operating different sets of guns, but
doing it by remote control.”
Right.
Interviewer: “Okay. Alright and then did the plane fly higher than the other bombers?”
Oh yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay. Alright, it basically flies higher, has a longer range, a bigger bomb
load. It’s the next generation.”
Theoretically yes.
Interviewer: “Okay, alright. Now, was Kansas—was that your final stage of training?”
Yes, basically. Because there was the fatal crash at Wichita and another crew, cause this crew
was going overseas in just weeks! We are.
Interviewer: “Okay. So you had been a crew in training in Denver…”

�Erickson, Stanley
Oh yeah.
Interviewer: “And then they moved you to Kansas to fill in for that crew that crashed. So
you’re not really in Kansas for very long.”
No, we had a foreshortened training.
Interviewer: “Okay and then off you go with the rest of your unit and what squadron were
you in?”
…oh, what squadron were we?
Interviewer: “The 487th squadron, was that right?” (18:25)
487? Sounds right.
Interviewer: “Okay. That’s what you told me, so, alright. So do you know when you went
overseas? Was it 1945 or still ‘44?”
…Kinda cloudy isn’t it?
Interviewer: “Well, were you in Kansas during the winter or the summer?”
No, we got out of there by winter.
Interviewer: “Okay, that’s probably the end of ‘44 or beginning of ‘45, somewhere in there.
Okay, alright. Now once the squadron is ready to go, how do they get you to the Pacific? Do
you fly out or do you take a boat?”
It depended on what they drew straws. 10 crews got planes.

�Erickson, Stanley
Interviewer: “Okay.”
Five crews were flown out there immediately and five others they just waited to see what they
were gonna do with us. It’d been awhile but they did, they finally did get us planes. We were just
waiting til the planes were built.
Interviewer: “Okay. So you all basically flew your own planes over once you had a plane.”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “And then where were you flying to? Where was your base going to be?”
Saipan.
Interviewer: “Okay so the Mariana Islands, alright. And do you remember where you
stopped on the way out?” (20:03)
Honolulu and Kwajalein
Interviewer: “Okay so you have to jump, refuel a couple times to get out to the Mariana
Islands.”
To refuel at one point, yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay, now you get to Saipan and then—”
What’s funny was, it was within our range but they didn’t trust us, you know but.
Interviewer: “Okay so, then you get to Saipan and what kind of facilities did you have in
Saipan, what was the base like?”

�Erickson, Stanley
Ten thousand, wooden for us, steel structure—tent structure. Oh, incidentally we got orders
when we left Hawaii: shield word, you don’t know where you’re goin’, you take off but
nobody’s supposed to know where we’re going so we landed in Kwajalein, stayed there over
night and then go over to Saipan. At 6 o’clock, Tokyo Rose reads my name, rank and serial
number. [unintelligible] A little unnerving to think that they knew exactly where you were. Well
they set up a couple binoculars and they dropped you where they want, I guess.
Interviewer: “Alright, welcome to the Marianas, now did you start flying missions right
away or did that take a while? After you got to Saipan.”
It didn’t take very long. I’m trying to think how long it… it was a few days in all.
Interviewer: “Okay. And when you do start flying, where are you flying, what’s the
mission?” (21:50)
Anywhere in Japan, basically.
Interviewer: “Okay.”
Mostly the southern—that’s Industrial Japan, the southern half of it. The northern half is rice
fields.
Interviewer: “Alright. Now when you would go on these bombing missions, did you
encounter Japanese fighter planes or anti-aircraft fire?”
Yeah. Both at the time, to the greatest degrees imaginable.
Interviewer: “And did your plane ever get hit?”
A couple of times.

�Erickson, Stanley
Interviewer: “But not badly enough that you didn’t crash or had to crash land anywhere?”
No, no no no. The last major repair [unintelligible] took up to more… 45 days to patch, 242 this
side. 20 millimeters leave a nasty gap, which is what the Japs used—they didn’t have any 50s
they had 20s.
Interviewer: “Okay, so your plane did get hit pretty badly at one point.”
Oh it sure as gosh did.
Interviewer: “Okay, alright. And did you see any Japanese aircraft?”
Quite frequently. (23:25)
Interviewer: “Were they shooting down other planes in your squadron or in your group?”
Yes and no, it depends on who's shooting who that day. They would attack us, we would… you
knew where to fire, they’ve got a couple and they’re up here not right there. This side or other
reasons.
Interviewer: “Did you have fighter escorts?”
After a while, not originally. They didn’t have any at first.
Interviewer: “Now were you already flying missions when the battle was going on in Iwo
Jima? Cause one of the reasons to take Iwo Jima was to use that as a fighter base.”
Right.
Interviewer: “So then they could give you escorts.”

�Erickson, Stanley
That’s right.
Interviewer: “Okay. All right, but you were probably there pretty much from the
beginning of the major bombing campaign against Japan cause that’s pretty much all ‘45.”
Oh yeah, oh yeah.
Interviewer: “All right. Then how many missions did you fly?
35.
Interviewer: “Okay. And when did you fly your 35th mission? Did you keep flying until the
end of the war or did they stop you after 35?” (24:50)
No you stopped at 35. You were originally were supposed to fly 25, it kept getting stretched a
wee bit as it went on.
Interviewer: “Okay, Now did they do that because not enough of you were getting shot
down?”
They didn’t have replacements enough.
Interviewer: “Oh, that too. Now did you have a sense that what you were doing was
dangerous or did you not really expect to be hit?”
I briefly said I was injured.
Interviewer: “Now do you remember who your pilot was?”
Yes, Ed Cutler.

�Erickson, Stanley
Interviewer: “And what did you think of him?”
I was one man, an officer, and him. A good pilot.
Interviewer: “And do you remember any of the other men in the crew?”
Well I worked most closely with the Navigator, Don Julan. Back and forth, we kept marks on
each other: I knew where he was and he knew how much gas I had. So if one of us is hit, the
other had the basic information. In fact I kept in touch with him till well after the war.
Interviewer: “All right. And did you have much of a sense of how the larger war was
going? Did you think this was gonna go on forever or did you think sooner or later the
Japanese had to give up?” (26:40)
Well they would have had to, but thank God they didn’t have to. When we’re flying and when
[unintelligible] we took fire paper and started burning the rice fields just before harvest. What
were you gonna do if the paddies burned all their rice? What would you do? How would you
have fed them? Thank goodness we didn’t, we finally had succeeded.
Interviewer: “So burning the rice fields, is that the next thing you would have done?”
That would have been the next—yeah. In fact our plan was already [unintelligible], the day
before they scrubbed it.
Interviewer: “Okay. So it sounds like you were still flying until the end of the war, and they
didn’t stop you after… Did you get to 35 missions and then August or right at the end of
the war? Or had they already stopped you from flying?”
What day did I got my 35th… it was in the summer some time.

�Erickson, Stanley
Interviewer: “Yup. Cause you were talking about what the next mission was going to be,
and that was sounding like you were still gonna fly.”
Well we were. At that point we were still flying.
Interviewer: “Okay. Alright, and do you remember hearing about the atomic bomb?”
Oh yeah. Oh yeah, very much so. Very much, I knew.
Interviewer: “And when that news came did you know what it meant?
What it meant?
Interviewer: “Yeah.”
Oh yeah, yeah. Definitely. (28:30)
Interviewer: “Did you think that was gonna end the war?”
No.
Interviewer: “It was just a bigger bomb.”
It was just a bigger bomb, the Japanese would just fight harder.
Interviewer: “But instead the Japanese surrendered.”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “All right. Do you remember when the news came about the Japanese
surrendering?”

�Erickson, Stanley

Oh yeah.
Interviewer: “And what kind of reaction was there on Saipan?”
Well first of all, the other way, that means starving just as many Japs. There’s no way to feed
them.
Interviewer: “Okay but I guess I was asking once the Japanese did surrender then what
was the reaction where you were, when you learned that news?”
It was about time.
Interviewer: “And how long did you stay on Saipan after the Japanese surrendered?”
I don’t even remember the dates now. Yes, quite awhile, but I don’t remember the time. (30:25)
Interviewer: “Okay, so you were just kinda stuck there and did they fly any of the B-29s up
to Japan after the war was over for transport or anything else?”
Oh we used them for transport yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay and so did you fly to Japan yourself or no?”
No. I’d been there enough.
Interviewer: “Okay. All right, now at this point did you plan to stay in the military after
the war or were you gonna go back home to civilian life?”
No, I was gonna get out. Interesting, one Commander—[unintelligible] was well gosh the
military life is pretty nice, when I get back home I’ll stay in the service. Let me tell you

�Erickson, Stanley
something: I wear a star here to run this place, but here on my uniform are two stripes. That’s my
permanent rank when I go back: Officer. I start there. So, everybody’s on call. Nobody’s—I
don’t think anybody’s [unintelligible] to say that.
Interviewer: “Okay. So after the war what did you do? You come home and then what?
Did you go back to Chicago or did you go somewhere else?”
No I came back to Chicago, built a little basement apartment, built in return for a two-years rent
so.
Interviewer: “Okay.” (32:14)
I got nothing else to do, so I’ll do that. I’ve been going to the North Park college in the
neighborhood so I went back there for a while, then I went to Northwestern.
Interviewer: “And what did you study at Northwestern?”
Automatic control it was basically.
Interviewer: “Okay, so kinda electrical engineering sorts of things?”
Oh yeah, yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay. All right and then did you go get a job in that field?”
Yes. So I went out to work for Honeywell. Had some interesting projects for them.
Interviewer: “Now did you stay in the International Guard at that time, or did you join the
International Guard?”
Why did I join that?

�Erickson, Stanley

Interviewer: “Had you been in the Reserves when you got out?”
I served—I was in France and National Guard.
Interviewer: “Right. I guess the question was—”
When I came back from there I was separated from the National Guard temporarily.
Interviewer: “Okay. So I guess, I think earlier before we started running camera you told
me that you joined the International Guard because you didn’t want to go to Korea.”
That’s right. (33:54)
Interviewer: “So the Korean war started and you were afraid you were gonna be called
back?
Oh yeah, definitely. We couldn’t retire cause they wouldn’t accept our resignation, wouldn’t do
anything.
Interviewer: “Okay. So you still had a Reserve commission at that point?”
Yeah.
Interviewer: “Okay, there we go. So you’re still officially a Reserve Officer, they can call
you if they want you.”
That’s right.
Interviewer: “And so you join the International Guard to get around that.”

�Erickson, Stanley
That’s right.
Interviewer: “Okay. So tell me about France: what were you doing in France?”
Locating dependent housing. Not an obvious career for that but that was something they needed,
so I did that for quite awhile.
Interviewer: “Okay.”
Only there wasn’t any housing, that was the trouble. And you’d relocate—you had access to
three or four places but they were from backyard farm houses to basement apartments in the city
and… you tell the guys in advance, and note to the web, “This is all we’ve got, there ain’t any
more.” Well they didn’t believe it, they came over anyways and went “Well, where’s the
housing?” There it is. I didn’t like that too well. They were led to believe they were gonna get
more than they got, or they convinced themselves that they were gonna get more. (35:30)
Interviewer: “Do you remember how long you spent doing that? Was that just a year or?”
About a year.
Interviewer: “Okay.”
Oh and the other thing was buying nails. Everywhere I went, every time we went to a hardware
store we bought all the nails they had. For some reason Americans couldn’t make nails, and you
needed nails. Well… goodbye. Ten kilos here, five kilos there, what the price? Doesn’t matter?
Give us nails, papers, whatever you’ve got. They’re pricey where we’re from!
Interviewer: “Were you doing that in France?”
Yeah.

�Erickson, Stanley
Interviewer: “Okay. All right, I guess we were building a lot of things there and didn’t have
enough supplies.”
Right.
Interviewer: “All right. So when you got back from France did you get out of the
International Guard or did you stay in for a while?”
I stayed in for a while. (36:52)
Interviewer: “All right. Now if you think back to the time that you spent in the service, are
there other stories or other memories that you’ve got that you haven’t talked about yet?”
…No, not really.
Interviewer: “Okay. You’ll remember after I finish.”
Oh yeah, no, I’ll think over it.
Interviewer: “Yeah.”
Ask me an hour from now.
Interviewer: “Okay, Well that’s sort of how this works. But in the meantime you actually
have given us some pretty interesting material so I’d like to thank you for taking the time
to share this story today.”

�</text>
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                <text>Stanley Erickson was born in Harris, Minnesota in 1919 and after high school worked his way through college as a painter in Chicago. Erickson was drafted into active duty in 1943 and went to Boca Raton, Florida for basic training and then went to a tech school in New Haven, Connecticut, where he trained to be an aircraft mechanic and was commissioned to be a flight engineering officer. After tech school, Erickson went to the Boeing School in Seattle where he learned to work on B-29s before briefly being sent to Kansas to continue his training. In 1945 Erickson left for Saipan, Japan and flew 35 missions while he was there, lasting until the end of the war. After the war Erickson joined the International Guard and served in France for a year before returning to Chicago to attend Northwestern and study and work in automatic control.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Eriksen “Erik” E. Shilling
Date of Interview: 09-25-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 1]
FRANK BORING:

Erik, we’re going to begin with: Could you give us some
background as to what you were doing before you even heard
about the AVG?

ERIK SHILLING:

I just heard rumors of the Flying Tigers or the AVG at that time
and I happened to have been trained in pursuit - it was called in
those days - pursuit aviation and for some reason or other I had
been transferred to a long-range reconnaissance outfit called the
41st reconnaissance outfit, which was bombers. I also thought that
sooner or later - the war had already started in Europe - and sooner
or later that we would probably get into it. My feeling was - two
things - that I could possibly get back into fighters and the other
thing, by getting into fighters and going to China and fighting
against the Japanese, I thought their equipment and possibly their
training wasn't as good as the Germans and that by going over
there I could get combat experience at less expense - so to speak then when my contract was over in China I could come back to the
States and possibly get back into fighters. Because I felt that flying
bombers were almost like a sitting duck. You can't dodge, it
doesn't depend on your skill at all and you just follow your
instrument there and the bombardier is in charge of the flight. You
can't make any dodges or anything like that. Whereas a fighter
pilot, I think it depends more upon his personal skill as to his
survival.

�FRANK BORING:

Let's go back even further, what actually got you interested in
becoming a pilot to begin with?

ERIK SHILLING:

Well my dad was trained and was a pilot in World War I and my
earliest recollections were about flying and going to the air field
and watching airplanes taking off and landing and this goes back I think the first recollection is about 3 or 4 years old. I can't really
remember ever wanting to do anything other than be a pilot.

FRANK BORING:

Where did you begin your training as a pilot?

ERIK SHILLING:

Randolph and Kelly. That's the only training base there was at that
time. It wasn't until after - I don't know whether the war started or
at least the emergency started - then they changed to many other
bases of training. But at that time it was only the one. We were
only graduating when I went through in 1938 is when I graduated.
My class graduated 80 and we only had 3 classes a year at that
time, so the number of graduates from the school at that time were
rather low. There was no need for any more schools. Now
Randolph was primary and basic and Kelly was advanced.

FRANK BORING:

Once you had graduated, what were your options basically at that
time as a pilot?

ERIK SHILLING:

When we were going to Kelly Field, we had options - we had
attack aviation as it was called, which later became bombers - well
attack aviation, pursuit aviation, observation and bombardment. So
there were only the four options at that time and going from basic
to Kelly, we would apply for which one we wanted and normally I
guess they would probably try to give you what you wanted. I had
put in for pursuit and fortunately got it.

FRANK BORING:

Tell us if you will during that period of time, what were you
doing? You got into pursuit, what were you actually doing? You
get into pursuit, you're now at the field, you're doing pursuit. I'm
trying to get to why you were even tempted to go to China, but I

�don't want you to get into that part yet. I want to kind of get an idea
of what you were doing before then that led you to finally go "I
don't want to stay here, I want to go somewhere else."
ERIK SHILLING:

Pursuit was sort of the hot rod of aviation and as I say it depended
- we felt that the better pilots went into pursuit. Now of course the
bomber pilots and observation may disagree with that, but anyhow
one thing that flying school taught you was that when you came
out of the flying school, you were the best pilot in the whole world.
If you didn't think that you had no business being in combat. But
anyhow, flying a small single engine airplane, you were more on
your own, you had a heck of a lot more fun, you didn't have to
think of other people in the airplane, etc. It just appealed to me
more - fighter pilot than bomber, the slow, lumbering airplane. So
we would also have a lot more interesting things that we could do
like mock dog fighting and acrobatics, which I love, and formation
flying. Of course the others get that but not the type of formation
flying that we would get in fighters because that would entail
somewhat of formation - acrobatics practically.

FRANK BORING:

What were you doing in the latter part of 1940, early part of 1941
before you actually got involved with AVG? What were you
actually doing then?

ERIK SHILLING:

I was in the 41st Reconnaissance Squadron flying B-18's. We were
really supposed to get B-17's but the B-17's were not coming off
the production line rapidly enough so we were flying B-18's. At
that time the war had already started in Europe and we were doing
submarine patrol - one of the things that we would do - submarine
patrol. We would go out over the Atlantic about 150 miles offshore
and another airplane up at Mitchell Field - about 3 or 4 hundred
miles north of us would be doing the same thing. He would go out
and then we would rendezvous over the ocean and it was also a
navigational exercise and problem. Then when we would
rendezvous we would turn around and go back to our respective air
fields. We were on the lookout for submarines and would report

�them. I don't know what the Pentagon or Washington did at that
time, but anyhow that was one of the things that we were doing
fairly early in the war - was submarine patrol.
FRANK BORING:

When did you first hear about the opportunity that was opening up
in China?

ERIK SHILLING:

I just heard rumors. I don't know why no one - I guess because at
that time there weren't any fighters based at Langley Field. I just
heard through rumors that they were trying to locate some pilots to
go over and defend the Chinese cities and the Chinese roadways
for their supply routes and so on. So as I say, I felt that was a good
opportunity to possibly get back into fighters or pursuit at that
time.

FRANK BORING:

What did you do then to find out about these rumors?

ERIK SHILLING:

I located the office, which was in New York, one of the offices. I
flew up to New York and went in town and I was interviewed by a
fellow named Skip Adair, who I met again later on. During the
interview he was quite insistent that he was wanting pilots who had
P-40 time and I did not have any P-40 time, although I tried to
point out to him that I had P-36 time. The P-36 was identical to the
P-40 except it had a radial engine and the P-40 had an Allison
liquid cooled in-line engine. Then I also said that also I had flown
the P-37 which was also the forerunner of the P-40. It looks a little
bit like a P-40, but a little bit longer nose and it was an
experimental thing. I said also I've flown a Bell Pusher which was
called the Aircuda and it had two Allisons. So I said I'm familiar
with the engine and I'm familiar with pretty much the same type of
airplane. So when I left I was not convinced - I didn't think that he
was gonna accept me because he wasn't too promising. So I went
on back down to Langley Field and I sort of forgot about it. The
first thing I knew my C.O. called me in and gave me a telegram.
The telegram was from the Chief of Air Corps. Now I don't know
whether he personally had sent it, but it was under his name,

�asking me why I hadn't resigned my commission. So I was only
too happy to comply and I sent my resignation in right away and
about two days later I was on my way. I went up to Washington
which was my home and visited my folks and then drove on out to
- went by Randolph and Kelly, I wanted to take a look at those
airfields where I'd started from - and then came on out to Los
Angeles.
FRANK BORING:

What did you actually tell your parents?

ERIK SHILLING:

When I had resigned my commission and I was visiting my folks, I
had told them that I was going to China and that they needed
volunteers to help defend the cities. My dad, of course being a
pilot, I suppose sort of would like to have gone along with me, but
my mother - although she never gave any indications of not
wanting me to go - I'm sure that she had some feelings about my
leaving. But they were both very much supportive.

FRANK BORING:

Why did you then go to the two fields where you first started
training?

ERIK SHILLING:

As I say, it's sort of where I started and both - Randolph is a
beautiful field and I've always had a sort of like home in a sense it's my aviation home where I'd started and Kelly - just reminded
me of many of the friends that I had made there and I just wanted
to see it again.

FRANK BORING:

It seems to me it was almost like a return to your aviation roots. A
sort of a soul searching - before you got to China. Would you say
that was true?

ERIK SHILLING:

I guess - I don't really know how to answer that question. But it
was - Randolph and Kelly meant a whole lot to me and it was right
at the end of the depression when I first went in and jobs were hard
to find and I appreciated the opportunity I had. That the Army Air

�Corps at that time had given me to earn a living. I felt pretty close
to the Army Air Corps at that time.
(break)
ERIK SHILLING:

The controversy that was going on really had started a little bit
before this. As a matter of fact the bomber made by Martin was the
first bomber to hit 200 miles an hour and this was in the Pentagon
and Congress, etc. They almost did away with fighter airplanes
because they felt why would we need fighter airplanes when this
particular bomber was faster than the fighter and the fighter
couldn't even catch it. At that time then, the Boeing P-26 came out
and sort of equaled the speeds and then the Seversky, the P-35
made by the same outfit that made the Thunderbolt later on, same
designer, then it was much faster and so the fighters - from that
point on - faster than the bombers. But up to that point the B-10
was faster than any present day fighter at that time.

FRANK BORING:

At the time though were you aware of the controversy between the
two?

ERIK SHILLING:

Yes but as I say it had sort of been resolved when I went to the
flying school and it was no longer a controversy that the bomber
needed protection rather than was capable of - although early in the
war they thought that the B-17 would have been capable of
protecting itself, but that didn't last too long either. They started
putting more and more guns on it, because the original bomber had
no tail gunner and so on. But as the war developed then the
bombers started being shot down in pretty large numbers, they
realized that they needed protection of the fighters and that's when
they developed the longer range P-51. Although the P-51 was
originally bought by the British, but it was one of the better
fighters in the war.

FRANK BORING:

Once you left - said goodbye to your parents and went back to the
fields, where was your next stop? Was this to San Francisco?

�ERIK SHILLING:

No, Los Angeles. We stayed in Los Angeles and Mr. Pawley, who
was head of CAMCO, which was Central Aircraft Manufacturing
Company, they had a manufacturing outfit in China and he
arranged for us to stay at the Jonathan Club. The Jonathan Club
was, and I guess still is, a millionaire's club and he was a member
of this club and quite a group of us stayed at this Jonathan Club
until we went to San Francisco just a couple of days before we
sailed for China.

FRANK BORING:

Could you give us an idea of what it was like? You knew the
reasons why you were going to China, but was this the first time
you actually met a whole other group of what turned out to become
some of your closest friends - a remarkable group of people. What
was your first impression of meeting all these young adventurous
kind of guys in this millionaire's club?

ERIK SHILLING:

It didn't really impress me too much because we all had the same most of us were fighter pilots and we felt that I guess we were
brothers under the skin or whatever. Incidentally, Moose Moss was
- I met at the Jonathan Club there and became very close friends
with Moose and a very special friend of mine.

FRANK BORING:

After you left there it was on to San Francisco. Could you explain
your stay there? How long you were there and just what it was like
there?

ERIK SHILLING:

I can't remember the exact day that we arrived in San Francisco,
but we sailed on the 16th of July on the Jaegersfontein. So we only
stayed in San Francisco I think about 4 days - something like that.
We were in the biggest group that went out, also the first group
that had pilots on board. We sailed on July 16th. Took us about 5
days to get to Honolulu and on the way we used to tune in to
probably the person who turned out to be Tokyo Rose. They had
an English news broadcast which we used to listen to and they
claimed that they knew who we were and what we were going over
there for and that the boat would never get there. I guess

�Washington took that to heart because one day out of Honolulu we
were stopped by two American cruisers. One was the Northampton
and the other was the Salt Lake. We were then escorted all the way
to the Taurus Straits, which is just north - the narrow waterway
between I think Borneo and Australia. There the two cruisers left
us and we heard over the radio that these two cruisers were making
a courtesy call to Brisbane, so that was the first time that I knew or most of us I guess knew the names of these two cruisers and
when we went through the Taurus Straits, we were met by a Dutch
cruiser and the Dutch cruiser escorted us all the way to Singapore.
The Captain of the Jaegersfontein had some perishable groceries or
whatever on board and he wanted to get rid of us and get rid of
these perishables and so on and anyhow we got to Singapore and
through the British and the American Attaché and so forth, the
Dutch Captain was convinced that he should continue on so we
then went from Singapore to Rangoon unescorted.

�</text>
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Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Eriksen “Erik” E. Shilling
Date of Interview: 09-25-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 2]
FRANK BORING:

What did you know about China before you actually went out
there?

ERIK SHILLING:

What I knew about China at that time was only what I'd seen in the
newsreels and it was showing what was commonly called the Rape
of Nanking and the atrocities that had been done on the children
and the women and the bayoneting of them and one picture stands
out in my mind most of all was this little kid, maybe 9 months or a
year old sitting in the middle of this devastated railroad station, just
crying up a storm. It looked like the little kid had been burned or
something like that and my heart went out for him and the other
people that were suffering. So this was another reason why I went
over there, was because how I felt and I wanted to do something
about it.

FRANK BORING:

In San Francisco or even before that, what were you told about
how much you could talk about your mission? I mean the secrecy
involved.

ERIK SHILLING:

When I left New York I wasn't aware I was being even considered
so I didn't really - wasn't given any secrecy, but I assumed that we
shouldn't talk about it. It wasn't until we got to really Los Angeles
and San Francisco and also when I got my passport and my
passport didn't say pilot, it said an accountant. As I say, I even
have problems balancing my checkbook today. So that was the

�worst scenario that you could have. But other guys had such as
farmers and so on, so I knew that we were going over under cover
and that we were told that we should not talk about it of course,
our own safety being involved. But it was no secret to the
Japanese, it was secret to everybody but them I suppose. I don't
know how they found out about it. The Japanese as I say - on the
boat we found out that they knew who we were and why we were
going over. They said that they were not gonna let the boat get
there. Of course the Dutch boat was belligerent at that time. I
found out later on that there were about 5 German U-boats out
there and it was very likely that we could have been sunk by these
German U-boats and quite a number of times as we went over, we
would stop and the two cruisers would catapult a scout plane off
and they would be gone a couple of hours and come back and they
would do the same thing. So occasionally we would lay in the
water just dead still for almost a full day. Then in the evening they
would bring these sea planes back up onto the catapult and stow
them and then we'd be on our way again. What was the trip over
like? What type of things did you do for recreation? What kind of
camaraderie developed?
ERIK SHILLING:

The Navy had played a game called Acey-Deucy which was a lot
of fun and all of the games could be a gambling game, but I wasn't
much into gambling so I didn't play any poker. There was another
game that was quite popular, cribbage, which was a lot of fun and
took a lot of skill, the same thing acey-deucy really takes some
skill. Then there was shuffle board that we played sometimes.
Then when the bar was open, we'd go in the bar and shoot the
breeze and talk about flying and what we might be up against, and
spend the rest of the evening in the bar. Incidentally, we ran out of
whiskey - out of all drinks before we got to Singapore and then
when we got to Singapore, fortunately the Captain of the ship
restocked the bar, so we had enough to last us until we got to
Rangoon.

�FRANK BORING:

What were the fellow passengers like and how did you get along
with the people who were on board?

ERIK SHILLING:

They all were real nice people for the most part. There were a
couple who I sort of wondered about, and some of them quit early
before the war started. I hesitate to say who I didn't particularly
like, but there were only two or three that were that caliber. The
rest were real nice guys.

FRANK BORING:

I guess I'm looking at the passengers that weren't AVG. As I
understand there were missionaries on board. We've heard a
number of stories about different things that happened. I was
wondering what your perspective was?

ERIK SHILLING:

I don't know why, but I didn't get involved or get to talk to them
very much. Some of the other guys did, but I really can't recall
holding a conversation with them for too long a period of time.

FRANK BORING:

There was this battle of the music going on.

ERIK SHILLING:

Well R. T. Smith and Red and - I've forgotten now - but there
about 5 or 6 of them that used to harmonize and of course the more
they drank the more they became unharmonizing, but it was
always fun to listen to them. One of the favorites was of course
"Down by the Old Mill Stream" and stuff like that. Barbershop
type harmony.

FRANK BORING:

On the trip over did you have a chance to get on land and go
explore some of the other areas?

ERIK SHILLING:

No. Our ship, although it anchored overnight at Batavia and
Jakarta, we didn't get ashore until we got to Singapore and were
only about 24 hours there at Singapore, where incidentally, one of
the guys missed the boat and he was - the dock area at Singapore is
a great big long dock and probably even a mile long - and he got to
the dock just as we were throwing the ropes off and we were

�already away from the pier, so this guy was running and hollering
and jumping up and down the whole length of this dock, for this
great big boat to stop for him. But anyhow apparently the harbor
police saw him and the boat that went out and got the harbor police
and brought him back, picked him up at the end of the pier and put
him on board and so he actually made the boat, but he was afraid
that he wasn't. So it was sort of funny because he was running and
yelling and all that.
(break)
ERIK SHILLING:

One of the guys - and for the life of me I can't remember what I
had done to him or what I'd said to him or anything else - but
anyhow he threatened to sabotage my airplane when I got out
there. He was an ex-Navy guy - this same guy later on when I
buzzed Loiwing at the time, he lost his glasses and stepped on
them and he had to be restrained from committing murder, I guess.
But then there were a couple of pilots but they were immature type
of people. I felt that they were sort of like the "Ugly American"
and they were irresponsible and not people who I would
particularly like to be in the air and have to rely on them. So it was
that type of guys that I didn't sort of cotton up to.

FRANK BORING:

Did you think of yourselves as soldiers of fortune or mercenaries?

ERIK SHILLING:

No, never did I think as a soldier of fortune. My own impression of
a soldier of fortune was sort of a run-of-the-mill type who was out
in the Far East or in some of these exotic places and would do
anything for a buck and jump on any opportunity. We, I felt were
there to do a job and the fact that we were getting better pay, I
would never have gone for the pay, although it was a welcome
thing. But no one in his right mind I think would go out there and
let somebody shoot at them for 5 or 6 hundred bucks a month. It
was the experience and the fact that I was helping my own self for
later survival, the main reason why I went.

�FRANK BORING:

Once you arrived in Rangoon, that was the first time you really had
an opportunity to get off the ship and get an opportunity to see the
exotic east. From what you had anticipated seeing, what did you
actually find when you got off the boat in Rangoon?

ERIK SHILLING:

Well just before we got off the boat, we stayed overnight, we
arrived too late in the evening, so we couldn't clear customs and
the boat was anchored in the middle of the Rangoon River. The
next morning a boat came out and there was a guy standing
somewhat sort of in the bow of the boat with a pith helmet and a
bush jacket and a swagger stick and looked like he just stepped off
a movie set. It turned out to be a guy by the name of Boatner
Carney. I liked the guy, but he just - he looked British but he
wasn't and anyhow he brought the customs and immigration people
and we all cleared on the boat and then when we went ashore, we
were all taken to the Silver Grill, where we had dinner and from
there we were herded down to the railway station. We got on the
train there and they had to - because there were 125 of us - they
had to reserve a couple of trains and of course those trains - first
class there was not even as good as any class here in the States,
rather primitive, much older trains than we had.

FRANK BORING:

Give us an idea of what your first impressions were? What was the
weather like? What was the scenery that you saw around you?

ERIK SHILLING:

The most impressive thing - and it may sound silly - but the most
impressive thing was these gobs of red stuff and we found out later
on it was the natives all chewed betel and they would spit this red
stuff out - it almost looked like blood - gobs of blood all over the
street. I had been to Mexico once before and down in Monterey, so
it wasn't the first time I'd been overseas and I didn't - the main
thing that impressed me also was the fact of the coolies and
rickshaw boys and how they would run and run and run and
perspiring. I didn't particularly like to see - but that was their
living. But I didn't like to see a human being having to subjugate
himself like myself and do physical labor, like pulling these darn

�rickshaws and I sort of felt sorry for them. But as I say, I knew that
that was the way they made their living. But that also impressed
me quite a bit, that here these people, how some of them had to
make a living. Then of course as we went up on the train, we then
could see a lot of the rice fields that were being planted. Then not
too much later, why it got so dark that we couldn't see. But how
people had to scratch for a living was the most impressive part of
that whole thing.
FRANK BORING:

Once you arrived - is this the base at Toungoo that you finally got
to - what was your immediate impression of - you'd been
anticipating coming here for a long time, you had the whole time
on the ship to think about it - what did you actually find when you
got to Toungoo?

ERIK SHILLING:

Possibly I was philosophical about the whole thing and I really
wasn't as disappointed as some of the other guys, although I was
impressed or unimpressed - whichever you might say - the things
that impressed me the most was for instance the gravel road, and as
we went by we saw one single hangar there that they had to work
in and the fact that alongside of all of the roads was big deep
ditches filled with gravel and we found out that this was because of
the heavy monsoons it was to carry the heavy rains off, and at
times even these big ditches wouldn't carry it all off. Even the
airfield itself had these same ditches, but much, much bigger all
around to try to drain during the monsoon rains. Then of course as
we rounded the end of the runway and came back toward our
barracks, the barracks were - I enjoyed it - but it left a lot to be
desired. I remember one thing that we used to have a lot of
different kind of insects and it was always a constant fight with the
ants and we would try to tie our cookies or whatever we had and
try to thwart the ants and they were the cleverest darn things. They
would go down this wire and I don't know how the heck they
managed to do it, but there was always a constant battle against
ants getting into your stuff. We'd put the chifforobes on cans of oil
and they would drop down from the ceiling - all sorts of very

�clever - these damned ants. Then of course there were other big
bugs, huge darn things and leeches and centipedes. Some of those
centipedes were huge. One of the guys, he was putting his shirt on
and he'd gotten his left arm in and he was putting this on and a
doggone thing dropped down from the rafters just as he brought his
shirt up and it got on his back and man, he was yelling and
screaming and getting out of his clothes in a hurry. But they were
painful, they had some sort of acid and they would make horrible
looking welts and then they would get into scabs and so on. Then
they had some ants that would excrete some sort of acid and that
would be extremely painful. One of the guys by the name of Fred
Hodges, we used to call him "Fearless Freddie" because he was
definitely afraid of bugs and we had fans in our mess hall and it
had netting to keep the bugs out but they would still get in. I'll
never forget one time he came into the mess hall and this huge bug
was buzzing around like a B-36 practically, low pitched thing, and
it got into the fan and the fan whipped it around and threw it down
on Freddie Hodges' neck and he went out the door without even
opening it, he went right through the screen. So from that moment
on we always called him "Fearless Freddie."

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Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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                  <text>Fei Hu Films&#13;
Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Eriksen “Erik” E. Shilling
Date of Interview: 09-25-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 3]
ERIK SHILLING:

During - I don't know who it was, but someone arranged for a man
and woman, Burmese, to give a demonstration and a show with
some snakes and they had some real long King Cobras and so on
and she would - one of the things that she did was - to us most
impressive - was to put her hands behind her back and lean way
over and actually kiss the head of this cobra. So the other thing that
impressed me though was how they knew how to handle the cobras
and for instance, when the cobra was up like this, when it would
start to strike it seemed like all they had to do was touch the snake
on its belly and it would withdraw to maybe strike again. The other
thing they would do - the same thing when they were standing they
could put their toe of their foot to the side and touch the snake on
its belly and the snake would also stop.

FRANK BORING:

If you could give us a clearer picture of the conditions in Toungoo
at the time?

ERIK SHILLING:

Another thing which is most impressive was the frequency which
many of us were plagued with diarrhea or dysentery and the toilets
were separate from the main barracks there and there were only
about 4 of them for each barracks and sometimes when dysentery
would hit, they of course were completely full, so then you would
have to revert to the jungle, which was not too far away from our
barracks and we were always plagued with dysentery, the whole
time I was out there. Although the medical group always tried to

�do the best they could in purifying the water and seeing that our
food was the best, but then many of us would go to town and have
drinks at the railway station there or other places and most
Americans always insist on ice anyhow, so lots of times the water
we got away from the base was probably the contaminating part
that caused this diarrhea. And then of course the change of diet and
things like this. The food wasn't the greatest. One of the humorous
parts about it was that we used to put ketchup on practically
everything and believe me, it must be real bad when you're putting
ketchup on cauliflower to disguise the damn taste. But that's how
bad - how much the guys would do to make the food a little bit
more palatable. Of course our meat was water buffalo and it was
really tough. It made a man turn vegetarian - but then the
vegetables weren't cooked too good either.
FRANK BORING:

How about the weather and just the general conditions of your
daily life in terms of your clothes and washing?

ERIK SHILLING:

We all had problems with dampness and what we had was all of
our dressers had a light bulb in them. If you didn't put your stuff in
there, you would have mold overnight. But our bed sheets were
always sort of damp and of course it was pretty hot and humid and
then when the monsoons hit, the downpour would just be
unbelievable. We'd never seen anything like it and sometimes
you'd have 24 inches in 24 hours or stuff like that and that's when
these ditches would be overcome and couldn't carry off all the
water. A couple of times some of the monsoons caused some of the
guys’ accidents. One in particular, a fellow by the name of Max
Hammer went in and I guess lost control in the middle of a
thunderstorm and was killed.

FRANK BORING:

What was your reaction to all this? You had a certain anticipation
of getting there, you had a job to do, what was your reaction to all
this?

�ERIK SHILLING:

Really, the whole thing was so doggone interesting that it was
really - I was afraid of missing something, so I was always looking
around for the brighter side of life I guess, because I didn't want to
miss anything. To the most part, it was really a lot of fun, I mean
the excitement and the experience was something that I had never
run across. Here we were being paid and when you get a group of
guys like this, even a multi-millionaire can't duplicate it. In other
words, you can go on a trip or something like this, but you don't
have a bunch of guys all interested in the same thing and have the
comradery that develops in situations like this, so it's for the most
part, a very pleasant experience, coupled with some difficult
situations and some people who were killed. You felt bad about it,
but the excitement of the thing was the foremost.

FRANK BORING:

Let's now get into the formal duties that you were going - you were
now being trained in an airplane that you'd never flown before.
You were at this time getting classes in tactics, could you give us
an idea of the early days when you first got there and began your
training? What was it like and what were you actually doing?

ERIK SHILLING:

When I first got to Toungoo actually it was an RAF base…

(break)
ERIK SHILLING:

When I first got to Toungoo it was a city - or little village and it
was an RAF training camp called Keydaw and that's where
Chennault had arranged to have us housed and the use of the
airfield there. The field was about 4000 foot macadam strip and
one hangar and then there were some buildings that he used for
lecture hall - this was on the other side of where our barracks were
and then when we first got there, there was only one P-40 so we
didn't do any flying until - and there were some P-40's in Rangoon
ready to come up, but we had to get some pilots available to fly
them. So the guys who had flown P-40's before got a brief
checkout and then were sent down to Rangoon to ferry the P-40's
up and then as each guy got checked out they would be sent down

�to pick up the airplanes too. When we first got there Chennault was
not there, when I first arrived, he came down later on. My first
meeting with Chennault - I had been to Rangoon picking up a P-40
and on Sunday I came back and I went up to about 16 - 18
thousand feet and I dove down and they were playing softball and I
went over the softball maybe about 50 feet off the ground doing
red line speed which was 480 miles an hour and I pulled it up and
did a vertical roll and then went on in and landed. When I landed
the mechanics that met me said Chennault got in last night and I
said "Oh my God" and so - because of lack of transportation, we'd
all gone into town earlier of course and bought bicycles and now
most of us had bicycles and we rode all over the place on them - so
I jumped on my bike and got to the baseball field and Chennault
was pitching - he used to like to pitch - and so I stood on the
sidelines waiting to get my butt chewed and when he retired the
side he came right directly toward me and it was a big surprise - he
says "That was a nice roll Shilling." So from then on, that guy was
- I loved him.
FRANK BORING:

Once he arrived there, did he begin the courses? And if he did, can
you give us an idea of what it was like to be in one of his classes?

ERIK SHILLING:

Not too long after we got there, he started his lecture series…

(break)
ERIK SHILLING:

Not too much longer after we got to Toungoo and Chennault came
down from Kunming, where he had been, he started a lecture series
about the Japanese, the people of Japan as well and the background
of the Japanese people and the airplanes, each individual airplane,
what we could expect from each airplane, what we could expect
from the pilots and how they were somewhat regimented, but
occasionally they would go off on a tangent. I used to enjoy his
lectures because he was a good speaker, good lecturer. They were
always so terribly interesting and especially the way he presented
them. It was almost like everything that he told us, like he was

�there, an eyewitness account of everything that came about. Like
he would tell us about where the guns were on specific airplanes,
the size of the guns, and how fast the airplanes were, and what to
expect from this kind of airplane, and where was the best way to
attack for the least vulnerability to us, and their most vulnerable
spot, and what to expect from the Japanese fighters. The main
thing that came out of the whole thing was that it was a very
simple tactic and it was so simple I think some of the guys even
may have forgotten that it was a tactic, but that was don't ever turn
with the enemy. You couldn't turn or try to dog fight.
FRANK BORING:

I'd like you to explain in a little more detail why that was such a
major tactical move. If you could explain in just a little more detail
about when somebody gets on your tail what you're supposed to
do.

ERIK SHILLING:

One of the things that - I'll tell you a little bit about bombers and
how to attack them and the one bomber that we were up against
only had a single gun and what Chennault called a dustbin, it
wasn't a turret, but it was mounted on springs or on rubber and the
turret gunner would aim that gun with a rudder, sort of a rudder
pedal and get it in toward the attacking plane and the springs
would spray that area. It wasn't very effective and of course that's
where we used to attack it. Now possibly you may have seen
occasionally where you see a camera gun, a ship coming in against
a fighter and it looks like the bomber is upside down. Now what
has happened is that the bomber isn't upside down, the fighter is.
So as you come in underneath and you're coming up on it, you
want to continue shooting as long as you possibly can. So you roll
inverted and you keep shooting and then before you hit him, why
you pull away. Then you go back out and climb up and then do this
kind of thing, because that's the most vulnerable spot on most of
the bombers. I've seen camera gunships that it looks like the
bomber was upside down. Then the other thing was the fact that
the Japanese fighter planes were, what a lot of people here called
maneuverable. That means that they had a very small turning

�radius and they could turn inside the P-40 but the P-40 had a
higher roll rate and higher diving speed and higher level speed, so
when we got into a bad situation, we would roll and dive away
from them, but we never attempted to turn with them, because they
could turn inside of us and get us. This was the mistake that the
military through all of the different theaters down off of Australia
and New Guinea were under the impression that that's the only
way to fight, was to dogfight and a dogfight of course was a
turning circle. They were still doing that late in 1942 and we had
been told this before 1942 started - 3 or 4 months before Pearl
Harbor. It wasn't a matter of formation flying or two ships or three
ships, which a lot of people consider to be tactics, but it was the
fact that not to do something dumb like trying to dogfight with
them.
FRANK BORING:

What did you know when you were in the States about the
Japanese pilots and their planes?

ERIK SHILLING:

When I was in the military in the States, and this was the pitiful
part of the whole thing, I didn't have the vaguest idea about the
Japanese, the Japanese airplanes or what Japan was flying.
Although as I understand it, Chennault had sent many, many
reports to the Pentagon, but they never came down to the people
who would need the information the most, and that was the
everyday, run-of-the-mill pursuit pilot. It just was criminal that this
information wasn't passed down. There are thousands of men who
lost their lives because they didn't have the same information that
we did.

FRANK BORING:

At this time you were going through what Chennault called
"Kindergarten" as I understand it. There was some doubt and
discussion among some of the pilots that the P-40 that you were
flying really was not going to be that effective against the Japanese
and that the British, for example, had an airplane that was far
superior to the P-40. I wonder if you could give us some

�background on that discussion and then how it was eventually
resolved amongst the AVG?
ERIK SHILLING:

There were a group of the Navy guys who, for some reason or
other, thought that the Brewster Buffalo was a better airplane than
the P-40. They were RAF fellows who were based in Rangoon and
so Chennault arranged to try to dispel this fact that the P-40 was
not as good as a Brewster Buffalo, both airplanes were American
of course, and so he arranged a dogfight with a fellow - I can
remember his name even today, Squadron Leader Brandt. He had
been sent from England after the Battle of Britain, sort of a rest and
recreation thing to Rangoon. He also was an ace against the
German 109's and had shot down more than 5 German airplanes at
that time, so he was no neophyte, he'd been in combat before. So I
was chosen by Chennault to dogfight this guy, so we went up over
Toungoo and the British had brought up a bunch of other people.
Their "Wheels" Air Marshall so-and-so and I forgot his name, but
anyhow, we went up and went up to about 10,000 feet and we
broke off and the common way that we used to dogfight was we'd
separate and then come head-on toward one another and when our
wing tips passed, we would pull up into a tight turn, tight as you
could get and we'd start going around and try to get on the other
guy's tail or in a position that, had you had guns or were playing
for keeps, you could shoot him and it took some lead. Now some
of the fellows thought that this guy in the Brewster Buffalo had
made some mistakes and then there were others who thought that
he wasn't much of a Tiger and my personal opinion was, of course,
I was up there closer to the whole damn thing. I thought that the
only mistake he had made was being in the Brewster Buffalo and
not in the P-40. The other thing was I also felt after reading this
article from one of the fellows in his book, that it's damn difficult
to be a Tiger in a wet noodle. So as I say, the only mistake he made
was being in a Buffalo and I easily beat him. So the fact was that
there was no question about pilot ability really when it came right
down to it. I was just in a better airplane.

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&#13;
Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
&#13;
Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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                  <text>Fei Hu Films&#13;
Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                <text>Interview of Erik Shilling by filmmaker Frank Boring for the documentary, Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers. Shilling served in the American Volunteer Group (AVG) 3rd Squadron "Hell's Angels" as a Flight Leader. In this tape, Shilling describes the conditions in Toungoo at the time, in addition to the meaningful experience he had as a part of the AVG and working with General Chennault.</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Eriksen “Erik” E. Shilling
Date of Interview: 09-25-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 4]
FRANK BORING:

We're gonna start off with why you think Chennault asked you to
be in this dogfight and if it is applicable, the incident in which you
lost the engine - you said you were losing an engine - if you could
go into detail about that. Why do you think Chennault asked you to
be in the dogfight against the RAF?

ERIK SHILLING:

I hate to say this, but I think I was pretty good. I think that the roll
that I did impressed Chennault.

(break)
ERIK SHILLING:

I think the reason Chennault may have asked me to dogfight the
pilot in the Brewster Buffalo was - possibly three different things.
One, was I had been in a dogfight with Frank Schiel and I had
gotten on Frank's tail and he had gotten into an unusual position
and couldn't get out and he had to bail out of the airplane, so
Chennault knew that I'd won that combat and then the other thing
was my first flight in the P-40 I'd taken off and climbed up through
a fairly thin overcast - the overcast was about 6000 feet high and it
was only about 1000 feet thick - and I just climbed up through it
and when I got to about 10,000 feet, just all hell broke loose, the
airplane started shaking and the smoke was filling the cockpit, so I
reached down and I turned the gas off and the switches off and
everything I could think of to turn off, and I knew that being on top
of the overcast, but I knew that I had just climbed up through so I
reversed my course and dove down through it so I wouldn't get too

�far away, because there were mountains on both sides of Toungoo
- fairly high. So I dove down through this overcast and about 3 or 4
miles ahead of me I was headed right toward the airport going
about 90 degrees to the runway and as I came over the field, of
course it was still smoking and oil was pouring out of it and I guess
everyone on the field was aware that I was having a problem, and
with the excess speed I was able to make a regular pattern and
come in and land. When I landed there was a high speed taxi way
that led up to the maintenance hangar and I still had enough speed
to go up there and I parked the airplane without any engine right in
front of the hangar so they could work on it. So a lot of the guys
were sort of - mainly the ground crew were rather impressed about
that particular flight.
FRANK BORING:

During the dogfight itself, if you could give us some idea of what
actually happened in the dogfight.

ERIK SHILLING:

In a dogfight, what you try to do of course is get the most out of
your airplane and that is - verges on uncontrollable. In other words,
at one stage as you're pulling into a real tight turn, if you go a little
bit too far, then you've lost it and you stall and you lose ground or
you might even lose altitude. So it's a matter of real fine touch with
your airplane and getting the utmost from it. The other thing that I
used to do was to turn in a circle from here to a sort of a 45 degree
angle and then up at the top of the turn, I would purposely stall the
airplane and try to snap roll it and cut diagonally across the circle
and I would continue each time and I would cut it and chew off a
little bit more of the circle until I finally got around. Once you're
sort of on the guy's tail, then it's easier because any mistake he
makes - and he's going to be doing his best - so then all you have
to do is just stay in there. So consequently, once you're on his tail
you've got it made and it's just a matter of just gradually working
around. But it's getting on the other guy's tail that both of you are
trying your best. Then when you get there, you're trying to wait for
the other guy to make a mistake and from then on, as I say, you've
got it made. One of the things that he did try to do, was he dumped

�his gear and threw his flaps down trying to get me to overrun, but
what I did instead of overrunning, I just pulled up high enough, got
some altitude to see what he was gonna do and then when he
decided what to do, I was back down on his tail.
FRANK BORING:

When you finally landed, did you get a chance to talk to him, did
you guys discuss the thing?

ERIK SHILLING:

No, I didn't get a chance to talk to him. I wish I could have. I
talked to him before we had the combat because we had to arrange
certain things like how we were going to conduct it and stuff like
this, but after the dogfight I didn't get to talk to him.

FRANK BORING:

You made a statement earlier that the main thing that he had going
against him was the Brewster Buffalo, so could you give us some
idea of your evaluation of the Brewster Buffalo?

ERIK SHILLING:

The Buffalo didn't have top speed. Its speed was maybe within 5
miles of the Zero and maybe had 10 miles on the Oscar, the Oscar
is the Nakajima and a Zeke is a Zero. So it had maybe 10 miles on
the Oscar and maybe 2 or 3 miles on the Zero. It could not out turn
either one of them, nor could we, but it couldn't dive because the
big built-in head wind, the radial engine, its diveability was not
anywhere near the P-40 nor would it accelerate in the dive although the 40 was heavy, it was clean and it would pick up speed
very rapidly. So those guys both in the Hurricane and in the
Buffalo really didn't have much of a chance. I really felt sorry for
the guys because later on when they started being shot down, I
don't know what I would have done had I been in their shoes.

FRANK BORING:

You also said the RAF was sort of forced dogfight because of the
[?].

ERIK SHILLING:

The RAF, when they were fighting against the Japanese, were
more or less forced into dogfight - if you don't have speed on the
other plane, then you have to rely on the dogfight because you

�can't escape, so you're then at their mercy and so your only
alternative then is to dogfight and try to turn in the best you can
and it's just a losing battle really when it comes right down to it.
The only time that they would really - I feel - shoot down any of
the airplanes was if they happened to have altitude which would
give them speed and surprise. I think that most of their victories
were because of surprise, not the fact that the Japanese had seen
them at about the same time. If that occurred, why then they had a
problem.
FRANK BORING:

During this period of time of training…

(break)
FRANK BORING:

Give us the reaction of the guys when you landed.

ERIK SHILLING:

Some of the guys remarked at the time that they thought that
Squadron Leader Brandt had made a couple of mistakes and
another guy said that he thought that he didn't approach the combat
like a Tiger and my feeling and comment would be that first of all I
don't think he made any mistakes, because from my position up
there, I thought that his only mistake was the fact that he was in a
Brewster Buffalo and not in a P-40. Had we both been in P-40's, he
could have - I don't know - I don't think he could have beat me, but
possibly. He would have had a better chance. Then the other thing
was, how can you be a Tiger when you're flying what I consider a
wet noodle. He was not by any means a neophyte. As I said, he
also had been an ace before he came out there in the Battle of
Britain, so he knew what combat was about.

FRANK BORING:

During this period of time of training I understand that a lot of
these men had never flown a P-40 before and they have different
characteristics. If you can give us the perspective, give us an idea
of you, yourself being there, you got a chance to fly and you did
fairly well in it, but give us an evaluation, your perspective of the
training of these other people. There were a lot of crashes,

�Chennault at one point got very upset and grounded everybody, we
need to get a better perspective of that.
ERIK SHILLING:

I really don't understand why some of these guys had problems
with the P-40. But the problems that they did have was leveling off
too high and that could have been a carry-over from flying boats
which are setting up much higher and the other thing was why they
were over-shooting - that might stem from an Eagle thing because many pilots when they come in high and overshoot,
hesitate to go around, which they should. Lots of times a guy
would run off the end of the runway because he was hesitant to go
around. So I suggested to Chennault to paint a white line on each
approach end about 600 meters in or so and get the guys that if
they didn't have the wheels on the ground and under control at that
point, that they should go around. And Chennault instilled us - now
some of the guys were a little bit angry at first about my suggesting
this, I don't know whether they knew that it was from me or not,
but they weren't too happy about being treated as kindergarten in
the airplane - but it worked. So they stopped overshooting and
running off the end of the runway. One particular fellow - and this
is sometimes the type of accidents that would happen - one guy, as
he was taxiing in started filling out his log book - he knows who he
is, but I won't mention it - and ran into a ditch and of course nosed
up and got the propeller. So these things were extremely frustrating
for Chennault. Another time one of the mechanics was driving
along, riding his bike, going pretty fast and watching an airplane
come in for a landing and ran into the aileron and damaged the
aileron, so that airplane was out of commission for about a week
while they were repairing the aileron. Of course he cracked a
couple of ribs and so forth and he was sore, but Chennault was
even sorer yet. I sort of wonder if any lesser man had these
problems that he had, I would almost think that he would throw up
his hands and say I quit. I think I would have.

FRANK BORING:

To give us a better perspective of why he was so frustrated, could
you give us a better idea of the supply situation at the time? When

�an airplane would turn over like that or a propeller would be
damaged, why didn't you just call up the Sears and Roebuck and
have them bring one down?
ERIK SHILLING

Our supply line was at the very end. We were just about half way
around the world from either way. One example - we had two big
problems - one example was tires. We were wearing the tires out
and we even went to the extreme of trying to glue with rubber
cement some cups on it to try to pre-rotate the wheel before
touchdown so it wouldn't wear the tires out as badly. We were
flying with even the cords showing on it. Although I don't believe
any of them ever blew out a tire, but that was just good luck. The
other was that we also started having spark plug problems and a
Pan American Clipper had a full load of tires and it was turned
around because of Pearl Harbor and so that had to be turned around
and then those same tires had to come across Africa and India to
get to us. So we had a real problem - another thing we had a
problem with the guns - the guns were a different caliber and some
of the ammunition was a problem. In other words, one of the things
that we had was - if you charged the guns, once it had been
charged and you re-charged it, which a lot of times we would
originally do, the ammunition would be hot and sometimes it
would sit there and cook off - cook off means that it would get so
hot that it would explode and the bullet would go out and
sometimes this would hit your own propeller. So lots of times you
would re-charge it before this would happen to keep a cool bullet
or shell in there and what happened on quite a number of cases was
that the crimping on the projectile wasn't good so when it went in
and you pulled the shell back out, it would leave the projectile in
there and then the next shell that went home wouldn't seat and so
that gun would be out of commission. So finally it got to the point
that we would not attempt to charge them. Although we did get a
couple of our airplanes had bullet holes from their own gun in the
propeller.

�FRANK BORING:

During this period of time with the training, you weren't always
training, there was other activities going on. As a pilot you only
had so many pilots to so many airplanes. During this period of time
you came up with the names of the squadrons and also distinctive
markings on the airplanes. I wonder if you could go into an
explanation of how the squadron names came up and how the
design came up and some of the distinctive markings?

ERIK SHILLING:

The squadron insignias - at the time when we were developing
those, I was with the Second Squadron for a short period of time
and we didn't have a squadron insignia and I had been along with
Ken Merritt and Lacey Mangleburg, we had been to a dinner at a
Reverend Kline and on there he had a Sunday supplement and in
the Sunday supplement there was a picture of a Messerschmitt 110
and they had what I call the rotogravure section, it was a sepia
colored picture just photographs. Now apparently Charlie Mott
was there - I mean Charlie Bond and several of the other guys were
there too. But anyhow the next day I went out to the airfield along
with Lacey and Ken, we'd stopped by the lecture hall and I'd
picked up a piece of chalk and being the only artist in the crowd, I
drew the shark's teeth on the airplane and I went to Chennault and
asked him if we could use that as a squadron insignia and his
answer was that he would rather have it as a group insignia. I
understand - of course there were quite a few of the guys there
looking at these shark's teeth airplanes, so there were other guys
who very possibly were doing the same thing at the same time. So
I don't really know who really was the first. I know that I did that,
that morning and possibly some of the other guys did it too.

�</text>
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Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
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Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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                    <text>Grand Valley State University
Special Collections &amp; University Archives
RHC-88 Fei Hu Films
Flying Tigers Interview
Interviewer: Frank Boring
Interviewee: Eriksen “Erik” E. Shilling
Date of Interview: 09-25-1991
Transcriber: Frank Boring

[TAPE 5]
FRANK BORING:

If you could explain to us to the best of your knowledge the origin
of the Panda Bear?

ERIK SHILLING:

The three squadrons - the Third Squadron was the Hell's Angels, it
was a very shapely girl, red with white wings painted on the side of
the fuselage, just forward to the cockpit; the Second Squadron was
a panda bear and to the best of my knowledge it was drawn by Bert
Christman, who had been a cartoonist who was drawing Scorchy
Smith; and the First Squadron was a man chasing a woman
superimposed on a large green apple, which was the first pursuit
and they were called the Adam and Eve's. The panda bear was of
course a symbol of China and the second group felt that that was
somehow or other we had to get China in there as well.

(break)
ERIK SHILLING:

The Second Squadron was the panda bear, it was a symbol of
China and it was drawn by Bert Christman, who was an artist who
had been drawing a comic strip back here in the States by the name
of Scorchy Smith. He also did a lot of sketching of different
scenes, Burmese people, etc. and I used to see some of them. They
were very well done and quite interesting. I often what ever
happened to those pictures or drawings that he had made out there.

FRANK BORING:

One of the things that happened during the training there, was not
only damage of airplanes but there were actual fatalities. If you

�could describe in terms of your own personal reaction to the deaths
themselves, the effect on you, the effect on morale. Realizing the
seriousness of what was to come.
ERIK SHILLING:

Well I was group engineering for a while and whenever we would
have these accidents I would have to go along to try to decide or
determine what was the cause of the accident. Also Doc Gentry
was another one who was on the accident investigation board and
we had - I can't remember the sequence now of them - but two
most impressive accidents was this Max Hammer, who had gotten
caught in one of the real bad thunderstorms we had and one
evening after we were all in he didn't show up and it wasn't until
later on that night when a native came in and said that this airplane
had crashed near his village. So he volunteered to take us to the
crash and we didn't get there to the crash until maybe 11 or 12
o'clock at night and after this downpour of rain, everything was
flooded and sometimes we were walking up to our knees through
water and it was about 3 or 4 miles out into the jungle off the road.
When we got there the airplane had crashed practically just straight
in because we could tell from the high jungle trees how it had
descended. It almost came in vertical. He hit so hard that it looked
like about a thousand pound bomb had exploded. The mud and dirt
was thrown out, the airplane crushed down upon itself and the
wings they were only about this long because they'd crumbled
down on to themselves. I know that he didn't know what the heck
ever hit him. Then the next accident we had was on a Sunday.

(break)
ERIK SHILLING:

An accident we had was also quite impressive because everyone on
the base heard it coming. It was on a Sunday morning and Pete
Atkinson was on a test flight. He was the only airplane that was
flying that day and he had mentioned to the mechanics on the
ground that "I'm gonna wake up the boys in the barracks" so he
meant that he was gonna go up and give us a buzz job and I was
awake but I was lying on the bunk - trying to keep cool with heat and the first thing I heard was the prop noise of the airplane. Now

�the P-40 never had prop noise. In other words, the RPM of the
propeller wasn't high enough for the propeller to make the noise,
so when this prop noise - it was so unusual that all of us ran out to
see what was happening. But before we got out there, we heard this
muffled boom and it wasn't until years later that I found out that he
possibly - some of the airplane was sonic - and it was a sonic boom
that we had actually heard. So what happened was that the airplane
just completely disintegrated and part of it - the engine had landed
on a rice husk - a mound of rice husks maybe about 40 or 50 feet
high, so it was completely intact, so was the propeller, it was all in
one piece. Pete Atkinson was thrown out of the airplane. He was
still strapped in his seat, so he was unconscious certainly at that
time or killed, I don't know. The airplane also landed and when we
ran out we could just see parts of the airplane just fluttering down.
So the only thing that we could determine was the fact that he had
just gone way over red line and of course a red line was 480 miles
an hour and he must have been going maybe 50 miles an hour on
top of that, I don't know. But perhaps some part of the airplane had
flown - a piece had flown open or something and the wind caught
in then just disintegrated it.
FRANK BORING:

What was the effect of these accidents on your fellow pilots or on
you?

ERIK SHILLING:

My own personal feeling of every accident that I've ever heard of,
you always wanted to try to find out what happened and mainly although I hate to say this - but you were somewhat relieved when
you heard that it was pilot error and the reason I say this is you felt
then if it were pilot error, you wouldn't do that. Now if it were
something like a malfunction or something like this, then it could
happen to you. But every time you heard that it was pilot error, you
sort of got hardened to it and felt well hell, I won't do that - it won't
happen to me.

FRANK BORING:

By this time you were all getting fairly proficient in the P-40. A lot
of the accidents were not as frequent and you guys were getting

�very good at it. Just prior to hearing about Pearl Harbor, what was
the mood, what were you feeling like? You were hearing stories of
the Japanese were advancing in various areas. What was your
mood, you're in an airplane now and you're ready to fight, what's
happening?
ERIK SHILLING:

It was one of excitement really and wondering. Of course we
weren't always able to get all of the stories and many of the guys,
we had a sort of a newspaper and we'd get this stuff from our local
newspaper and then from the newspapers of Burma that were in
English. I happened to be in Rangoon at the time, spent the night
there and the next day I heard that the Japanese had bombed Pearl
Harbor and so my thought was my immediate need was to get back
to Toungoo and when I got back there, I left very early that
morning and Chennault already had dawn to dusk patrol protecting
Toungoo, because we had no warning there. The British had an
early version of radar at Rangoon, but it was not completely
dependable and the range was not too great either, maybe between
50 and 75 miles. So our warning was not too long a time and I
guess it - I can't recall anyone remarking about the war at all. We
just felt that now we're here and gonna have to do what we
originally came for, but now there were other people involved
besides us. It was sort of watered down what we would probably
be up against.

FRANK BORING:

What were the following days like? It happened the December 8th
your time, but people didn't start to see action until the 20th. What
was that period of time like in terms of anticipation? Because you
really thought the Japanese were coming.

ERIK SHILLING:

We went on a photo recon flight. It was Bert Christman, Ed Rector
and myself and it was on the photo ship that we had converted - so
anyhow we went to Rangoon and then from Rangoon we went to a
place called Tavoy. This was on December 10th and Chennault
wanted to find out what the disposition was and what to expect and
we left Tavoy, climbed up to 26,000 feet and when about 50 miles

�out I took over the lead and then Bert and Ed dropped back about
500 feet and 700 feet above me to protect me because I was busy
directing the camera and getting the airplane set right over the top
of the target and I couldn't be looking around for Japanese
incoming. So I first took a picture along the whole dock of
Bangkok, taking pictures of whatever ships were in the harbor and
then from there I turned north and went to the airport there called
Don Muang and in the photo there were 92 airplanes almost wing
tip to wing tip. They'd moved in that fast by December 10th and
one of the things - I had to rock the airplane up to knife edge
because you're sitting right over the top of the wing and to get to
position the airplane you had to go knife edge to get the airplane
and then I would start the picture going and it was automatic then
and then when you finished your photo run, you'd turn it off. What
happened was on this knife edge the oil pump was uncovered and
it started pumping air, consequently the oil pressure went down to
zero, but while I was doing this I wasn't aware of it, so then when I
turned and started back to Rangoon, I looked down and the oil
pressure gauge was on zero and I thought what the - a hell of a way
to start a war, that I would wind up already as a prisoner of war.
But then the oil pressure started fluctuating and my heart rate went
down as the pressure went up and it finally went back to normal.
So I started a descent and we were indicating about 400 miles an
hour, so the Japanese would never be able to catch us and we
wound up back over the coast at about 10,000 feet and went on in
to Rangoon and there the pictures were developed by the RAF and
it showed the Jap airplanes by that time. We couldn't tell how
many were in the hangars but there were quite a few hangars there
too, so the hangars very possibly were also full.
FRANK BORING:

Did you ever have a chance to talk to Chennault about - did you
actually sit down with him and go over these photographs with him
or did he pretty much take them off to the side?

�ERIK SHILLING:

No, they were taken over sort of by Harvey Greenlaw and some
other of the staff. No I didn't get to talk to him about the
photographs at all after I brought them back.

FRANK BORING:

What was your reaction to seeing all those Japanese planes all in a
row?

ERIK SHILLING:

Just wishing that we had a bomber, because what a setup it would
have been if we just had a few B-25's at that time. Of course the
British had the Blenheim's and they were antiquated bombers at
that time, very slow. So we were just wishing we'd had bombers.

(break)
ERIK SHILLING:

After I turned north to photograph the airport at Don Muang, the
weather was extremely clear and you could see maybe 75 miles, so
it was easy to distinguish stuff on the ground and I could see that
all these bombers which were verified in the photos later on, there
were 92 of them. Of course at that time I didn't count them, but
they were just parked wing tip to wing tip and I was just wished
instead of being in a fighter, that's the only time I ever wished I'd
been in a bomber. If we could drop a couple of bombs right in the
middle of that thing, it would have made our job later on much
easier.

FRANK BORING:

After this period of time you were transferred to Third Squadron.

ERIK SHILLING:

After the photo mission I had requested to go with the Third
Squadron and fortunately it was accepted and so I went down to
Rangoon when the Third Squadron was ordered down and while
we were there, we went on a couple of false alarms and then on the
22nd I got word that the CW-21's that I had to Chennault about and
had flown, had been purchased by the Chinese and three of us were
to fly the CW-21's to Kunming. So on the 23rd we left just about
daylight and flew from Rangoon to Toungoo and we had to have
some maintenance work done on them and also some long-range

�tanks installed. They were long-range droppable wing tanks. So we
left - and the Japanese hit Rangoon at about 10:30, so we
fortunately got out of Rangoon before the Japanese hit us on the
23rd. Then when they were working on the CW-21's is when we
heard that Rangoon had been hit. Then we felt that we had to get
out of Toungoo as well because Toungoo had no warning net at all.
So after the tanks were finished and installed, and the few things
that we could do there, we left. But we didn't have any radios in
the airplanes because all of the radios would have to wait because
they'd been taken to Kunming. So we took off from Lashio - I
mean Toungoo for Lashio, which is about 150 miles north of
Toungoo and on the way to Lashio, my engine backfired a couple
of times and so when we landed at Lashio one of our crew chiefs, a
fellow by the name of George Bailey, happened to meet the
airplane and I talked it over with him about the backfiring and we
came to a sort of mutual conclusion - the airplane should have used
what we called 80-87 octane fuel and the P-40's needed 100-115
octane fuel and the higher octane can burn the exhaust valves and
with the higher heat it also sometimes the exhaust valves would
stick and that's what caused the backfiring. So we decided to drain
the high octane fuel out and put in the fuel that was required and
also there were no maps available for the hump trip to Kunming
and I felt that possibly we could get the maps in Lashio. Well when
I got there another disappointment, they didn't have maps there
either. So the only maps that we had for this flight was a pencil
drawing of the route and it showed Lashio and it showed Kunming
330 miles and a heading of about 60 degrees and then there was a
line that went up like this and then on back down - that represented
the Burma Road and then there were a couple of lines that were
rivers and that was all we had to navigate with. Now I had been to
Kunming once before, but that was on top of an overcast, so I
didn't get to see very much of it. So when - Lacey was the first
airplane to be defueled and refueled and when Ken Merritt's
airplane was finished they had come over to mine and about this
time, Lacey had taken off. Now I didn't know that he was gonna
take off, I thought he was going down to the end of the runway and

�check his mags and stuff and see how the fuel was doing, so he
took off and I was really disappointed because without the maps
now I knew that I would have to brief them as much as I could
about the trip.

�</text>
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                  <text>Flying Tigers Interviews and Films</text>
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              <name>Subject</name>
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                  <text>Collection contains original 1940s films and interviews conducted in the 1990s, documenting the history of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) "Flying Tigers." The Flying Tigers were organized by the United States to aid China during the Second Sino-Japanese War. &#13;
&#13;
Original filmstrips were recorded by AVG crewmen Joe Gasdick and Chuck Misenheimer, as well as Chinese Air Force Interpreter P.Y. Shu, who was assigned to assist Col. Claire Chennault as he trained Chinese pilots and established the AVG.&#13;
&#13;
Interviews with members of the American Volunteer Group (AVG) “Flying Tigers” were conducted by Frank Boring for the documentary film Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers, which he co-produced with Frank Christopher under the production company Fei Hu Films. The AVG Flying Tigers were a group of American aviators, mechanics, medical and administrative military personnel, led by Col. Claire Chennault to assist the Chinese Air Force in their defense against Japanese air strikes from 1941-1942. The AVG Flying Tigers also flew in defense of the Burma Road, a major Chinese military supply route. The group disbanded and returned to regular U.S. military service after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.</text>
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                  <text>Boring, Frank</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/540"&gt;Fei Hu Films Research and Production Files (RHC-88)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <name>Publisher</name>
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              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="128381">
                  <text>Grand Valley State University. University Libraries. Special Collections &amp; University Archives</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="128382">
                  <text>1938/1991</text>
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              <name>Contributor</name>
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                  <text>Fei Hu Films&#13;
Christopher, Frank&#13;
Gasdick, Joseph&#13;
Misenheimer, Charles V.&#13;
P.Y. Shu</text>
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              </elementTextContainer>
            </element>
            <element elementId="47">
              <name>Rights</name>
              <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="128384">
                  <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/page/InC/1.0/?language=en"&gt;In Copyright&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              </elementTextContainer>
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              <name>Format</name>
              <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="128385">
                  <text>video/mp4; application/pdf</text>
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                  <text>English; Chinese</text>
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                  <text>video; text</text>
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                  <text>1938-1945</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="571985">
                  <text>Veterans History Project (U.S.)</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
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              <elementText elementTextId="807552">
                <text>Shilling, Eriksen E.</text>
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                <text>Erik Shilling interview (video and transcript, 5 of 8), 1991</text>
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                <text>Interview of Erik Shilling by filmmaker Frank Boring for the documentary, Fei Hu: The Story of the Flying Tigers. Shilling served in the American Volunteer Group (AVG) 3rd Squadron "Hell's Angels" as a Flight Leader. In this tape, Shilling discusses the origin of the Panda Bear representing the Second Squadron, in addition to his personal reaction to the fatalities among the pilots and the photo reconnaissance flight he took with Bert Christman and Ed Rector.</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://gvsu.lyrasistechnology.org/repositories/2/resources/540"&gt;Fei Hu Films research and production files (RHC-88)&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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